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DR.   WILLIAM  SMITH'S 


DICTIONARY  OF  THE  BIBLE; 


COMPRISIXa    ITS 


ANTIQUITIES,   BIOGRAPHY,    GEOGHArHY, 
AND   NATURAL   HISTORY. 


REVISED   AND   EDITED   BT 


PROFESSOR  H.   B.  HACKETT,   D.  D 

\VITTI  THE  COOPERATIOS  OF 

EZRA  ABBOT,  LL.  D. 

ASSISTANT  UBRARUN  OF  HARTARO  COLLEGE 

VOLUME   1. 
A  TO  GENNESARET,  LAND   OV. 


BOSTON: 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND   COMPANY. 

%^t  Jlibergitje  prtssf,  CambriOge. 

1889. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1868,  by 

HuRD  AND  Houghton, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


BIVERS1DR,    CAMBRIDGE: 

STERKOTYPED   AND   PRIXTED   BT 

H.   O.    IIOUCIITON  AND   COMPANY. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  AMERICAN  EDITION. 


The  reputation  of  Dr.  William  Smith's  "  Dictionan'-  of  the  Bible  "  is  now  toe 
well  established  to  need  any  special  commendation.  It  contains,  by  universal  con- 
sent, the  fruit  of  the  ripest  Biblical  scholarship  of  England,  and  constitutes  a  library 
of  itself  (superseding  the  use  of  many  books  otherwise  necessary)  for  the  study  and 
illustration  of  the  Scriptures.  As  a  whole,  it  is  unquestionably  superior  to  any  simi- 
lar Lexicon  in  our  language,  and  cannot  fail  to  maintain  this  rank  for  a  long  period 
to  come.  In  this  American  edition,  the  Publishers  reprint  the  entire  work,  mthout 
abridgment  or  change,  except  the  correction  of  typographical  errors,  or  an  occa- 
sional verbal  inaccuracy,  and  of  mistakes  in  quotation  and  reference. 

At  the  same  time,  the  reprinting  of  this  Dictionary,  after  the  lapse  of  several 
years  since  its  first  publication,  and  of  a  still  longer  time  since  the  preparation  of 
many  of  the  articles,  adbrds  an  opportunity  to  give  to  it  some  new  features,  required 
by  the  progressive  nature  of  Biblical  science,  and  adapting  it  more  perfectly  to  the 
wants  of  students  of  the  Bible  in  our  own  country.  Among  the  characteristics  in 
which  the  American  edition  differs  from  the  English,  are  the  following  :  — 

1.  The  contents  of  the  Appendix,  embracing  one  hundred  and  sixteen  pages,  and 
treating  of  subjects  overlooked  or  imperfectly  handled  in  the  first  volume,  have  been 
inserted  in  their  proper  places  in  the  body  of  the  work. 

2.  The  numerous  Scripture  references,  on  the  accuracy  of  which  the  value  of  a 
Bible  Dictionary  so  much  depends,  have  all  been  verified  anew.  The  corrections 
found  necessary  in  these  references,  and  silently  made,  amount  to  more  than  a  thou- 
sand. Many  other  mistakes  in  quotation  and  reference  have  been  corrected  during 
the  revision  of  the  work. 

3.  The  system  of  cross-references  from  one  article  to  another,  so  indispensable  for 
enabling  us  to  know  what  the  Dictionary  contains  on  related  but  separated  subjects, 
has  been  carried  much  further  in  this  edition  than  in  the  English. 

4.  The  signification  of  the  Hebrew  and,  to  some  extent,  of  the  Greek  names  of 
persons  and  places  has  been  given  in  English,  according  to  the  best  authoritie* 
(Simonis,  Gesenius,  Dietrich,  Fiirst,  Pape)  on  this  intricate  subject.  We  have  such 
definitions  occasionally  in  the  original  work,  but  on  no  consistent  plan.  The  Scrip- 
ture names  reveal  to  us  a  striking  peculiarity  of  the  oriental  mind,  and  often  throw 
light  on  the  personal  history  and  the  geography  of  the  Bible. 

6.  The  accentuation  of  proper  names  has  required  adjustment.  Dr.  Smith's 
"  Concise  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  "  differs  here  Avidely  from  the  larger  work ;  and  in 
both,  forms  perfectly  analogous  are  differently  accented,  in  many  instances,  without 
apparent  reason.  In  the  present  edition,  this  subject  has  received  careful  attention  ; 
and  in  respect  to  that  large  class  of  names  whose  pronunciation  cannot  be  regarded 
as  settled  by  usage,  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  secure  greater  consistency  by  the 
application  of  fixed  principles. 

G.  The  English  edition,  at  the  beginning  of  each  article  devoted  to  a  proper 
name,  ]irofesses  to  give  "  the  corresponding  forms  in  the  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Vul- 
gate, together  with  the  variations  in  the  two  great  manuscripts  of  the  Septuagint, 
which  are  often  curious  and  worthy  of  notice."  But  this  j  Ian  has  been  very  imper- 
fectly carried  out  so  far  as  relates  to  the  forms  in  the  Septuagint  and  Vulgate 
aspecially  in  the  firet  volume.     The  readings  of  the  Vatican  manuscript  are  verj 

(iii) 


IV  PREFACE   TO   THE   AMERICAN    EDITION 

rarely  given  where  they  (llfTer  from  those  of  the  Roman  edition  of  1587,  —  a  ca«e 
which  fivcjiietitly  occui-s,  though  this  edition  is,  to  a  great  extent,  founded  on  that 
tnanuscrii>t ;  and  those  of  the  Alexandrine  manuscript  are  often  ignored.  The 
present  edition  of  the  Dictionary  seeks  to  supply  these  defects ;  and  not  only  have 
the  readings  of  the  Roman  text  (as  given  by  Tischendorf)  been  carefully  noted, 
with  the  variations  of  the  Vatican  and  Alexandrine  manuscripts  as  edited  by  Mai 
and  IJaber,  but  also  those  of  the  two  other  leatling  etlitions  of  the  Scptuagint,  the 
Complutensian  and  the  Ahline,  and  of  the  Coi/ex  Sinaiticuii,  whenever  the  forms  given 
in  them  accord  more  nearly  with  the  Hebrew,  or  on  other  accounts  seem  worthy  of 
notice.  To  these  last  two  e<litions,  in  the  Apocrypha  especially,  we  must  often  look 
for  the  explanation  of  the  peculiar  spellin;;  of  many  proper  names  in  the  connnoa 
English  version.  Many  deviations  of  the  later  editions  of  this  version  fi-om  the  first 
edition  (ICII),  important  as  affecting  the  orthography  of  Hebrew  proper  names, 
have  also  been  detected  and  pointed  out. 

7.  The  amount  of  Scripture  illustration  derived  fi-om  a  knowledge  of  Eastern 
customs  and  traditions,  as  made  known  to  us  so  much  more  fully  at  the  present  day 
by  missionaries  and  travellers  in  the  lands  of  the  Bil>le,  h;is  been  largely  increased. 
More  fretiiient  remarks  also  have  been  made  on  diflicuit  texts  of  Scripture,  for  the 
most  [lart  in  connection  with  some  leading  word  in  them,  with  which  the  texts  are 
naturally  associated. 

8.  The  obsoli'te  words  and  phrases  In  the  language  of  the  English  Bible,  or  those 
which,  though  not  obsolete,  have  changed  their  meaning,  have  been  exp.lained,  so  an 
to  sui)i»ly,  to  some  extent,  the  place  of  a  glossary  on  that  subject.  Such  explana- 
tions will  be  foimd  under  the  ht^ad  of  such  words,  or  in  connection  tvith  the  subjects 
to  which  they  relate. 

9.  On  various  topics  omitted  in  the  English  work,  but  required  by  Dr.  Smith's 
plan,  new  articles  have  been  inserted  in  the  American  edition,  with  additions  to  others 
which  seem  not  fully  to  represent  our  present  knowledge  or  the  state  of  critical  opin- 
ion on  the  subjects  discussed.  The  bibliographical  references  have  been  greatly 
increased,  and  care  has  been  taken  to  mention  the  new  works  of  value,  or  new 
editions  of  works  in  geography,  philology,  history,  and  exegesis,  in  our  own  or  other 
languages,  which  have  appeared  since  the  original  articles  were  written.  Further, 
all  the  new  wood-cuts  in  the  Abridged  Engl-jli  edition.  Illustrating  some  of  the  most 
important  subjects  In  geography  and  archajology,  but  not  contained  in  the  Una- 
bridged edition,  are  inserted  In  the  present  work.  Many  additional  views  of 
Scripture  scenes  and  places  have  been  introduced  from  other  more  recent  publica- 
tions, or  engraved  from  photographs. 

10.  Fuller  recognition  has  been  made  of  the  names  and  works  of  American  schol- 
ars, both  as  an  act  of  justice  to  them  as  co-workers  with  those  of  other  lands  In  this 
department  of  study,  and  still  more  as  due  to  American  readers.  It  nmst  be 
useful  certaiidy  to  our  own  students  to  be  referred  to  books  within  their  reach,  as 
well  as  to  those  which  they  are  unable  to  consult,  and  to  books  also  which  more 
Justly  represent  our  own  tendencies  of  thought  and  modes  of  statement,  than  can  be 
true  of  those  prepared  (or  other  and  foreign  communities.  Reference"*  are  made  not 
only  to  books  of  American  writers,  but  to  valuable  artlcU's  in  our  Periodicals,  whici 
discuss  questions  of  theological  and  Biblical  Interest. 

In  additiou  to  the  aid  of  Mr.  Abbot  (who  li.is  had  special  charge  of  the  proof- 
reading, the  orthoepy,  and  the  verification  of  references  to  the  original  texts  and 
ancient  versions  of  the  Bible,  and  has  also  given  particular  attention  to  the  bibli- 
ography), the  editor  has  had  the  cooperation  of  eminent  American  scholars,  as  will 
be  seen  by  the  list  of  names  subjoined  to  that  of  the  writers  in  the  English  edition, 
It  Is  proper  to  add  that  the  Arabic  words  In  the  Dictionary  have  been  revised  b\ 
Uie  Rev.  Dr.  Van  Dyck,  one  of  the  translators  of  the  modem  Arabic  Bible,  or  b' 
Professor  Salisbury,  of  Yale  College. 

H.  B.  HACKETT. 

Nkwton  Centre,  December  20,  I86i. 


PREFACE    TO    THE    ENGLISH    EDITION. 


The  present  work  is  tk'slgned  to  render  the  same  service  in  the  study  of  the  BibU 
tts  the  Dictionaries  of  Greek  and  Roman  Antiquities,  Biography,  and  Geogiaphy 
have  done  in  the  study  of  the  classical  writers  of  antiquity.  Witliin  the  hist  few 
years  Biblical  studies  have  received  a  fresh  impulse  ;  and  the  researches  of  modem 
scholars,  as  well  as  the  discoveries  of  modern  travellers,  have  thrown  new  and  unex- 
pected light  u[)on  the  history  and  geography  of  the  East.  It  has,  therefore,  been 
thought  that  a  new  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  founded  on  a  fresh  examination  of  the 
ori<nnal  documents,  and  embodying  the  results  of  the  most  recent  researches  and  dis- 
coveries, would  prove  a  valuable  adilition  to  the  literature  of  the  country.  It  haa 
been  the  aim  of  the  Editor  and  Contributors  to  present  the  information  in  such  a 
form  as  to  meet  the  wants,  not  only  of  theological  students,  but  also  of  that  larger 
class  of  persons  who,  without  pursuing  theology  as  a  profession,  are  anxious  to  study 
the  Bible  with  the  aid  of  the  latest  investigations  of  the  best  scholare.  Accordingly, 
while  the  requirements  of  the  learned  have  always  been  kept  in  view,  quotations 
from  the  ancient  languages  have  been  sparingly  introduced,  and  generally  in  paren- 
theses, so  as  not  to  interrupt  the  continuous  perusal  of  the  work.  It  is  confidently 
believed  that  the  articles  wdl  be  found  both  intelligible  and  interesting  even  to  those 
who  have  no  knowledge  of  the  learned  languages ;  and  that  such  pei-sons  will  expe- 
rience no  difficulty  in  reading  the  book  through  from  beginning  to  end. 

The  scope  and  object  of  the  v/ork  may  be  briefly  defined.  It  is  a  Dictionary  of 
the  BiblCy  and  not  of  llieology.  It  is  intended  to  elucidate  the  antiquities,  biogra- 
phy, geography,  and  natural  history  of  the  Old  Testament,  New  Testament,  and 
Apocrypha  ;  but  not  to  explain  systems  of  theology,  or  discuss  points  of  controversial 
divinity.  It  has  seemed,  however,  necessary  in  a  *'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,"  to  give 
a  full  account  of  the  Book,  both  as  a  whole  aiul  in  its  separate  parts.  Accordingly, 
articles  are  inserted  not  only  upon  the  general  subject,  such  as  "  Bible,"  "  Apocry- 
pha," and  "  Canon,"  and  upon  the  chief  ancient  vei-sions,  as  "  Septungint "  and 
"  Vuh'ate,"  but  also  upon  ea.  h  of  the  separate  books.  These  articles  are  natu- 
rally some  of  the  most  important  in  the  work,  and  occupy  considei'able  space,  as 
will  be  seen  by  referring  to  "  Genesis,"  "  Isaiah,"  and  "  Job." 

The  Editor  believes  that  the  work  will  be  found,  upon  examination,  to  be  far 
more  complete  in  the  subjects  which  it  professes  to  treat  than  any  of  its  predeccs- 
ors.  No  other  dictionary  has  yet  attempted  to  give  a  complete  list  of  the  proper 
ames  occurring  in  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  to  say  nothing  of  those  in  the 
Apocrypha.  The  present  work  is  intended  to  contain  every  name,  and,  in  the  case 
of  minor  names,  i-elerences  to  every  passage  in  the  Bible  in  which  each  occurs.  It 
is  true  that  many  of  the  names  are  those  of  comparatively  obscure  persons  and 
places  ;  but  this  is  no  reason  for  their  omission.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  precisely  for 
uch  articles  that  a  dictionary  is  most  needed.  An  account  of  the  more  important 
pei'sons  and  places  occu[)ies  a  prominent  position  in  historical  and  geographical 
works ;  but  of  the  less  conspicuous  names  no  information  can  be  obtained  in  ordinary 
oooks  of  reference.  Accordingly  many  names,  which  have  been  either  entirely 
emitted  or  cursorily  treated  in  other  dictionaries,  have  had  considerable  space  de* 
foted  to  them  ;  the  result  being  that  much  curioua  and  sometimes  important  knowt 

V) 


ri  PREFACE    TO    THE    ENGLISH    EDITION. 

edge  Las  been  elicited  respecting  subjects  of  which  little  or  nothing  was  previous!} 
known.  Instances  may  be  seen  by  referring  to  the  articles  "  Ishmacl,  son  of  Netha 
niah,"  "  Jareb,"  "  Jedidiah,"  "  Jehosheba." 

In  the  alphabetical  arrangement  the  orthography  of  the  Authorized  Version  haj 
been  invariably  followed.  Indeed  the  work  might  be  described  as  a  Dictionary  of 
the  Bible,  according  to  the  Authorized  Version.  But  at  the  commencement  of  cacl 
article  devoted  to  a  proper  name,  the  corresiMmding  forms  in  the  Hebrew,  Greek, 
and  Vulgate  are  given,  together  with  the  variations  in  the  two  great  manuscripts  of 
the  Septuagint,  which  are  often  curious  and  well  worthy  of  notice.  AH  inaccura- 
cies in  the  Authorized  Version  are  likewise  carefully  noted. 

In  the  composition  and  distribution  of  the  articles  three  points  have  been  espe- 
cially kept  in  view  —  the  insertion  of  copious  references  to  tlie  ancient  writers  and 
to  the  best  modern  authorities,  as  much  brevity  as  was  consistent  with  the  propei 
elucidation  of  the  subjects,  and  facility  of  reference.  To  attain  the  latter  object  an 
explanation  is  given,  even  at  the  risk  of  some  repetition,  under  every  word  to  which 
a  reader  is  likely  to  refer,  since  it  is  one  of  the  great  drawbacks  in  the  use  of  a 
dictionary  to  bo  referred  constantly  from  one  heading  to  another,  and  frequently 
not  to  find  at  last  the  information  that  is  wanted. 

Many  names  in  the  Bible  occur  also  in  the  classical  writers,  and  are  therefore  in- 
cluded in  the  Classical  Dictionaries  already  published.  But  they  Lave  in  all  cases 
been  written  anew  for  this  Avork.  and  from  a  Biblical  point  of  view.  No  one  would 
expect  in  a  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  a  complete  history  of  Alexandria,  or  a  detailed 
life  of  Alexander  tiie  Great,  slmjjly  because  they  are  mentioned  in  a  few  passages 
of  the  Sacred  Wrltei-s.  Such  subjects  properly  belong  to  Dictionaries  of  Classical 
Geography  and  Biography,  and  are  only  introduced  here  so  far  as  they  throw  light 
upon  Jewish  history,  and  the  Jewish  character  and  faith.  The  same  remark  applies 
to  all  similar  articles,  which,  far  from  being  a  repetition  of  those  contained  in  the 
preceding  dictionaries,  are  supplementary  to  them,  affording  the  Biblical  informatloD 
which  they  did  not  profess  to  give.  In  like  manner  it  would  obviously  be  out  of 
place  to  present  such  an  account  of  the  plants  and  animals  mentioned  in  the  Scrip- 
tures, as  would  be  appropriate  in  systematic  treatises  on  Botany  or  Zoology.  All 
that  can  be  reasonably  required,  or  Indeed  is  of  any  real  service,  is  to  identify  the 
plants  and  animals  with  known  species  or  varieties,  to  discuss  the  dlfUcultlea 
which  occur  in  each  subject,  and  to  explain  all  allusions  to  it  by  the  aid  of  modem 
science. 

In  a  work  written  by  various  persons,  each  responsible  for  his  own  contributions, 
differences  of  opinion  must  naturally  occur.  Such  differences,  however,  are  both 
♦ewer  and  of  less  importance  than  might  have  been  expected  from  the  nature  of  the 
tubject ;  and  in  some  dilBcult  questions  —  such,  for  instance,  as  that  of  the  "  Brethren 
of  our  Lord  "  —  the  Editor,  instead  of  endeavoring  to  obtain  unllbrmity,  has  consid- 
ered it  an  advantage  to  the  reader  to  have  the  arguments  stated  from  different 
points  of  view. 

An  attempt  has  been  made  to  insure,  as  far  as  practicable,  uniformity  of  reference 
to  the  most  important  books.  In  the  case  of  two  works  of  cons*ant  occurrence  in 
the  geographical  articles,  it  may  be  convenient  to  mention  that  all  references  to  Dr. 
Robinson's  "  Biblical  Researches  "  and  to  Professor  Stanley's  "  Sinai  and  Palestine,*" 
have  been  uniformly  made  to  the  second  edition  of  the  former  work  (London,  1856, 
S  vols.),  and  to  the  fourth  edition  of  the  latter  (London,  1857). 

The  Editor  cannot  conclude  this  brief  explanation  without  expressing  his  obliga- 
tions to  the  writei-s  of  the  various  articles.  Their  names  are  a  sufficient  guarantee 
for  the  value  of  their  contributions ;  but  the  warm  interest  they  have  taken  in  the 
hook,  and  the  unwearied  pains  they  have  bestowed  upon  their  separate  department^ 
Inmand  from  the  Editor  his  grateful  thanks.  There  is,  however,  one  writer  tr 
»hom  he  owes  a  more  special  acknowledgment.  Mr.  George  Grove  of  Sydenham, 
Sesidca  contributing  the  articles  to  which  his  initial  is  attached,  has  rendered  the 
Editor  important  assistance  in  writing  the  majority  of  the  articles  on  the  more  ob 


PREFACE    TO    THE    ENGLISH    EDITION.  rij 

icure  ames  in  the  first  volume,  in  the  correction  of  the  proofs,  and  in  the  revision 
of  the  'hole  book.  The  Editor  has  also  to  express  his  obligations  to  Mr.  William 
Aldis  "Wright,  Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  to  the  Rev.  Charles  P. 
Phinn  of  Chichester,  for  their  valuable  assistance  in  the  correction  of  the  proofs,  as 
well  as  to  Mr.  E.  Stanley  Poole,  for  the  revision  of  the  Arabic  words.  Mr.  Aldia 
Wright  has  likewise  written  in  the  second  and  third  volumes  the  more  obscure 
aames  to  which  no  initials  are  attached. 

It  is  intended  to  puVjlish  shortly  an  Atlas  of  Biblical  Geography,  which,  it  is  \» 
Eevcd,  will  form  a  valuable  supplement  to  the  Dictionary. 

WILLIAM    SMITH 
Lon>oa,  November.  18B3. 


WRITERS  IN  THE    ENGLISH  EDITION. 


■RtUUI.  NAMES. 

II.  A.  Very  Rev.  Hexiiy  Alfori),  D.  D.,  Dean  of  Canterbury, 

II.  B.  Rev.  Hexry  Bailey,  B.  D.,  Warden  of  St.  Augustine's  Collide,  Can 

terbury ;  late  Fellow  of  St.  tJohn's  College,  Cambridge. 
n.  B.  Rev.  HoRATius  Boxar,  D.  D.,  Kelso,  N.  B. ;  Author  of  «  The  Land 

of  Promise." 
[The  geographical  articles,  signed  II.  B.,  are  written  by  Dr.  Bonar :  those  on  other  suttJeetB, 
signed  II.  B.,  are  written  by  Mr.  Bailey.] 

A.  B.  Rev.  Alfred  Barry,  B.  D.,  Principal  of  Cheltenham  College ;  lat» 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

W.  L.  B.  Rev.  William  Latham  Bevax,  M.  A.,  Vicar  of  Hay,  Brecknock- 
shire. 

J.  W.  B.  Rev.  Joseph  Williams  Blakesley,  B.  D.,  Canon  of  Canterbury ;  late 
Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

T.  E.  B.  Rev.  Thomas  Edward  Brown,  M.  A.,  Vice-Principal  of  King  Wil- 
liam's College,  Isle  of  Man  ;  late  Fellow  of  Oriel  College,  Oxford. 

R.  W.  B.  Ven.  Robert  William  Broavxe,  ]\I.  A.,  Archdeacon  of  Bath,  and 
Canon  of  Wells. 

E.  H.  B.        Right  Rev.  Edward  Harold  Browne,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Ely. 
W.  T.  B.       Rev.  William  Thomas  Bullock,  M.  A.,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 

Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts. 
S.  C.  Rev.  Samuel  Clark,  M.  A.,  Vicar  of    Bredwardine  with  Brobury, 

Herefordshire. 

F.  C.  C.         Rev.  Frederic  Charles  Cook,  M.  A.,  Chaplain  in  Ordinary  to  the 

Queen. 

G.  E.  L.  C.  Right  Rev.  George  Edward  Lynch  Cotton,  D.  D.,  late  Lord  Bishop 

of  Calcutta  and  IMctropolitan  of  India. 
J.  LI.  D.       Rev.  John   Llewfxyn   Davies,  M.   A.,   Rector  of  Christ  Church, 

Marylebone ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
G.  E.  D.       Prof.  George  Edward  Day,  D.  D.,  Yale  College,  New  Haven,  Conn. 
E.  D.  Emanuel  Deutsch,  M.  R.  A.  S.,  British  Museum. 

W.  D.  Rev.  William  Drake,  M.  A.,  Chaplain  in  Ordinary  to  the  Queen. 

E.  P  E        Rev.  Edward  Paroissiex  Eddrup,  M.  A.,  Principal  of  the  Theolog- 

ical College,  Salisbury. 
C.  J.  E.        Right  Rev.  Charles  John  Ellicott,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Glouces- 
ter and  Bristol. 

F.  W.  F.       Rev.  Frederick  William  Farrar,  ^I.  A.,  Assistant  Master  of  Hai^ 

row  School ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
J.  F.  James  Fergusson,  F.  R.  S.,  F.  R.  A.  S.,  Fellow  of  the  Royal  In!«ti 

tute  of  British  Architects. 
E.  S.  Ff.       Edward  Salusbury  Ffoulkes,  M.  A.,  late  Fellow  of  Jesus  College. 

Oxford. 
W.  F  Right  Rev.  AVilliam  Fitzgerald,  D.  D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Killaloe. 

(iii 


LIST  OF   WRITERb. 


MIUU. 

F.  G. 

P.  W.  G. 

G. 

H.  B.  H. 

E.H— 8. 

U.  H. 

A.  C.  II. 

J.  A.H. 

J.  D.  IL 

J.  J.  H. 

W.  H. 

J.  S.  H. 

E.H. 
W.  B.  J. 

A.H.L. 

S.  L. 

tf>  B<  L. 


D. 

W.  M. 

F. 

M. 

Oppkrt. 

E. 

R.  0. 

T.  J.  0. 

J. 

J.  S.  P. 

T. 

T.  P. 

H. 

W.  P. 

E.H.P. 

E. 

8.  P. 

R.  S.  P. 

I. 

L.  P 

Rev.  Francis  Garden,  M.  A.,  Subdean  of  Her  Majest/'s  Chapcla 
Royal. 

Rev.  F.  William  Gotch,  LL.  D.,  President  of  the  Baptist  Collie, 
Bristol ;  late  Hebrew  Examiner  In  the  University  of  London. 

George  Grove,  Crystal  Palace,  Sydenham. 

Prof.  Horatio  Balcii  Hackett,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Theological  Institu< 
tion,  Newton,  IVIass. 

Rev.  Ernest  Hawkins,  B.  D.,  Secretary  of  the  Society  for  the  Propa- 
gation of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts. 

Rev.  Henry  Hayman,  B.  D.,  Head  Master  of  the  Grammar  ScbooU 
Cheltenham  ;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 

Ven.  Lord  Arthur  Charles  Hervey,  M.  A.,  Archdeacon  of  Sud- 
bury, and  Rector  of  Ick worth. 

Rev.  James  Augustus  Hessey,  D.  C  L.,  Head  Master  of  Merchant 
Taylors'  School. 

Joseph  Daltox  Hooker,  M.  D.,  F.  R.  S.,  Royal  Botanic  Gardens, 
Kew. 

Rev.  James  John  Hornby,  M.  A.,  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Ox- 
ford ;  Principal  of  Bishop  Cosin's  Hall. 

Rev.  William  Houghton,  M.  A.,  F.  L.  S.,  Rector  of  Preston  on  the 
Weald  Moors,  Salop. 

Rev.  John  Saul  Howson,  D.  D.,  Principal  of  the  Collegiate  Institu- 
tion, Liverpool. 

Rev.  Edgar  Huxtable,  M.  A.,  Subdean  of  Wells. 

Rev.  William  Basil  Jones,  M.  A.,  Prebendary  of  York  and  of  St. 
David's  ;  late  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  University  College,  Oxford. 

Austen  Henry  Layard,  D.  C.  L.,  M.  P. 

Rev.  Stanley  Leathes,  M.  A.,  M.  R.  S.  L.,  Hebrew  Lecturer  in 
King's  College,  London. 

Rev.  Joseph  Barber  Lightfoot,  D.  D.,  Hulsean  Professor  of  Divinity, 
and  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

Rev.  D.  W.  Marks,  Professor  of  Hebrew  in  University  College,  London. 

Rev.  Frederick  Meyrick,  M.  A.,  late  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Trinity 
College,  Oxford. 

Prof.  Jules  Oppert,  of  Paris. 

Rev.  Edward  Redman  Oroer,  M.  A.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  St 
Augustine's  College,  Canterbury. 

Ven.  Thomas  Johnson  Ormerod,  M.  A.,  Archdeacon  of  Suffolk ; 
late  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 

Rev.  John  James  Stewart  Perowne,  B.  D.,  Vice-Principal  of  St. 
David's  College,  Lampeter. 

Rev.  Thomas  Thomason  Perowne,  B.  D.,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of 
Corpus  Christ!  College,  Cambridge. 

Rev.  Henry  Wright  Phillott,  M.  A.,  Rector  of  Staunton-on-Wye, 
Herefordshire  ;  late  Student  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 

Rev.  Edward  Hayes  Plumptre,  M.  A.,  Professor  of  Divinity  in 
King's  College,  London. 

Edward  Stanley  Poole,  M.  R,  A.  S.,  South  Kensington  Museum. 

Reginald  Stuart  Poole,  British  Museum. 

Rev.  J.  Leslie  Poetkr,  M.  A.,  Professor  of  Sacred  Literature,  Assem- 


LIST  OF  WRITERS. 

JnHAU.  RAMSS. 

bl/s  College,  Belfast ;  Author  of  "  Handbook  of  Syria  and  Palestine," 

and  "  Five  Years  in  Damascus." 
C.  P.  Rev.   Charles  Pritchard,  M.  A.,  F.  R.  S.,  Hon.   Secretary  of  tha 

Royal  Astronomical  Society ;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cam- 
bridge. 
G.  R.  Rev.  George  Rawlixson,  M.  A.,  Camden  Professor  of  Ancient  Hif»- 

tory,  Oxford. 
II.  J.  R        Rev.  Henry  John  Rose,  B.  D.,  Rural  Dean,  and  Rector  of  Houghton 

Conquest,  Bedfordshire. 
W.  S.  Rev.  William  Selwyn,  D.  D.,  Chaplain   in  Ordinary  to  the  Queen 

Lady  Margaret's  Professor  of  Divinity,  Cambridge  ;  Canon  of  Ely. 

A.  P.  S.         Rev.  Arthur  Penrhyx  Stanley,  D.  D.,  Regius  Professor  of  Ecclesias- 

tical History,  and  Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford  ;  Chaplain  to  His 
Royal  Highness  the  Prince  of  Wales. 

C.  E.  S.         Prof  Calvin  Ellis  Stowe,  D.  D.,  Hartford,  Conn. 

J.  P.  T.         Rev.  Joseph  Parrish  Thompson,  D.  D.,  New  York. 

W.  T.  Most  Rev.  William  Thomson,  D.  D.,  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 

S.  P.  T.  Samuel  Prid-eaux  Tregelles,  LL.  D.,  Author  of  "  An  Introduction 
to  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  New  Testament,"  &c. 

H.  B.  T.  Rev.  Henry  Baker  Tristram,  M..A.,  F.  L.  S.,  Master  of  Greatham 
Hospital. 

J.  F.  T.  Rev.  Joseph  Francis  Thrupp,  M.  A.,  Vicar  of  Barrington ;  late  Fel- 
low of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

E.  T.  Hon.  Edward  T.  B.  Twisleton,  M.  A.,  late  Fellow  of  Balliol  College, 

Oxford. 

E.  V.  Rev.  Edmund  Venables,  M.  A.,  Bonchurch,  Isle  of  Wight 

B.  F.  W.       Rev.  Brooke  Foss  Westcott,  M.  A.,  Assistant  Master  of  Harron 

School ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

C.  W.  Rev.  Christopher  Wordsworth,  D.  D.,  Canon  of  Westminster. 

W.  A.  W.  William  Aldis  Wright,  M.  A.,  Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Cam" 
bridge. 


WRITERS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  EDITION. 

A  Ezra    Abbot,   LL.  D.,   Assistant    Librarian   of   Harvard    College, 

Cambridge,  Mass. 
B.  C.  B.         Prof.  Samuel  Colcord  Bartlett,  D.  D.,  Theol.  Sem.,  Chicago,  111. 
r.  J.  C.         Rev.  Thomas  Jefferson  Conant,  D.  D.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
G.  E.  D.        Prof.  George  Edward  Day,  D.  D.,  Yale  College,  New  Haven,  Conn, 
G.  P.  F.         Prof  George  Park  Fisher,  D.  D.,  Yale  College,  New  Haven,  Cona 
F.  G.  Prof.  Frederic  Gardiner,  D.  D.,  Middletown,  Conn. 

D.  R.  G.        Rev.  Daniel  Raynes  Goodwin,  D.  D.,  Provost  of  the  University  of 

Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia. 

II.  Prof.  Horatio  Balcii  Hackett,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Theological    Semi 

nary,  Rochester,  New  York. 
J.  H.  Prof.  James  Hadley,  LL.  D.,  Yale  College,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

F.  W.  II.       Rev.  Frederick  Wiiitmoue  Holland,  F.  R.  G.  S.,  London. 
A  H.  Prof.  Alvah  IIovey,  D.  D.,  Theological  Institution,  Newton,  Man, 


LIST   OF   WRITERS. 

rVITIALt.  SAME*. 

A..  C.  K,        Prof.  AsAHKL  Ci.ABK  Kknpbick.  D.  D.,  University  of  Rochester.  N.  T 
C.  M.  M.       Prof.  Charles  Marsh  ]Meai>,  Ph.  D.,  Theol.  Sem.,  Andover,  Mass. 
E.  A.  P.         Prof.  Edwari>s  Amasa  Park,  D.  D.,  Tbeol.  Seminary,  Andover,  Masa 
W.  E.  P.       Rev.  William  Edwards  Park,  Lawrence,  Mass. 
A.  P.  P.         Prof.  A.NDREW  Prestox  Peabody,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Harvard  College, 

Cambridge,  Mass. 
G.  E.P.         Rev.  George  E.  Post,  M.  D.,  Tripoli,  Syria. 
R.  D.  C.  R.  Prof.  Rexsselaer  David  Ciianceford  Robbixs,  Middlebory  Col 

lege,  Vt. 
P.  S.  Rev.  Philip  Schaff,  D.  D.,  New  York. 

H.  B.  S.        Prof.  IIkxry  Bo^-xtox  Smith,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Union    Theological 

Seminary,  New  York. 

C.  E.  S.        Rev.  Calvin  Ellis  Stowe,  D.  D.,  Hartford,  Conn. 

D.  S.  T.        Prof.  Daniel  Smith  Talcott,  D.  D.,  Theol.  Seminary,  Bangor,  Me. 
J.  II.  T.        Pmf.  Joseph  Henry  Thayer,  M.  A.,  Tlieol.  Seminary,  Andover,  MasB. 
J.  P.  T.         Rov.  Joseph  Parrish  Thompson,  D.  D.,  New  York. 

C.  V.  A.  v.  Rev.  Cornelius  V.  A.  Van  Dvck,  D.  D.,  Beirut,  S^-ria. 

W.  H.  W.     Rev.  AVilliam  Hayes  Ward,  M.  A.,  New  York. 

W.  F.  W.     Prof.  William  Fairfield  Warren,  D.  D.,  Boston  Theological  Sei» 

inary,  Boston,  Mass. 
S.  W.  Rev.  Samuel  Wolcoft,  D.  D.,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

T.  D.  W.      President  Theodore  Dwigut  Woolsky,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Yale  Coll^vt, 

New  Haven,  Conn. 

»,♦  The  new  portions  in  the  present  edition  are  indicated  by  a  star  (♦),  the  edi- 
toriid  additions  being  distinguislied  by  the  initials  H.  and  A.  Whatever  is  enclosed 
in  brackets  is  also,  with  unimportant  exceptions,  editorial.  Tliis  remark,  however, 
does  not  a])ply  to  the  cross-references  in  brackets,  most  of  which  belong  to  the  origi> 
iml  work,  though  a  large  number  have  been  added  to  this  edition. 


ABBREVIATIONS. 


Aid.      The  Aldlne  edition  of  the  Scptuagint,  1518. 
Alex.     Tlie  Codex  Alexandrinus  (5th  cent.),  edited  by  Baber,  1816-28. 
A.  V.     T\\e  authorized  (common)  English  version  of  the  Bible. 
Conip.   The  Scptuagint  as  printed  in  the  Complutcnsian  Polyglott,  1514-17,  pnblnheci 
1522. 

FA.  The  Codex  Friderico-Augustanus  (4  th  cent.),  published  by  Tischendorf  io 
1846. 

Rom.  The  Roman  edition  of  the  Scptuagint,  1587.  The  readings  of  tikO  Septuagini 
for  which  no  authority  is  specified  are  also  from  this  source. 

Sin.  The  Codex  Sinaiticus  (4th  cent.),  published  by  Tischendorf  in  1862.  Thif 
and  FA.  are  parts  of  the  same  manuscript. 

Vat  The  Codex  Vaticanus  1209  (4th  cent.),  according  to  Mai's  edition,  published 
by  Vercellone  in  1857.  "  Vat.  H."  denotes  readings  of  the  MS.  (differing 
from  Mai),  given  in  Holmes  and  Parsons's  edition  of  the  Scptuagint,  1 7l>8- 
1827.  »  Vat* "  distinguishes  the  primary  reading  of  the  MS.  from  "  Vat.'" 
or  "  2.  m.,"  the  alteration  of  a  later  reviser. 


DICTIONARY 


OP 


BIBLICAL   ANTIQUITIES,  BIOGRAPHY,   GEOGRAPHY, 
AND  NATURAL  HISTORY. 


1'Al.AB,.     [Addan.] 

JlATROIS   (I'^'^l!??    [perh.  =  'j""^"'i7'   "*^^ 

iutr^er,  Ges. ;  or  from  "IHW,  enlujhtened,  Fiirst] : " 

Abfdv :    Aarm),   the   son  of  Arnram    (D'^ipP, 

kiivlred  of  the  Highest)  and  Jochebed  (T^^'^'^' 
whose  (jhry  is  Jehovah),  and  the  elder  brother  of 
Moaes  and  INIiriam  (Num.  xxvi.  50,  xxxiii.  39). 
He  was  a  Levite,  and,  as  the  first-born,  would 
naturally  be  the  priest  of  the  household,  even  before 
any  special  appointment  by  God.  Of  his  early  history 
we  know  nothing,  although,  by  the  way  in  which 
he  is  first  mentioned  in  Ex.  iv.  14,  as  "  Aaron 
the  Levite,"  it  would  seem  as  if  he  had  been 
already  to  some  extent  a  leader  in  his  tribe.  All 
that  is  definitely  recorded  of  iiim  at  this  time  is, 
that,  in  the  same  passage,  he  is  described  as  one 
"who  could  speak  well."  Judging  from  the  acts 
of  his  life,  we  should  suppose  him  to  have  been, 
like  many  eloquent  men,  a  man  of  impulsive  and 
comparatively  unstable  character,  leaning  almost 
wholly  on  his  brother;  incapable  of  that  endurance 
of  loneliness  and  temptation,  which  is  an  element  of 
real  greatness ;  but  at  the  same  time  earnest  in  his 
devotion  to  God  and  man,  and  therefore  capable  of 
sacrifice  and  of  discipline  by  trial. 

His  first  office  was  to  be  the  "  Prophet,"  i.  c. 
(according  to  the  proi)er  meiining  of  the  word),  the 
interpreter  and  "  Mouth  "  (Mx.  iv.  IG)  of  his  broth- 
er, who  was  "slow  of  speech;"  and  accordingly 
he  was  not  only  the  organ  of  communication  with 
the  Israelites  and  with  I'haraoh  (Ex.  iv.  30,  vii.  2), 
but  also  the  actual  instrument  of  working  most 
of  the  miracles  of  the  Exodus.  (See  Ex.  vii. 
19,  &c.)  Thus  also  on  the  way  to  Mount  Sinai, 
during  the  battle  with  Amalek,  Aai-on  is  mentioned 
with  Hur,  as  staying  up  the  weary  hands  of  JMoses, 
when  tliey  were  lifti-d  up  for  the  victory  of  Isi^el 
(not  in  prayer,  as  is  sometimes  explauied,  but^  to 
bear  the  rod  of  God  (see  Ex  xvii.  9).  Through 
all  this  period,  he  is  only  mentioned  as  dependent 
ui)0n  his  brother,  and  deriving  all  his  authority 
from  him.  The  contrast  between  them  is  even 
more  strongly  marked  on  the  arrival  at  Sinai. 
Moses  at  once  acts  sis  the  r?diator  (Gal.  iii.  I'J)  for 
the  people,  to  come  near  to  God  for  them,  and  to 

a  *  Dietrich  suggests  (Ges.  Heb.  Handwb.  6te  Aufl.) 

ich.  or  Jtitenl.  Uke  "IQIW.  H. 


AARON 

speak  His  words  to  them.  Aaron  only  apnroaoheg 
with  Nadab,  and  Abihu,  and  the  seventy  elders  of 
Israel,  by  special  connuand,  near  enough  to  see 
God's  glory,  but  not  so  as  to  enter  His  immediate 
presence.  Left  then,  on  Moses'  departure,  to  guide 
the  people,  he  is  tried  for  a  moment  on  his  own 
responsibility  and  he  fails,  not  fl-om  any  direct 
unbelief  on  his  own  part,  but  from  a  weak  inability 
to  withstand  the  demand  of  the  ixjople  for  visible 
"  gods  to  go  before  them."  I'ossibly  it  seemed  to 
him  prudent  to  make  an  image  of  Jehovah,  in  the 
well-known  form  of  Egyptian  idolatry  (Apis  or 
Jlnevis),  Kither  than  to  risk  the  total  alienation  of 
the  people  to  false  gods ;  and  his  weakness  was  re- 
warded by  seeing  a  "  feast  of  the  Lord  "  (Ex.  xxxii. 
5)  degraded  to  the  lowest  form  of  heathenish  sen- 
suality, and  knowing,  from  Moses"  words  and  deeds, 
that  the  covenant  with  the  Lord  was  utterly  broken. 
There  can  hardly  be  a  stronger  contrast  with  this 
weakness,  and  the  self-convicted  shame  of  his  excuse, 
than  the  burning  indignation  of  IMoses,  and  hia 
stern  decisive  measures  of  vengeance;  although 
beneath  these  there  lay  an  ardent  afl^ection,  which 
went  almost  to  the  verge  of  presumption  in  prayer 
for  the  people  (Ex.  xxxii.  19-34),  and  gained  for- 
giveness for  Aaron  himself  (Deut.  ix.  20). 

It  is  not  a  little  ren)arkablc,  that  immediately 
after  this  great  sin,  and  almost  as  thougli  it  had 
not  occurred,  God's  fore-ordained  purposes  were 
carried  out  in  Aaron's  consecration  to  the  new  office 
of  the  high-priesthood.  I'robalily  the  fall  and  the 
repentance  from  it  may  have  made  him  one  "  who 
could  have  compassion  on  the  ignorant,  and  them 
who  are  out  of  the  way,  as  being  himself  also  com- 
passed with  infirmity."  The  order  of  God  for  the 
consecration  is  found  in  Ex.  xxix.,  and  the  record 
of  its  execution  in  Lev.  viii. ;  and  the  delegated  char- 
acter of  the  Aaronic  priesthood  is  clearly  seen  by 
the  fact,  that,  in  this  its  inauguration,  the  priestly 
office  is  borne  by  Closes,  as  God's  truer  representa^- 
tive  (see  Heb.  vii. ). 

The  form  of  consecration  resembled  other  sacri- 
ficial ceremonies  in  containing,  first,  a  sin-offering, 
the  form  of  cleansing  from  sin  and  reconciliation 
[Sin-Offeking]  ;  a  burnt-offering,  tlie  symbol  of 
entire  devotion  to  God  of  the  nature  so  purified 
[Bl'knt-ofkkutng]  ;  and  a  meat-offering,  the 
thanlsful  acknowledgment  and  sanctifying  of  God's 
natural  blessings  [Mkat-offeuinc].  It  had,  how- 
ever, besides  these,  the  solemn  assumption  of  th€ 


2  AARON 

ncretl  rohes  (tlie  garb  of  righteousness),  the  anoint- 
ing (tlie  syiuliol  of  (jod's  grace),  and  the  offering  of 
the  r;mi  of  consecration,  tlie  blood  of  which  was 
sprinided  on  Aaron  and  his  sons,  as  upon  the  altar 
and  vessels  of  the  ministry,  in  order  to  sanctify 
them  for  the sonice of  G(k1.  Tht  f jrmer  ceremonies 
represtMited  the  blessings  and  duties  of  the  man,  the 
latt*"!  the  special  consecration  of  the  priest." 

'I'lie  solenniity  of  the  office,  and  its  entire  de- 
pendence for  sanctity  on  the  ordinances  of  God, 
were  viiidicat«d  by  the  death  of  Nadab  and  Abiliu, 
for  "  oHcririg  strange  fire  "  on  the  altar,  and  appa- 
rently (see  I^v.  X.  9,  10)  for  doing  so  ui  drunken 
recklessness.  Aai-on's  checking  his  sorrow,  so  as  at 
least  to  refrain  fi-oui  all  outward  signs  of  it,  would 
tie  a  severe  trial  to  an  impulsive  and  weak  character, 
and  a  jiroof  of  his  being  litlad  above  himself  by  the 
office  which  he  held. 

From  thi'*  time  the  histcry  of  Aaron  is  ahnost 
entirely  that  of  the  priesthootl,  and  its  chief  feature 
is  tlie  gi-cat  i-ebellion  of  Korah  and  the  Levites 
against  his  sacerdotal  dignity,  united  with  that  of 
Dutluin  and  Abirani  and  the  Keubenites  against  the 
temiionU  authority  of  Moses  [Kop^vii].  The  true 
vindication  of  the  reaUty  of  Aaron's  priesthood  was 
not  so  much  the  death  of  Korah  by  the  fire  of  the 
Ix)rd,  as  the  efficacy  of  his  offering  of  incense  to 
«tay  the  plague,  by  which  he  was  seen  to  be  accepted 
as  an  intercessor  for  the  people.  The  blooming  of 
his  ro<l,  which  followed,  was  a  miraculous  sign, 
visible  ffl  all  and  capable  of  preservation,  of  God's 
choice  of  him  and  his  house. 

The  only  occasion  on  which  his  individual  char- 
acter is  seen,  is  one  of  presumption,  prompted,  as 
before,  chiefly  by  another,  and,  as  before,  speedily 
rejientcd  of.  The  murmuring  of  Aaron  and  Miriam 
against  Moses  clearly  proceeded  from  tiieir  trust, 
the  one  in  his  priesthood,  the  other  in  her  pro])hetic 
inspiration,  as  equal  commissions  from  God  (Num. 
xii.  2).  It  seems  to  have  vanished  at  once  before 
the  dccliiration  of  Moses'  exaltation  above  all  proph- 
ecy and  priesthood,  except  that  of  One  who  w.is 
to  come ;  and,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  direction 
of  the  punishment,  to  have  originated  mainly  with 
Miriam.  (Jn  all  other  occasions  he  is  spoken  of  as 
actuig  with  Moses  in  the  guidance  of  the  people. 
Ijcaning  as  he  seems  to  have  done  wholly  on  him,  it 
is  not  strange  that  he  should  have  shared  his  sin  at 
Meribali,  and  its  punishment  [JlosKs]  (Num.  xx. 
10-12).  As  that  punishment  seems  to  have  purged 
out  from  Moses  the  tendency  to  self-confidence, 
which  tainted  his  character,  so  in  Aaron  it  may 
have  destroyed  that  idolatry  of  a  stronger  mind,  into 
which  a  weaker  one,  once  conquered,  is  apt  to  fall. 
Aaron's  death  seems  to  have  followed  very  speedily. 
It  txxik  place  on  >Mount  I  lor,  after  the  transference 
of  his  roljes  and  office  to  Eleazar,  who  alone  with 
Moses  was  present  at  his  death,  and  performed  his 
buriid  (Num.  xx.  28).  This  mount  is  still  called 
the  "  Mountain  of  Aaron."     [Hok.] 

The  wife  of  Aaron  was  Elisheba  (lix.  vi.  23);  and 
the  two  8i>ns  who  sunived  him,  Eleazar  and  Itlia- 
niar.  The  high  priesthood  descended  to  the  former, 
and  to  his  descendants  until  the  time  of  Eli,  who, 
although  of  the  house  of  Ithamar,  received  the  high 
pnesthood  (see  Joseph.  Ant.  v.  11,  §  5,  viii.  1, 
§  T),  and  Iransmittwl  it  to  his  children;  with  tliem 
It  continued  until  the  accession  of  Solomon,  who  took 

"  It  is  noticeable  that  the  ceremonies  of  the  restora- 
tion of  the  leper  to  hU  place,  as  one  of  God's  people, 
o«aT  a  wrong  resemblance  to  thoee  of  conaecration. 
U»lMi  xiT  10-82. 


ABANA 

it  from  Abiathar,  and  restored  it  to  Zadok  (of  the 
house  of  Eleazar),  so  fulfilling  the  prophecy  of  1 
Sam.'ii.  30.  A.B. 

N.  B.  In  1  Chr.  xxvii.  17,  "  Aaron  "  (]""^nS) 
is  counted  as  one  of  the  "  tnbes  of  /srael.^' 

AA'RONITES,  THE  (l'"inS:  i  'Aapdy 
stii'ps  Aaron,  Aaronita).  Descendants  of  Aaron, 
and  therefore  priests,  who,  to  the  number  of  3700 
fighting  men,  with  Jehoiada  the  father  of  Benaiah 
at  then:  head,  joined  David  at  Hebron  .'1  Chr. 
xii.  27).  Later  on  in  the  history  (1  Chr.  sxvii.  17; 
we  find  their  chief  was  Zadok,  who  in  the  euIiCt 
nan-ative  was  distinguished  as  'a  young  maa 
mighty  of  valor."  They  must  have  been  an  im- 
portant family  in  the  reign  of  David  to  be  reckoned 
among  the  tribes  of  Israel.  W.  A.  W. 

AB  (^^,  fatlier),  an  element  in  the  composi- 
tion of  many  proper  names,  of  which  Abba  is  a 
Chaldaic  form,  the  syllable  affixed  giving  the  em- 
phatic force  of  the  definite  ajlicle.  AppUed  to  God 
by  Jesus  Christ  (^lark  xiv.  3G),  and  by  St.  Paul 
(Kom.  viii.  15;  Gal.  iv.  6.)     [AuBii.]    K.  W.  B. 

AB.     [Months.] 

AB'ACUC,  2  Esdr.  i.  40.     [Habakkuk.] 

ABADDON,  Kev.  ix.  11.     [AroLLYou.] 

ABADI'AS  ('A/3aSi'av;  [Aid.  BaSiar:]  Ab- 
dias).  OuAULiVir,  the  son  of  Jehiel  (1  Esdr.  viii. 
35).  W.  A.  W. 

ABAGTHA  (SH^^W. :  [Za.eo\ed  •■,  Alex. 
FA.  Zri/3a0oeo  ;  Comp.  'A^ayaQa:']  Abgathxi), 
one  of  the  seven  emiuclis  in  tlii>  Persian  court  of 
Ahasuerus  (Esth.  i.  10).  lii  tin-  I.XX.  the  names 
of  these  eunuchs  are  different.  The  word  contains 
the  same  root  which  we  find  in  the  Persian  names 
Blfjtha  (Esth.  i.  10),  Bi(jthan  (Esth.  ii.  21),  Big- 
thana  (Esth.  vi.  2),  and  Bagoas.  Bohlen  explains 
it  from  the  Sanscrit  bagaddta,  "  given  by  fortune," 
fi-oin  baga,  fortune,  the  sun. 

AB'ANA  (n3DS.:  6  'APwi;  [Vat.  II.  (Vat.2 
Mai)  Apfiava;  Alex,  tiaefiava;  Comp.  'Afuivii-] 
Abana),  one  of  the  "rivers  (n'i"in3)  of  Damav 
cus  "  (2  K.  V.  12).  The  Barada  (Xpvao^^Sas  of 
the  Greeks)  and  the  Aicaj  are  now  t'le  chief  streams 
of  Damascus,  and  there  can  be  Uttle  doubt  that  the 
former  of  these  represents  the  Abana  and  the  latter 
the  Pharpar  of  the  text.  As  far  back  as  the  days 
of  Pliny  and  Strabo  the  Barada  was,  as  it  now  is, 
the  chief  river  of  the  city  (Rob.  iii.  440),  flowing 
through  it,  and  supplying  most  of  its  dwellings 
with  water.  The  Awoj  is  further  from  Damascus, 
and  a  native  of  the  place,  if  speakhig  of  the  two  to- 
gether, would  certainly,  with  Naanian,  name  ths 
Barada  first  (Porter,  i.  270).  To  this  may  be  ad- 
ded the  fact  that  in  the  Arabic  version  of  the  pas- 
sage —  the  date  of  which  has  been  fixed  by  RlJdiger 
as  the  11th  century  —  Abana  is  rendered  by  Bar- 

d»,     iOyJ.     Further,  it  seems  to  have  escaped 

notice  that  one  branch  of  the  Awaj  —  if  Kiepert'i 
map  (in  Rob.  1856)  is  to  be  trusted  —  now  bears 
the  name  of  Wady  Barbar.  Tliere  is  however  no 
reference  to  this  in  Robuison  or  Porter. 

The  Barada  rises  in  the  AntiUbaiius  near  Zeb- 
ddny,  at  about  23  miles  from  the  city,  and  1149 

t>  The  Keri,  with  the  Ta-gtun  Jonuthan  anl  tbt 
Syiiac  Tersion,  has  Amanah.     See  matKio  of  A.  T. 


ABARIM 

feet  above  it.  In  its  course  it  passes  the  site  of 
Ihe  ancient  Abila,  and  receives  the  waters  of  Ain- 
Fij'ch,  one  of  the  largest  springs  in  Syria.  This 
was  long  believed  to  be  the  real  source  of  the 
Barada,  according  to  the  popular  usage  of  the 
country,  which  regards  the  most  copious  fountain, 
Dot  the  most  distant  head,  as  the  origin  of  a 
river.  We  meet  with  other  instances  of  the  same 
mistake  in  the  case  of  the  Jordan  and  the  Orontes 
[Ain]  ;  it  is  to  Dr.  Robinson  that  we  are  indebted 
for  its  discovery  in  the  present  case  (Rob.  iii.  477). 
After  flowing  through  Damascus  the  Barada  runs 
across  the  plain,  leaving  the  remarkable  Assyrian 
ruin  Tell  es-Salithiyeh  on  its  left  bank,  till  it  loses 
it?elf  in  the  lake  or  marsh  Bah  ret  el-Kibliyeh.  Mr. 
Torter  calculates  that  14  villages  and  150,000  souls 
aie  dependent  on  this  important  river.  For  the 
emnse  of  tlie  Barada  see  Porter,  vol.  i.  chap,  v., 
Journ.  of  S.  Lit.  N.  S.  viii.,  Rob.  iii.  446,  7.  Light- 
foot  {Cent.   Chor.  iv.)  and  Gesenius  {Thes.  116) 

quote  the  name  P''Q~lp  as  apphed  in  the  Lexicon 
ArUch  to  the  Amana.  G. 

*  Gesenius  ( Thes.  p.  116)  supposes  Abana  to  be  a 
commutation  for  Amana  by  an  interchange  of  the 

labiids  3  and  Q  :  it  may  be  a  dialectic  or  a  provm- 
clal  difference.  See  also  Keil's  BB.  der  KiJnige,  p. 
368.    Amana  or  Abana  means  "  perennial  "  (comp. 

)^.W3  as  said  of  water  in  Is.  xxxiii.  16  and  Jer. 
XV.  18)  and  is  especially  appropriate  to  this  ever- 
flowing  stream.  The  only  bibhcal  allusion  to  the 
name  is  that  in  Naaman's  scornful  inten-ogation  in 
2  Kings  V.  12:  "Are  not  Abana  and  Pharpar, 
fixers  of  Damascus,  letter  than  all  the  waters  of 
Israel?"  There  may  be  something  more  than 
pride  of  country  in  this ;  for  the  waters  of  Abana 
{Barada),  especially  after  the  confluence  of  the 
stream  from  Fijeh,  its  most  copious  fountain,  are 
remarkably  fresh  and  sparkMng,  and  at  the  present 
day  proverbially  salubrious,  while  those  of  the  Jor- 
dan are  mixed  with  clay  and  tepid,  though  not 
unfit  for  drinking  (Richter's  Wallfahrien,  p.  157; 
Rob.  P/iys.  Geoff,  p.  165).  H. 

AB'ARIM  (so  Milton  accents  the  word),  the 
"  mount,"  or  "  mountams  of  "  (always  with  the  def. 

article,  D"'"]35rt  "in,  or  •'^n,  ThSf.osrh'Afi- 

api/i,  [etc  ]  or  ^y  rdp  irepap  tov  'lopdduov,  =  ihe 
tiwuniaiiis  of  the  further  parts,  or  possibly  of  the 
fords),  a  mountain  or  range  of  highlands  on  the  east 
of  the  Jordan,  in  the  land  of  Moab  (Deut.  xxxii. 
49),  facing  Jericho,  and  forming  the  eastern  wall 
of  the  Jordan  valley  at  that  part.  Its  most  de- 
rated spot  was  "  the  Mount  Nebo,  '  head '  of  '  the ' 
Pisgah,"  from  which  Moses  viewed  the  Prom- 
ised Land  before  his  death.  There  is  nothing  to 
^rove  that  the  Abarim  were  a  range  or  tract  of  any 
length,  unless  the  Ije-Abarim  ("heaps  of  A.") 
named  in  Num.  xxxiii.  44,  and  which  were  on  the 
south  frontier  of  Moab,  are  to  be  taken  as  belong- 
ing to  them.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  a 
wrord  derived  from  the  same  root  as  Abarim,  nam.cly, 

"151?»  is  the  term  commonly  applied  to  the  whole 
if  the  country  on  the  east  of  the  .Jordan. 

These  mountains  are  mentioned  in  Num.  xxvii. 
12,  xxxiii.  47,  48,  and  Deut.  xxxii.  49;  also  prob- 
ibly  in  Jer.  xxii.  20,  where  the  word  is  rendered  in 
|he  A.  V.  "  passages." 

In  the  absence  of  research  on  the  east  of  the 
*oi-dan  aixd  of  the  Dead  Sea,  the  topography  of 


ABDIBL 


3 


those  regions  must  remain  to  a  great  degree  ob- 
scure." G. 

♦ABBA.  The  Chaldee  or  Aramaic  appends  the 
article  instead  of  prefixing  it  as  in  Hebrew ;  and 

hence  when  Abba  (S2S')  occurs  the  exaxit  ^  Trar^p 
follows  for  the  sake  of  Greek  readers.  See  Winer's 
Epist.  ad  Galat.  p.  96.  Abba,  as  the  vernacular 
term  (a  vox  solennis  from  childhood),  was  of  course 
more  expressive  than  any  foreign  word  could  be, 
and  came,  as  it  were,  first  to  the  lips  as  the  writer 
or  speaker  thought  of  God  in  the  filial  relation, 
which  the  word  designated  with  such  fullness  ot 
meaning.  See  Usteri's  Com.  iiber  d.  Brief  an  die 
Galat.  p.  148.  Tholuck  (on  Rom.  viii.  15)  reminds 
us  that  Luther  preferred  to  translate  irar-np  Uebei 
Vater  rather  than  Vater  merely,  as  the  more  nat- 
ural dictate  of  his  childlike  feeling  toward  God. 
Some  others  think  that  Abba  passed  over  from  the 
Aramsean  Christians  to  the  Greek-speaking  Chris- 
tians as  a  sort  of  proper  name,  and  had  merely 
that  force  as  combined  with  &  irar-fip.  To  main- 
tain this  view,  Meyer  has  to  say  (on  Gal.  iv.  6) 
that  in  Mark  xiv.  36  the  Evangelist  puts  "Abba" 
into  tlie  mouth  of  Jesus  as  he  prayed  in  the  garden 
in  anticipation  of  a  usage  which  began  to  exist  at  a 
later  period.  H. 

ABTJA  (S^32?  [servant,  a  Chaldee  form]: 
AuSiiv  ;  [^'at.  E<j)pa;  Alex.  Aj8Sa>;  Comp.  'Aj8- 
5a:]  Abda).    1.  lather  of  Adoniram  (1  K.  iv.  6.) 

2.  I'laifirjfi ;  Comp.  'A/35iaj.]  Son  of  Sliammua 
(Neh.  xi.  17),  called  Obadiah  m  1  Chr.  ix.  16. 

ABTJEEL  (bs^^y  :  [am.  Aid.  Rom.  Alex. 
FA. ;  Comp.  'AfiSffih.':]  Abdeel),  father  of  Shelo- 
miah  (Jer.  xxxvi.  26).  [A.  V.  ed.  1611  reads  Al^ 
d/el.] 

ABTDl  C^"^2i7  [my  servant] :  'A$at ;  [Vat. 
Ai85ei:]  Alex.  AfiSi:  Abdi).  1.  A  Merarite  [jVIk- 
KAKi],  and  aucestcr  of  Ethan  the  singer  (1  Chr. 
vi.  44). 

2.  CA/SSt.)  The  father  of  Kish,  a  Merarite  Le- 
rite  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12). 
From  a  comparison  of  this  passage  with  1  Chr. 
vi.  44  it  would  appear  either  that  ancestral  names 
were  repeated  in  Leritical  famihes,  or  that  they  h^■ 
came  themselves  the  names  of  famihes,  and  not  of 
individuals. 

3.  ('A/85(o ;  FA.  AfiStia.)  One  of  the  Bene- 
Elam  [sons  of  Elam]  m  the  time  of  Ezra,  who  had 
married  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  2G).    W.  A.  W. 

ABDI'AS  {Abdias).  The  prophet  Obadiah 
(2  Esdr.  i.  39).  W.  A.  W. 

AB'DIEL  (bS''":T3'y  [servant  of  God]:  'A$- 
Sffi\;  [Vat.  A)35eTjA:]  Abdiel),  son  of  Guni  (1 
Chr.  V.  15). 

*  The  casual  notice  here  is  all  that  is  known  to 
us  of  this  Abdiel  from  the  Bible.  The  celebrity 
which  the  name  has  acquired  arises  chiefly  from 
Milton's  use  of  it  as  appUed  to  that  only  on* 
among  the  hosts  of  Satan,  of  whom  he  could  say :  — 
"  Amv,ag  the  faithless,  faithful  only  he ;  " 


a  *  For  a  concise  statement  of  the  somewhat  per 
pipxed  relation  of  Abarim,  Nebo,  and  Pisgah  to  each 
oiner,  tlie  reader  may  consult  Dr.  Robinson's  Physiccu 
Geography  of  Palestine,  p.  62.  Kurtz  ( Gesck.  des  A 
B.)  has  a  section  (ii.  §  88)  on  the  "  Oebirge  Abarim." 
See  also  Raumer's  Paidslina,  and  Hitter's  Erdkunde  oa 
Abarim.  Additional  informatioi ,  the  result  of  latei 
discoveries,  will  be  found  under  Neso.  U 


4  ABDON 

And  whom  (referring  to  the  etj-mology)  he  repre- 
Kiits  as  receinng  the  lofty  praise  — 
"  Seirant  of  Uod,  well  doae  ;  well  hast  thou  fought.'> 
The  name  corresponds  to  the  Arabic  Abdallah. 
See  Wilkinson's  rersonal  Names  in  the  Bible 
(London,  1805),  p.  297.  H. 

ABTDON  (|"1"^31?  [servile]:  'AfiSdv,  [in 
Judg.,  Ales.  Aa&BafjL,  Aa$So>u-]  Abdun).  1.  A 
judge  of  Israel  (Judg.  xii.  13,  15),  perhaps  the 
MDie  person  as  Ikdan  in  1  Sam.  xii.  11. 

2.  [Vat.  AiSaSwv.]  Son  of  Shashak  (1  Chr. 
viii.  2a). 

3.  First-bom  son  of  Jehiel,  son  of  Gibeon  [rath- 
er, father  of  Gil)eon,  i.  e.  the  city  or  people  of 
Gibeon]  (1  Chr.  viii.  30,  ix.  36,  3(j). 

4.  {'A^Ua;  Vat.  A/3So5o/i ;  Alex.  A/35«v.] 
Son  of  Alicah,  a  contemporary  of  Josiali  (2  Chi'. 
ixxiv.  20),  called  Acbbor  in  2  Kings  xxii.  12. 

ABDON  (1'1"^^j7  \seifiley.  'A^Sdv,  Aafi- 
0dy,  'Pa^iid),  a  city  in  the  tribe  of  Aslier,  given 
to  the  Gershonites  (Josh.  xxi.  30;  1  Chr.  vi.  74). 
No  place  of  this  name  appears  in  the  list  of  the 
towns  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  24-31);  but  instead  we 

find  (28)  V~13y,  "Hebron,""  which  is  the  same 

word,  with  the  change  ft-equent  in  Hebrew  of  ~1 

for  ^.  Indeed  many  5ISS.  have  Abdon  in  Josh, 
rix.  28  (Ges.  p.  1)80;  Winer,  s.  v.);  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  all  the  ancient  versions  rebiin  the  II, 
except  the  Vatican  LXX.  which  has'EA/8wi/  (Alex. 
'Ajcpi-v  [  and  so  Comp. ;  17  SISS.  have  Z^pasv]  )• 

ABED'NEGO  (Hjrini?  :  'A^SevaycJ:  Ab- 
dvnnr/0),  i.  e.  sei-vant  of  Neffo,''  perhaps  the  same  as 
Nebo,  which  was  the  Chaldajan  name  of  the  planet 
Mercury,  worshipped  as  the  scribe  and  inteqjreter 
of  the  gods  (Geson.).  Abednego  was  the  Chal- 
da>an  name  given  to  Axiiriali,  one  of  the  three 
friends  of  Daniel,  miraculously  savetl  from  the 
burning  liery  furnace  (Dan.  iii.).  [Azaiuaii,  No. 
•24.]  K.  W.  B. 

AUEL  (v3S=  meadow  B  according  to  Ge- 
■enius,  who  derives  it  from  a  root  signifying  mois- 
ture like  that  of  grass :  see,  however,  in  favor  of  a 
iliflerent  mesuiing  llumenlation],  the  arguments  of 
I.engerke,  Ktmuin,  i.  358,  and  llengsteni)crg.  Pent. 
Li.  310);  tlie  name  of  several  pbces  in  Palestine:  — 

1.  A'nEb-nETii-MA'AciiAii  (nSl'tt  rVZi    S 

^         T-.    -  ••  T 

[house  of  oppression:  2  S.  'A/3*A  /coJ  BeO/taxa  or 
^(pfUixii  (Alex.  'Brjdfxaxo-)  '•  Abeit  el  Btlhmnticha : 

1  K.  ^  'A^(\  oXkov  Viaax^'-  Abtldomus  Mancha: 

2  K.  ^  'A3«A.  KoX  V  &afj.aax<l'^  Alex,  tj  Ka/SeA- 
Bfpfiaaxa-  Abel  domus  J/.J),  a  town  of  some  im- 
portiuice  {w6\is  koI  firjTp6Tro\is,  "  a  city  and  a  mo- 
Uier  in  Israel,"  2  Sam.  xx.  19),  in  the  extreme  north 
}f  I'alestine;  named  with  Dan,  Cinncroth,  Kedesh; 
uid  as  such  falling  an  early  prcy  to  the  invading 


A^EL 

kings  of  Syria  (1  K.  xv.  20)  and  Assj-ria  (2  K.  r» 
29).    In  tlie  parallel  passage,  2  Chr.  xvi.  4,  the  name 

is  changed  to  Abel  Maim,  D^Q  S  :=  Abel  on  the 
waters.  Here  Sheba  was  overtaken  and  besi^ed 
by  Joab  (2  Sam.  xx.  14,  15);  and  the  city  was 
saved  by  the  exercise  on  the  part  of  one  of  its  in 
habitants  of  tliat  sagacity  for  which  it  was  proverb- 
ial (18).  In  verses  14  and  18  it  is  simjJy  AbeL 
and  in  14  Abel  is  apparently  distinguished  from 
IJeth-niaachah.''  If  the  derivation  of  Gesenius  be 
the  correct  one,  the  situation  of  Abel  was  probably 
in  the  Ard  el-Iluleh,  the  marshy  meadow  coiu;try 
which  drains  into  the  Sea  of  ^lerom,  whether  at 
Abil  (Robinson,  iii.  372),  or  more  to  the  soutb 
(Stanley,  <S.  orul  P.  p.  390,  iwte).  Euscbius  and 
Jerome  place  it  between  Paneas  and  Damascus; 
but  this  has  not  been  identified. 

2.  A'bei^ma'im  (n";p  bsS :  •A/36\juotv  . 
Abehnaim),  2  Chr.  xvi.  4.     [Abel,  1.] 

3.  A'ltEL-MizuA'iM  (Miteraim),  u-"^"^!i^  S,  ac- 
cording to  the  etymology  of  the  text,  tlie  mourning 
of  Egypt,  irevOos  Alyimrov  [Planctus  yLijt/pti], 
(this  meaning,  however,  re<iuires  a  different  point- 
ing, T^D^  for  72S) :  the  name  given  by  the  Car 
naanites  to  the  floor  of  Atad,  at  which  Joseph,  his 
brothers,  and  the  Egyptians  made  tlieir  mourning 

for  Jacob  (Gen.  1.  11).  It  was  beyond  ("'5}J=: 
on  the  east  of )  Jordan,  though  placed  by  Jerome 
at  IJeth-Hogla  (now  Ain-Uojla),  near  the  river, 
on  its  west  biuik.*     [Atad.] 

4.  A'nEiv-siirr'Tui    (with    the    article     'S'^ 

3>K)K^n:  [BeXo-S  ;  Alex.  BiXtramyL ;  Comp. 
'A$6\aarlfi  '•  Abelsatlm']),  the  meadow  of  the 
acacias,  in  the  "plains"  (nn"15=the  deserts) 
of  Moab;  on  the  low  level  of  the  Jordan  valley, 
as  contradistinguished  from  the  cultivated  "  fields " 
on  the  upj)er  level  of  the  table-land.  Here  —  their 
last  resting-place  before  crossing  the  Jordan  —  Is- 
rael "  pitched  from  Ikthjesimoth  unto  A.  Shittim," 
Nimi.  xxxiii.  49.  The  place  is  most  fretjuently 
mentioned  by  its  shorter  name  of  Shittim.  ■'  [Shit- 
tim.] In  the  days  of  Josephus  it  was  still  known 
as  Abila,  —  the  town  embosomed  in  palms,^  (oiroo 
vvv  iri\ii  iarrli/  'AfiiK'fi,  ipoiviK6<l>vrov  3'  iari  rh 
X<^piou,  Ant.  iv.  8,  §  1 ),  tiO  stadia  from  the  river  (v. 
1,  5  1 ).  The  to\ni  and  the  palms  have  disajipeared ; 
but  the  acacia-groves,  denoted  by  the  name  Shit- 
tim, still  remain,  "  marking  with  a  hue  of  verdure 


a  The  Ain  Is  hero  rendered  by  U.  The  II  in  the 
well-known  Hebron  represents  Ch.  Elsewhere  (as 
9aza,  Uouiorrali)  Ain  is  rendered  by  0  in  the  .\uthor- 
teed  Veniion. 

*  •  A  "dragon"  was  worshipped  with  Bel  at  Baby- 
lon, and  Diutrich  (Ocs.  H^b.  Hantlwb.  1863)  thinks 
well  of  K«>dij^r'8  comparison  of  Kej;o  with  the  Sanskr. 
iMi^a,  "«!r]H!nt."  II. 

c  It  id  in  fiivor  of  Gesenius'  interpretation  that  the 
Tb&ldee  Tiirgum  alwnyB  renders  Abel  by  Mis/ior,  which 
In  Uter  Uebrew  lost  its  8|ieciiil  oigniHcance,  and  was 
Mad  ft<r  a  leTel  spot  or  plain  generally. 


rf  •  It  is  certain  from  2  Sam.  xx.  14,  that  they  were 
differeiH,  and  no  doubt  the  fuller  name  signiflcd  Abel 
near  Beth-5Iaachah  (IIonKstenberg,  Pent.  ii.  319 ; 
Robinson,  iii.  372).  Sue  Ges.  Ueb.  Gr.  §  IIG,  5  a,  foi 
this  mode  of  expressing  local  proximity.  See  Thoni.sou'i 
Land  ami  Book,  i.  327,  for  a  de.scription  of  Abel.    II. 

e  •  The  Biblical  text  knows  nothing  of  any  connec- 
tion between  Abel-Mizruini  and  Beth-llogla.  V\hether 
"  beyond  the  Jordan  '"  denotes  the  east  or  the  west 
side,  depends  on  the  position  of  the  speaker,  like  our 
Trans-atlantic,  whether  used  on  one  side  of  the  water 
or  the  other.  Agsiinst  the  supposition  of  Kitto  and 
others,  that  Joseph's  funeral  eticort,  with  the  body  of 
Jacob,  travelled  through  the  Grunt  Desert,  by  the  way 
of  the  Dead  Sea  and  Moab,  in  going  to  Canaan,  instead 
of  the  direct  course  through  Philistia,  see  Thomson's 
Land  and  Book,  ii.  885.  II. 

/  It  was  amongst  these  palms,  according  to  Joso- 
phus,  that  Deuteronomy  was  delivered  by  Moses.  Set 
the  passage  above  cited. 


ABEL 

die  upper  temices  of  the  Jordan  valley '"  (Stanley, 
S.  and  P.  p.  298). 

5.  A'BEtr-JiKHo'LAii  (Mec/iulah,  H'^inQ  S, 
meadow  of  the  dance:  ['AfieKfteovKd,  Alex.  Ba- 
T€\u.eov\a-  Abelmehula]),  named  with  Beth-shean 
(Scytliopolis)  and  Jokneam  (1  K.  iv.  12),  and 
therefore  in  the  northern  part  of  the  Jordan  valley 
(Eu3.  iv  rqJ  avKwi/i)-  The  routed  Bedouin  host  fl^id 
from  Gideon  (Judg.  vii.  22)  to  "  the  border  (the 
'lip'  or  'brink')  of  Abel-meholah,"  and  to  Beth- 
Bhittah  (the  "house  of  the  acacia"),  both  places 
being  evidently  domi  in  the  Jordan  valley.  Here 
Elisha  was  found  at  his  plough  by  Elijah  returning 
up  the  valley  from  Horeb  (1  K.  xix.  16-19).  In 
Jerome's  time  tlie  name  had  dwindled  to  'A^SeX/teo. 

6.  A'bel-ceba'mim  (Q'^^'^3  S  :  ['Ej8€Ax«P" 
filjj.;  Akx.  APe\  afjLweKtcveov--  Abel  qiuB  est  vineis 
comita] ),  in  the  A.  V.  rendered  "  the  plain  [marr/. 
'Abel']  of  the  vineyards,"  a  place  eastward  of 
Jordan,  beyond  Aroer;  named  as  the  point  to 
which  Jephthah's  pursuit  of  the  Bene-Ammon  [sons 
of  A.]  extended  (Judg.  xi.  33).  A  Ka>fj.r)  afiire- 
Ko(p6pos''A.$eK  is  mentioned  by  Eusel)ius  at  6  (Je- 
rome, 7)  miles  beyond  Philadelphia  (Kabbah);  and 
another,  olvo<p6pos  KaKov/jiii/ri,  more  to  the  north, 
12  miles  east  from  Gadara.  below  the  Hieromax. 
Ruins  bearing  the  name  of  Abila  are  still  found  in 
the  same  position  (Ritter,  Syria,  1058).  There 
were  at  least  three  places  with  the  name  of  Aroer 
on  the  further  side  of  the  Jordan.     [Akoku.] 

7.  "The  GREAT  'Abel'  [jiiarff.  'or  stone,'] 
in  the  field  of  Joshua  the  Bethshemite  "  (1  Sam. 
vi.  18).     By  comparison  with  11  and  15,  it  would 

seem  that  2  has  been  here  exchanged  for    , ,  and 

that  for  baS  should  be  read  ■!  2H  —  stone.  So 
the  LXX.  and  the  Chaldee  Targum.  Our  trans- 
btors,  by  the  insertion  of  "  stone  of,"  take  a  middle 
30urse.  See,  however,  Lengerke  (358)  and  Herx- 
heimer  (1  Sam.  vi.  18),  who  hold  by  Abel  as  being 
the  name  subsequently  given  to  the  spot  in  refer- 
ence to  the  "  mourning "  (-wSSri^)  there,  ver.  19. 
In  this  case  compare  Gen.  1.  11.  G. 

A'BEL,  in  Hebr.  HEBEL  (b^'l :  "A^SeX: 
Abel;  i.  e.  breath,  vajm;  transltoriness,  probably 
80  called  from  the  shortness  of  his  life),"  the  second 
son  of  Adam,  murdered  by  his  brother  Cain  (Gen. 
iv.  1-16).  Jehovah  showed  respect  for  Abel's  offer- 
ing, but  not  for  that  of  Cain,  because,  according 
to  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (xi.  4),  Abel  "  by 
faith  offered  a  more  excellent  sacrifice  than  Cain." 
The  expression  "  sin,"  i.  e.  a  sin-offering,  "  lieth  at 
the  door"  (Gen.  iv.  7),  seems  to  imply  that  the 
need  of  sacrifices  of  blood  to  obtain  forgiveness  was 
ilready  revealed.  On  account  of  Abel's  faith,  St. 
Augustine  makes  Abel  the  type  of  the  new  regen- 
a^te  man ;  Cain  that  of  the  natural  man  {de  Civ. 
Dei,  XV.  1).  St.  Chrysostom  observes  that  Abel 
offered  the  best  of  his  flock  —  Cain  that  which  was 
most  readily  procured  {Hum.  in  Gen.  xviii.  5). 
Jesus  Christ  spoke  of  him  as  the  first  martyr 
(Matt,  xxiii.  35);  so  did  the  early  chiu-ch  subse- 
quently. For  Christian  traditions  see  Iren.  v.  67; 
3hrysost.  Horn,  in  Gen.  xix.;  Cedren.  Hist.  8. 
W  those  of  the  Rabbins  and  Mohammedans,  Eisen- 


a  ♦Or,  it  may  be  from  the  mother's  impression  of 
Ihe  brflvit}'  and  frailty  of  human  life,  which  she  had 
aow  begun  to  understand  ;  and  in  that  case  the  child 
:<<iL.J.  have  boon  so  named  at  his  binh.  H. 


ABIASAPH  6 

menger,  Entdeckt.  Jud.  i.  462,  832;  Hottingor, 
Hist.  Or.  24 :  Ei-sch  &  Gruber,  Encyklop.  s.  v. ;  and 
the  Kur-dn  V.  The  place  of  his  murder  and  hia 
grave  are  pointed  out  ne.ar  Damascus  (Pococke,  b. 
ii.  168);  and  the  neighboring  peasants  tcU.  a  curi- 
ous tradition  respecting  his  burial  (Stanley,  S.  and 
P.  p.  413). 

The  Oriental  Gnosticism  of  the  Sabseans  made 
Abel  an  incarnate  yEon,  and  the  Gnostic  or  Mani- 
chajan  sect  of  the  Abelitae  in  North  Africa  in  the 
time  of  Augustine  {de  flceres.  86,  87),  so  called 
themselves  from  a  tradition  that  Abel,  though 
married,  lived  in  continence.  In  order  tj  avoid 
perpetuating  original  sin,  they  followed  his  example, 
but  in  order  to  keep  up  tlicLr  sect,  each  married 
pair  adopted  a  male  and  female  child,  who  in  their 
turn  vowed  to  marry  under  the  same  conditions. 

R.  W.  B. 

ATSEZ  (V5^,  in  pause  V5^  :  'Pe;36;  [Aid. 
Alex.  'Aefie;  Comp.  'Ae^^yO  Abes),  a  town  in 
the  possession  of  Issachar,  named  between  Kishion 
and  Remeth,  in  Josh.  xix.  20,  only.  Gesenius 
mentions  as  a  possible  derivation  of  the  name,  that 

the  Chaldee  for  tin  is  niJSS  :  [but  Fiirst  thinkg 
it  may  be  from  \^3S,  and  hence  height.]  Pos- 
sibly, however,  the  word  is  a  corruption  of  V?'^? 
Thebez  [wlilch  see],  now  Tubas,  a  town  situated 
not  far  from  Engannim  and  Shunem,  (both  towns 
of  Issachar),  and  which  otherwise  has  entirely  es- 
caped mention  in  the  list  in  Joshua.*  G. 

A'BI  (^^?S  [father  =  progenitor]  :  ''h^oV, 
[Aid.  'Amoved;  Comp.  'AjSt] :  Abi),  mother  of 
king  Hezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  2).  The  name  is  writ- 
ten Abijah  (n*3S)  in  2  Chr.  xxix.  1.  Her  fa- 
ther's name  was  Zechariah,  who  was,  perhaps,  thj 
Zechariah  mentioned  by  Isaiali  (viii.  2).  R.  W.  B. 

ABI'A,  ABI'AH,  or  ABI' J  AH  (n*ab«l  = 

^n*3^  [whose  father  is  Jehovah]  :  'A0id  ;  [in  3 
Chr.  vii.  8,  Rom.  'AfiiovS,  Alex.  A0iov;  Comp 
Aid.  'Afiid']  Abia).  1.  Son  of  Becher,  the  son 
of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8). 

2.  Wife  of  Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  24). 

3.  Second  son  of  Samuel,  whom,  together  with 
his  eldest  son  Joel,  he  made  judges  m  Beersheba 
(1  Sam.  viii.  2;  1  Chr.  vi.  28).  The  corruptness 
of  their  administration  was  the  reason  alleged  by 
the  Israelites  for  their  demanding  a  king. 

4.  Mother  of  king  Hezekiah.     [Abi.] 

R.  W.  B. 

5.  (n*3N  :  'Afitd'  Abia,  [Abias.])  Abijah  or 
Abijam,  the  son  of  Rehoboam  (1  Chr.  iii.  10; 
Matt.  i.  7). 

6.  Descendant  of  Eleazar,  and  chief  of  the  eighth 
of  the  twenty-four  courses  of  priests  (Luke  i.  5). 
He  is  the  same  as  Abijati  4.  W.  A.  W. 

For  otter  persons  of  this  name  see  Abijah. 

ABI-AL'BON.     [Abiel.] 

ABI'ASAPH,  otherwise  written  EBI'A- 
SAPH  (^IDS'^aS,  Ex.  vi.  24,  and  ^O^IlS,  1 
Chr.  \-i.  8,  2Y[("lleb.),  23,  37  (E.  V.)]yix.'l9: 
'Afiidcrap,  'A$iadcp,  'A&id<ra.<p:  Abiasaph;  ac- 
cording to  Simonis,  "  cujics  patrem  abstidii  Dens," 

b  *Jfr.  pTter  (^Handbook,  ii.  647)  puts  Abez  in  hit 
list  of  Scripture  places  not  yet  identified.  Knobel 
and  Keil  also  regard  the  name  as  now  lost.  £1. 


6 


ABIATHAR 


iriUi  reference  to  the  death  of  Koi-ah,  as  related  lu 
Num.  xvi.;  but  according  to  Fiirst  and  Geseiuus, 
fuUier  of  (/aiherinf/,  i.  e.  the  gatherer ;  compare 
P)DS,  Asiph,  1  Chr.  vi.  39).     He  was  the  head 
of  we  of  the  famiUes  of  Uie  Korhites  (a  house  of 
the  Kuhathites),  but  his  precise  genealogy  is  some- 
what uncerUiin.     In  Kx.  vi.  24,  he  appears  at  first 
Biilht  to  be  represented  as  one  of  the  sons  of  Korali, 
and  as  the  brothei  Df  Assir  and  Ukanali.     But  m 
1  Chr.  vi.  he  api^eai-s  as  the  son  of  lUkanah,  the  son 
of  \ssir,  the  son  of  Korah.    The  natural  inference 
from  this  would  be  that  in  Ex.  vi.  -21  the  expi«s- 
sion  "the  sons  of  Korah"  merely  means  the  fam- 
ilies into  which  the  house  of  the  Korhites  was  sub- 
di\ided.     But  if  so,  the  verse  m  I'Jcodus  mu.st  be 
a  Later  insertion  than  tlie  time  of  Moses,  as  in 
Moses'  lifetime  the  great-grandson  of  Korah  could 
not  have  been  the  head  of  a  family.     And  it  is  re- 
markable that  the  verse  is  quite  out  of  its  place, 
and  appesirs  improperly  to  separate  ver.  25  and  ver. 
23,  which  l)0th  relate  to  the  house  of  Aaron.     If, 
however,  tliis  inference  is  not  conect,  then  the  Ebi- 
osaph  of  1  Clu-.  vi.  is  a  different  i)erson  from  the 
Abiasaph  of   Ex.  vi.,  namely,    his   great-nephew. 
But  this  docs  not  seem  probable.     It  appears  from 
1  Chr.  ix.  10,  that  that  branch  of  the  descendants 
of  Abiasaph  of  which  Shallum  was  chief  were  por- 
ters, "  kee()ers  of  the  gates  of  the  tibernacle  " ;  and 
from  ver.  31  that  :Mattithiali,  "  the  first-born  of 
Shallum  the  Korahite,  had  the  set  office  over  the 
things  that  were  made  in  the  pans,"  apparently  in 
the  time  of  David.     From  Neh.  xii.  25  we  learn 
that  Abiai«iph's  family  was  not  extinct  in  the  days 
of  Nehemiah ;  for  tlie  family  of  MeshuUam  (which 
is  the  same  as  Shallum),  with  Talmon  and  Akkub, 
still  filled  the  office  of  poi-ters,  "  keeping  the  ward 
at  the  threshold  of  the  gate."     Other  remarkable 
descendants  of  Abia.si»ph,  according  to  the  text  of 
1  Chr.  vi.  33-37,  were  Samuel  the  prophet  and 
Klkaiiah  his  father  (1  Sam.  i.  1),  and  Heman  tlie 
singer;  but  i:biaatph  seems  to  be  improperly  in- 
certed  in  ver.  37."     The  possessions  of  those  Ko- 
liathites  who  were  not  descended  from  Aaron,  con- 
ristuig  of  ten  cities,  lay  in  the  tribe  of  Ephraim, 
the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  and  the  tribe  of  Dan 
(Josh.  xxi.  20-26;  1  Chr.  \i.  61).     The  family  of 
Elkanah  the  Kohathite  resided  in  Mount  Ephraim 
(1  Sam.  i.  1).  A.  C.  H. 

ABI'ATHAR  (""v^^?^  •  'A)B«ieap  :  Abi- 
athar ;  but  the  version  of  Santes  Pagninus  has  JM- 
aUiar,  according  to  the  Hebrew  points.  In  Mark  ii. 
26,  it  is  'Pitiiadap.  According  to  Simonis,  the  name 
means  "  (ciyus)  pater  supersles  mansit,  mortuu 
icil.  matre;  "  but  according  to  Fiirst  and  Gese- 
nius,/«<//e?-  of  excellence,  or  abundance).  Abia^ 
Ihar  was  that  one  of  all  the  sons  of  Ahimelech  the 
high-priest  who  escaped  the  slaughter  inflictal 
ujion  his  father's  house  by  Saul,  at  the  instigation 
of  Doeg  the  Ivlomite  (see  title  to  I's.  lii.,  and  the 
psalm  itself),  in  revenge  for  his  having  inquired  of 
the  Lord  for  David,  and  given  him  the  shew-breatl 
to  eat,  and  the  sword  of  Goliath  the  Philistine,  as 
IS  related  in  1  Sam.  xxii  We  are  there  told  that 
when  Doeg  slew  in  Nob  on  ihat  day  fourscore  and 
five  persons  that  did  wear  a  linen  ephod,  "  one  of 
•he  sons  of  Ahimelech  the  son  of  Ahitub,  named 
Abiathor,  escaped  and  fled  after  David;  "  and  it  is 


a  See  Thf.  Geneaiogies  of  ovr  Lord  and  Saviour 
r**us  IVu',  by  Lord  Arthur  HoTey,  p.  210,  and  p. 
114,  DOW. 


ABIATHAK 

added  hi  xxiii.  6,  that  when  he  did  so  "  he  came 
down  with  an  ephod  in  his  hand,"  and  was  thiu 
enabled  to  inquire  of  the  lx)rd  for  David  (1  Sam. 
sxiii.  9,  XXX.  7;  2  Sam.  ii.  1,  v.  19,  &c.).     The 
fact  of  David  having  lieen  the  unwilling  cause  of 
the  deatli  of  all  Aljiathar's  kindre<l,  coupled  with 
his  gratitude  to  his  father  Ahimelech  for  his  kind- 
ness  to  him,  made  him  a  firm  and  steadftist  friend 
to  Abiathar  all  his  life.     Abiathar  on  his  part  was 
firmly  attached  to  David.     He  adhered  to  him  in 
his  wanderings  while   pursued   by  Saul;  he  was 
with  hini  while  he  reigned  in  Hebron   (2  Sam.  ii. 
1-3),  the  city  of  the  house  of  Aaron  (Josh.  xxi. 
10-13);  he  carried  the  ark  before  him  when  David 
brought  it  up  to  Jerussilem  (1  Chr.  xv.  11 ;  1  K. 
ii.  26);  he  continued  faithful  to  him  in  Absalom's 
rebellion  (2  Sam.  xv.  24,  29,  35,  36,  x%'ii.  15-17, 
xix.  11);  and  "  wxs  afflicted  in  all  wherein  David 
was  afflicted."     He  wa.s  also  one  of  David's  chief 
counsellors  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  34).     When,  however, 
Adonijah  set  himself  up  for  David's  successor  on 
the  throne  in   opposition  to  Solomon,   Abiathar, 
either  persuaded  by  Joab,  or  in  rivuh-y  to  Zadok. 
or  under  some  influence  which  cannot  now  be  dis- 
covered, sided  with  him,  and  was  one  of  his  chief 
partisans,  while   Zadok  wa.s   on   Solomon's   side. 
For  this  Abiathar  was  banished  to  his  native  vil- 
lage, Anathoth,  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Josh.  xxi. 
18),  and  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life,  which  was 
sjmred  by  Solomon  only  on  the  strength  of  hi.s  long 
and  faithful  service  to  David  his  father.     He  was 
no  longer  permitted  to  perform  the  functions  or 
enjoy  the  prerogatives  of  the  higii-priesthood.     For 
we  are  distinctly  told  that  "  Solomon  thnist  out 
Abiathar  from  being  priest  to  the  I^rd;  "  and  that 
"  Zadok  the  priest  did  the  king  put  in  the  room  of 
Abiathar  "  (1  K.  ii.  27,  35).    So  that  it  is  difficult 
to  understand  the  assertion  in  1  K.  iv.  4,  that  in 
Solomon's  reigii  "Zadok  and  Abiathar  were  the 
priests;  "  and  still  more  difficult  in  connection  with 
ver.  2,  which  tells  us  that  "Azariah  the  son  of 
Zadok  "  was  "  the  priest:  "  a  declaration  confirmed 
by  1  Chr.  vi.  10.    It  is  probable  that  Abiathar  did 
not  long  survive  David.     He   is   not   mentioned 
again,  and  he  mu.st  have  been  far  advanced  in  yeais 
at  Solomon's  accession  to  the  throne. 

There  are  one  or  two  other  difficulties  connected 
witli  Abiathar,  to  which  a  brief  reference  nmst  be 
made  before  we  conclude  this  article.  (1.)  In  2 
Sam.  viii.  17,  and  in  the  duplicate  passage  1  Chr. 
xviii.  16,  and  in  1  Chr.  xxiv.  3,  0,  31,  we  have 
Ahimelech  substituted  for  Abiathar,  and  Ahinulech 
the  sm  of  Abiathar,  instead  of  Abiathar  the  son  of 
Ahimelech.  Whereas  in  2  Sam.  xx.  25,  and  in  every 
other  jmsage  in  the  O.  T.,  we  are  uniformly  told 
that  it  was  Abiathar  who  was  priest  with  Zadok 
in  David's  reign,  and  that  he  was  the  son  of  Ahim- 
elech, and  that  Ahimelech  was  the  son  of  Ahitub. 
The  difficulty  is  increased  by  finding  Abiathai 
spoken  of  as  the  high-priest  in  whose  time  David 
ate  the  shew-bread,  in  JIark  ii.  26.  (See  Alford, 
ltd  he.)  However,  the  evidence  in  favor  of  David's 
friend  being  Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahimelech  pre- 
IHJiiderates  so  strongly,  and  the  impossibility  of  any 
nitional  reconciliation  is  so  clear,  that  one  can  only 
suppose,  with  Procopius  of  Gaza,  that  tlie  error 
was  a  clerical  one  originally,  and  was  propagate<l 
from  one  passage  to  another.''  The  mention  of  Abi- 
nttiar  by  our  Lord,  in  Mark  ii.  20,  might  perhaps 
be  accounted  for,  if  Abiathar  was  the  person  whi 


6  •  See  additior.  infror 


U. 


ABIATHAR 

persuaded  hh  father  to  allow  David  to  have  the 
oread,  and  if,  as  it  probable,  the  .javes  were  Abi- 
»thai''8  (I.ev.  xxiv.  9),  and  given  by  him  with  his 
own  hand  to  David.  It  may  also  be  remarketl 
that  our  Lord  doubtless   spoke   of  Abiathar    as 

^nsn,  "  the  priest,"   the  designation  applied  to 

Ahimelech  throughout  1  Sam.  xxi.,  and  equally 
applicable  to  Abiathar.  The  expression  apxif- 
oevs  is  the  Greek  translation  of  our  Lord's  words. 

(2.)  Another  difficulty  concerning  Abiathar  is  to 
detennuie  his  position  relatively  to  Zadok,  and  to 
account  for  the  double  high-priesthood,  and  for  the 
advancement  of  the  line  of  Ithamar  over  that  of 
Eleazar.  A  theory  has  been  invented  that  Abia- 
thar was  David's,  and  Zadok  Saul's  high-priest, 
but  it  seems  to  rest  on  no  solid  ground.  The  facta 
of  the  case  are  these :  —  Ahimelech,  the  son  of 
Ahitub,  the  sou  of  I'hinehas,  the  son  of  Eli,  was 
high-priest  ui  the  reign  of  Saul.  On  his  death  his 
son  Abiathar  became  high-priest.  The  first  men- 
tion of  Zadok  is  in  1  Chr.  xii.  28,  where  he  is  de- 
scribed as  "  a  young  man  mighty  of  valor,"  and 
is  said  to  have  jouied  David  while  he  reigned  in 
Hebron,  in  company  with  Jehoiada,  "  the  leader  of 
the  Aaronites."  l'"rom  this  time  we  read,  both  in 
the  books  of  Samuel  and  Chronicles,  of  "  Zadok  and 
Abiathar  the  priests,"  Zadok  being  always  named 
first.  And  yet  we  are  told  that  Solomon  on  his 
accession  put  Zadok  in  the  room  of  Abiathar.  Per- 
haps the  true  state  of  the  case  wa.s,  that  Abiathar 
was  the  first,  and  Zadok  the  second  priest;  but 
that  from  the  superior  strength  of  the  house  of 
Eleazar  (of  which  Zadok  was  head),  which  en- 
abled it  to  furnish  IG  out  of  the  24  courses  (1  Chr. 
xxiv.),  Zadok  acquired  considerable  influence  with 
David ;  and  that  this,  added  to  his  being  the  heir 
of  the  elder  line,  and  perhaps  also  to  some  of  the 
passages  being  \\Titten  after  the  line  of  Zadok  were 
estabUshed  in  the  high-priesthood,  led  to  the  pre- 
cedence given  him  over  Abiathar.  We  have  al- 
ready suggested  the  possibihty  of  jealousy  of  Zadok 
being  one  of  the  moti\'es  which  incUued  Abiathar 
to  join  Adonijali's  faction.  It  is  most  remarkable 
how,  first,  Saul's  cruel  slaughter  of  the  priests  at 
Nob,  and  then  the  political  error  of  the  wise  Abi- 
athar, led  to  the  fulfillment  of  God's  denunciation 
against  the  house  of  Eli,  as  the  wi'iter  of  1  K.  ii. 
27  leads  us  to  observe  when  he  says  that  "  Solomon 
thrust  out  Abiathar  from  being  priest  unto  the 
Lord,  that  he  night  fulfill  the  word  of  the  I^rd 
which  He  spake  concerning  the  house  of  Eli  in 
Shiloh."     See  also  Joseph.  Ant.  viii.  1,  §§  3,  4. 

A.  C.  H. 

*  Some  adhere  to  the  text,  without  resorting  to 
the  supposition  of  a  cleiical  error.  It  is  deemed 
possible  that  Ahimelech  and  Abiathar  were  heredi- 
tary names  in  the  family,  and  hence,  that  the 
hther  and  the  son  could  have  borne  these  names 
respectively.  It  would  thus  be  accounted  for  that 
Abiathar  is  called  the  son  of  Aliimelech  in  1  Sam. 
ixii.  20,  i'iid  that  Ahimelech  is  called  the  son  of 
Abiathar  in  2  Sam.  viii.  17.  The  same  person 
3onsequently  could  be  meant  in  INIark  ii.  20,  whether 
Ihe  one  name  was  applied  to  him  or  the  other ;  and 
.he  reason  why  the  father  is  mentioned  by  his  name 
/Abiathar,  and  not  that  of  Ahimelech  may  be  that 
tie  former  had  become,  historically,  more  familiar 
hi  con£«qu6nce  of  the  subsequent  friendsliip  be- 
tween Abiathar.  the  son,  and  David.  Another 
txplanation  is,  that  Abiathar  was  for  some  un- 
inown  reason  acting  as  the  father's  vicar  at  the 


ABIEZER  7 

time  of  this  transaction  with  David,  and  that  the 
citation  in  Mark  follows  a  tradition  of  that  fact, 
not  transmitted  in  the  0.  T.  history.  We  hav« 
other  instances  of  a  simUar  recognition  of  events 
or  opinions  not  recorded  in  the  O.  T.,  to  which  the 
N".  T.  writers  refer  as  apparently  well  known  among 
the  Jews ;  such  as  e.  (/.  Abraham's  first  call  in  Ur 
of  the  Chaldees  (Acts  vii.  3,  compai-ed  with  Gen. 
xii.  1);  the  tomb  of  the  patriarchs  at  Sychem, 
(Acts  vii.  10) ;  the  giving  of  the  law  by  the  agency 
of  angels  (Gal.  iii.  19,  Heb.  ii.  2),  and  others. 
Lange's  note  on  Mark  ii.  26  {Bibelwerk,  ii.  28), 
deserves  to  be  read.  For  some  very  just  and 
thoughtful  remarks  on  the  proper  mode  of  dealing 
with  such  apparent  contradictions  of  Scriptm-e,  see 
Commentary  on  Mark  (p.  53),  by  Dr.  J.  A.  Alex- 
ander. H. 
A'BIB.     [Months.] 

ABITDAHand  ABI'DA"  (17l''3b^  [father 
of  kmjwltihje,  i.  e.  wise']  :  'A/3€j5c£,  [' A;3(5a ;  Alex. 
Afiipa,  A^iSa'-]  Abida),  a  son  of  Midian  [and 
grandson  of  Abraham  through  his  wife  or  concubine 
Keturah]  (Gen.  xxv.  4;  1  Chr.  i.  33). 

E.  S.  P. 

AB'IDAN  (17"'?^  [father  of  the  judge, 
Ges. ;  or  Ab,  i.  e.  God,  is  judge,  Filrst]  :  'A^iSdv, 
[Alex,  twice  A0etSau-]  Abidan),  chief  of  the  tribe 
of  Beiyamin  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus  (Num.  i. 
11,  ii.  22,  vii.  60,  05,  x.  24). 

A'BIEL  [as  a  Christian  name  in  English  com- 
monly pronounced  Abi'el]  (vS'^IlS  [father  of 
strength,  i.  e.  strong]:  'A$i-fi\'-  Abiel).  1.  The 
father  of  Kish,  and  consequently  grandfather  of 
Saul  (1  Sam.  ix.  1),  as  well  as  of  Abner,  Saul'* 
commander-in-chief  (1  Sam.  xiv.  51).  In  the  gen- 
ealogy in  1  Chr.  viii.  33,  ix.  39,  Ner  is  made  the 
father  of  Kish,  and  the  name  of  Abiel  is  omitted, 
but  the  correct  genealogy  accordmg  to  Samuel  i.s'  — 
Abiel. 


Kish  Ner 

e'.  I 

Saul  Abner 

2.  One  of  David's  30  "  mighty  men  "  (1  Chr. 

xi.   32);    called  in  2  S.im.  xxiii.  31,  Abi-albon,  a 

name  which  has  the  same  meaning      R.  AV.  B. 

ABIE'ZER  (1T;3^  ''D.i^,,  father  of  help :  >A/3t- 
(C^p,  'leC'i  [Alex,  m  Josh.,  Ax'eC*P'  ^^^'e^er,] 
doinus  Aluezer).  1.  Eldest  son  of  Gilead,  and  de- 
scendant of  JMachir  and  Manasseh,  and  apparently 
at  one  time  the  leading  family  of  the  tr'^j  (Josh, 
xvii.  2,  Num.  xxvi.  30,  where  the  name  is  given  'u\ 

the  contracted  form  of  "l.t'3?"'S,  Jee^er).     In  the 

genealogies  of  Chronicles,  Abiezer  is,  in  the  present 
state  of  the  text,  said  to  have  sprung  from  the 
sister  of  Gilead  (1  Chr.  vii.  18).  Originally,  there- 
fore, the  family  was  with  the  rest  of  the  house  of 
Gile;vd  on  the  east  of  Jordan;  but  when  first  met 
with  in  the  history,  some  part  at  least  of  it  had 
crossed  f'e  Jordan  and  estiiblished  itself  at  Oplirah, 
a  place  which,  though  not  yet  identified,  nnist  liave 
been  on  tne  hiUs  which  overlook  from  the  soutli 
the  wide  pi».n  of  Esdraelon,  tlie  field  of  so  many  of 
the  battles  of  Palestine  (Stanley,  pp.  246-7;  Judg. 
vi.  34).      Here,  when  the  fortunes  of  liis   family 

"  *  A.  V  ,  ed.  1611,  and  in  other  early  e>litions,  readi 
Abiila  in  both  passages.  A 


8  ABIEZRITE 

mre  at  the  lowest  —  "my  •  thousand  '  is  '  the  poor 
one'  in  M:iiiasseh  "  (\i.  15)  —  yxas  born  tlic  great 
judge  Gideon,  destined  to  raise  his  own  house  to  al- 
most rojid  diij^iity  (Staidey,  p.  229)  and  to  achieve 
for  his  country  one  of  the  most  signal  deliver- 
ances recorded  in  tlieir  whole  history.  [Gidkon  ; 
Opiikah.]  The  name  occurs,  in  addition  to  the 
passages  iiliove  quoted,  in  Judg.  vi.  34,  viii.  2. 

2.  (^ne  of  iJavid's  "  mif;lity  men"  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
27;  1  Chr.  si.  28,  xxvii.  12).  G. 

ABIEZ'RITE  C"!??!!  "'nS  [thefatJier  of 

helj)]  :  iroTTjp  rod  'EffSpi  in  Judg.  vi. ;  'A0\  'EaSpl 
in  Judy,  viii.;  Alex.  Trarrip  APiieQ)i,  tt.  rou  le^Ph 
».  Afitf^pfi-  p'ltcr  J'diitUue  Ezn,  fumiUa  Ezri). 
[Joash,  tiie  father  of  Gibeon,  is  so  termed],  a  de- 
scendant of  Abiezer,  or  .leezer,  tlie  son  of  Gilead 
(Judg.  vi.  11,  24,  viii.  32),  and  thence  also  calle<l 
Jeezkimtic  (Num.  xxvi.  30).  The  I'eshito-Syriac 
tnd  Tiu-gum  both  rei;ard  the  first  part  of  the  word 
"  Abi  "  as  an  apijcllative,  "  father  of,"  as  also  tlie 
LXX.  and  Vulgate.  AV.  A.  AV. 

•  "  Aliiezrites  "  (A.  V.)  in  Judg.  \n.  24,  and  viii. 
82,  stands  for  tlie  collective  "  Abiezrite,"  which 
does  nut  occur  as  plural  in  the  Hebrew.  II. 

AB'IGAIL  [3  syl.,  Ihb.  Abiga'il],  (V^"?^, 

or  VZI"'3S  [father  of  exultation,  or,  whose  father 
rejoicex]:  'Afityaia'-  Aljl(jail).  1.  The  beautiful 
wife  of  Xabal,  a  wealthy  owner  of  goats  and  sheep 
inCanuel.  M'lien  David's  messengers  were  slighted 
by  Nal)al,  Abigail  took  the  blame  upon  herself, 
supplicHl  David  and  his  folloM-ers  with  provisions, 
and  succec<ied  in  appeasing  his  anger.  Ten  days 
after  tliis  Kabal  died,  and  David  sent  for  Abigail 
and  made  her  his  wife  (1  Sam.  xxv.  14,  seq.). 
By  her  he  had  a  son,  cjdled  Chileab  in  2  Sam.  iii. 
3;  but  Daniel,  in  1  Chr.  iii.  1.     For  Daniel  T'he- 

nlus  proposes  to  read  n"*^"^,  suggested  to  him  by 
the  I^X.  AoAouta  (Then.  Kxeg.  llnndb.  ad  luc). 

2.  A  sister  of  1  )avid,  marrie*!  to  Jether  the  Jsh- 
mae.lile,  and  mother,  i)y  him,  of  Amasa  (1  Chr.  ii. 
17).  In  2  Sam.  xvii.  25.  she  is  described  as  the 
daughter  of  Nahash,  sister  to  Zeruiah,  Joab's 
mother,  and  as  marrying  Ithra  (anothei*  form  ot 
Jether)  an  /srni'lite. 

The  statement  in  Samuel  that  the  mother  of 
Amasa  «  was  an  hrnvUtt  is  doubtless  a  transcrib- 
er's error.  There  could  be  no  reason  for  recording 
this  circumstiuice ;  but  tlie  circumstance  of  David's 
sister  marrying  a  heathen  Ishmaclite  deserved  men- 
tion ('ITieuiua,  Exeg.  Uandb.  Sam.  1.  c). 

R.  W.  B. 

ABIHAIL  (Vn^nh*  [father  of  might,  I  e. 

i^yJityV-  'A/3ixatA:  [Ahihnil ;  in  Num.,]  Abi- 
kak'l).  1.  rather  of  Zuriel,  chief  of  the  I^vitical 
Eunily  of  Jlerori,  a  contemporary  of  Moses  (Num. 
iii.  35). 

2.  Wife  of  Abishur  (1  Chr.  ii.  29). 

3.  ['A^ixala;  Aid. 'A/3ixa^A;  Comp. 'AjSt^A.] 
Son  of  Ihiri,  of  the  tribe  of  Gad  (1  Chr.  v.  14). 

4.  Wife  of  IJehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  18).  She  is 
jailed  the  daughter,  i.  e.  a  descendant,  of  Eliab,  the 
iWer  brotiicr  of  David. 

5.  ['Afitva^dfi;  Conp.  'A$txat\.]  Father  of 
Esther  and  uncle  of  Jl  rdec.ai  (llsth.  ii.  15,  ix.  29). 

a  •  « Mother "  must  be  an  Inadvertence  here  for 
'  bther  of  Amasa.'  The  correction  Ishmaelite  for  In 
tulite  te  suggested  In  the  margin  in  later  editions  of 
A»A  V.  „. 


ABIJAH 

The  names  of  No.  2  and  4  are  written  iik  ^mr 
MSS.  ^rr*"*?^  CA^ixaia,  [Aid.  Alex.  'ABtyala 
Comp.  A)8(iiJA.,]  1  Chr.  ii.  21);  'Afiiyuia,  ^Alex. 
AfiiaiaK,  Conip.  'A/3«X«*^.]  ^  Chr.  xi.  18),  which 
Gesenius  coiyectures  to  be  a  corruption  of  ''2S 

v"]n,  but  which  Simoiiis  derives  from  a  root   /^H, 
and  iiiterjirets  "  father  of  light,  or  splendor." 

K.  W.  B. 

ABI'HU  (S^n^^H  [He  (i.  e.  God)  is  fath- 
er]:'>  'A  $tuvS;  [Coinp.  in  Num.  iii.  and  1  Chr. 
xxiv.  'Afitov'-]  Aliiii),  the  second  son  (Num.  iii.. 
2)  of  Aaron  by  Klisheba  (Kx.  vi.  23),  who  with  his 
father  and  his  elder  brother  Nadab  and  70  eldera 
of  Israel  accompanied  iMoses  to  the  summit  of  Sinai 
(I'jc.  xxiv.  1).  Being  togetlier  with  Nadab  guilty 
of  offering  strange  fire  (Lev.  x.  1)  to  the  Lord,  i.  e 
not  the  holy  fire  which  burnt  continually  upon  the 
iUtar  of  burnt-offering  (Lev.  vi.  9,  12);  they  were 
both  consumed  by  fire  from  hejiven,  and  Aaron  and 
his  surviving  sons  were  forbidden  to  mouni  for 
them.  [Occurs  also  1-Jc.  xxiv.  9,  xxviii.  1 ;  Num. 
iii.  4,  xxH.  GO,  Gl;  1  Chr.  vi.  3,  xxiv.  1,  2.] 

K.  W.  B. 

ABI'HUD    (l^n"*3«    [whose  father  is  Ju- 

dah ;  or,  is  renaicn]:  A$iovS'-  Abitid),  son  of  Bela 
and  grandson  of  Beiyamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  3). 

ABIJAH     or    ABI'JAM.      1.    (H^nS, 

C»nb»,  ^n*2b4,  will  of  Jehovah :  'A&id,  'A$io6, 
LXX.;  'AjSius,  Joseph.:  Abiniu,  Abia),  the  son 
and  successor  of  IJeliolioam  on  the  tlirone  of  Judah 
(1  K.  xiv.  31;  2  Chr.  xii.  10).  He  is  calletl  Abijah 
in  Chronicles,  Abijam  in  Kings;  the  latter  name 
being  probably  an  error  in  tlie  MSS.,  since  tlie 
LXX.  have  i:otliiiig  corrcsiwiiding  to  it,  and  their 
fonn,  'A$iov,  seems  taken  from  Abijuhu,  wliich 
occurs  2  Chr.  xiii.  20,  21.  Indeed  (Jesenius  says 
that  some  MSS.  rea<l  Abijah  in  1  K.  xiv.  31.  The 
supposition,  therefore,  of  Light  foot  {//arm.  0.  T. 
p.  209,  Pitman's  wlition),  that  the  writer  in  Kings, 
who  takes  a  much  worse  view  of  Al)yali's  character 
than  we  find  in  Clironicles,  idtered  tlie  last  syllable 
to  avoid  introducing  the  holy  Jam  into  the  name 
of  a  bad  man,  is  unneces-sary.  Hut  it  is  not  fanci- 
ful or  absurd,  for  changes  of  the  kind  were  not  un- 
usual: for  exam[)le,  alter  the  S.amaritan  schism, 
the  Jews  alt*re<l  the  name  of  Shecliem  into  Sychar 
(dnmken),  as  we  have  it  in  John  iv.  5;  and  Hosea 
(iv.  15)  changes  Bethel,  hontie  of  Cixl,  into  Beth- 
aven,  house  of  runujht.  (See  Stanley,  S.  tf  /'.  p. . 
222.) 

From  the  first  book  of  Knii;s  we  learn  tliat  Abi- 
jah endeavored  to  nroxer  the  kingdom  of  the  Ten 
Tribes,  and  made  war  on  Jeruboam.  No  details 
aie  given,  but  we  are  also  informed  that  he  walked 
in  all  the  sins  of  Hehoboam  (idolatry  and  its  at- 
tendant immoralities,  1  K.  xiv.  23,  24),  and  that 
his  heart  "  was  not  perfect  before  (Jod,  as  the  heart 
of  David  his  father."  In  the  .second  book  of  Chron- 
icles his  war  against  Jeroboam  is  more  minutely 
descrilied,  and  he  makes  a  8i)eech  to  the  men  of 
Israel,  reproaching  them  for  breaking  their  allegi- 
ance to  the  house  of  David,  for  worshipping  the 


6  •  In  such  conibinutions,  says  i'lirst  (Handwb 
i.  819),  S^n,  he  Itiviself,  refers  to  God,  as  expressivt 
of  the  utmo8t  revereiic-e,  like  hii  niiiong  the  I'ersiaEf 
and  avTot,  cKcicof ,  among  the  Greeks.  11 


ABU  AM 

{oldeu  calves,  and  substituting  unauthorized  priests 
for  the  sons  of  Aaron  and  the  Levites.  lie  was 
uiccessful  in  battle  against  Jeroboam,  and  took  the 
cities  of  Bethel,  Jeshanah,  and  Ephrain,  with  their 
dependent  villages.  It  is  also  said  that  his  anny 
crtisisted  of  40(!,0'10  men,  and  Jeroboam's  of  800,- 
000,  of  whom  500,000  fell  in  the  action  :  but  Ken- 
iiicott  ( The  Hebrew  Text  of  the  Old  Testament 
Considered,  p.  53-2)  shows  that  our  MSS.  are  fre- 
quently incorrect  as  to  numbers,  and  gives  reasons 
for  re<luchig  these  to  40,000,  80,000,  and  50,000, 
as  we  actually  fuid  in  the  Vulgate  printed  at  Ven- 
ice in  1480,  and  in  the  old  Latin  version  of  Jose- 
ph us;  while  there  is  perhaps  some  reason  to  think 
that  the  smaller  numbers  were  in  his  original  Greek 
text  also.  Nothing  is  said  by  the  Nvriter  in  Chron- 
icles of  the  sins  of  Abijah,  but  we  are  told  that 
a.  T  his  victory  he  "  waxed  mighty,  and  married 
fourteen  wives,"  whence  we  may  well  infer  that  he 
was  elated  with  prosperity,  and  like  his  grandfather 
Solomon,  fell,  during  the  last  two  years  of  his  hfe, 
into  wickedness,  as  described  in  Kings.  Both  rec- 
ords inform  us  that  he  reigned  three  years.  His 
mother  was  called  cither  Maachah  or  Michaiali, 
which  are  mere  variations  of  the  same  name,  and 
in  some  places  (1  K.  xv.  2;  2  Chr.  xi.  20)  she  is 
said  to  be  the  daughter  of  Absalom  or  Abishalom 
(again  the  same  name);  in  one  (2  Chr.  xiii.  2)  of 
Uriel  of  Gibeah.     But  it  is  so  common  for  the 

word  i*^2,  daughter,  to  be  used  in  the  sense  of 

granddaughter  or  descendnnt,  that  we  need  not 
hesitate  to  assume  that  Uriel  married  Absalom's 
daughter,  and  that  thus  Maachah  was  daughter  of 
Uriel  and  granddaughter  of  Absalom.  Abijah 
therefore  was  descended  from  David,  both  on  his 
father's  and  mother's  side.  According  to  Ewald's 
chronology  the  date  of  Abijah's  accession  was  b.  C. 
968;  Clinton  places  it  in  u.  c.  050.  The  18th 
year  of  Jeroboam  coincides  with  the  1st  and  2d  of 
Abijah. 

2.  The  second  son  of  Samuel,  called  Abiah  in 
our  version  {'A^id,  LXX.).  [Abia,  Abiaii, 
No.  3.] 

3.  The  son  of  .Teroboam  I.  king  of  Israel,  in 
whom  alone,  of  all  the  house  of  Jeroboam,  was 
found  "some  good  thing  toward  the  Ix)rd  God 
of  Israel,"  and  who  was  therefore  the  only  one  of 
his  family  who  was  suffered  to  go  down  to  the 
grave  in  peace.  1  le  died  in  his  childhood,  just 
after  Jeroboam's  wife  had  been  sent  in  disguise  to 
seek  help  for  him  in  his  sickness  from  the  prophet 
Ahijah,  who  gave  her  the  above  answer.     (1  K.  xiv.) 

4.  A  descendant  of  Eleazar,  who  gave  his  name 
to  Ihe  eighth  of  the  twenty-four  courses  into  which 
the  priests  were  divided  by  David  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  10; 
2  (-'hr.  viii.  14).  To  the  course  of  Abijah  or  Abia, 
belonged  Zacharias  the  father  of  John  the  Baptist 
(Luke  i.  5). 

5.  A  contemporary  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  7). 

G.  E.  L.  C. 

*  6.  A  priest  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
Brom  Babylon  (Neh.  xii.  4,  17  \  A. 

ABI'JAM.     [Abijah,  I,o.  1.] 

AB'ILA.     [Abilenk.] 

ABILE'NE  ('APi\7]vfi,  Luke  iii.  1),  a  teirar- 
»hy  of  which  Ahila  was  the  capital.  This  Abila 
tiusi  not  be  confounded  with  Abila  in  Peraea,  and 
Kther  SjTian  cities  of  the  same  name,  but  was  sit- 
uated on  the  e.Oi.tem  slope  of  Antilibanus,  in  a  dis- 
trict fertiUzed  by  the  river  Barada.     It  is  distinctly 


ABILENE  9 

associated  with  Lebanon  by  Josephus  (Ant.  xriii.  6, 
§  10,  xii  5,  §  1,  XX.  7,  §  1;  B.  J.  ii.  11,  §  b). 
Its  name  probably  arose  from  the  green  luxurianct 
of  its  situation,  "Abel"  perhaps  denoting  "a 
gi-assy  meadow."  [See  p.  4,  a.]  The  name  thus 
derived  is  quite  sufficient  to  account  for  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  death  of  Abel,  which  are  associated 
with  the  spot,  and  which  are  localized  by  the  tomb 
called  Nedi  IJubil,  on  a  height  above  the  ruins  of 
the  city.  The  position  of  the  city  is  very  clearly 
designated  by  the  Itineraries  as  18  miles  irom  Da- 
mascus, and  38  (or  32)  miles  from  Hehopolis  cr 
Baalbec  {llin.  Ant.  and  Tab.  Peul.). 

It  is  impossible  to  fix  the  hmits  of  the  Abilene 
which  is  mentioned  by  St.  Luke  as  the  tetrarchy 
of  Lysanias.  [Lysaxias.]  Like  other  districts 
of  the  l-Last,  it  doubtless  underwent  many  changes 
both  of  masters  and  of  extent,  before  it  was  finally 
absorbed  in  the  province  of  Syria.  Josephus  asso- 
ciates this  neighborhood  with  the  name  of  Lysanias 
both  before  and  after  the  time  referred  to  by  the 
evangelist.  For  the  later  notices  see  the  passages 
just  cited.  \\'e  there  find  "  Abila  of  Lysanias," 
and  "the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanias,"  distinctly  men ■ 
tioned  in  the  reigns  of  Claudius  and  Caligula.  We 
find  also  the  phrase  'A0l\a  Avaaviov  in  Ptolemy 
(v.  15,  §  22).  The  natural  conclusion  appears  to 
be  that  this  was  the  Lysanias  of  St.  Luke.  It  is 
true  that  "h.  chieftain  bearing  the  same  name  is 
mentioned  by  Josephus  in  the  time  of  Antony  and 
Cleopatra,  as  ruling  in  the  same  neighborhood 
{Ant.  xiv.  3,  §  3,  xv.  4,  §  1 ;  i?.  J.  1,  13,  §  1 ;  also 
Dion  Cass.  xhx.  32):  and  from  the  close  connection 
of  this  man's  father  with  Lebanon  and  Damascus 
{Ant.  xiii.  16,  §  3,  xiv.  7,  §  4;  /?. ./.  i.  9,  §  2)  it  is 
probable  that  Abilene  was  part  of  his  territory,  and 
that  the  Lysanias  of  St.  Luke  was  the  son  or  grand- 
son of  the  former.  Even  if  we  assume  (as  many 
writers  too  readily  assume)  that  the  tetrarch  men- 
tioned in  the  time  of  Claudius  and  Cahgula  is  to 
be  identified,  not  with  the  Lysanias  of  St.  Luke 
but  with  the  earlier  Lysanias  (never  called  tetrarch 
and  never  positively  connected  with  Abila)  ui  the 
times  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  there  is  no  diffi- 
culty in  believing  that  a  prince  bearing  this  name 
ruled  over  a  tetrarchy  having  Abila  for  its  capital, 
in  the  15th  year  of  Tiberius.  (See  Wieseler,  Chro- 
nologiscke  Synojise  der  vier  Evangelien,  pp.  174- 
18.3.) 

The  site  of  the  chief  city  of  Abilene  has  been  un- 
doubtedly identified  where  the  Itineraries  place  it; 
and  its  remains  have  been  described  of  late  years 
by  many  travellers.  It  stood  in  a  remarkable  gorge 
called  the  Siik  Wady  Barada,  where  the  river 
breaks  down  through  the  mountain  towards  the 
plain  of  Damascus.  Among  the  remains  the  in- 
scriptions are  most  to  our  puqwse.  One  contain- 
ing the  words  Ava-aviov  Tfrpdpxov  is  cited  by  Po- 
cocke,  but  lias  not  been  seen  by  any  subsequent 
traveller.  Two  Latin  inscriptions  on  the  face  of  a 
rock  above  a  fragment  of  Roman  road  (first  noticed 
in  the  Quarterly  Review  for  1322,  No.  52)  were 
first  pubUshed  by  Letronne  {.lournal  des  Savanx, 
1827),  and  afterwards  by  Orelli  {Inscr.  Lat.  4997, 
4998).  One  relates  to  some  repairs  of  the  road  at 
the  expense  of  the  Ahileni ;  the  other  associates  the 
Ifjth  Legion  with  the  place.  (See  Hogg  m  the 
Trans,  of  iha  lioyal  Geog.  Soc.  for  1851;  Porter, 
in  the  Journal  of  Sacred  Literature  for  July, 
1853,  and  especially  liis  Damascus,  i.  2G 1-273*, 
aj^d  Robmson,  Later  Bib.  lies.  yo.  478-484.) 

J.  S.  H 


10  ABIMAEL 

ABIM'AEL  (Vsa''2S  [father  of  Mad]: 

AfiifJMtK;  [Alex.  A$ifif7]\-]  Abimael),  a  descend- 
wit  of  Joktan  (Gen.  x.  28;  1  Clir.  i.  22),  and  prob- 
itbly  [as  the  name  implies]  the  progenitor  of  an 
Arab  tribe.  Uochart  (Pkoleg,  ii.  2-t)  conjectures 
that  liis  name  is  presened  in  that  of  MoAi,  a  place 
in  Arabia  Aromatifera,  mentioned  by  Theophrastus 
{Hi%t.  J'laiit.  ix.  4),  and  thinks  that  the  Malitse 
ire  the  same  as  Ptolemy's  Manitae  (vi.  7,  p.  154), 
and  that  they  were  a  people  of  the  Minseans  (for 
whom  see  Akabia).     The  name  in  Arabic  would 

probably  be  written  JoLo  »j|.  E.  S.  P. 

ABIM'ELECH       [Hebrew       Abime^ech] 

(T|7?2"'3M,  faUier  of  Uie  king,  or  father-king  : 

'Aj3«/t«A«x  •  Ahimelech),  the  name  of  several  Phil- 
istuie  kings.  It  is  supjwsed  by  many  to  have  been 
a  common  title  of  their  kings,  like  that  of  Pharaoh 
among  tlie  Egyptians,  and  that  of  Caesar  and  Au- 
(fustus  among  the  Romans.  The  name  Father  of 
the  King,  or  Father  King,  corresponds  to  Padishah 
(Father  King),  the  title  of  the  Persian  kings,  and 
Atalih  (I'ather,  pr.  paternity),  the  title  of  the 
Khans  of  liucharia  (Gesen.  Thes.).  An  argument 
to  the  same  effect  is  drawn  from  the  title  of  Ps. 
xxxiv.,  in  which  tlie  name  of  Abimelech  is  given  to 
the  king,  who  is  called  Achish  in  1  Sam.  xxi.  11; 
but  perhaps  we  ought  not  to  attribute  much  his- 
torical value  to  the  inscription  of  the  Psalm. 

1.  A  Philistine,  king  of  Gerar  (Gen.  xx.,  xxi.), 
who,  exercising  the  right  claimed  by  I'jistern 
princes,  of  collecting  all  the  beautiful  women  of 
tlieir  dominions  into  their  harem  (Gen.  xii.  15; 
F.stli.  ii.  3),  sent  for  and  took  Sarah.  A  similar 
account  is  given  of  Abraham's  conduct  on  this  oc- 
casion, to  that  of  his  behavior  towards  I'haraoh 

[Anit,\HA.M]. 

2.  Another  king  of  Gerar  in  the  time  of  Isaac, 
of  whom  a  simihu*  n;irrative  is  recorded  in  relation 
to  Kebekah  ((ien.  xxvi.  1,  seq.). 

3.  Son  of  the  judge  Gideon  by  his  Shecheraite 
concubine  (.Judg.  viii.  31).  After  his  father's  death 
he  murdei-ed  all  his  brethren,  70  in  number,  with 
the  exception  of  Jothani,  the  youngest,  who  con- 
cealed himself;  and  he  then  persuaded  the  She- 
chemites,  through  the  influence  of  his  mother's 
brethren,  to  elect  him  king.  It  is  evident  from 
this  narrati^•e  that  Shechem  now  became  an  inde- 
pendent state,  and  threw  off  the  yoke  of  the  con- 
quering Israelites  (Ewald,  Gesch.  ii.  444).  When 
.lotliam  heard  that  Abimelech  was  made  king,  he 
addresseil  U,  the  Shechemites  his  fable  of  the  trees 
choosing  a  king  (Judg.  ix.  1,  seq.;  cf.  Joseph.  Avi. 
V.  7,  §  2),  which  may  be  compared  with  the  well- 
biown  (able  of  Menenius  Agrippa  (Liv.  ii.  32). 
After  he  had  reigned  three  years,  the  citizens  of 
Shechem  rebelled.  He  was  absent  at  the  time, 
bat  he  returned  and  quelled  the  insurrection. 
Shortly  aftt^r  lie  stormed  and  took  Thebez,  but  was 
itruck  on  the  head  by  a  woman  with  the  fragment 
jf  a  mill-stone"  (comp.  2  Sam.  xi.  21);  and  lest  he 


o  •  The  expression  used  in  relation  to  this  in  A.  V. 
»ed.  IGU),  as  in  the  Bishops'  Bible,  ia  "aU  to  brake  his 
icull,"  i.  e.  "  broke  completely,"  or  "  all  to  pieces." 
In  many  later  editions  "  brake  "  has  been  changed  to 
'  break,"  giving  the  false  meaning  "  and  all  this  in 
)rder  to  break."  "  All  to  "  has  been  explained  and 
written  by  some  as  a  compound  adverb,  "  all-to  "  = 
<  altogether  "  (see  Bobinson  in  BiH.  Sacra,  t1.  608), 


ABISEI 

should  be  said  to  have  died  by  a  woman,  he  bid  hb 
armor-bearer  slay  him.  Thus  Gotl  a\enged  the 
murder  of  his  brethren,  and  fidfilled  the  curse  o/ 
Jotham. 

4.  ['Ax«fi<AeX''  ^^-  Axf'Mf^fX!  ^^-  A/St/*- 
fKfX'-  Achimelech.]  Son  of  Abiathar  the  high- 
priest  in  tlia  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xviii.  16), 
called  Ahimelech  in  2  Sam.  viii.  17.  [Ahime- 
lech.] R.  W.  B. 

*  The  reading  Ahimelech  in  1  Chr.  is  supported 
by  about  12  MSS.,  and  by  the  principal  ancient 
versions,  including  the  Syriac  and  Chaldee  as  well 
as  the  Sept.  and  Vulgate.  See  De  Kossi,  Vai: 
Led.  iv.  182.  A. 

*  5.  Ps.  xxxiv.  title.    [Ahimeibch  2.]      A. 

ABIN'ADAB  (ll^?"?^  [«  /«<^er  noble  or 
princdy]:  'AfiivaSdfi;  [Comp.  often  'AfiivaSdB'] 
Abinadab).  1.  A  Levite,  a  native  of  Kirjathjea- 
rim,  in  whose  house  the  ark  remained  20  years  (1 
Sam.  vii.  1,  2;  [2  Sam.  vi.  3,  4;]  1  Chr.  xiii.  7). 

2.  Second  son  of  Jesse,  who  followed  Saul  to  his 
war  against  the  Phihstines  (1  Sam.  xvi.  8,  xvii. 
13;  [1  Chr.  ii.  13]). 

3.  A  son  of  Saul,  who  was  slain  with  his  broth- 
ers at  the  fatal  battle  on  Mount  Gilboa  (1  Sam- 
xxxi.  2;  [1  Chr.  viii.  33,  ix.  39,  x.  2]). 

4.  Father  of  one  of  the  12  chief  officers  of  Solo- 
mon (1  K.  iv.  11).  K.  W.  B. 

AB'INER  (12>3^J!:  ^Afiivv^p;  Alex.  "A/S- 
aLvhf)  [i-ather,  AjSej^p] :  Abner).  This  form  of 
the  name  Abxek  is  given  in  the  margin  of  1  Sam. 
xiv.  50.     It  corresponds  with  the  Hebrew. 

W.  A.  W. 

ABIN'OAM  [Ihb.  Abinuan.]  (C^^b-'iS 
[a  father  gracious] :  'Afiivet/x ;  [Aid.  Comp.  somel 
times  'Afiivof/ji.:]  Abiiwem),  the  father  of  Barak 
(Judg.  iv.  6,  12;  V.  1,  12).  K.  W.  B. 

ABI'RAM  (Dn"'aW  [father  exalted]: 'Afi- 
fipdiv  '■  Abiron).  1.  A  Eeubenite,  son  of  Eliab, 
who  with  Datlian  and  On,  men  of  the  same  tribe, 
and  Korah  a  Levite,  organized  a  conspiracy  against 
Jloses  and  Aaron  (Num.  xvi.).  [For  details,  se< 
Kokah.] 

2.  \^A$ip(S>v\  Alex.  A^upwv:  Abiram.]  Eld- 
est son  of  Kiel,  the  Betliehte,  who  died  when  his 
father  laid  the  foundations  of  Jericho  (1  K.  xvi. 
34),  and  thus  accomplished  the  first  part  of  the 
curse  of  Joshua  (Josh,  vi  2G).  K.  W.  B. 

ABI'RON  {'Apeiptiy :  Abiron).  Abiram 
(Ecclus.  xlv.  18).  W,  A.  W. 

ABISE'I  (Abisei).  Abishua,  the  son  of 
Phinehas  (2  Esdr.  i.  2).  W.  A.  W. 


but  this  view  is  now  regarded  by  the  best  scholars  as 
erroneous.  In  early  Engllsli,  as  in  Anglo-Saxon,  to 
was  in  common  use  as  an  intonsive  prefix  to  verbs  and 
verbal  nouns,  somewhat  lik«  be  in  modem  English, 
but  stronger.     Thus, 

"He  to-brac  the  ston,  and  Cher  flowiden  watris." 
^Vycliffe,  Ps.  civ.  41. 

"  Mote  thi  wicked  necke  be  «•  broke  .'  " 

Chaucei.  Cant.  Tales,  5869. 

We  have  it  in  Shakespeare's  '■'•  to-pinch  the  unclean 
knight  "  (Merry  Wives,  iv.  4),  ai.d  perhaps  the  latest 
example  in  Milton's  "all  to-ruffieW"  (Camus,  380). 
"All"  is  often  used  to  strengthen  the  expression,  but 
Is  not  essential.  See  Boucher's  Glossary,  art.  AtL. 
and  Taylor's  note ;  the  Glossjirv  to  Vorshall  and  Mad- 
den's  ed.  of  Wycliffe's  Bible  ;  Eastwood  and  Wright'* 
Bible  Word-Book,  pp.  21,  22 ;  and  especially  Corson'a 
ITieaauna  of  Archaic  English,  art.  TO-  A 


ABISHAG 

AJB'ISHAG  (2tt'''3W  [father  I  e.  author 
y  err&r,  misdeed,  and  hence  said  of  man  or  wom- 
in ;  «]  'Afii(ra,y-  Abisag),  a  beautiful  Shunammite, 
taken  into  David'a  harem  to  comfort  him  in  his 
extreme  old  age  (1  K.  i.  1-4).  After  David's 
death  Adonijali  induced  Bathsheba,  the  queen- 
mother,  to  ask  Solomon  to  give  him  Abishag  in 
marriage;  but  this  imprudent  petition  cost  Adoni- 
jah  his  life  (1  K.  ii.  13,  seq.).     [Adonijah.] 

R.  W.  B. 

abfshai  "  [3  syi.]  (^ttJ'^as;  [and  ^i^ns, 

father  of  a  gift,  Ges.;  or  Father',  i.  e.  God,  who 
exists,  Fiirst] :  'A^ecra-d  [also  ^Afiead,  'Afiiffd, 
etc.]  and  'A^taai :  Abisai),  the  eldest  of  the  three 
sons  of  Zeruiah,  David's  sister,  and  brother  to  Joab 
and  Asahel  (1  Chr.  ii.  16).  It  may  be  owing  to 
his  seniority  of  birth  that  Abishai,  first  of  the  three 
brothers,  appears  as  the  devoted  follower  of  David. 
Ix)ng  before  Joab  appears  on  the  stage  Abishai  had 
attached  himself  to  the  fortunes  of  David.  He  was 
his  companion  in  the  desperate  night  expedition  to 
the  camp  of  Saul,  and  would  at  once  have  avenged 
and  terminated  his  uncle's  quarrel  by  stabbing  the 
sleeping  king  with  his  own  spear.  But  David  in- 
dignantly restrained  him,  and  the  adventurous  war- 
riors left  the  camp  as  stealthily  as  they  had  come, 
carrying  with  them  Saul's  spear  and  the  cruse  of 
water  which  stood  at  his  head  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  6-9). 
During  David's  outlaw  life  among  the  Philistines, 
Abishai  was  probably  by  his  side,  though  nothing 
more  is  heard  of  him  till  he  appears  with  Joab  and 
Asahel  in  hot  pursuit  of  Abner,  who  was  beaten  in 
tlie  bloody  fight  by  the  pool  of  Gibeon.  Asahel 
Itil  by  Abner's  haml:  it  siuiset  the  survivors  re- 
turned, buried  their  in  other  by  night  in  the  sepul- 
chre of  their  father  at  Bethlehem,  and  with  revenge 
."m  their  hearts  marched  on  to  Hebron  by  break  of 
day  (2  Sam.  ii.  18,  24,  32).  In  the  prosecution 
of  their  vengeance,  though  Joab's  hand  struck  the 
deadly  blow,  Abishai  was  associated  with  him  in 
the  treachery,  and  "  Joab  and  Abishai  killed  Ab- 
ner "  (2  Sam.  iii.  30).  [AB^'EU.]  In  the  war 
against  Hanun,  undertaken  by  David  as  a  punish- 
ment for  the  insult  to  his  messengers,  Abishai,  as 
second  in  command,  was  opposed  to  the  army  of 
the  Ammonites  before  the  gates  of  Kabbah,  and 
irove  them  headlong  before  him  into  the  city,  whUe 
.  oab  defeated  the  Syrians  who  attempted  to  raise 
the  siege  (2  Sam.  x.  10,  14;  1  Chr.  xix.  11,  15). 
The  defeat  of  the  PMomites  in  the  valley  of  salt 
(1  Chr.  xviii.  12),  which  brought  them  to  a  state 
of  vassalage,  was  due  to  Abishai,  acting  perhaps 
under  the  immediate  orders  of  the  king  (see  2  Sam. 
viii.  13),  or  of  Joab  (Ps.  Ix.  title).  On  the  out- 
break of  Absalom's  rebellion  and  the  consequent 
flight  of  David,  Abishai  remained  true  to  the  king ; 
md  the  old  warrior  showed  a  gleam  of  his  ancient 
bpirit,  as  fierce  and  relentless  as  in  the  camp  of 
Saul,  when  he  offered  to  avenge  the  taunts  of 
Shimei,  and  urged  his  subsequent  execution  (2 
Sam.  xvi.  9;  xix.  21).  —  In  the  battle  in  the  wood 
of  Ephraim  Abishai  commanded  a  third  part  of  the 
irmy  (2  Sam.  xviii.  2,  5,  12),  and  in  the  absence 
of  Amasa  was  summoned  to  assemble  the  troops  in 
Jerusalem  and  pursue  after  the  rebel  Sheba,  Joab 


ABNER 


11 


o  *  On  the  origin  and  significance  of  the  Bible 
aames,  see  the  article  (Amer.  ed.)  on 'Names.         II 

b  *  This  fuller  article  from  the  "  Concise  Diction- 
tiy  "  has  l)8en  substituted  here  for  the  arficle  of  four- 
teen UneB  in  the  lai^r  work.  H. 


being  apparently  in  disgrace  for  tlu>  slaughter  of 
Absalom  (2  Sam.  xx.  0,  10).  —  The  last  act  of  ser 
vice  which  is  recorded  of  Abishai  is  his  timely  res- 
cue of  David  from  the  hands  of  a  gigantic  Philis- 
tine, Ishbi-benob  (2  Sam.  xxi.  17).  His  personal 
prowess  on  this,  as  on  another  occasion,  when  he 
fought  single-handed  against  three  hundred,  won 
for  him  a  place  as  captain  of  the  second  three  of 
David's  mighty  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  18 ;  1  Chr.  xi. 
20).  But  in  all  probability  this  act  of  daring  was 
achieved  while  he  was  the  companion  of  Da>  id'e 
wanderings  as  an  outlaw  among  the  Phihstuies. 
Of  the  end  of  his  chequered  Ufe  we  have  no  record. 

ABISH'ALOM  (D^bir'^nb"!  [father  of 
pcacel:  'A$eaaa\d>iJ.'  Abessahm),  father  of  Moa- 
chah,  who  was  the  wife  of  liehoboam,  and  mother 
of  Abijah  (1  K.  xv.  2,  10).     He  is  called  Absalom 

(Clby:'aS)  in  2  Chr.  xi.  20,  21.  This  person 
must  be  David's  son  (see  LXX.,  2  Sam.  xiv.  27). 
The  daughter  of  Absalom  was  doubtless  called  Jla^ 
achah  after  her  grandmother  (2  Sam.  iii.  3). 

ABISHU'A  (p^tiJ^nb^:  \:A^^a(rovi,'A^iff- 
oi»€,]  'Afitcrov-  Abisue.  Accordmg  to  Simonis, 
patris  salus;  i.  q.  'ZaxriTtaTpos,  and  2ciiraTpos. 
According  to  Fiirst,  father  or  lord  of  happiness. 
Pater  salutis,  Gesen.).  1.  Son  of  Bela,  of  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  4). 

2.  Son  of  Phinehas,  the  son  of  Eleazar,  and  the 
father  of  Bukki,  in  the  genealogy  of  the  high- 
priests  (1  Chr.  vi.  4,  5,  50,  51;  Ezr.  vii.  4,  5). 
According  to  Josephus  {Ant.  viii.  1,  §  3)  he  execu- 
ted the  oifice  of  high-priest  after  his  father  Phine- 
has, and  was  succeeded  by  Eli;  his  descendants, 
till  Zadok,  falling  into  the  rank  of  private  persons 
{l^ia)revaavT(s)-  His  name  is  corrupted  into 
'l(i><r-r)iros-    Nothing  is  known  of  him. 

A.  C.  H. 

AB'ISHUE.  ("^5^tt)''nS  [father  of  the  waU 
or  upiHghtl  'Afitaoup:  Abisur),  son  of  Shammai 
(1  Chr.  ii.  28). 

AB'ISUM  ('AjSKTat;  Alex.  A/Sktouoj;  [Aid. 
'A$i<Tovfi]  ■  Abisue).  Abishua,  the  son  of  Phin- 
ehas (1  Esdr.  viii.  2).     Called  also  Abisei. 

W.  A.  W. 

AB'ITAL  (b^'^nS  [whose  father  is  dew  or 
protection] :  'Afindx ;  Abital),  one  of  David's  wivea 
(2  Sam.  iU.  4;  1  Chr.  ui.  3). 

ABITXJB  (2^r:5'^2S  [father  of  goodness-] : 
' Aj8«tcoA  ;  [Alex.  AfiiTu0]  :  Abitvb),  son  of  Shaha- 
raim  by  Hushim  (1  Chr.  viii.  11). 

ABI1JD  (Aj8iou8:  Abiud).  Descendant  ol 
Zorobabel,  in  the  genealogy  of  Jesus  Christ  (Matt, 
i.  13).  Lord  A.  Hervey  identifies  him  with  Ho- 
DAIAH  (1  Chr.  iii.  24)  and  Juda  (Luke  iii.  26), 
and  supposes  him  to  have  been  the  grandson  of 
Zerubbabel  through  his  daughter  Shelomith. 

W.  A.  W. 

ABLUTION.     [Purification.] 

AB'NER  (")33S,  once  "13"^:?S*,  father   of 

light .  Afievjrfip ;  [Alex,  often  Afievrtp  or  Afiaivrtp]  • 
Abne) ,.  1.  Son  of  Ner,  who  was  the  brother  of 
Kish  (1  Chr.  ix.  36)  the  father  of  Saul.  Abner 
therefore,  was  Saul's  first  cousin,  and  was  made  bj 
him  commander-in-chief  of  his  army  (1  Sam.  xiv. 
51  ^.  He  was  the  person  who  conducted  David  into 
Saul's  presence  after  the  death  of  Goliath  (xvii.  57); 
and  afterwards  accompanie<'  liis  master  when  h» 


12  ABNER 

lought  David's  life  at  Ki.  l-'bh  (xx>i.  3-14).    From 
this  time  we  hear  no  motx    f  him  till  after  the 
death  of  Saul,  when  he  rises  into  importance  as  the 
main-stay  of  his  family.     It  would  seem  that,  im- 
mediately after  the  diMstrous  battle  of  Momit  Gil- 
boa,  David  was  proclaimed  king  of  Judah  in  Hebron, 
the  old  capital  of  that  tribe,  but  that  the  rest  of 
the  country  was  altogether  in    the  hands  of  the 
I'hilistuies,  and  that  five  years  passed  before  any 
native  prince  ventured  to  oppose  his  claims  to  their 
power.     During  that  time  tlie  Israelites  were  grad- 
ually recovering  their  territory,  and  at  length  Ab- 
uer  proclaimed  the  weak  and  unfortunate  Islibo- 
slieth,  Saul's  son,  as  king  of  Israel  in  Malianaun, 
l)eyond  Jordan  —  at  first  no  doubt  as  a  place  of 
security  against  the  Thilistines,  though  all  serioiw 
apprehension  of  danger  from  them  nmst  have  soon 
|)assed  away  —  and  Ishbosheth  was  generally  recog- 
nized except  by  Judah.     Tliis  \iew  of  the  order  of 
events  is  necessary  to  reconcile  2  Sam.  ii.  10,  where 
Ishbosheth  is  said  to  have  reigned  over  Israel  for 
two  years,  with  ver.  11,  in  which  we  read  that  Da- 
vid was  king  of  Judah  for  seven;  and  it  is  con- 
firmed by  vers.  5,  6,  7,  in  which  Da\ad'8  message 
of  thanks  to  the  men  of  Jabesh-gilead  for  burying 
Saul  and  his  sons  implies  that  no  prince  of  Saul's 
house  had  as  yet  claime<l  tlie  throne,  but  that  Da- 
vid hoped  that  his  title  would  be  soon  acknowl- 
edged by  all  Israel;  while  the  exhortation  "to  be 
^•aliant "  probably  refers  to  the  struggle  with  the 
Philistines,  who  placed  the  only  apparent  impedi- 
ment in  the  way  of  his  recognition.     "War  soon 
broke  out  between  the  two  rival  kings,  and  a  "  very 
sore  battle  "  was  fought  at  Gibeon  between  the  men 
of  Israel  under  Abner,  and  the  men  of  Judah  under 
Joab,  son  of  Zeruiali,  David's  sister  (1  Chr.  ii.  IG). 
When  the  army  of  Ishbosheth  was  defeated,  Joab's 
youngest  brother  Asahel,  who  is  said  to  have  been 
•'as  light  of  foot  as  a  wild  roe,"  pursued  Abner, 
and  in  spite  of  warning  refused  to  leave  him,  so 
that  Abner  in  self-defence  was  forced  to  kill  hhu. 
After  this  the  war  continued,  success  inclinuig  more 
and  more  to  the  side  of  David,  till  at  last  the  im- 
prudence of  Ishbosheth  deprived  him  of  the  counsels 
«nd  generalship  of  the  hero,  who  was  in  truth  the 
only  support  of  his  tottering  throne.     Abner  had 
married  Kizpah,  Saul's  concubine,  and  this,  accord- 
ing to  the  views  of  Oriental  courts,  might  be  so 
interpreted  as  to  imply  a  design  upon  the  throne. 
Thus  we  read  of  a  certain  Armais,  who,  while  left 
viceroy  of  Egyjit  in  the  absence  of  the  king   his 
brother,  "used  violence  to  the  queen  and  concu- 
bines, and  put  on  the  diadem,  and  set  up  to  oppose 
his  brotlier  "  (Manetho,  quoted  by  Joseph,  c.  Ajnon. 
L  15).     Cf.  also  2  Sam.  xvi.  2f,  xx.  3,  1  K.  ii.  13- 
25,  and  the  case  of  tlie  Pseudo-Smerdis,  Herod,  iii. 
68.    [Absalom;  AuoMjAii.]    Kightly  or  wrongly, 
Ishbosheth  so  understood  it,  though  Abner  might 
sc«m  to  lia\  e  given  suificient  i)roof  of  his  loyalty,  and 
b<J  even  ventured  to  reproach  him  with  it.     Abner, 
incensed  at  his  ingratitude,  after  an  indignant  reply, 
npened  negotiations  with  Dax-id,  by  whom  he  was 
nost  favorably  received  at  Hebron.     He  then  un- 
dertook to  procure  his  recognition  throughout  Is- 
rael ;  but  after  lea\-ing  his  court  for  the  purpose  was 
enticed  back  by  Joab,  and  treacherously  murdered 
\)y  him  and  liis  brother  Abishai,  at  the  gate  of  the 
city,  partly  no  doubt,  as  Joab  showed  aftenvards  in 
ihe  case  of  Amasa,  from  fear  lest  so  distinguished 
%  conveii  to  their  cause  should  gain  too  high  a  place 
In  David's  favor  (Joseph.  Ant.  vii.  1,  §  5),  but  os- 
wuibly  io  retaliation  for  the  death  of  Aisahel.     For 


ABOMINATION 

this  there  was  indeed  some  pretext,  inasmuca  na  U 
was  thought  dishonorable  even  in  battle  to  kiD  a 
mere  stripUng  Uke  .'Vsaliel,  and  Joab  and  Abishai 
were  in  this  case  the  revengers  of  blood  (Num. 
XXXV.  19),  but  it  is  also  plain  that  Abner  only  killed 
the  youth  to  save  his  o\ni  life.  This  murder  caused 
the  greatest  sorrow  and  indignation  to  David ;  but 
as  the  assassins  were  too  powerful  to  be  punished, 
he  contented  himself  with  showing  every  public  to- 
ken of  resjwct  to  Abner's  memory,  by  following  the 
bier  and  jwuring  forth  a  simple  dirge  over  the 
slain,  which  is  thus  translated  by  Ewald  {Dlchter 
des  Allen  Butides,  i.  91) : — 

As  a  villain  dies,  ought  Abner  to  die  ? 
Thy  hands,  not  fettered  ; 
Thy  feet,  not  bound  with  chains  ; 

As  one  falls  before  the  malicious,  fellest  thou  '. 
—  t.  e.  "  Thou  didst  not  fall  as  a  prisoner  taken  in 
battle,  with  hands  and  feet  fettered,  but  by  secret 
assassination,  such  as  a  villain  meets  at  the  hands 
of  vilbins  "  (2  Sam.  iii.  33,  34).  See  also  I^wth, 
Lectures  yfti  Ihbreio  Poetry,  xxii.      G.  E.  L.  C. 

2.  Fatlier  of  Jaasiel,  chief  of  the  Itenjamites  in 
Da\id's  reign  (1  Clir.  xxvii.  21) :  probably  the  same 
as  Abxek  1.  W.  A.  W. 

ABOMINATION   OF  DESOLATION 

(t&  fiSeAvyfui.  rfjs  ipri/jL<t>crfws,  Matt.  xxiv.  15), 
mentioned  by  our  Saviour  as  a  sign  of  the  ap- 
proachuig  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  with  reference 
to  Dan.   ix.   27,  xi.   31,   xii.    11.      The  Hebrew 

words  in  tliese  passages  are  respectively,  C^^^jvir, 

n^Wt^,  ni2WT2  V^pli^n,  and  ^T2W  V=1pE7,- 

tlie  LXX.  translate  the  first  word  uniformly  fibt- 
XvyfiU,  and  the  second  iprmciffewv  (ix.  27)  and 
fpr]fji(!>fffa>s  (xi.  31,  xii.  11):  many  MSS.  however 
have  ricpayiffixiyov  in  xi.  31.     The  meaning  of  the 

first  of  these  words  is  clear:  V^^ivti'  expresses  any 
religious  impurity,  and  in  the  plural  number  espe- 
cially idols.  Suidcis  defines  fiSeAvyt^a  ^  used  liy 
the  Jews  ttSi/  f'iSooKov  koI  iruv  (KTVTroifia  au- 
Opdtrov.  It  is  important  to  observe  that  the  ex- 
pression is  not  used  of  idolatry  in  the  abstract,  bu^ 
of  idolatry  adopted  by  the  Jews  themselves  (2  K 
xxi.  2-7,  xxiii.  13).  Hence  we  must  kiok  for  the 
fulfillment  of  the  prophecy  in  some  act  of  apostasy 
on  their  part;  and  so  the  Jews  themselves  ajipear 
to  have  understood  it,  according  to  the  traditional 
feeling  referred  to  by  Josephus  {B.  J.  iv.  6,  §  3), 
that  the  temjile  would  be  destroyed  tav  x^'P** 
oiKeTai  irpofjLi<ipw<ri  tJ)  Tf/xevos.     ^Vith  regarc!  to 

the  second  word  C^^tf,  which  has  been  variously 
translated  of  desolation,  of  the  desolaOrr,  that  aston- 
isheth  (Marginal  traiisl.  xi.  31,  xii.  11),  it  is  a  par- 
ticiple used  substantively  and  placed  in  immediate 
ap|K)sition  with  the  previous  noun,  quaUfying  it 
with  an  adjective  sense  astonishinfj,  horrible  (Geseu. 

s.  V.  Dttr.'),  and  thus  the  whole  expression  signi- 
fies a  horrible  abomination.  What  the  olyect  re- 
ferred to  was,  is  a  matter  of  doubt ;  it  should  !« 
obsen'ed,  however,  that  in  the  passages  in  Daniel 
tlie  setting  up  of  the  abomination  was  to  be  conse- 
quent upon  the  cessation  of  tlie  sacrifice.  'J'lie 
Jews  considered  the  prophecy  as  fulfilled  in  the 
profanation  of  the  Temple  under  Antioclius  I'piph- 
anes,  when  the  Israelites  tlicmselves  erected  an 
idolatrous  altar  ($wfx6s,  Joseph.  Ayit.  xii.  5,  §  4 
upon  the  sacred  altar,  and  oflered  sacrifice  thereon 
this  altar  is  described  as  fiS4\vyfia  rrjs  iprifuicftt 


ABEAHAM 

(1  Mace.  i.  54,  vi.  7).  The  prophecy,  however,  re- 
ferred ultimately  (as  Josephus  himself  perceived. 
Ant.  X.  11,  §  7)  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by 
the  Komans,  and  consequently  the  ^Se\vyfia  must 
describe  some  occurrence  connected  with  th&t  event, 
But  it  is  not  easy  to  find  one  which  meets  all  the 
requirements  of  llie  case:  the  introduction  of  the 
Roman  standards  into  the  Temple  would  not  be  a 
fi5f\vyfxa,  properly  speaking,  unless  it  could  be 
shown  that  the  Jews  themselves  participated  in  the 
worship  of  them;  moreover,  this  event,  as  well  as 
several  others  which  have  been  proposed,  such  as 
the  erection  of  the  statue  of  Hadrian,  fail  in  regard 
to  the  time  of  their  occurrence,  being  subsequent,  to 
the  destruction  of  the  city.  It  appears  most  prob- 
able that  tl^e  profanities  of  the  Zeiilots  constituted 
the  abomination  which  was  the  sign  of  impending 
ruin."     (Joseph.  B.  J.  iv.  3,  §  7.)       W.  L.  B. 

A'BRAHAM  (annriS,  fathe'-  of  a  multi- 
tude: 'Afipadji:  Abraham:  originally  ABRAM, 
D"^3W, /a<Aer  of  elevation:  "Afipafj.:  Ah-am), 
the  son  of  Terah,  and  brother  of  Nahor  and  Haran ; 
and  the  progenitor,  not  only  of  the  Hebrew  nation, 
but  of  several  cognate  tribes.  His  history  is  re- 
corded to  us  with  much  detail  in  Scripture,  as  the 
very  type  of  a  true  patriarchal  life ;  a  life,  that  is, 
in  which  all  authority  is  paternal,  derived  ulti- 
mately from  God  the  Father  of  all,  and  religion, 
imperfect  as  yet  in  revelation  and  ritual,  is  based 
entirely  on  that  same  Fatherly  relation  of  God  to 
man.  The  natural  tendency  of  such  a  religion  is 
to  the  worship  of  tutelary  gods  of  the  family  or  of 
the  tribe ;  traces  of  such  a  tendency  on  the  part  of 
the  patriarchs  are  found  in  the  Scriptural  History 
itself;  and  the  declaration  of  God  to  Moses  (in  Ex. 
vi.  3)  plainly  teaches  that  the  full  sense  of  the  unity 
and  eternity  of  Jehovah  was  not  yet  unfolded  to 
them.  But  yet  the  revelation  of  the  Lord,  as  the 
"  Almighty  God  "  (Gen.  xvii.  1,  xxviii.  3,  xxxv. 
11),  and  "  the  Judge  of  all  the  eaith  "  (Gen.  xviii. 
25),  the  knowledge  of  His  uitercourse  with  kings 
of  other  tribes  (Gen.  xx.  3-7),  and  His  judgment 
on  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  (to  say  nothing  ii  the 
promise  which  extended  to  "all  nations")  must 
have  raised  the  patriarchal  religion  far  above  this 
narrow  idea  of  God,  and  given  it  the  germs,  at  least, 
of  future  exaltation.  The  character  of  Abraham  is 
that  which  is  formed  by  such  a  religion,  and  by  the 
influence  of  a  nomad  pastoi-al  life ;  free,  simple,  and 
manly;  full  of  hospitality  and  family  affection; 
trutliful  to  all  such  as  were  bound  to  him  by  their 
ties,  though  not  untainted  with  Eastern  craft  to 
those  considered  as  aUens ;  ready  for  war,  but  not  a 
professed  warrior,  or  cme  who  lived  by  plunder;  free 
and  childlike  in  rehgion,  and  gradually  educated 
by  God's  hand  to  a  continually  deepening  sense  of 
its  all-absorbing  claims.  It  stands  remarkably 
contrasted  with  those  of  Isaac  and  Jacob. 

The  Scriptural  history  of  Abraham  is  mainly 
limited,  as  usual,  to  the  evolution  of  the  Great  Cov- 
enant in  his  life ;  it  is  the  history  of  the  man  him- 
self rather  than  of  the  external  events  of  his  life ; 
and,  except  in  one  or  two  instances  (Gen.  xii.  10- 
20,  xiv.,  XX.,  xxi.  22-3-1)  it  does  not  refer  to  his  re- 
'etion  with  the  rest  of  the  world.  To  the  -n  he  may 
Dnly  have  appeared  as  a  chief  of  the  hardier  Chal- 


ABRAHAM 


13 


«  *  Lange's  note  (Bibelwerk,  i.  342),  especially  as 
Bularged  by  Dr.  Schaff  (Com.  on  Mal>.  p.  424),  enu- 
merates the  principal  explanations  of  this  difficult  ex- 
(Ksslon.  i£. 


dtean  race,  disdaining  the  settled  life  of  the  more 
luxurious  Canaanites,  and  fit  to  be  hired  by  plun- 
der as  a  protector  against  the  invaders  of  the  Nortk 
(see  Gen.  xiv.  21-23).  Nor  is  it  unlikely,  though 
we  have  no  historical  evidence  of  it,  that  his  pas- 
sage into  Canaan  may  have  been  a  sign  or  a  cause 
of  a  greater  migration  from  Haran,  and  that  he 
may  have  been  looked  upon  (e.  </.  by  Abimelcch, 
Gen.  xxi.  22-32)  as  one  who,  from  his  position  as 
well  as  his  high  chai-acter,  would  be  able  to  guide 
such  a  migration  for  evil  or  for  good  (Ewald,  Gtsch. 
i.  409-413). 

The  traditions  which  Josephus  adds  to  the  Scrip- 
tural narrative,  are  merely  such  as,  after  his  man- 
ner and  in  accordance  with  the  aim  of  his  writings, 
exalt  the  knowledge  and  wisdom  of  Abraham,  mak- 
ing him  the  teacher  of  monotheism  to  the  Chal- 
dajans,  and  of  astronomy  and  mathematics  to  the 
Egyptians.  He  quotes  however  Nicolaus  of  Da- 
mascus,* as  ascribing  to  him  the  conquest  and  gov- 
ernment of  Damascus  on  his  way  to  Canaan,  and 
stating  that  the  tradition  of  his  habitation  was  still 
preserved  there  (Joseph.  Ant.  i.  c.  7,  §  2 ;  see  Gen. 
XV.  2). 

The  Arab  traditions  are  partly  ante-Mohamm(v 
dan,  relating  mainly  to  the  Ivaabah  (or  sacred 
house)  of  Mecca,  which  Abraham  and  bis  son  "  Is- 
mail" are  said  to  have  rebuilt  for  the  fourth  time 
over  the.  sacred  black  stone.  But  in  great  meas- 
ure they  are  taken  from  the  Koran,  which  has  it- 
self borrowed  from  the  0.  T.  and  from  the  Kab- 
binical  traditions.  Of  the  latter  the  most  remaik- 
able  is  the  story  of  his  having  destroyed  the  idolj 
(see  Jud.  v.  6-8)  which  Terah  not  only  worshipped 
(as  declared  in  Josh.  xxiv.  2),  but  also  manufac- 
tured, and  having  been  cast  by  Nimrod  into  a  fiery 
furnace,  which  turned  into  a  pleasant  meadow. 
The  legend  is  generally  traced  to    the  word    Ur 

(~1^S),  Abraham's  birth-place,  which  has  also  the 
sense  of  "  light  "  or  "  fire."  But  the  name  of 
Abraham  appears  to  be  commonly  remembered  in 
tradition  through  a  very  large  portion  of  Asia,  and 
the  title  "  el-Khalil,"  "  the  Friend  "  (of  God)  (see 
2  Chr.  XI.  7;  Is.  xli.  8;  Jam.  ii.  23)  is  that  by 
which  he  is  usually  spoken  of  by  the  Ajabs. 

The  Scriptural  history  of  Abraliam  is  divided 
into  various  periods,  by  the  various  and  jwogressive 
revelations  of  God,  which  he  received  — 

(I.)  With  his  father  Terah,  his  wife  SaraJ,  and 
nephew  Lot,  Abram  left  Ur  for  Haran  (Charran), 
in  obedience  to  a  call  of  God  (alluded  to  in  Acts  vii. 
2-4).  Haran,  apparently  the  eldest  brother  —  since 
Nahor,  and  probably  also  Abram,^  married  his 
daughter  —  was  dead  already ;  and  Nahor  remained 
behind  (Gen.  xi.  31).  In  Haran  Terah  died;  and 
Abram,  now  the  head  of  the  family,  received  a 
second  call,  and  with  it  the  promise.''    His  promise 


b  Nicolaus  was  a  contemporary  and  favorite  of  Ilerod 
the  Great  and  Augustus.  The  quotation  is  probaoly 
from  an  Universal  History,  sail  to  hivo  contained  144 
books. 

c  "  Iscah  "  (in  Gen.  xi.  29)  is  generally  supposed  tc 
be  the  same  person  as  Sarai.  That  Abram  calls  her 
his  "  sister  "  is  not  conclusive  against  it ;  for  see  xir. 
16,  where  Lot  is  called  his  "  brother." 

d  It  Is  expressly  stated  in  the  Acts  (vii.  4)  that 
Abram  quitted  llaran  after  his  father's  death.  This 
is  supposed  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  statements  that 
Terah  was  70  years  old  at  the  birth  of  Abram  (Geii. 
xi.  26) ;  that  he  died  at  the  age  of  205  (Gen.  xi.  32', 
and  that  Abram  was  75  years  old  when  ho  left  Ilaran  • 
lience  it  would  seem  to  follow  that  Abram  migrated 


14 


ABRAHAIVI 


was  two-fold,  containing  both  a  temporal  and  spir- 
iiual  blessing,  the  one  of  which  was  the  t)-pe  and 
Kiniest  of  the  other.  ITie  temporal  promise  was, 
tliat  he  should  become  a  great  and  prosjierous  na- 
tion ;  the  spiritual,  that  in  him  "  shoidd  all  tamilies 
of  the  earth  be  blessed"  (Gen.  xii.  2). 

Abrain  appears  to  have  entered  Canaan,  as  Jacob 
afterwai-ds  did,  along  the  valley  of  the  Jabbok;  for 
he  crossed  at  once  into  the  rich  plain  of  Moreh, 
near  Sichem,  and  mider  Ebal  and  Gerizim.  There, 
in  one  of  the  most  fertile  spots  of  the  laud,  he  re- 
ceived the  first  distinct  jffomise  of  his  future  inher- 
itance (Gen.  xii.  7),  and  built  his  first  altar  to 
God  "  The  Canaanite  "  (it  is  noticed)  "  was  then 
in  the  land,"  and  probably  would  view  the  strangers 
cf  the  warlike  north  with  no  friendly  eyes.  Ac- 
cordingly Abi-am  made  his  second  resting-place  in 
tlie  strong  mountain  country,  the  key  of  the  various 
passes,  between  Bethel  and  Ai.  There  he  would 
dwell  securely,  till  famine  drove  him  into  the  richer 
and  more  cultivated  land  of  Egypt. 

That  his  history  is  no  ideal  or  heroic  legend,  is 
very  clearly  shown,  not  merely  by  the  record  of  his 
deceit  as  to  Sarai,  practiced  in  I'^ypt  and  repeated 
afterwards,  but  much  more  by  the  clear  description 
of  its  utter  fivilure,  and  the  humiliating  position  in 
which  it  placed  him  in  comparison  with  Pharaoh, 
and  still  more  with  Abimelecb.  That  he  should 
have  felt  afi-aid  of  such  a  civilized  and  imposing 
power  as  ^^J■pt  even  at  that  time  evidently  was, 
is  consistent  enough  with  the  Arab  nature  as  it  is 
now ;  that  he  should  have  sought  to  guard  himself 
by  deceit,  especially  of  that  kind  which  is  true  in 
word  and  false  in  effect,  is  unfortunately  not  at  all 
incompatible  with  a  generally  rehgious  character; 
but  that  such  a  story  should  have  been  framed  in 
an  ideal  description  of  a  saint  or  hero  is  inconceiv- 
able. 

ITie  period  of  his  stay  in  Egj^pt  is  not  recorded, 
but  it  is  from  this  time  tliat  his  wealth  and  power 
appear  to  have  begun  ((ien.  xiii.  2).  If  the  domin- 
ion of  the  Ilyksos  in  Memphis  is  to  be  referred  to 
this  epoch,  as  geenis  not  improbable  [Ecvri'],  then, 
since  they  were  akin  to  the  Hebrews,  it  is  not  im- 
possible that  Abram  may  have  taken  part  in  their 
war  of  conquest,  and  so  have  had  anotb  er  recom- 
mendation to  the  favor  of  Pharaoh. 

On  his  retuni,  the  very  fact  of  this  growing 
wealth  and  importance  caused  the  separation  of  Lot 
•Old  his  portion  of  the  tribe  from  Abram.  Lot's 
departure  to  the  rich  country  of  Sodom  implied  a 
wish  to  quit  the  nomadic  life  and  settle  at  once ; 
Abram,  on  the  contrary,  was  content  still  to  "  dwell 
in  tents"  and  wait  for  the  promised  time  (Heb. 
xi.  0).  Probal)ly  till  now  he  had  looked  on  lx>t  as 
his  heir,  and  his  separation  from  him  was  a  Prov- 
idential preparation  for  the  future.  From  this  time 
he  took  up  his  tliird  resting-place  at  Jlamre,  or 
Hebron,  the  future  capital  of  Judah,  situated  in 
the  direct  line  of  communication  with  Egypt,  and 
opening  down  to  the  wilderness  and  pasture  land 
of  iJeersheba.  This  very  position,  so  different  from 
the  mountain-fastness  of  Ai,  marks  the  change  in 
Ihe  numl)ers  and  powers  of  his  tribe. 

The  history  of  his  attack  on  Chedorlaomer,  which 


teom  Ilaran  in  his  father's  lifetime.  Various  explan- 
KtionH  have  been  given  of  this  difficulty ;  the  moat 
protitible  la,  that  the  statement  in  Oen.  xi.  26,  that 
Ferah  was  70  ycara  old  when  he  begat  his  three  ctiil 
Iren,  applies  only  to  the  oldtHit.  Ilaran,  and  that  the 
jirths  cf  his  two  younger  children  belonged  to  a  sub- 
sequent perlr>d  [Ciuo'"*Lcai|. 


ABRAHAM 

follows,  gives  us  a  specimen  of  the  view  which 
would  be  taken  of  him  by  the  external  world.  By 
the  way  in  which  it  speaks  of  him  as  "  Abram  tin 
Hebrew,"  "  it  would  seem  to  be  an  older  document, 
a  fragment  of  Canaanitish  history  (as  Ewald  calls 
it),  presers-ed  and  sanctioned  by  Moses.  The  inva- 
sion was  clearly  another  northern  immigration  or 
foray,  for  the  chiefs  or  kings  were  of  Shinar  (Baby- 
lonia), Ellasar  (AssjTia?),  Elam  (Persia),  Ac. ;  that 
it  was  not  the  first,  is  evident  from  the  vassalage 
of  the  kings  of  the  cities  of  the  plain ;  and  it  ex- 
tended (see  Gen.  xiv.  5-7)  far  to  the  south  over  a 
wide  tract  of  country.  Abram  appears  here  as  the 
head  of  a  small  confederacy  of  chiefs,  {wwerful 
enough  to  venture  on  a  long  pursuit  to  the  head  of 
the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  to  attack  with  success  a 
large  force,  and  not  only  to  rescue  Ijot,  but  to  roll 
back  for  a  time  the  stream  of  northern  immigra- 
tion. His  high  position  is  seen  in  the  gratitude 
of  the  people,  and  the  dignity  with  which  he  refuses 
the  character  of  a  hirehng ;  that  it  did  not  elate 
him  above  measure,  is  evident  from  his  reverence 
to  Melchizedek,  in  whom  he  recognized  one  whose 
call  was  equal  and  consecrated  rank  superior  to  his 
own  [Melchizedek]. 

(H.)  The  second  period  of  Abram's  life  is  marked 
by  the  fresh  revelation,  which,  without  further 
unfolding  the  spiritual  promise,  completes  the  tem- 
poral one,  already  in  course  of  fulfillment.  It  first 
announced  to  him  that  a  child  of  his  own  should 
inherit  the  promise,  and  that  his  seed  shoidd  be  as 
the  "  stars  of  heaven."  This  promise,  unlike  the 
other,  appeared  at  his  age  contrary  to  nature,  and 
therefore  it  is  on  this  occasion  that  his  faith  is 
specially  noted,  as  accepted  and  "  counted  for  right- 
eousness." Accordingly,  he  now  passed  into  a  new 
position,  for  not  only  is  a  fuller  revelation  given  as 
to  the  captivity  of  his  seed  in  Egypt,  the  time  of 
their  deliverance,  and  their  conquest  of  the  land, 
"  when  the  iniquity  of  the  Amorites  was  full,"  but 
after  his  solenm  burnt-offering  the  visible  appear- 
auce  of  God  in  fire  is  vouchsafed  to  him  as  a  sign, 
and  he  enters,  into  covenant  with  the  Lord  (Gen. 
XV.  18).  This  covenant,  like  the  earlier  one  with 
Noah  (Gen.  ix.  9-17 ),  is  one  of  free  promise  from 
God,  faith  only  in  that  promise  being  required  from 
man. 

'I'lie  immediate  consequence  was  the  taking  of 
Hagar,  Sarai's  maid,  to  be  a  concubine  of  Abram 
(as  a  means  for  the  fulfillment  of  the  promise  of 
seed),  and  the  conception  of  Ishmael. 

(II L)  For  fourteen  years  after,  no  more  is  re- 
corded of  Abram,  who  seems  during  all  tliat  period 
to  have  dwelt  at  jMamre.  After  that  time,  in 
Abram's  DOth  year,  the  last  step  in  the  revelation 
of  the  promise  is  made,  by  the  declaration  that  it 
should  be  given  to  a  son  of  Sarai ;  and  at  the  same 
time  the  temjwral  and  spiritual  elements  are  dis- 
tinguished ;  Ishmael  can  share  only  the  one,  Isaac 
is  to  enjoy  the  other.  The  covenant,  which  before 
was  only  for  temporal  inheritance  (Gen.  xv.  18),  is 
now  made  "everlasting,"  and  sealed  by  circum- 
cision. This  new  state  is  marked  by  the  change 
of  Abram's  name  to  "Abraliam,"  and  Sarai's  to 
"  Sarah,"  *  and  it  was  one  of  far  greater  acquaint- 


"  'O  ireponjs,  LXX.  If  this  sense  of  the  word  b« 
taken,  it  strengthens  the  supposition  noticed.  In  any 
ca.<<e,  the  name  is  that  applied  to  the  Israelites  by  for 
eigners,  or  used  by  them  of  themselves  only  in  speak 
ing  to  foreigners :  see  Ilfsasw. 

b  The  original  name  "^'^IH  to  unoertain  in  deriv» 


ABRAHAM 

jnce  and  intercourse  with  God.  For,  immediately 
after,  we  read  of  the  Lord's  appearance  to  Abraham 
in  human  form,  attended  by  two  angels,  the  minis- 
ters of  His  wrath  against  Sodom,  of  His  announce- 
ment of  the  coming  judgment  to  Abraham,  and 
acceptance  of  his  intercession  for  the  condemned 
cities."  The  whole  record  stands  alone  in  Scripture 
for  the  simple  and  familiar  intercourse  of  God  with 
him,  contrasting  strongly  with  the  vaguer  and 
more  awful  descriptions  of  previous  appearances 
(see  e.  g.  xv.  12),  and  with  tliose  of  later  times 
(Gen.  xxviii.  17,  xxxii.  30;  lix.  iii.  6,  &c.).  And 
corresponding  with  this  there  is  a  perfect  absence 
of  all  fear  on  Abraham's  part,  and  a  cordial  and 
reverent  joy,  which,  more  than  anything  else,  recalls 
the  time  past  when  "  the  voice  of  the  Lord  God 
was  heard,  walking  in  the  garden  in  the  cool  of  the 
day." 

Strangely  unworthy  of  this  exalted  position  as 
the  "  Friend "  and  intercessor  with  God,  is  the 
repetition  of  the  falsehood  as  to  Sarah  in  the  land 
of  the  Philistines  (Gen.  xx.).  It  was  the  first  time 
he  had  come  in  contact  with  that  tribe  or  collection 
of  tribes,  which  stretclied  along  the  coast  almost  to 
the  borders  of  Egj-pt;  a  race  apparently  of  lords 
ruling  over  a  conquered  popidation,  and  another 
example  of  that  series  of  immigrations  which  ap- 
pear to  have  taken  place  at  this  time.  It  seems, 
from  Abraham's  excuse  for  his  deceit  on  this  occa- 
sion, as  if  there  had  been  the  idea  in  his  mind  that 
all  arms  may  be  used  against  unbelievers,  who,  it 
is  assumed,  have  no  "fear  of  God,"  or  sense  of 
right.  If  so,  the  rebuke  of  Abimelech,  by  its  dig- 
nity and  its  clear  recognition  of  a  God  of  j  uatice, 
must  have  put  him  to  manifest  shame,  and  taught 
him  that  others  also  were  servants  of  the  Lord. 

This  period  again,  like  that  of  the  sojourn  in 
Egypt,  was  one  of  growth  in  power  and  wealth,  as 
the  respect  of  Abimelech  and  his  alarm  for  the 
future,  so  natural  in  the  chief  of  a  race  of  conquer- 
ing invaders,  very  clearly  shows.  Abram's  settle- 
ment at  Beersheba,  on  the  borders  of  the  desert, 
near  the  Amalekite  plunderers,  shows  both  that  he 
needed  room,  and  was  able  to  protect  himself  and 
his  flocks. 

The  birth  of  Isaac  crowns  his  happiness,  and 
fulfills  the  first  great  promise  of  God;  and  the  ex- 
pulsion of  Islnnael,  painful  as  it  was  to  him,  and 
vindictive  as  it  seems  to  have  been  on  Sarah's  part, 
was  yet  a  step  in  the  education  which  was  to  teach 
him  to  give  up  all  for  the  one  great  olyect.  The 
BjTnboUcal  meaning  of  the  act  (drawn  out  in  Gal. 


ABRAHAM 


16 


tion  and  meaning.     Gesenius  renders  it  "nobility," 
from  the  same  root  as  "  Saraii  "  ;  Ewald  by  "  quarrel- 

wme  "  (from  the  root  iT^ti?  in  sense  of  "  to  fight "). 

The  name  Sarah,  n^E?,  is  certainly  "  princess." 

«  Tradition  still  points  out  the  supposed  site  of  this 
appearance  of  the  Lord  to  Abraham.  About  a  mile 
from  Hebron  is  a  beautiful  and  massive  oak,  which 
etill  bears  Abraham's  name.  The  residence  of  the 
Datriarch  was  called  "  the  oaks  of  Mamre,"  errone- 
susly  translated  in  A.  V.  "  the  plain  "  of  ALomre  (Oen. 
xiii.  18,  xvili.  1);  but  it  is  doubtful  whetl'-^r  this  is 
the  exact  spot,  since  the  tradition  in  the  time  of  Jo- 
Bephus  {B.  J.  iv.  9,  §  7)  was  attached  to  a  terebinth. 
This  tree  no  longer  remains ;  but  there  is  no  doubt 
<hat  it  stood  within  the  ancient  enclosure,  which  is 
sKlll  called  "Abraham's  IIou.se."  A  fair  was  held 
beneath  it  in  the  time  of  Constantine,  and  it  remained 
to  the  time  of  Theodosius.  (llobinson,  ii.  81  ed. 
1856;  Stamey,  5.  §•  P.  p.  143.) 


'v.  21-31)  could  not  ha^e  been  wholly  uiifelt  oy 
the  patriarch  himself,  so  far  as  it  involved  the  sense 
of  the  spiritual  nature  of  the  promise,  and  carried 
out  the  fore-ordained  will  of  God. 

(IV.)  Again  for  a  long  period  (25  years,  Joseph. 
Ant.  i.  13,  §  2)  the  history  is  silent:  then  comes 
the  final  trial  and  perfection  of  his  faith  in  the 
command  to  offer  up  the  child  of  his  affections  and 
of  God's  promise.  The  trial  lay,  fir»t  in  the 
preciousness  of  the  sacrifice,  and  the  peiplcxity  in 
which  the  command  involved  the  fulfillment  of  the 
promise;  secondly,  in  the  strangeness  of  the  com- 
mand to  violate  the  human  life,  of  which  the  sa- 
credness  had  been  enforced  by  God's  sjiecial  com- 
mand (Gen.  ix.  5,  G),  as  well  as  by  the  feelings  cr 
a  father.  To  these  trials  he  rose  superior  by  laith, 
that  "  God  was  able  to  raise  Isaac  even  from  the 
dead"  (Heb.  xi.  19),  probably  through  Jie  same 
faith  to  which  our  Lord  refers,  that  God  had 
promised  to  be  the  "  God  of  Isaac  "  (Gen.  xvii.  19), 
and  that  he  was  not  "  a  God  of  the  dead,  but  of 
the  hving."  * 

It  is  remarkable  that,  in  the  blessing  given  to 
him  now,  the  original  spiritual  promise  is  repeated 
for  the  first  time  since  his  earhest  call,  and  in  tlio 
same  words  then  used.  But  the  promise  that  "  in 
his  seed  aE  nations  should  be  blessed"  would  be 
now  understood  very  diii'ereutly,  and  felt  to  be  far 
above  the  temporal  promise,  in  which,  perhaps,  at 
first  it  Seemed  to  be  absorbed.  It  can  hardly  be 
wrong  to  refer  preeminently  to  this  epoch  the  de- 
claration, that  Abraham  "saw  the  day  of  Clirist 
and  was  glad  "  (John  viii.  5G). 

The  history  of  Abraham  is  now  all  but  over, 
though  his  hie  was  prolonged  for  nearly  50  years. 
The  only  other  incidents  are  the  death  and  burial 
of  Sarah,  the  marriage  of  Isaac  with  Kebekah,  and 
that  of  Abraham  wth  Keturah. 

The  death  of  Sarah  took  place  at  Kirjath  Arba, 
i.  e.  Hebron,  so  that  Abraham  must  h.ave  returned 
from  Beersheba  to  his  old  and  more  peaceful  home. 
In  the  history  of  her  burial,  the  most  notable 
points  are  the  respect  paid  to  the  power  and  char- 
acter of  Abraliam,  as  a  mighty  prince,  and  the 
exceeding  modesty  and  courtesy  of  his  demeanor. 
It  is  sufficiently  striking  that  the  oiJy  inheritance 
of  his  family  in  the  land  of  promise  should  be  a 
tomb.  The  sepulchral  cave  of  INlachpelah  is  now 
said  to  be  concealed  under  the  Mosque  of  Hebron 
(see  Stanley,  S.  (/■  P.  p.  101).     [Hehho.n.] 

The  marriage  of  Isaac,  so  far  as  Abraham  is 
concerned,  marks  his  utter  refusal  to  ally  his  son 
with  the  polluted  and  condemned  blood  of  the  Oa- 
naanites. 

The  marriage  with  Keturah  is  the  strangest  anti 
most  unexjiected  event  recorded  in  liis  life,  Abra- 
ham having  long  ago  been  spoken  of  as  an  old  man; 
but  his  youth  hanng  been  restored  before  the  birth 
of  Isaac,  must  have  remained  to  him,  and  Isaac's 


6  The  scene   of  the  saorifice  is,  according  to  out 
present  text,  and  to  Josephus,  the  land  of  "Moriah," 

or  n'^m^^,  chosen  by  JehovaA,  Qes.  (comp.  the  name 
"  Jehovah-Jireh  ").  The  Samaritan  Pentateuch  haa 
"Moreh,'"  TI^D  ;  the  LXX.  render  the  word  here  by 
TTjv  ui//r)\^« ,  the  phrase  used  for  what  is  undoubtedly 
"  Moreh  "  i«  xii.  6,  whereas  in  2  Chr.  iii.  they  render 
"  Sloriah  "  by  'Afiwpia :  they  therefore  probably  read 
"  Moreh  "  also.  The  fact  of  the  three  days'  jourae.T 
from  Beersheba  suits  Moreh  better  (see  Stanley'g  5.  if 
P.  p.  251);  other  considerations  seem  in  favor  of  Mo 
riah.     [MoBiAU.] 


16 


ABRA-HAM'S  BOSOM 


marriage  having  taken  his  son  comparatively  away, 
may  liave  induced  him  to  seek  a  wife  to  be  the 
support  of  his  old  age.  Keturah  held  a  lower  rank 
ihan  Sarah,  and  her  children  were  sent  away,  lest 
they  should  dispute  the  inheritance  of  Isaac,  Abra- 
ham having  learnt  to  do  voluntarily  in  their  case 
what  had  been  forced  upon  him  in  the  case  of  Ish- 
mael. 

Abnihanj  died  at  the  age  of  175  years,  and  his 
sons,  the  heir  Isaac,  and  the  outcast  Ishmael,  united 
to  lay  hhn  in  the  cave  of  Jliichindah  by  the  side 
of  Sarah. 

His  descendants  were  (1)  the  Israelites;  (2)  a 
branch  of  the  Arab  tribes  through  Ishmael;  (3) 
the  '•  children  of  the  liast,"  of  whom  the  Midian- 
ites  were  the  chief;  (4)  perhaps  (as  cognate  tribes), 
the  nations  of  Amnion  and  Moab  (see  these  names) ; 
and  through  their  various  branches  his  name  is 
known  all  over  Asia.  A.  B. 

•  On  Abraham,  see  psirticularly  Ewald,  Gesch. 
i.  400-439, 2e  Aufl.;  Kurtz,  Gesc/i.  des  A.  Bundes, 
2e  Aufl.,  i.  160-215;  and  Stanley,  Led.  on  the 
Hist,  of  the  Jeichh  Church,  Part  I.,  I<ect.  i.,  ii. 
The  Jewish  legends  resi)ecting  him  have  been  col- 
lected by  IJeer,  Ltbcn  Ahrahams  nock  Aujj'assuny 
iki-  jiklisdien  Srtr/e,  I>eipz.  1859  ;  see  also  Eisen- 
mengcr's  Eiitdtcktes  Judtnthum.  A. 

ABRAHAMS  BOSOM.  Durmg  the  Ro- 
man occupation  of  .luflipa,  at  least,  the  practice  of 
reclining  on  couches  at  meals  wa.s  customary  among 
tJie  .lews.  As  eiich  guest  leaned  uik)u  his  left 
aim,  his  neighbor  next  below  him  would  naturally 
Ije  described  as  lying  in  his  bosom;  and  such  a  po- 
sition with  resi)ect  to  the  master  of  the  bouse  was 
one  of  especial  honor,  and  only  occupied  by  his 
nearest  friends  (John  i.  18,  xiii.  23).  To  lie  in 
Abraham's  bosom,  then,  was  a  metaphor  in  use 
among  the  Jews  to  denote  a  condition  after  death 
of  perfect  happiness  and  rest,  and  a  position  of 
friendship  and  nearness  to  the  great  founder  of 
their  race,  when  they  shall  lie  dovra  on  his  right 
hand  at  the  banquet  of  Paradise,  "  with  Abraham, 
and  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven  " 
(Matt.  viii.  11).  That  the  expression  vris  in  use 
among  the  Jews  is  shown  by  Lightfoot  (//oc.  Ikb. 
in  Luc.  xvi.  22),  who  quotes  a  passage  from  the 
Talmud  (Kiddushin,  fol.  72),  which,  according  to 
his  interpretation,  represents  Levi  as  saying  in 
reference  to  the  death  of  liabbi  Judah,  "  to-day  he 
dwelleth  in  Abraliam's  bosom."  ITie  future  bless- 
edness of  the  just  was  represented  under  the  figure 
of  a  banquet,  "  the  banquet  of  the  garden  of  lulen 
or  Paradise."  See  Schoettgen,  Ilor.  Ileb.  in  Matt. 
viii.  II.    p^AZARUs.]  W.  A.  AV. 

A'BRAM.     [Ab£{.viiam.] 

ABRO'NAH    (nppr     ipasaage],    from 

~— V,  to  cross  over),  one  of  the  halting-places  of 
•he  Israelites  in  the  desert,  immediately  preceding 
Ezion  geber,  and  therefore,  looking  to  the  root,  the 
name  may  possibly  retain  the  trace  of  a  ford  across 
the  head  of  the  lllanitic  Gulf.  lu  tlie  A.  V.  it  is 
given  as  Kbronah  (*E/3po)«/«{;  [Vat.  Se/S/KOfaO  Ih- 
bronii)  (Num.  xxxiii.  34,  35).  G. 

ABRO'NAS  i'APpuvas;  [Comp.  'Apfiwvat; 
A.ld.  'Ap$ovai:  Afund/re]),  a  torrent  {xeifj.ap()os), 
tpparently  near  Cilicia  [.hid.  ii.  21  con.pared  with 
26] :  if  so,  it  may  possibly  be  the  .X'dir  Al/raim, 
pr  Ibriddin,  the  ancient  Adonis,  which  rises  in  the 
ijebonon  at  Afkn.  and  falls  into  the  sea  at  .lebeil 
(Byblos).     It  has,  however,  been  coiyectured  (Mo- 


ABSALOM 

vers,  Bonner  Ztits.  xiii.  £8)  that  the  word  is  a  cor- 
ruption of  "insn  "^5??  =  beyond  the  river  (Eu- 
phrates), which  has  just  before  been  mentioned;  a 
corruption  not  more  inconceivable  than  many  whicb 
actually  exist  in  the  LXX.  The  A.  V.  has  Ak 
BOSAi  (Jud.  ii.  24).  G. 

AB'SALOM  (DibttbS,  faUier  of  peace 

'A^eaa-aKciij. :  Absalom),  third  son  of  David  by 
Maacliah,  daughter  of  Tabnal  king  of  Gesliur,  a 
SjTian  district  adjoining  the  north-eastern  frontier 
of  the  Holy  Land  near  the  Lake  of  jMerom.  He  is 
scarcely  mentioned  till  after  David  had  committed 
the  great  crime  which  by  its  consequences  embit- 
tered his  old  age,  and  then  apjiears  as  the  instru- 
ment by  whom  was  fulfilled  God's  threat  against  the 
sinful  king,  that  "  evil  should  lj€  raised  up  against 
him  out  of  his  o^vn  house,  and  that  bis  neighbor 
should  lie  with  his  wives  in  the  sight  of  the  sun." 
In  the  Litter  part  of  Darid's  reign,  jwlygamy  bore  its 
ordinary  fruits.  Not  only  is  his  sin  in  the  case  of 
Ikthsheba  traceable  to  it,  since  it  naturally  suggests 
the  unlimited  indulgence  of  the  passions,  but  it  also 
brought  about  the  punishment  of  that  sin,  by  rais- 
ing up  jealousies  and  conflicting  claims  between  the 
sons  of  different  jnothers,  each  apparently  living 
with  a  separate  house  and  estabUshmeut  (2  Sam. 
xiii.  8,  xiv.  24;  cf.  1  K.  vii.  8,  Ac).  Absalom 
had  a  sister  Tamar,  who  was  violated  by  her  half- 
i)rother  Amnon,  David's  eldest  son  by  Ahinoam, 
the  Jezreelitess.  The  king,  though  indignant  at  so 
great  a  crime,  would  not  punish  Amnon  because  he 
was  his  first-born,  as  we  learn  from  the  words  koI 
ovK  i\virria'(  rh  Trvev/j.a  'A/uj/oji/  rod  viov  aitrov, 
OTL  i)ydira  avrSv,  'on  ttowtStokos  uvtov  f/v,  which 
arc  found  in  the  LXX.  (2  Sam.  xiii.  21),  though 
wanting  in  the  Hebrew.  The  natural  avenger  of 
such  an  outrage  would  be  Tamar's  full  bn^tber  Ab- 
salom, just  as  the  sons  of  Jacob  took  bloody  ven- 
geance for  their  sister  Dinah  (Gen.  xxxiv.).  He 
Ijrooded  over  the  WTong  for  two  years,  and  then  in- 
vited all  the  princes  to  a  sliecp-sbearing  feast  at  lua 
estate  in  Baal-hazor,  possibly  an  old  Canaanitish 
sanctuary  (as  we  infer  from  the  prefix  Ba:d),  on  tht 
borders  of  Ephraim  and  Penjamin.  Here  he  or 
dered  his  servants  to  murder  Amnon,  :uid  then  'led 
for  safety  to  his  father-in-law's  court  at  Geshui-, 
where  he  remained  for  three  years.  David  was  over- 
whelmed by  this  accumulation  of  family  sorrows, 
thus  completed  by  separation  from  his  favorite 
son,  whom  he  thought  it  impossible  to  pardon  or 
recall.  Put  he  was  brought  back  by  an  artifice  of 
Joab,  who  sent  a  woman  of  Tekoah  (afterwards 
known  as  the  birthplace  of  the  prophet  Amos)  to  en- 
treat the  king's  interference  in  asupprsititiors  case 
similar  to  Absalom's.  Having  i)ersuaded  David  to 
prevent  the  avenger  of  blood  from  pui-suing  a  ^oung 
man,  who,  she  said,  had  slain  his  brother,  she 
adroitly  applied  his  assent  to  the  recall  of  Absalom, 
and  urged  him,  as  he  had  thus  yielded  the  general 
principle,  to  "fetch  home  his  banished."  iJavid 
did  so,  but  would  not  see  Absalom  for  two  more 
years,  though  he  allowed  him  to  live  in  Jerusalem. 
At  liist  wearied  with  deLiy,  perceiving  that  hig 
triumph  was  only  half  complete,  and  tliat  his  ex- 
clusion from  coiu't  interfered  with  tiie  ambitionii 
schemes  which  he  was  forming,  fancying  too  that 
sufiicient  exertions  were  not  made  in  his  favor,  the 
impetuous  young  man  sent  his  senants  to  burn  8 
field  of  com  near  bis  own,  Vielonging  to  .loab,  t-'jui 
doing  as  Samson  had  done  (Judg.  xv.  4).     There 


ABSALOM 

upon  Joab,  probably  dreading  some  further  outrage 
firom  hi3  Ticlence,  brought  him  to  his  father,  from 
whom  he  received  the  kiss  of  recoiiciHation.  Ab- 
nalom  now  began  at  once  to  prepare  for  rebellion, 
urged  to  it  partly  by  his  own  restless  wickedness, 
partly  perhaps  by  the  fear  lest  Bathsheba's  child 
should  supplant  him  in  the  succession,  to  which  he 
would  feel  himself  entitled  as  of  royal  birth  on  his 
mother's  side  as  well  as  his  father's,  and  as  being 
now  David's  eldest  surviving  son,  since  we  may  in- 
fer that  the  second  son  Chileab  was  dead,  from  no 
mention  being  made  of  him  after  2  Sam.  iii.  3.  It 
is  harder  to  account  for  his  temporary  success,  and 
th3  imminent  danger  which  befell  so  powerful  a  gov- 
ernment as  his  lather's.  The  sin  with  Bathsheba 
had  probably  weakened  David's  moral  and  religious 
bold  upon  the  people ;  and  as  he  grew  older  he  may 
have  become  lass  attentive  to  individual  compkints, 
and  that  personal  administration  of  justice  which 
was  one  of  an  eastern  king's  chief  duties.  For  Ab- 
salom tried  to  supplant  his  father  by  courting  pop- 
ularity, statiding  in  the  gate,  conversing  with  every 
Buitor,  lamenting  the  difficulty  which  he  would  find 
in  getting  a  hearing,  "  putting  forth  his  hand  and 
kissing  any  man  who  came  nigh  to  do  him  obei- 
sance.'' He  also  maintained  a  splendid  retinue 
(xv  1),  and  was  admired  for  his  personal  beauty 
and  the  luxuriant  growth  of  his  hair,  on  grounds 
similar  to  those  which  had  made  Said  acceptable 
(I  Sam.  X.  2.3).  It  is  probable,  too,  that  the  great 
tribe  of  Judah  had  taken  some  offense  at  David's 
government,  jjerhaps  from  finding  themselves  com- 
pletely merged  in  one  united  Israel;  and  that  they 
hoped  secretly  for  preeminence  under  the  less  wise 
and  liberal  rule  of  his  son.  Thus  Absalom  selects 
Hebron,  the  old  capital  of  Judah  (now  supplanted 
by  Jerusalem),  as  the  scene  of  the  outbreak;  Amasa 
his  chief  captain,  and  Ahithophel  of  Giloh  his  prin- 
cipal counsellor,  are  both  of  Judah,  and  after  the 
rebellion  was  crushed  we  see  signs  of  ill-feeling 
between  Judah  and  the  other  tribes  (xix.  41).  But 
whatever  the  causes  may  have  been,  Absalom 
raised  the  standard  of  revolt  at  Hebron  after  forty 
years,  as  we  now  read  in  2  Sam.  xv.  7,  which  it 
seems  better  to  consider  a  false  reading  for  Jhur 
(the  number  actually  given  by  Josephus),  than  to 
interpret  of  the  fortieth  year  of  David's  reign  (see 
Gerlach,  in  loco,  and  Ewald,  Gescldclite,  iii.  217). 
The  revolt  was  at  first  completely  successful ;  David 
fled  from  his  capital  over  the  Jordan  to  Mahauaim 
in  Ciilead,  where  Jacob  had  seen  the  "  Two  Hosts  " 
of  the  angelic  vision,  and  where  Abner  had  ndUed 
the  Israelites  round  Saul's  dynasty  in  the  person  of 
the  unfortunate  Ishlx)sheth.  Absalom  occupied  Je- 
rusalem, and  i)y  the  advice  of  Ahithophel,  who  saw 
that  for  such  an  unnatural  rebelUon  war  to  the 
knife  was  the  best  security,  took  possession  of 
I  )avid's  harem,  in  which  he  liad  left  ten  concubines. 
This  was  considered  to  imply  a  formal  assumption 
of  all  his  father's  royal  rights  (cf.  the  conduct  of 
Adonijah,  1  K.  ii.  13  ff.,  and  of  Smerdis  the  Ma- 
gian,  Herod,  iii.  C8),  and  was  also  a  fulfillment  of 
Nathan's  prophecy  (2  Sam.  xii.  11).  But  David 
had  left  friends  who  watched  over  his  interests. 
The  vigorous  counsels  of  Ahithophel  were  afterwards 
rejected  through  the  crafty  advice  of  Hushai,  who 
insinuated  himself  into  Absaloru  s  confidence  to 
work  his  ruin,  and  Ahithophel  jimself,  seemg  his 
(imbitious  hopes  frustrated,  and  another  preferred 
by  the  man  for  whose  sake  he  had  turned  traitor, 
>rsnt  hon"  3  to  Giloh  and  committed  suicide.  At 
ast,  after  being  solemnly  anouited  kiug  at  Jerusa- 


ABSALOM 


i: 


lem  (xix.  10),  and  lingering  there  far  longer  th.an  wa* 
expedient,  Absidom  crossed  the  Jordan  to  attack  his 
father,  who  by  this  time  had  rallied  round  him  a 
considerable  force,  whereas  had  Ahithophel' s  advice 
been  followed,  he  would  probably  have  been  crushed 
at  once.  A  decisive  battle  was  fought  in  Gilead, 
iu  the  wood  of  l.phraim,  so  called,  according  to 
Gerlach  ( Comm.  in  luco),  from  the  great  defeat  of 
the  Kphraimites  (Judg.  xii.  4),  or  perhaps  from 
the  connection  of  Ephraim  with  the  trans-.]  ordanic 
half-tribe  of  Manasseh  (Stanley,  iS.  and  P.  p. 
323).  Here  Absalom's  forces  were  totally  defeated, 
and  as  he  himself  was  escaping,  his  long  hair  was 
entangled  in  the  branches  of  a  terebinth,  where  he 
was  left  hanging  while  the  mule  on  which  he  was 
riding  ran  away  from  under  him.  Here  he  was 
dispatched  by  Joab,  in  spite  of  the  prohibition  of 
David,  who,  loving  him  to  the  last,  had  desired  that 
his  life  might  be  spared,  and  when  he  heard  of  his 
death,  lamented  over  him  in  the  pathetic  words, 
0  my  son  Altsalom !  would  God  1  had  died  for 
thee!  0  Absalom,  my  son,  my  son!  He  was 
buried  in  a  gi-eat  pit  hi  the  forest,  and  the  con- 
querors threw  stones  over  his  grave,  an  old  proof 
of  bitter  hostiUty  (Josh.  vii.  26)."  The  sacred 
historian  contrasts  this  dishonored  bm-ial  with  the 
tomb  which  Absalom  had  raised  in  the  Kinfs  dale 
(comp.  Gen.  xiv.  17)  for  the  three  sons  whom  he 
had  lost  ^conip.  2  Sam.  xviii.  18,  with  xiv.  27),  and 
where  he  probably  had  intended  that  his  own  re- 
mains should  be  laid.  Josephus  {Ant.  vii.  10,  §  3) 
mentions  the  pillar  of  Absalom  as  situate  2  stadia 
from  Jerusidem.  An  existing  monument  in  the 
vaUey  of  Jehoshaphat  just  outside  Jerusalem  bears 
the  name  of  the  Tomb  of  Absalom ;  but  the  Ionic 
pillars  which  surround  its  base  show  that  it  belongs 
to  a  much  later  period,  even  if  it  be  a  tomb  at  aU. 

G.  E.  L.  C. 


The  so-called  Tomb  of  Absalom. 

AB'SALOM  {'k&effffixoipios;  [Comp.  Alex. 
'A^/aA-w^os,  and  so  Sin.  1  M.  xiii.:]    Absolomns, 

«  *  The  same  custom  of  heaping  up  ston(>s  as  a 
mark  of  detestation  and  ignominy  over  the  gnivos  of 
perpetmtors  of  crime?,  is  still  observed  in  the  lands 
of  the  Bible.  For  illustrations  of  this,  see  Thomson  t 
Land  and  Book,  ii.  234,  and  Bonar's  M^irn  o/  En 
quay  to  the  Jews,  p.  318.  U 


18 


ABSALON 


Absahmus),  tlie  father  of  Mattatbiiis  (1  Mace.  xi. 
rO)  and  Jonathan  (1  Mace.  xiii.  11). 

B.  F.  W. 

AB'SALON  CA)8€<rffa\c5/*:  Abesahm).  An 
ambassador  with  John  from  the  Jews  to  Lysias, 
chief  governor  of  (kele-SjTia  and  Phoenice  (2 
Mace.  xi.  17).  W.  A.  W. 

ABU'BUS  {'A^ovfios-  Abobm).  Father  of 
Ptoleraeus,  who  was  captain  of  the  plain  of  Jericho, 
and  son-in-law  to  Simon  JIaccabaeus  (1  Mace.  xvi. 
11,  15).  W.  A.  W. 

*  ABYSS.     [Deep,  the.]  H. 

AC'ATAN  {'AKardy.  Eccetan).  Hakkatan 
(1  l':sdr.  viu.  38).  W.  A.  W. 

AC'CAD  ("T2S  {fortress  according  to  Fiirst] : 
Apx«5  '•  -Achad),  one  of  the  cities  in  the  land  of 
Shinar  — the  others  being  Babel,  Erech,  and  Cal- 
neh  —  which  were  the  beginning  of  Nimrod's  king- 
dom (Gen.  X.  10).  A  great  many  conjectures  have 
been  formed  as  to  its  identification :  —  1.  Following 
the  reading  of  the  oldest  version  (the  LXX.),  the 
ri\er  Argades,  mentionwl  by  vKlian  as  in  the  Per- 
sian part  of  Sitticene  beyond  the  Tigris,  has  been 
put  forward  (Bochart,  riinl  iv.  17).  But  this  is 
too  for  cast.  2.  Sacada,  a  town  stated  by  Ptolemy 
to  have  stood  at  the  junction  of  the  Lycus  (Great 
Zab)  with  the  Tigris,  below  Nineveh  ([.eclerc,  in 
AViner).  3.  A  district  "  north  of  Babylon  "  called 
'AKKriT-n  (Knobel,  Genesis,  p.  108).  4.  And  per- 
haps in  the  absence  of  any  remains  of  the  name  this 
has  the  greatest  show  of  evidence  in  its  favor,  Nisi- 
bis,  a  city  on  the  Khabour  river  still  retaining  its 
name  {Nisibin),  and  situated  at  the  N.  E.  part  of 
Mesopotamia,  about  150  miles  east  of  Oifd,  and 
midway  between  it  and  Nineveh.  We  have  the  tes- 
timony of  Jerome  ( Onomnsticon,  Achad),  that  it 
wa.s  the  belief  of  the  Jews  of  his  day  {Ilebrcei  dicuat) 
that  Nisibis  was  Accad ;  a  belief  confirmed  by  the 
renderings  of  the  Targums  of  Jerusalem  and  Pseu- 
do-Jonathan ("|"'3"'1*3),  and  of  Epbraem   Sjtus; 

and  also  by  the  fact  that  the  ancient  name  of  Ni- 
sibis was  Acar  (Uoscnmiiller,  ii.  2D),  which  is  the 
word  given  in  the  early  Peshito  version  i-OJ,  and 
also  occurring  in  three  MSS.  of  the  Onomasticon 
of  Jerome.  (See  tlie  note  to  "Achad"  in  the 
edition  of  Jerome,  Yen.  1767,  vol.  iii.  p.  127.) 

The  theory  deduced  by  Kawlinson  from  the  latest 
AiSjTian  researches  is,  that  "Akkad"  was  the 
name  of  the  "  great  primitive  Ilamite  race  who  in- 
habited Babylonia  from  the  earliest  time,"  who 
originated  the  arts  and  sciences,  and  whose  language 
was  "  the  great  parent  stock  from  which  the  trunk 
stream  of  the  Semitic  tongues  sprang."  "  In  the 
inscriptions  of  Sargon  the  name  of  Akkad  is  ap- 
l)lied  to  the  Armenian  mountains  instead  of  the 
vernacular  title  of  Ararat."  (liawlinson,  in  JIerod~ 
otus,  i.  319,  note.)  The  name  of  the  city  is  be- 
lieved to  have  been  discovered  in  the  inscriptions 
under  the  fonn  Kinzi  Akkad  (ibid.  p.  447).     G. 

AC'CARON.     [Ekkon.] 

A.C'CHO  OSP,  hotsnnd{7):''AKxa>,-'AKV, 
Strabo;  the  Ptolk.mais  of  the  Maccabees  and  N. 
T.),  now  called  Acca,  or  more  usually  by  Europeans, 
Saint  Jenn  WAcre,  the  most  important  sea-port 
town  on  the  SjTian  coast,  about  30  miles  S.  of 
Tyre.  It  was  situated  on  a  slightly  projecting 
headland,  at  the  northern  extremity  of  that  spacious 
Mj  —  the  oiUy  inlet  of  any  importance  along  the 


ACELDAMA 

whole  sea-board  of  Palestine  —  which  h  formed  bj 
the  bold  promontory  of  Carmel  on  the  opposite  side. 
This  bay,  though  spacious  (the  distance  from  Accbo 
to  Carmel  beuig  about  8  miles),  is  shallow  and  ex- 
posed, and  hence  Accho  itself  does  not  at  all  times 
offer  safe  harborage;  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
bay,  however,  the  roadstead  of  Haifa,  immediately 
under  Carmel,  supplies  this  deficiency.  Inland  the 
hills,  which  from  Tyre  southwards  press  close  upon 
the  sea-shore,  gradually  recede,  leaving  in  the  inmie- 
diate  neighborhood  of  Accho  a  plain  of  remarkable 
fertility  about  six  milas  broad,  and  watered  by  the 
small  i-iver  Belus  {Nakr  Namaii),  which  discharge* 
itself  into  the  sea  close  under  the  walls  of  tho 
town.  To  the  S.  E.  the  still  receding  heights 
afford  access  to  the  intei-ior  in  the  direction  of  Sep- 
phoris.  Accho,  thus  favorably  placed  in  command 
of  the  approaches  from  the  north,  both  by  sea  and 
land,  has  been  justly  termed  the  "  key  of  Pales- 
tine." 

In  the  division  of  Canaan  among  the  tiibes, 
Accho   fell   to   the    lot  of  Asher,   but  was  never 
wrested  from  its  original  inhabitants  (Judg.  i.  31); 
and    hence   it   is   reckoned   among   the  cities   of 
Phoenicia   (Strab.  ii.  134;    Plin.  v.  17;    Ptol.   v. 
15).     No  further  mention  is  made  of  it  in  the 
O.  T.  history,  nor  does  it  apjiear  to  have  risen  to 
much  importance  until  after  the  dismemberment 
of  the  Macedonian  empire,  when  its  proximity  to 
the  frontier  of  Syria  made  it  an  object  of  frequent 
contention.     Along  with  the  rest  of  Phoenicia  it 
fell  to  the  lot  of  Egypt,  and  was  named  Ptalemais, 
after  one  of  the  Ptolemies,  probably  Soter,  who 
could  not  have  failed  to  see  its  importance  to  his 
dominions  in  a  military  point  of  view.     In  the 
wars  that  ensued  between  Syria  and  Eg}-pt,  it  was 
taken  by  Antiochus  the  Great  (Ptol.  v.  02),  and 
attached  to  his  kingdom.     "When  the  Maccabees 
established   themselves  in   Judaea,  it  became  the 
base  of  oijerations  against  them.     Simon  drove  his 
enemies  back  within  its  walls,  but  did  not  take  it 
(I  Mace.  V.  22).      Subsequently,  when  Alexander 
Balas  set  up  his  claim  to  the  Syrian  throne,  he 
coidd  offer  no  more  tempting  bait  to  secure  the  ca- 
( jteration  of  Jonathan  than  the  possession  of  Ptolt*- 
niais  and  its  district  (1  Mace.  x.  39).    On  the  decay 
of  the  Syrian  power  it  was  one  of  the  few  cities 
of  JudfEa  which  estalilished  its  independence.    Al- 
exander   Jannaeus    attacked    it   without    success. 
Cleopatra,  whom  he  had  summoned  to  his  assist- 
ance, took  it,  and  transferred  it,  with  her  daughter 
Selene,  to  the  SvTian  monarchy :  under  her  rule  it 
was  besieged  and  taken  by  Tigranes  (.loseph.  AnI. 
xiii.  12,  §  2;  13,  §  2;  16,  §  4).       Ultiiuat^'ly  it 
pa.ssetl  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  who  con- 
structed  a   military  road   along   the  coast,  from 
Berytus  to  Sepphoris,  passing  through  it,  and  ele- 
vated it  to  the  rank  of  a  colony,  with  the  title 
Colonia  Claudii  C.Tsaris  (Plin.  v.  17).     The  oniv 
notice  of  it  in  the  N.  T.  is  in  connection  with  St. 
Paul's  passage  from  Tyre  to  Ciesarea  (Acts  xxi.  7). 
Few  remains  of  antiquity  are  to  be  found  in  the 
modem  town.     Tho  original  name  has  alone  sur- 
vived all  the  changes  to  which  the  place  has  been 
exix)sed.  ^^-  ^-  B. 

AC'COS  {'AKKis-,  [Alex.  Akx<^s,  Field:]  Ja- 
cob), father  of  John  and  grandfather  of  Eupolemus 
the  ambassador  fron  Judas  Maccabwus  to  liome  (1 
Mace.  viii.  17). 

AC'COZ.     [Koz.] 

ACEL'DAMA    {'AKeX^and;    lachm      [and 


ACELDAMA 

I'igch.]  ([Sin.]  B)'AKe\5aiJ.dx-  ^iaceldama) ;  y^oi>- 
-loy  a'lfxaros,  "the  field  of  blood;  "  (Chald.  ^\2T. 
S;^'^),  the  name  given  by  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem 
U)  a  "  field  "  ixopiov)  near  Jerusalem  pm-chased 
by  Judas  with  the  money  which  he  received  for  the 
betrayal  of  Christ,  and  so  called  from  his  violent 
death  therein  (Acts  1.  19).  This  is  at  variance 
with  tlie  account  of  St.  JIatthew  (xxvii.  8),  accord- 
ing to  which  the  "field  of  blood"  (ayphs  ai/j-aTOs) 
wad  purchased  by  tlie  Priests  with  the  30  pieces  of 
silver  after  they  had  been  cast  down  by  Judas,  as  a 
burial-place  for  strangers,  the  locality  being  well 
known  at  the  time  as  "the  field  of  the  Potter,"  " 
(rbv  aypbv  rov  Kepafxeuis)-  See  Alford's  notes  to 
Acts  i.  I'J.  And  accordingly  ecclesiastical  tradition 
appears  from  the  earhest  times  to  have  pointed  out 
two  distinct  (though  not  unvarying)  spots  as  re- 
ferred to  in  the  two  accounts.  In  Jerome's  time 
{Onoin.  Acliddruivi)  the  "ager  sanguinis"  was 
shown  "  ad  australem  *  plagam  montis  Sion."  Ar- 
culfus  (p.  4)  saw  the  "  large  Ji [/-tree  where  Judas 
hanged  himseU","  certainly  in  a  different  place  from 
that  of  the  "small  field  (Aceldama)  where  the 
bodies  of  pilgrims  were  buried"  (p.  5).  Saewull" 
(p.  42)  was  shown  Aceldama  "  next "  to  Gethsem- 
ane,  "at  the  foot  of  Ulivet,  near  the  sepulclires 
of  Simeon  and  Joseph"  (Jacob  and  Zacharias). 
In  the  "Citez  de  Jherusalem  "  (Kob.  ii.  5G0)  the 
place  of  the  suicide  of  Judas  was  shown  as  a  stone 
arch,  apparently  inside  the  city,  and  giving  its 
name  to  a  street.  Sir  John  JNIaundeville  (p.  175) 
found  the  "  eWer-tree "  of  Judas  "fast  by"  the 
"image  of  Absalom;  "  but  the  Aceldama  "on  the 
other  side  of  Mount  Sion  towards  the  south." 
Alaundrell's  account  (p.  408-9)  agrees  with  this, 
and  so  does  the  large  map  of  Schultz,  on  which 
both  sites  are  marked.  Tlie  Aceldama  still  retains 
its  ancient  position,  but  the  tree  of  Judas  has  been 
transferred  to  the  "  Hill  of  Evil  Counsel "  (Stanley, 
S.  if  P.  pp.  105,  18G ;  and  Barclay's  Map,  1857, 
and  "City,''  &c.  pp.  75,  208). 

The  "  field  of  blood  "  is  now  shown  on  the  steep 
southern  face  of  the  valley  or  ravine  of  Ilinnom, 
near  its  eastern  end ;  on  a  narrow  plateau  (Salz- 
mann,  Etu/Ie,  p.  22),  more  than  half  way  up  the 
hill-side.  Its  modern  name  is  Ilak  td-damni.  It 
is  separated  by  no  enclosure ;  a  few  venerable  olive- 
trees  (see  Salzmann's  photograph,  "Champ  clu 
taiKj  ")  occupy  part  of  it,  and  the  rest  is  covered  by 
a  ruined  square  edifice  —  half  built,  half  excavated 
—  which,  perhaps  originally  a  church  (Pauli,  in 
Ritter,  Pal.  p.  4G4),  was  in  Maundrell's  time  (p. 
408)  in  use  as  a  charnel-house,  and  which  the  latest 
3onjrctures  (Schultz,  \Villiams,  and  Barclay,  p.  207) 
propose  to  identify  with  the  tomb  of  Ananus  (.Joseph. 
B.  J.  V.  12,  §  2).  It  was  believed  m  the  middle 
ages  that  the  soil  of  this  place  had  the  power  of  very 
rapidly  consuming  bodies  buried  in  it  (Sandys,  p. 
187),  and  in  consequence  either  of  this  or  of  the 
lanctity  of  the  spot,  great  quantities  of  the  earth 
*-ere  taken  away ;  amongst  others  by  the  Pisan  Cru- 


ACELDAMA 


19 


a  The  prophecy  referred  to  by  St.  Matthew,  Zecha- 
riah  (not  Jeremiah)  xi.  12,  13,  does  not  in  the  present 
State  of  the  Hebrew  text  agree  with  the  quotation  of 
ho  Evangelist.  The  Syriac  Version  omits  the  name 
altogether. 

b  Eusebius,  from  whom  Jerome  translated,  has  here 
V  fiofteCoLT.  This  may  be  a  clerical  error,  or  it  may 
»dd  anott.tr  to  the  many  instances  existing  of  the 
ihaoge  of  a  traditional  site  to  meet  clrcumstauces. 


saders  in  1218  for  their  Campo  Sanlo  at  Pisa,  and 
by  the  I'^nipress  Helena  for  that  at  Rome  (liob.  i. 
■ibb;  Itaumer,  p.  270).  Besides  the  charnel-house 
above  mentioned,  there  are  several  large  hollows  in 
the  ground  in  this  immediate  neighborhood  which 
may  have  been  caused  by  such  excavations.  The 
formation  of  the  hill  is  cretaceous,  and  it  is  well 
known  that  ch<dk  is  always  favorable  to  the  rapid 
decay  of  animal  matter.  The  assertion  (Kratft,  p. 
193;  Kitter,  Pal.  p.  463)  that  a  pottery  still  exists 
near  this  spot  does  not  seem  to  be  borne  out  by 
otlier  testimony.*-"  G. 

*  There  are  other  views  on  some  of  the  points 
embraced  in  this  article,  which  deserve  to  be  men- 
tioned. The  contradiction  said  to  exist  between 
Matt,  xxvii.  8  and  Acts  i.  19  is  justly  qualified 
in  the  Concise  Dictionary  as  "  apparent,"  and 
hence  not  necessarily  actual.  The  difficulty  turna 
wholly  upon  a  single  word,  namely,  fKr-ffaaTO, 
in  Acts  i.  18;  and  that  being  susceptible  of  a  two- 
fold sense,  we  are  at  liberty  certaiiUy  to  choose 
the  one  which  agrees  with  Alatthew's  statement, 
instead  of  the  one  confiicting  with  it.  JMany  un- 
derstand iKTriffaro  in  Acts  as  having  a  Hiphil  or 
causative  sense,  as  Greek  verbs,  especially  in  the 
middle  voice,  often  have  (Win.  N.  T.  Gr.  §  38,  3; 
Scheuerl.  Syntax,  p.  298).  With  this  meaning, 
Luke  in  the  Acts  (or  Peter,  since  it  may  be  the 
latter's  remark,)  states  that  Judas  by  his  treachery 
gave  occasion  for  the  purchase  of  "  the  potter's 
field  " ;  and  that  is  precisely  what  JIatthew  states 
in  saying  that  the  priests  purchased  the  field,  smce 
they  did  it  with  the  money  furnished  to  them  by 
the  traitor.  In  like  manner  we  read  ui  the  Gos- 
pels that  Jesus  when  crucified  was  put  to  death  by 
the  Roman  soldiers ;  but  in  Acts  v.  30,  Peter  says 
to  the  members  of  the  Jewish  Council:  —  "  ^Vhom 
(.Jesus)  ye  slew,  hanging  on  a  tree":''  which  all 
accept  as  meaning  that  the  Jewish  rulers  were  the 
means  of  procuring  the  Saviour's  death.  For  other 
examples  of  this  causative  sense  of  verbs,  comp. 
Matt.  ii.  IG,  xxvii.  GO;  John  iv.  1;  Acts  vii.  21, 
xvi.  23;  1  Cor.  vii.  IG;  1  Tim.  iv.  IG,  etc.  As 
explaining,  perhaps,  why  Peter  chose  this  concise 
mode  of  expression,  Fritzsche's  remark  may  be 
quoted: — The  man  (a  sort  of  acerba  irrisio) 
thought  to  enrich  himself  by  his  crime,  but  only 
got  by  it  a  field  where  blood  was  paid  for  blood 
(h'vanf/.  Matt.  p.  799).  Many  of  the  best  critics, 
as  Kuinoel,  Olshausen,  Tholuck  (MS.  notes), 
Ebrard  ( IVissensch.  Kritik,  p.  543),  Baumgarten, 
(Aposltlgesck.  p.  31),  Lange  (Bidelwerk,  i.  409), 
Ivcchler  (Da-  AjMst.  Gesch.  p.  14),  Robmson  {Uar- 
mony,  p.  227),  Andrews  {Life  of  our  Lord,  p. 
511),  and  othere,  adopt  this  explanation. 

It  does  not  affect  the  accuracy  of  Matthew  or 
Luke  whether  "ths  field  of  blood"  which  they 
mention  was  the  present  Aceldama  or  not;  for  they 
affirm  nothing  as  to  its  position  beyond  implying 
that  it  was   a    "  potter's  field "   near  Jerusalem. 


c  *  KraSt's  statement  is  ( Topograpkie  Jerusalems,  p. 
193)  that  he  saw  people  cutting  or  digging  up  umy 
there  (Ercle  sleeken),  and  not  that  they  worked  it  up 
on  the  ground.  Schultz,  the  Prussian  consul  (Jerusa- 
lem, eine  Vorlesmig,  p.  .39),  and  Porter  ( Cf/aJt«  Cities,  p. 
147),  speak  of  a  bed  of  clay  in  that  place.  See,  also, 
Williams's  Holy  City,  ii.  495.  There  is  a  pottery  at 
Jerusalem  at  present,  for  which  the  clay  Is  obtained 
from  the  hill  ove'  the  valley  of  Ilinnom.  11. 

a  »The  A.  V.  strangely  misrepresents  the  Greet 
here,  as  if  the  putting  to  death  of  Jesus  was  prior  to 
the  crucitixion.  u 


20 


ACELDAMA 


Nor  dies  the  existence  of  traditions  which  point 
Dut  diflerent  spot*  as  "the  field,"  prove  that  the 
first  Christians  recognized  two  different  accounts,  i. 
f .  a  contradiction  in  the  statements  of  Matthew  and 
Luke;  for  the  variant  traditions  are  not  old  enough 
(thai  of  Arculf  a.u.  700)  to  be  traced  to  aiiy  such 
jource.  Yet  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  potter's 
tield  which  the  Jews  purchased  may  actually  be  tlie 
I)resent  Aceldama,  which  overlooks  the  valley  of 
Hiimom.  ITie  receptacles  for  the  dead  which  ap- 
pear in  the  rocks  in  that  quarter  sliow  tliat  the 
ancient  Jews  were  accustomed  to  bury  tliers. 

It  is  usually  assumed  that  Judaa  came  U)  his 
miserable  end  on  the  very  field  which  had  been 
bought  with  his  30  pieces  of  silver.  It  was  for  a 
twolbld  reason,  says  Lightfoot  (//w.  JMi:  p.  GOO), 
that  the  field  was  called  Aceldama;  first,  because, 
as  stated  in  Matt,  xxvii.  7,  it  had  been  bought  with 
the  price  of  blood;  and,  secondly,  because  it  was 
sprinkled  with  the  man's  blood  who  took  that  price. 
Such  congruities  often  mark  the  retributions  of 
guilt.  Yet  it  should  be  noted  that  Luke  does  not 
say  in  so  many  words  that  Judas  "  fell  headlong 
and  burst  asunder  "  on  the  field  piu-chased  with  his 
"  reward  of  uiiquity  " ;  but  may  mean  that  the  field 
was  called  Aceldama  because  the  fact  of  the  trai- 
tor's bloody  end,  whether  it  occurred  in  one  place 
or  another,  was  so  notorious  {yvaxrrhv  iyivfTO  •  •  • 
Siffre  K\i)erivai).  In  either  case  there  is  no  incon- 
sistency tetween  the  two  reasons  assigned  by  Mat- 
thew and  Luke  for  the  appellation :  the  field  could 
be  called  Aceldama  with  a  double  emphasis,  both 
because  it  was  "  the  price  ^f  blood,"  and  because 
the  guilty  man's  blood  was  shed  there  by  his  own 
hand. 

Further,  the  giving  of  the  30  j.ieces  of  silver, 
"  the  price  of  him  that  was  valued,"  for  the  "  pot- 
ter's field,"  fulfilled  an  O.  T.  prophecy.     But  why 
the  evangelist    (Matt,  xxvii.  9)  should   refer  this 
prophecy  to  Jeremiali,  and  not  Zechariah  (Zech. 
xi.   12,  13),  m  whom  the  words  are  found,  is  a 
question  not  easy  to  answer.     Possibly  as  the  Jews 
(accordhig  to  the  Talmudic  order)  placed  Jeremiali 
at  the  head  of  the   prophets,  his  name  is  cited 
merely  as  a  general  title  of  the  prophetic  writings. 
See  Davidson's  Bibl.  Criticism,  i.  330.      Dr.  K. 
Kobinson  {l/firmonij,  p.  227)  agrees  with  those  who 
think  5ick  rod  Trpo(pT)Tov  may  be  the  true  reading, 
but  certainly  against  the  external  testimony.     'J'he 
view  of  Heiigstenl)erg  is  that  though  Zechariah's 
prophecy  was  directly  Messianic  and  that  of  Jere- 
miah ante-Messianic  and  national,  yet  they  both 
really  prophesy  one  truth  (namely,  that  the  people 
who  spuni  God's  mercies,  be  they  his  prophets  and 
tlieir  warnings  or  Christ  and  his  Gosjiel,  shall  be 
hemselves  spumed ) ;  and  hence  Matthew  in  eftect 
quotes  them  both,  but  names  Jeremiah  only  because 
he  was  letter  known,  and  because  Zechariah  incor- 
[lorates  the  older  prophecy  with  his  ovm  so  as  to  give 
to  the  latter  the  effect  of  a  previous  fulfillment  as  a 
ple<lge  for  the  future :  the  common  truth  tiiught 
in  the  two  passages,  ajid  the  part  of  "  the  potter" 
pn  consiiicuous  ui  them,  being  supposed  suflicient  to 
admonish  the  reader  of  this  relation  of  the  proph- 
ecies to  each  other.     See  his  Cliristobr/y  of  the  0. 
T.  ii.  187  ff.,  §  'J  (Keith's  trans.).     So  free  a  critic 
iS  Grotius  {Amwtt.  ad  loc.)  takes  nearly  the  same 
/iew:  —  "Cum  autem    hoc   dictiun   Jeremite   per 
'(.m\\.  repetitum  hie  recitat  Matt.,  aimul  ostendit 
'Acite,  eas  jKenns    imminere  Judais,  quas  iidem 
prophetie   olim   sui    tenqwris   hominibus    pra-dix- 
rant,"    For  otlier  opinions,  which  may  be  thought, 


ACHAN 

however,  to  illustrate  rather  than  soke  the  diffl 
culty,  see  Dr.  Schaff's  edition  of  Lange's  Commen- 
tary, i.  505.  H- 


ACHAIA  CAxata)  signifies  in  the  N.  T.  a 
Roman  province,  which  included  the  whole  of  the 
Peloponnesus  and  the  greater  part  of  Hellas  proper, 
with   the   adjacent  islands.     This  province,  with 
that  of  Macedonia,  comprehended  the  whdc  of 
Greece:  hence  Achaia  and  Macedonia  are  frequently 
mentioned  together  in  the  N.  T.  to  indicate  all 
Greece  (Acts  xviii.  12,  27,  xix.  21 ;  Rom.  xv.  2G, 
xvi.  5  [T.  R.,  but  here  *Ao-Ias  is  the  tnie  realirg]  : 
1  Cor.  xvi.  15;  2  Cor.  i.  1,  ix.  2,  xi.  10;  1  Thesa. 
i.   7,  8).     A   narrow   slip   of   country   upon    tlie 
northern  coast  of  Peloponnesus  was  originally  cidlid 
Achaia,  the  cities  of  which  were  confederated  in 
an  ancient  League,  which  was  renewed  in  B.C.  280 
for  the  purpose  of  resisting  the  Macedonians.    I"hi8 
I^eague  subsetiuently  included  several  of  the  other 
Grecian  states,  and  became  the  most  powerful  po- 
litical body  in  Greece ;  and  hence  it  was  natural  for 
the  Romans  to  apply  the  name  of  Achaia  to  the 
Peloponnesus  and  the  south  of  Greece,  when  they 
took  Corinth  and  destroyed  the  League  m  n.c.  146. 
{KaKovai  5€  ovk  'EWddos  dA.A'  'Axa'«s  vyf/jiSva 
oi   'Pa)fj.a7oi,     Sii^Tt     iy^itpdxxavTO     E.K\j]vas  Si 
'Axo'W"   "Tf^Te    ToO   'EKKr\viKov    TrpoeffT7jK6ro)v, 
Paus.  vii.  16,  §  10).    ^\■hether  the  Roman  province 
of  Achaia  was  established  immediately  after  tlie 
conquest  of  the  League,  or  not  till  a  later  period, 
need  not  be  discussed  here  (see  Diet,  of  Geogr.  i. 
17).     In  the  division  of  the  provuices  by  Augus- 
tus between  the  emperor  and  the  senate  in  B.C. 
27,  Achaia  was  one  of  the  provinces  assigned  to  the 
senate,  and  was  governed  by  a  proconsid  (Strab. 
xvii.  p.  840;  Dion.  Cass.  liii.  12).     Tiberius  in  the 
second  year  of  his  reign  (a.d.  1G)  took  it  away 
from  the  senate,  and  made  it  an  imperial  province 
governed  by  a  procurator  (Tac.  Ann.  i.  76);  but 
Claudius  restored  it  to  the  senate  (Suet.  Chtul.  25). 
This  was  its  condition  when  Paul  was  brought  be- 
fore Gallio,  who  is  therefore  (Acts  xviii.  12)  cor- 
rectly  called    the   "proconsul"    {avdxmaTOs)   of 
Achaia,  which  is  translated  in  the  A.  V.  "  deputy  " 
of  Achaia.     [For  the  relation  of  Achaia  to  Hellas, 
see  Gheece,  adfn.'] 

ACHA'ICUS  CAxaiKfJs),  name  of  a  Chris- 
tian (1  Cor.  xvi.  17,  subscription  No.  25). 

A'CHAN  (13^,  troubkr;  written  ~ID^  in  1 

Chr.  ii.  7:  "kxa-v  or  "Axap^  Achan  or  Achar),  an 
Israelite  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  who,  when  Jericho 
and  all  that  it  contained  were  accursed  and  devoted 
to  destruction,  secreted  a  portion  of  the  spoil  in  his 
tent.  For  this  sin  Jehovah  punished  Israel  by 
their  defeat  in  their  attack  upon  Ai.  AVhen  Achan 
confessed  his  guilt,  and  the  booty  was  discoveretl, 
he  was  stoned  to  death  with  his  whole  family  b) 
the  people,  in  a  valley  situated  between  Ai  and 
Jericho,  and  their  remains,  together  with  his  prop- 
erty, were  burnt.  F'rora  this  event  the  valley  re- 
ceived the  name  of  Achor  («.  e.  trouble)  [Achok]. 
From  the  similarity  of  the  name  Achan  to  Achar, 
Joshua  said  to  Achan,  "  Why  hast  thou  troubled 
us?  the  Lord  shall  trouble  thee  this  day"  (Josh. 
TO.).  In  order  to  account  for  the  teirible  ven- 
geance executed  upon  the  family  of  Achan,  it  ia 
quite  unnecessary  to  resort  to  the  hypothesis  that 
they  were  accomplices  in  bis  act  of  miUtary  insul)- 
ortlination.  The  sanguinary  severity  of  Oriental 
nations,  from  which  the  Jewish  people  were  by  u< 


ACHAR 

neans  fret,  has  in  all  ages  involved  tlie  childien  in 
ihe  punishment  of  the  father.  R.  W.  B. 

*  The  name  occurs  Josh.  vii.  1,  18,  19,  20,  24, 
ixii.  20.  A. 

A'CHAR  ("^'DV  :  'Axap:  Achar).  A  varia- 
tion  of  the  name  of  Achan  which  seems  to  have 
wisen  from  the  play  upon  it  given  in  1  Chr.  ii.  7, 

•'Achar,  the  troitbler  ("1^127  ^ucif)  of  Israel." 

W.  A.  W. 

ACH'BOR  ("I'lapl?  [mouse]  :  'Axofiip  [also 

'Ax'^fi<ip,  'AKXoPd>p]  ■  Achohor).  1.  Father  of 
Ha.al-iianan,  king  of  lulom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  38,  39;  1 
Chr.  i.  19). 

2.  Son  of  Michaiah,  a  contemporary  of  Josiah 
(2  K.  xxii.  12,  14;  Jer.  xxvi.  22,  xxxvi.  12),  called 
Abdon  in  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20. 

A'CHAZ  ("AxaC^  Achaz).  AiiAZ,  king  of 
Judah  (Matt.  i.  9).  W.  A.  AV. 

ACHIACH'ARUS  {' hxii-xopos,  [FA.  and 
Sin.]  Axe'X*P°*'  [Axf'"X"P^S'  Axe'fo/J,  etc.]), 
t.  e.  ^'^"'nS^nS  =  Postumus  :  Achicharm). 
Chief  minister,  "  cupbearer,  and  Iceeper  of  the  sig- 
net, and  steward,  and  overseer  of  the  accounts  "  at 
the  court  of  Sarchedonus  or  Esarliaddon,  king  of 
Nineveh,  in  the  Apocryphal  story  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i. 
21,  22,  ii.  10,  xiv.  10).  He  was  nephew  to  Tobit, 
being  the  son  of  his  brother  Anael,  and  supported 
him  in  his  bluidness  till  he  left  Nineveh.  From 
the  occurrence  of  tlie  name  of  Aman  in  xiv.  10,  it 
has  been  conjectured  that  Achiachanis  is  but  the 
Jewish  name  for  JMordecai,  whose  history  suggested 
some  points  wliich  the  author  of  the  book  of  Tobit 
worked  up  into  his  narrative ;  but  there  is  no  rea- 
son to  have  recourse  to  such  a  supposition,  as  the 
discrepancies  are  much  more  strongly  marked  than 
the  resemblances.  W.  A.  AV^ 

ACHI'AS  {AcJiins).  Son  of  Phinees;  high- 
,»riest  and  progenitor  of  l^sdras  (2  Esdr.  i.  2),  l)ut 
omitted  both  in  the  genealogies  of  Ezra  and  1  Es- 
dras.  lie  is  probably  confounded  witli  .Vhyali,  the 
son  of  Ahitub  and  grandson  of  Eli.    W.  A.  W. 

A'CHIM  ('AxeiV,  Matt.  i.  11),  son  of  Sadoc, 
and  father  of  lUiud,  in  our  Lord's  genealogy ;  the 
fifth  in  succession  before  Joseph  tlie  husband  of 
Mary.     The  Hebrew  form  of  the  name  would  be 

"I'^D^,  Jachin  (Gen.  xlvi.  10;  1  Chr.  xxiv.  17), 
which  in  the  latter  place  the/I.XX.  render  'Ax^M* 
[Rom.  ed.],  or  'Axel/J.  [Vat.;  Alex.  lax"'',  Comp. 
'laxfijJ;  A-ld.  'Ax''»']-  It  is  a  short  form  of  Je- 
hoiacliin,  the  Ijird  will  eslnbllsk.  The  name,  per- 
haps, indicates  him  as  successor  to  Jehoiachin's 
throne,  and  expresses  his  parents'  faith  that  God 
»iould,  in  due  time,  establish  the  kingdom  of  Da- 
vi  I,  according  to  the  promise  in  Is.  ix.  7  (C  in  the 
Hab.  Bib.)  and  elsewhere.  A.  C.  II. 

A'CHIOR  {'Ax'cip,  i.  €.  "l"lS"'ns;,  the 
Mother  of  Vujhl ;  comp.  Num.  xxxiv.  27:  Achlor : 
•onfounded  with  'AxiciX"?"^?  Tob.  xi.  18),  a  gen- 
3ral  of  the  Ammonites  in  the  army  of  Holofernes, 
who  is  aftenvards  representnl  as  becoming  a  prose- 
yte  to  Jud.xism  (Jud.  v.,  vi.,  xiv.).  B.  F.  W. 

A'CHISH  (K.^''?«:  'Ayx^w;  [Alex,  in  1  K. 

\7X'^5  Comp.  'A/cx's,  in  1  K.  'Ax'sO  Achis), 
i,  Philistine  king  at  Gath,  son  of  Maoch,  who  in 
>he  title  to  the  34th  Psalm  is  called  Abimelech 

jwMibly  corrupted  from  TJ^S^  tl'TS).      Davla 


ACHSAH 


21 


twice  found  a  refuge  with  him  when  lie  fled  Ironu 
Saul.  On  the  first  occasion,  being  recognized  by 
the  servants  of  Achish  as  one  celebrated  ior  hia 
victories  over  the  Philistines,  he  wa.s  alarmed  for 
his  safety,  and  feigned  madness  (1  Sam.  xxi.  li)- 
13).  [Uaviu.]  From  Achish  he  fled  to  the  cav« 
of  Adullam.  On  the  second  occasion,  David  flcv 
to  Achish  with  GOO  men  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  2),  and 
remained  at  Gath  a  year  and  four  months. 

Whether  the  Achish  [son  of  Maachah]  to  whom 
Shimei  went  in  disobedience  to  the  commands  of 
Solomon  (1  K.  ii.  [39,]  40),  be  the  same  person  ia 
uncertain.  K.  \V.  B. 

*  In  the  title  of  the  34th  Psalm,  Abimelech 
(which  see)  may  be  the  royal  title,  and  Achish  in 
the  history  the  personal  name,  as  Ilengstenberg, 
De  Wette,  I^ngerke  remark.  Fiirst  {Hamhob.  s. 
V. )  regards  Achish  as  Philistian  and  probably  =; 
serptnt-ch  firmer.  The  name  occurs  also  1  Sam. 
xxvii.  3-12,  xxviii.  1,  2,  xxix.  2-9.  H. 

ACHI'TOB  CAxiT<i$  [Vat.  -xet-] :  Achi- 
tub).  AiHTfB,  the  high-priest  (I  Esdr.  \m.  2;  2 
Esdr.  i.  1),  in  the  genealogy  of  I'^dras. 

W.  A.  W. 

ACH'METHA.     [Ecuataxa.] 

A'CHOR,  VALLEY  OF,  ("l""^33?  p!237  : 
[(papary^  '  Ax<ip,^  'Efi.fKax'^pj  [Hos.  /coiAekJ 
'Ax<ip'  vidlis]  Achor)  =  vidley  of  troidile,  ac- 
cording to  tlie  etymology  of  the  text ;  the  spot  at 
which  Achan,  the  "troubler  of  Israel,"  was  stoned 
(Josh.  vii.  24,  2G).  On  the  N.  boundary  of  Judali 
(xv.  7;  also  Is.  Ixv.  10;  Hos.  ii.  15).  It  was 
known  in  the  time  of  Jerome  (Onom.  s.  v.),  who 
describes  it  as  north  of  Jericho ;  but  this  is  at  vari- 
ance with  the  course  of  the  boundary  in  Joshua 
(Keil's  Joshua,  p.  131).  G. 

*  No  trace  of  the  name  is  found  any  longer. 
Vet  Achor  "  was  situated  .at  all  events  near  Gilga. 
and  the  'W'est-.Iordan  heights  "  (Knoliel,  Josun,  p. 
116).  It  is  a  valley  "  that  runs  up  from  Gilgal  to- 
ward Bethel"  (Thomson's  Lnml  ami  Book,  ii. 
185).  The  prophet's  allusion  in  Hos.  ii.  15  is  not 
so  much  to  the  place  as  to  the  meaning  of  the 

name.     "  And  I  will  give  her the  valley  of 

Achor  for  a  door  of  hope,"  i.  e.  through  "  trouble," 
through  aflliction  and  discipline,  God  will  prepare 
His  people  for  greater  blessings  than  they  would 
otherwise  be  fitted  to  have  bestowed  on  them.    H. 

ACH'SA  (riD^V :  'A(rx4;  Alex.  Ax<ra; 
[Comp.  '0|o:]  Achsa).  Daughter  of  Caleb,  or 
Chelubai,  the  son  of  Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  49)." 
[Cai.kh.]  W.  a.  W 

ACH'SAH  (no??'  [anJdel]:  'Acrxd;  [Alex. 
Comp.  in  Josh.,  Ax^a"  Axa),  daughter  of  Caleb, 
the  son  of  Jephunneh,  the  Kenezite.  ller  father 
promised  her  in  marriage  to  whoever  should  take 
Debir,  the  ancient  name  of  vphich  (according  to  the 
analogy  of  Kiujatii-Arua,  the  ancient  name  of 
Hebron)  was  Ivirjath-Sepher  (or  as  in  Josh.  xv.  49, 
Kikjatii-Sanna),  the  city  of  the  book.  Othniel, 
her  father's  younger  brother,  took  the  city,  and  ac- 
cordingly received  the  hand  of  Achsah  as  his  re- 
ward. Caleb  at  his  daughter's  request  added  to 
her  dowry  the  upper  and  lower  springs,  which  she 
had  pleaded  for  as  peculiarly  suitable  to  her  inher- 
itance in  a  south  country  (Josh.  xv.  15-19.     Sea 


«  •  Achsa  is  merely  an  incorrect  fonn  which  in  mod- 
em editions  of  A.  V.  has  been  substit.uted  for  Achsah 
the  reading  of  the  first  and  otiicr  eai  ly  editions.     A 


£2 


ACHSHAPH 


SUi.ley'g  S.  ./  P.  p.  161).  [GuLUmi.]  The 
story  is  repeated  in  Judg.  i.  11-15.  Achsah  is 
mentioned  again,  as  being  the  daughter  of  Caleb, 
in  1  Clir.  ii.  49.  But  there  is  much  confusion  in 
the  genealogy  of  Caleb  there  given.  [Achsa; 
r:Ai.KB.]  A.  C.  H. 

ACH'SHAPH     (^C?2W     [fascination,   or 

mnffic  riles]:  'A^^)  [Vat.  A^e"/)],  Ko/<£\^  [?]  and 
Ktd<p:  [Alex.  Axi<f>,  A.x<ra(p;  Comp.  Xa(r<i(p, 
'Axaffd<t>;  Aid.  'A.x^d<p,  'Ax(rd<t>:]  Aclisaph,  Ax- 
iiph),  a  city  witliin  the  territory  of  Asher,  named 
between  Bcten  and  Alammelech  (Josh.  xix.  25); 
originally  the  seat  of  a  Canaanite  king  (xi.  1,  xii. 
20).  It  is  possibly  the  modern  Kesnf,  ruins  bear- 
ing which  name  were  found  by  Robinson  (iii.  55) 
on  the  N.  ^\^  edge  of  the  Ilukh.  But  more  prob- 
ably tlie  name  haa  survived  in  Chaifa  [on  the  sea, 
at  the  foot  of  the  north  side  of  Jlouiit  Carmel], 
a  town  which,  from  its  situation,  must  always  have 
been  too  important  to  have  escaped  mention  in  the 
hixtory,  as  it  otller^rise  would  have  done.  If  this 
suggestion  is  correct,  the  IJCX.  rendering,  Kfiip, 
exhibits  the  name  in  the  process  of  change  from  the 
ancient  to  the  modem  form.  G. 

ACH'ZIB  (n'^trW  [falsehood]  :  KeC?/3,  [^'at. 
K«C*'3;  Alex.  AxC«K>  "  prima  manu]  'AxC*'^! 
[Comp.  'AxC^/3  :J  Achzib).  1.  A  city  of  Judah,  in 
the  ShefeLoli  (Ski'iikla),  named  with  Keilah  and 
Mareshah  (.Josh.  xv.  44,  Micah  i.  14).  The  latter 
passage  contains  a  play  on  the  name :  "  The  houses 
of  Achzib  (27rS)  shall  be  a  he  (2pS)."  It 
is  probably  tlie  same  with  Ciiezib  and  Ciiczeba, 
which  see. 

2.  [In  Josh.,  'ExoC<^j3:  Alex.  kC(i<p,  **AxC«*<^ 
(so  Aid.);  Comp.  'AxaCt;8;  —  in  Judg.  'Xaxo-Q 
[Vat.  -j,'6i];  Alex.  AcrxevSet;  Aid.  'Axa^s^jS; 
Comp.  'AffxaC"^.]  A  town  belonging  to  Asher 
(Josh.  xix.  2'J),  from  which  the  Canaanites  were  not 
expelled  (Judg.  i.  31);  afterwards  Ixdippa  (Jos.  B. 
J.  i.  1.3,  §  4,  'E>c5(7nrwv).  Josephus  also  {Ant.  v. 
1,  §  22)  gives  the  name  as  'Ap>c)j  .  .  .  .  t\  koI 
^ZMirovs.  Here  was  the  Cosale  Ilubevti  of  the 
Crusaders  (Schulz;  Kitter,  Pul.  p.  782);  and  it  is 
now  es-Zib,  on  the  sea-shore  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Nahr  Jlerdmnl,  2  h.  20  m.  N.  of  Akka  (Robinson, 
iii.  028;  and  comp.  Maundrell,  p.  427).  After  the 
return  from  Babylon,  Achzib  was  considered  by  the 
Jews  as  the  northernmost  limit  of  the  Holy  I^and. 
See  the  quotations  fit>m  the  Gemara  in  Reland  (p. 
644).  G. 

ACITHA  ('Ax<i3«f  [Vat.  -xei-] ;  Alex.  Ax«<?>o; 
Aid.  'AKjAet:]  Af/ixta).  Hakupha  (1  Esdr.  v. 
M).  W.  A.  W. 

ACITHO  ([Alex.]  'AKtOJiy,  [Comp.  Aid. 
'ijciOd,]  probably  an  error  for  'Ax'twjS  [which  is 

the  reading  of  Sin.]:  Achilob,  i.  e.  2'llD''nS, 
lind  brollter),  Jud.  viii.  1;  comp.  2  Esdr.  i.  1. 

B.  F.  W. 
ACRABATTIITE.     [Arabattine.] 

ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES  (,rp({{e.s 
ixoo-T($Awi',  Acta  A/x>stolorum),  a  second  treatise 
'StuTtpos  \6yos)  by  the  author  of  the  third  Gos- 
pel, triiditionaily  known  as  I.ucas  or  Luke  (which 
lee).  The  identity  of  the  writer  of  both  books  is 
(trongly  shown  by  their  great  similarity  in  style 
and  idiom,  and  the  usage  of  particular  words  and 
compound  forms.  Tlie  theories  which  assign  the 
X)ok  to  other  authors,  or  di"<de  it  among  several, 


ACTS  OF  THE  APOSrLES 

will  not  stand  tlie  test  of  searching  inquiry.  They 
wiU  be  found  enumerated  in  Davidson's  Introd.  to 
the  N.  T.  vol.  ii.,  and  Alfords  prolegomena  to  vol 
ii.  of  his  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament.  It  must 
be  confessed  to  be,  at  first  sight,  somewhat  surpris- 
ing that  notices  of  the  author  are  so  entirely  want- 
ing, not  only  in  the  book  itself,  but  also,  generally, 
in  the  Ei)istles  of  St.  Paul,  whom  he  must  have 
accompanied  for  some  years  on  his  travels.  But 
our  surprise  is  removed  when  we  notice  the  habit 
of  the  Apostle  with  regard  to  mentioning  his  com- 
panions to  have  been  very  vaiious  and  uncertain, 
and  remember  that  no  Epistles  were,  strictly  speak- 
ing, written  by  him  while  our  writer  was  in  his 
company,  before  his  Roman  imprisonment;  for  he 
does  not  seem  to  have  joined  him  at  Corinth  (Acts 
xviii.),  where  the  two  I'^pp.  to  the  Thess.  were 
written,  nor  to  have  been  with  him  at  Ephesus, 
ch.  xix.,  whence,  jjcrhaps,  the  Ep.  to  the  Gal.  was 
written ;  nor  again  to  have  wintered  with  him  at 
Corinth,  ch.  xx.  3,  at  the  time  of  his  writing  the 
Ep.  to  the  Rom.  and,  perhaps,  that  to  the  Gal. 

The  book  commences  with  an  inscription  to  one 
Theophilus,  who,  from  bearing  the  appellation  npd- 
riaros,  was  probably  a  man  of  birth  and  station. 
But  its  design  must  not  be  supposed  to  be  limited 
to  the  edification  of  Theophilus,  whose  name  is  pre- 
fixed only,  as  was  customary  then  as  now,  by  way 
of  dedication.  'Die  readers  were  evidently  intended 
to  be  the  members  of  the  Christian  Church, 
whether  Jews  or  Gentiles;  for  its  contents  arc  such 
as  are  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  the  whole 
church.  They  are  The  fulfilment  of  the  promist 
of  the  Father  by  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
and  the  results  of  that  outpouring,  by  the  disper- 
sion of  the  Gospel  among  Jews  and  Gentiles. 
Under  these  leading  heads  all  the  personal  and 
subordinate  details  may  be  ranged.  Immediately 
after  the  Ascension,  St.  Peter,  the  first  of  the 
Twelve,  designated  by  our  Lord  as  the  Rock  on 
whom  the  Church  was  to  be  built,  the  holder  of  the 
keys  of  the  kingdom,  becomes  the  prime  actor  un- 
der God  in  the  founding  of  the  Church.  He  is  the 
centre  of  the  first  great  group  of  sayings  and  do- 
ings. The  opening  of  the  door  to  Jews  (ch.  ii.) 
and  Gentiles  (ch.  x.)  is  his  oflBce,  and  by  him,  in 
good  time,  is  accomplished.  But  none  of  the  ex- 
isting twelve  Apostles  were,  humanly  speaking, 
fitted  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  cultivat«d  Gen- 
tile world.  To  be  by  divine  grace  the  spiritual 
conqueror  of  Asia  and  Europe,  God  raised  up  an- 
other instrument,  from  among  the  highly-educated 
and  zealous  Pharisees.  The  preparation  of  Saul 
of  Tarsus  for  the  work  to  be  done,  the  progress,  it 
his  hand,  of  that  work,  his  journeyings,  preachings, 
and  perils,  his  strijies  and  imprisonments,  his  testi- 
fying in  Jerusalem  and  being  brought  to  testify  in 
Rome,  —  these  are  the  subjects  of  the  latter  half 
of  the  book,  of  which  the  great  central  figure  is  the 
Apostle  Paul. 

Any  view  which  attributes  to  the  writer  as  his 
chief  design  some  collateral  purpose  which  is  sen'ed 
by  the  book  as  it  stands,  or,  indeed,  any  pui-pose 
beyond  that  of  writuig  a  faithful  history  of  such 
facts  as  seemed  important  in  the  spread  of  the  Gos- 
pel, is  now  generally  and  very  properly  treated  na 
erroneous.  Such  a  view  has  become  celebrated  in 
modern  times,  as  held  by  Baiu- ;  —  that  the  purpose 
of  the  writer  was  to  compare  the  two  great  Apostles, 
to  show  that  St.  Paul  did  not  depart  from  the  prirv 
ciples  which  regulated  St.  Peter,  and  to  exalt  hb^ 
at  every  opportunity  by  comparison  with  St.  Peter 


ACTS   OF  THE   APOSTLES 


The  reader  need  hardly  be  reminded  how  little  any 
juch  purpose  is  borne  out  by  the  contents  of  the 
book  itself;  nay,  how  naturally  they  would  follow 
their  present  sequence,  without  any  such  thought 
having  been  in  the  writer's  mind.  Doubtless  many 
ends  are  answered  and  many  results  brought  out 
by  the  book  as  its  naiTative  proceeds:  as  e.  g.  the 
rejection  of  the  Gospel  by  the  Jewish  people  every- 
where, and  its  gradual  transference  to  the  Gentiles ; 
and  others  which  might  be  easily  gathered  up,  and 
made  by  ingenious  hypothesizers,  such  as  Baur,  to 
appear  as  if  the  writer  were  bent  on  each  one  in  its 
turn  as  the  chief  object  of  his  work. 

As  to  the  time  when  and  place  at  which  the 
book  was  written,  we  are  left  to  gather  them  en- 
tirely from  indirect  notices.  It  seems  most  proba- 
ble that  the  place  of  writing  was  Rome,  and  the 
time  about  two  years  from  the  date  of  St.  Paul's 
arrival  there,  as  related  in  ch.  xxviii.,  sub  fin. 
Had  any  considerable  alteration  in  the  Apostle's 
circumstances  taken  place  before  the  pubUcation, 
there  can  be  no  reason  why  it  should  not  have  been 
noticed.  And  on  other  accounts  also,  this  time 
was  by  far  the  most  likely  for  the  publication  of  the 
book.  The  arrival  in  l{ome  was  an  important 
period  in  the  Apostle's  life:  the  quiet  which  suc- 
ceeded it  seemed  to  promise  no  immediate  deter- 
mination of  his  cause.  A  large  amount  of  historic 
material  had  been  collected  in  Judaea,  and  during 
the  \arious  missionary  journeys ;  or,  taking  another 
and  not  less  probable  view,  Nero  was  beginning  to 
undergo  that  cliange  for  the  worse  which  disgraced 
the  latter  portion  of  his  reign :  none  could  tell  how 
soon  the  whole  outward  repose  of  Koman  society 
might  be  shaken,  and  the  tacit  toleration  which 
the  Christians  enjoyed  be  exchanged  for  bitter  per- 
secution. If  such  terrors  were  imminent,  there 
would  surely  be  in  the  Koman  Church  prophets 
and  teachers  who  might  tell  them  of  the  storm 
which  was  gathering,  and  warn  them  that  the 
records  lying  ready  for  publication  must  be  given 
to  the  faithful  before  its  outbreak  or  event. 

Such  a  priori  considerations  would,  it  is  true, 
weigh  but  little  against  presumptive  evidence  fur- 
nished by  the  book  itself;  but  arrayed,  as  they  are, 
in  aid  of  such  evidence,  they  can-y  some  weight, 
when  we  find  that  the  time  naturally  and  fairly  in- 
dicated in  the  book  itself  for  its  publication  is  that 
one  of  all  others  when  we  should  conceive  that  pub- 
lication most  likely. 

This  would  give  us  for  the  publication  the  year 
63  A.  D.,  according  to  the  most  probable  assign- 
ment of  the  date  of  the  arrival  of  St.  Paul  at  Kome. 

The  genuineness  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  has 
ever  been  recognized  in  the  Church.  It  is  men- 
'ioned  Ijy  Eusebius  (//.  I'J.  iii.  25)  among  the 
uo\oyovij.evai  Serai  ypacpal.  It  is  first  directly 
yiioted  in  the  epistle  of  the  churches  of  Lyons  and 
Vienne  to  those  of  Asia  and  Phrygia  (a.  d.  177); 
then  repeatedly  and  expressly  by  Irenapus,  Clement 
of  Alexandria,  TertuUian,  and  so  onwards.  It  was 
rejected  by  the  Marcionites  (cent,  iii.)  and  Mani- 
•hseans  (cent,  iv.)  as  contradicting  some  of  their 
lotions.  In  modem  Germany,  liaur  and  some 
others  have  attempted  to  throw  discredit  on  it,  and 
fix  its  pubUcation  in  the  second  century,  mainly  by 
assuminsr  the  hypothesis  impugned  above,  that  it 
is  an  apology  for  St.  Paul.  But  the  view  has 
*)und  no  favor,  and  would,  ere  this,  have  been  for- 
gotten, had  it  not  been  for  the  ability  and  subtlety 
if  its  chief  supporter. 

The  text  of  tlie  Acts  of  the  Apostles  is  very  fiiU 


ACTS   OF   THE   APOSTLES      23 

cf  various  readings ;  more  so  than  any  other  book 
of  the  N.  T.  To  this  several  reasons  may  have 
contributed.  In  the  many  backward  j-eferences  tt 
Gospel  history,  and  the  many  anticipations  of  state- 
ments and  expressions  occurring  in  the  Epistles, 
temptations  abounded  for  a  corrector  to  try  his 
hand  at  assimilating,  and,  as  he  thought,  reconcil- 
ing the  various  accounts.  In  places  where  eoxjlesi- 
astical  order  or  usage  was  in  question,  insertions  or 
omissions  were  made  to  suit  the  habits  and  views 
of  the  Church  in  aftertimes.  Where  the  narrative 
simply  related  facts,  any  act  or  word  apparently 
unworthy  of  the  apostolic  agent  was  modified  for 
the  sake  of  decorum.  Where  St.  Paul  repeats  to 
different  audiences,  or  the  writer  himself  narrates 
the  details  of  his  miraculous  conversion,  the  one 
passage  was  pieced  from  the  other,  so  as  to  produc 
verbal  accordance.  There  are  in  this  book  an  un- 
usual number  of  those  remarkable  interpolations  of 
considerable  length,  which  are  found  in  the  Codex 
Bezse  (D)  and  its  cognates.  A  critic  of  some  em- 
inence, Bornemann,  believes  that  the  text  of  the 
Acts  originally  contauied  them  all,  and  has  been 
abbreviated  by  correctors ;  and  he  has  published  an 
edition  in  which  they  are  inserted  in  full.  But, 
while  some  of  them  bear  an  appearance  of  genuine- 
ness (as  €.  g.  that  in  ch.  xii.  10,  where,  after 
i^f\06yTfs,  is  added  KaTe0r](rav  rohs  e-irrii,  j8a9- 
fiovs,  KoX)  the  greater  part  are  unmeaning  and  ab- 
surd (e.  g.  that  in  ch.  xvi.  39,  where  we  read  after 
i^eXQiiv,  —  elir6vT(s,  ^ Hy fo-fiaa/xey  to,  KaO'  vfias 
oTi  ia're  iifSpes  SiKaioi-  koI  ^^ayay6t'T€S  irape- 
KciXeaav  aurovs  Keyovm  'Ek  ttjs  Tr6\eois  ravrrjs 
i^fXdare  fji-f}TroTe  TrdXtv  a-vvarpa,(po>(nv  rifjuv  iiti- 
Kpa.(^ovTfS  KaO'  vfxcov). 

The  most  remarkable  exegetical  works  and  mon- 
ographs on  the  Acts,  beside  commentaries  on  the 
whole  N.  T.  [Alford,  Wordsworth,  DeWette,  Meyer, 
Lechler  in  Lange's  Bibelwerk],  are  Baumgarten, 
A/>osielgeschickte.,  oder  der  Enttuickelungsgong  der 
Kirche  von  Jerusalem  bis  Rom,  Halle,  1852  [2d 
ed.  1859,  Eng.  trans.  Edinb.  185-1;  Zeller,  Die 
Aposfelgescklclite  nach  ihrem  InhaU  u.  Ursprung 
krit.  untersucIU,  Stuttg.  1854,  first  publ.  in  the 
Tlieol.  Jahrb.  1849-51 ;  and]  I^kebusch,  Die  Com- 
/wsition  und  Entsttlmng  der  Apostelgeschichte  von 
Neiiem  nnfersiichf,  Gotha,  1854. 

The  former  of  these  work  is  a  very  complete 
treatise  on  the  Christian-historical  development  of 
the  Church  as  related  in  the  book :  the  latter  is  of 
more  value  as  a  critical  examination  of  the  various 
theories  as  to  its  composition  and  authorship.  [Zel- 
ler's  is  the  ablest  attack  on  its  genuineness  and  au- 
thenticity.] 

Valuable  running  historical  comments  on  the 
Acts  are  also  found  in  Neander's  Pfinmung  u. 
Leitung  der  Christlichen  Kirche  durch  die  Ajwstel, 
4th  ed.,  Hamburg,  1847  [Eng.  trans,  by  Ryland 
in  Bohn's  Stand.  Library,  1851,  revised  and  cor- 
rected by  E.  G.  Robinson,  N.  Y.  18G5] ;  Cony- 
beare  and  Ilowson's  Life  and  Epistles  of  St.  Paid, 
2d  ed.,  Lond.  1856.  Professed  commentaries  have 
been  published  by  Mr.  Humphry,  Lond.  1847, 
[2d  ed.  1854],  and  Professor  Hackett,  Boston,  U. 
S.  1852  [enlarged  ed.  1858,  and  Dr.  J.  A.  Alex- 
ander, New  York,  1857].  H.  A. 

*Add  to  the  collateral  helps  Paley's  ITorce  Paul- 
nee;  Biscoe,  The  History  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apos- 
tles confij-mtd,  etc.,  I^nd.  1742,  new  ed.  Oxf. 
1841;  Meyet,  J.  A.  G.,  Vers'ic^.  einer  Vertheidig- 
ung  d.  Gesck.  Jesu  u.  d  Apostel  ullein  aus  griech. 
M.  rom.  Profanscribenten,  1805     Meijier,  Din.  d* 


24      ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES 

Lticm  i.^ioTricria  in  sciibendo  Acll.  Apoft.  Libra, 
Hag.  (L'oin.  1827;  1J<  iter's  BtHnii/e  zur  Linl.  in 
die  Paulinisclien  Brief e,  1837-38;  IJirks's  Jloroe 
Apostdica ;  I>ewiti'8  Life  ami  J-'phiUn  of  i  t.  Paid, 
2  vol.,  Ix)iid.  1851;  Dr.  llowsoii  en  the  CI aracter 
%ff  St.  Paul  (Hulsean  l^ectures  for  18(52);  I^ange, 
Apogt.  ZtiliiUtr,  1853-54;  Dr.  Scliatts  lliitonj 
of  the  AjmloUc  Church,  N.  y .  18.J4,  p.  191  ft'.; 
I.,echler,  Das  apostol.  u.  </.  nnr/iajiuslnl.  Zvituller, 
2detl.,  1357;  I'l-es-sens**,  l/isloiredts  tnii.i  premiers 
fiecles  de  tKylise  Chretienne,  I'aris,  1858,  i.  348 
ff. ;  Kwidd.  Gesch.  d.  ajMist.  ZtilaUers,  Gitt.  1858 
(Ikl.  vi.  of  his  Gesch.  d.  Volkes  fsi-ael);  an  art.  in 
the  Christian  Kxnniiner  for  July,  1801,  on  the 
"  Orifiin  and  Composition  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles":  the  Ahbd  A'idal,  Saint  Paul,  sa  vie  et 
ses  oettvres,  2  vol.,  I'aris,  18G3;  Vaughan,  C.  A., 
The  Church  (f  the  First  Days,  3  vol.,  Lond. 
1864-65;  Smith,  .I.anies,  Voyfu/e  and  Shi/m>reck 
of  St.  Paul,  3d  cd.,  lA)nd.  1806;  and  Kloster- 
mann,  Mndlclce  Lucaiia;,  sen  de  Jtitierarii  in  Libra 
Actl.  assei-vato  Aurlore,  (lotting.  1800. 

On  the  chronology,  see  particularly  Anger,  A- 
Temp<)7-um  in  Actis  AjjosI.  Jiatione,  Dips.  1833, 
and  W'ieseler,  Chrimoloyie  des  ajHisiol.  Zeitalters, 
Gcitt.  1848.  H.  and  A. 

*  Some  additional  remarks  will  here  he  made 
upon  the  theory  of  the  'I'iihingen  school  rcsj)ecting 
the  authorship  of  the  hook  of  Acts,  'i'his  theory 
proceeds  upon  the  assumption  that  Peter  and  the 
rest  of  the  original  disciples  of  Christ  were  Judaiz- 
ers;  /.  e.,  that  they  insisted  upon  the  circimicision 
of  the  Gentile  converts  to  Christianity,  as  an  indis- 
pensable condition  of  fellowship.  Consequently, 
according  to  Dr.  IJaur,  Deter  and  Paul  and  the  two 
branches  of  the  church  of  which  they  were  resjiec- 
tively  the  Ifiulers  were  placed  in  a  relation  of  hos- 
tility to  one  another.  After  tlie  death  of  these 
Apostles,  various  attempts  were  made  to  produce  a 
reconciliation  between  the  opjwsing  parties.  The 
book  of  Acts,  it  is  claimed,  is  the  protluct  of  one 
of  these  irenical  or  compniniising  efforts.  A  Paul- 
ine Christian  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  second  cen- 
tury conijwses  a  half-fictitious  history,  with  the  de- 
sign to  ])resent  Paul  in  a  favorable  light  to  tlie  Ju- 
dajzci-s,  and  Peter  in  an  equally  favorable  light  to 
the  adherents  of  Paul.  Paul  is  represented  as  hav- 
ing circumcised  Timothy,  and  as  having' in  other 
]X)ints  conformed  to  the  .ludaizing  princijiles;  whilst 
Peter,  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  affair  of  Cornelius 
and  on  other  occasion.":,  and  the  Jerusalem  Church 
(in  the  narrative  of  Aiwstolic  convention,  for  exam- 
ple), are  ma<le  out  to  agi'ec  almost  with  the  tenets 
of  Paul.  One  feature  of  Dr.  15aur"s  system  was 
ihe  rejection  of  the  genuineness  of  all  tlie  Pauline 
Kpistles,  save  the  two  l'2pistles  to  the  Corinthians, 
th?  Epistle  to  the  Pomaiis  and  that  to  the  Gala- 
tiaiis.  The  following  remarks  form  the  heads 
of  .1  conclusive  argument  against  the  'J'Ubingen 
theory. 

1.  Paul's  general  style  of  reference  to  the  other 
Ajiostles,  in  the  l'"pistlcs  acknowledged  to  be  genu- 
ine, is  inconsistent  with  that  theory,  lie  and 
they  form  one  company,  and  are  partakers  of  com- 
•jion  afflictions.     Scr  1  Cor.  iv.  9  seq.,  1  Cor.  xv. 

seq.  In  the  last  passage  (ver.  9/  be  styles  liim- 
-«lf  "the  least  of  the 'Apostles."  When  both 
Epistles  were  written,  he  was  engaged  in  collecting 

contnbution  for  "  the  saints "  at  Jerusalem, 
rhe  last  two  chapters  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Komans, 
which  show  the  friendship  of  Paul  for  the  Jewish 
I  -luistlans,  are,  on  quitfi  inr.ufiicient  grounds,  de- 


ACTS   OF  THE  APOSTLES 

nied  to  be  genuine  by  I3aur.     There  is  no  rc.-iAOE 
able  doubt  of  their  genuineness. 

2.  Paul's  account  of  his  conference  with  the 
AiK)stle8  at  Jerusalem  (Gal.  ii.  1  seq.)  —  the  pas- 
sage on  which  Daur  chiefly  relies  for  the  establish- 
ment of  his  thesis  —  reiilly  ovtrthroMS  it.  'Ihe 
"false  brethren"  (ver.  4)  were  not  Apostles,  but 
the  faction  of  Judaizers.  Of  the  A]x)stles  Peter, 
James,  and  John,  he  says  (ver.  9)  when  they  "  per- 
ceived Ihe  f/rnce  that  was  f/iren  unto  me,  tliey  gave 
to  me  and  l$aniabas  the  riijbt  hand  of  fellowship.^'' 
The  sincerity  of  this  act  of  fellowship  is  proved,  if 
jiroof  were  needed,  by  the  arrangement  made  fcT 
the  contribution  for  the  poor,  to  be  gathered  by 
Paul  from  the  (Jentile  Churches  (ver.  10).  The 
controversy  with  Peter  (ver.  11  seq.)  was  not  about 
a  princijile,  but  was  occasioned  by  the  circumstance 
that  the  latter  did  "not  walk  vpi'iqhtly,"  or  was 
false  to  his  convictions.  The  circumcision  of  Tim- 
othy, as  recorded  in  Acts,  is  not  rendered  improb- 
a))le  by  the  refusal  of  Paul  (Gal.  ii.  3)  to  circum- 
cise Titus,  since  Titus  was  a  heathen  by  birth,  and 
Timothy  was  circumcised,  not  to  comply  with  a 
demand  of  Jiidaizers,  but  to  conciliate  Jews.  In 
the  latter  case,  no  prbiciple  was  sacrificed ;  see  1 
Cor.  ix.  20.  The  right  interpretation  of  Gal.  ii. 
removes  the  objections  brought  to  the  credibility  of 
the  Uiirrative,  in  Acts  xv.,  of  the  A])Ostolic  conven- 
tion. In  tlie  light  of  this  interpretation,  the  prin- 
cipal objections  of  the  Tiibingen  school  to  the  cred- 
ibility of  the  book  of  Acts,  as  a  whole,  vanisli. 
Put  some  of  the  positive  proofs  of  the  genuineness 
of  this  iKXik  may  lie  here  briefly  stated. 

1.  The  testimony  of  the  author,  especially  when 
we  consider  the  form  in  which  it  is  given.  It  is 
generally  conceded  that  the  third  (iospel  and  Acti 
are  by  the  same  author.  Tiiis  author  declarej 
(Luke  i.  2)  that  he  derived  his  infurmation  from 
eye-witnesses  and  contemporaries.  Tlie  passages  in 
Acts  (xvi.  11,  XX.  5-15,  xxi.  1-18,  ^\vii.  1,  xxviii. 
17)  in  which  the  writer  .speaks  in  i\\e  first  ]ierson 
plund  —  the  so-called  "  we  "  passages  —  prove  him 
to  have  been  a  companion  of  Paul.  Tlie  theory 
that  Acts  is  a  comiiilation  of  docninents  being  un- 
tenable, we  are  obliged  to  suppose  either  that  the 
■HTiter  was  a  participant  in  the  events  recorded,  or 
that  he  ha-s  introduced  a  document,  retaining  the 
jirononiinal  jieculi.arity  an  purpose  to  dvceire  the 
render.  This  last  liyjiothesis  is  advocated  by  tel- 
ler. Bleek's  theory  that  a  document  from  Timo- 
thy is  artlessly  introduced  without  any  notice  to 
the  reader,  is  refuted  by  the  circumstance  that,  ir; 
language  and  style,  the  pa.ssages  in  question  cor- 
respond with  the  rest  of  the  book. 

2.  The  moral  spirit  of  the  book  is  inconsistent 
with  the  ascription  of  it  to  forgery  and  intentional 
deception.  See,  for  example,  the  narrative  of  Ana- 
nias and  Sap])hira. 

3.  The  relation  of  Acts  to  the  Pauline  Epistles 
proves  the  genuineness  and  credibility  of  the  for- 
mer. Both  the  coincidences  and  diversities  make 
up  this  proof.  It  is  exhibited  in  part  in  Paley's 
IhrriB  J'auliim.  The  Acts  is  seen  to  be  an  inde- 
pendent narrative. 

4.  An  examination  of  the  contents  of  the  Acts 
will  show  the  untenable  character  of  the  Tiibingen 
hj-pothesis.  See,  for  example.  Acts  i.  21,  22,  where 
another  Apostle  is  chosen  to  fill  up  tht  number  of 
the  twelre,  —  a  passage  which  an  author  such  ai 
Daur  dcscriijes  would  never  ha\e  written.  See 
also  Acts  xxi.  15  seq.,  especially  vers.  20,  21 
where  the  l«lieving  Jews  who  are  zealous  for  tl« 


ACUA 

«w  are  declared  to  be  >'  many  thousands  "  (fivpt- 
iS(s)-  See  also  Paul's  denunciation  of  the  Jews, 
A.cts  xxviii.  25  seq. 

The  historical  discrepancies  which  the  critics 
find  in  Acts  are  sach  as.  if  they  were  made  out  to 
exist,  prove  no  "tendency"  or  partisan  purpose 
in  the  work,  but  only  show  that  the  author,  like 
other  credible  historians,  is  not  free  from  inaccura- 
cies. The  speeches  are  doubtless  given  or  repro- 
duced in  the  language  of  Luke  himself.  Tlieir  his- 
torical credibility  is  shown  by  Tholuck  {T/ieol. 
Slwlien  u.  Kriliktrt,  1839,  II.). 

In  the  defence  of  the  Tltbingen  hypothesis,  see 
Uaur,  Das  Christenthum  h.  die  christliche  Kircke 
der  drei  erst  en  Jahrhundevlen,  2e  Ausg.,  1860; 
also,  his  Pnulus ;  and  Zeller,  Die  Apostel<jeschichte. 
In  the  refutation  of  this  hy{X)thesis,  see  Eduard 
Ixikebusch,  Die  Co>n/M)sitivn  u.  Enlstehung  der 
Apostel(/eschiclite,  1854;  Professor  Haekett,  Coin- 
mentary  on  the  Acts,  revised  ed.  1858  (both  in  the 
introduction  and  in  the  exegesis  of  the  passages 
pertaining  to  the  controversy);  Meyer,  AposieUje- 
schichte ;  Lightfoot,  J'Jp.  to  the  Galatians,  Camb. 
1865,  Diss.  iii.  St.  Paul  and  the  Three,  pp.  276- 
346;  and  Fisher's  Essays  on  the  Supernatural 
Origin  of  Christianity,  New  York,  1865. 

G.  P.  F. 

ACU'A  fA/fouS;  [Aid.  'AKoui:]  Accuh). 
Akk'ub  (1  Esdr.  v.  30);  comp.  Ezr.  ii.  45. 

W.  A.  W. 

A'CUB  {'kKoiip;  Alex.  AKou/i;  [Aid. 'Akoi5)3 :] 
Accusu).  B.vivBUK  (I  Esdr.  v.  31;  comp.  Ezr.  ii. 
15).  W.  A.  W. 

AD'ADAH  (^7^7^    [festivall:  'Apoxrf,\; 

[Alex.  Comp.  Aid.  'ASoSa:]  Adada),  one  of  the 
eities  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah  named  with 
Dimonah  and  Kedesh  (.Josh.  xv.  22).  It  is  not 
mentioned  in  the  Onomasticon  of  Eusebius,  nor 
has  any  trace  of  it  been  yet  discovered. 

A'DAH  (mi?,  ornament,  beauty :  'Add  ■ 
Ada).  1.  The  first  of  the  two  wives  of  I^amech, 
fifth  in  descent  from  Cain,  by  whom  were  born  to 
him  Jabal  and  Jubal  (Gen.  iv.  19,  [20,  23]). 

2.  A  Hittitess,  daughter  of  Elon,  one  (probably 
the  first)  of  the  three  wives  of  Esau,  mother  of  his 
first-born  son  Eliphaz,  and  so  the  ancestress  of  six 
(or  seven)  of  the  tribes  of  the  Edomites  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
2,  [4,]  10  ff.  15  ff.).  In  Gen.  xxvi.  34,  she  is 
called  Bashematii.  F.  W.  G. 

ADA'IAH  [3  syl.]   (n^7?   [whom  Jehovah 

adorns]  :  'ESeid  ;  [Vat.  ESetva  ;]  Alex.  USida  : 
Hadaia).  1.  'i'he  maternal  grandfather  of  King 
Tosiah,  and  native  of  Boscath  in  the  lowlands  of 
•udah  (2  K.  xxii.  1). 

2.  ('A5ai;  [Vat.  A^e(a;]  Alex.  ASaia:  ^<^f««.) 
-^  Levite,  of  the  Gershonite  branch,  and  ancestor 
of  Asaph  (1  Chr.  vi.  41).  In  ver.  21  he  is  called 
Iddo. 

3.  ('ASai'o;  [Vat.  AjSia;]  Alex.  AAato:  Ada'ia.) 
A  Benjaniinite,  sou  of  Shimhi  (1  Chr.  viii.  21), 
xho  is  apparently  the  same  as  Shema  in  ver.  13. 

4.  (Alex.  2o5ias,  ASaia:  Adn'ms,  Adala.)  A 
priest,  son  of  Jeroliam  (1  Chr.  ix.  12;  Neh.  xi.  12), 
hio  returned  with  242  of  his  brethren  from  Baby- 
\n. 

5.  ('ASa'ias:  Ada'ia.)  One  of  the  descendants 
if  Bani,  who  iiad  marrial  a  foreign  wife  after  the 
«turn  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  x.  29).  He  is  called 
Iedeus  ia  1  EsdLr.  ix.  30. 


ADAM 


25 


6.  ('ASaVa;  Alex.  A5ams;  FA.  AJeiou:  Adilat. 
The  deso«;ndant  of  aiiotlier   B.ini,   who  had  alao 
taken  a  foreign  wife  (l"^r.  x.  39.) 

7.  (Alex.  Axa'a;  [Vat.]  FA.  Aa\ea'  Adnla.) 
A  man  of  Judah  of  the  line  of  I'harez  (Neh.  xi.  5) 

8.  (^nM?;  :  'AS/a;  [Vat.  'A^em,  2.  m.  AS- 
(la ;]  Alex.  ASaia :  Ada'ias. )  Ancestor  of  Maaseiab, 
one  of  the  captains  who  supported  Jehoiada  (2  Chr. 
xxiu.  1).  W.  A.  W. 

ADA'LIA  (S^^T^:  Bopeci;  [Vat.  M.  B<./>- 
(To;  Alex.  FA.  BapfW  Comp.  'A5oAic{:J  A'hlla), 
a  son  of  llaman  (Estli.  ix.  8). 

*  He  was  massacred  by  the  Jews,  together  with 
nine  other  sons  of  llaniau,  in  the  palace  of  the 
Persian  king  at  Shushan,  on  Haman's  downfall  and 
the  elevation  of  Mordecai  to  his  place  as  chief  min- 
ister of  state  (Esth.  ix.  6-10).  The  name  is  Pei'- 
sian,  though  the  father  was  probably  aii  Amalek- 
ite.  H. 

AD'AM  (n7S:  'A5c(jli:  Adam),  the  name 
which  is  given  in  Scripture  to  the  first  man.  The 
term  apparently  has  reference  to  the  ground  I'rom 
which  he  was  formed,  which    is   called  Adamah 

(rTDT^,  Gen.  ii.  7).  The  idea  of  redness  of  color 
seems  to  be  inherent  in  either  word.  (Cf.  ClM, 
Lam.  iv.-  7 ;  D"T^*,  red,  DTW  Edom,  Gen.  xxv. 

30;  n^S,  a  1-uby :  Arab.   fH^I,     colore    fusco 

prceditus  fuit,  rvbrum  tinxit,  &c.)  The  generic 
term  Adam,  man,  becomes,  in  the  case  of  the  first 
man,  a  denominative.  Supposing  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage to  represent  accurately  the  primary  ideas 
connected  with  the  formation  of  man,  it  would 
seem  that  the  appellation  bestowed  by  God  was 
given  to  keep  alive  in  Adam  the  memory  of  his 
earthly  and  mortal  nature;  whereas  the  name  by 
which  he  preferred  to  designate  himself  was  Ish 

(tt^^S,  a  man  of  substance  or  icorth.  Gen.  ii.  23). 
The  creation  of  man  was  the  work  of  the  sixth 
day.  His  formation  was  the  ultunate  olyect  of  the 
Creator.  It  was  with  reference  to  him  that  all 
things  were  designed.  He  was  to  be  the  "  roof 
and  crown"  of  the  whole  fabric  of  the  world.  In 
the  first  nine  chapters  of  Genesis  there  appear  to  be 
three  distinct  histories  relating  more  or  less  to  the 
hfe  of  Adam.  The  first  extends  from  Gen.  i.  1  to 
ii.  3,  the  second  from  ii.  4  to  iv.  26,  the  third  from 
v.  1  to  the  end  of  ix.  The  word  at  the  commence 
memt  of  the  two  latter  narratives,  which  is  ren- 
deretl  there  and  elsewhere  (fenerations,  may  also  be 
rendered  history.  The  style  of  the  second  of  theso 
records  differs  very  considerably  from  that  of  the 
first.  In  the  first  the  Deity  is  designated  by  the 
word  Elohim ;  in  the  second  He  is  generally  spoken 
of  as  Jehovah  Elohim.  The  object  of  the  first  of 
these  nan-atives  is  to  record  the  creation ;  that  of 
the  second  to  give  an  account  of  paradise,  the  orig- 
inal sin  of  man  and  the  immediate  posterity  of 
Adam;  the  third  contains  mainly  the  history  of 
Noah,  refe.Tuig,  it  would  seem,  to  Adam  and  his 
descendants,  principally  in  relation  to  that  patri- 
arch. 

The  Mosaic  accounts  furnish  us  with  very  few 
materials  from  which  to  form  any  adequate  concep- 
tion of  the  first  man.  He  is  said  to  have  been 
created  in  the  image  and  likeness  of  God,  and  thi* 


26  ADAM 

18  commonly  interpreted  to  mean  some  super-ex- 
zeileiit  and  di\°inc  condition  which  was  lost  at  the 
Fall  ■  apparently,  however,  without  suiflcient  reason, 
as  the  continuance  of  this  condition  is  implied  in 
the  time  of  Xoali,  subsequent  to  tlie  flood  (Gen.  ix. 
6),  and  is  asserted  as  a  fact  by  St.  Jaines  (iil.  9), 
and  by  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  xi.  7).  It  more  pi'obably 
points  to  the  Divine  pattern  and  archetj-pe  after 
which  man's  intelligent  nature  was  fashioned ;  rea- 
Bon,  undei-standing,  imagination,  volition,  &c.  being 
attributes  of  (iod;  and  man  alone  of  the  animals 
of  the  earth  being  possessed  of  a  spiritual  nature 
which  resembled  God's  nature.  Man,  in  short,  was 
a  8i>irit  created  to  reflect  God's  righteousness  and 
trutli  and  love,  and  capable  of  holding  direct  inter- 
course and  communion  with  Him.  As  long  as  his 
will  moved  in  harmony  with  God's  will,  he  fulfilled 
the  purix)se  of  his  Ci-eator.  When  he  refused  sub- 
mission to  God,  he  broke  the  law  of  his  existence 
and  fell,  introducing  confusion  luid  disorder  into  the 
economy  of  his  nature.  As  nmch  as  this  we  may 
leam  from  what  St.  Paul  says  of  "  the  new  man 
being  renewed  in  knowledge  after  the  image  of  Him 
that  created  him  "  (Col.  iii.  10),  the  restoration  to 
Buch  a  condition  being  the  very  work  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  of  God.  The  name  Adam  was  not  confined 
to  the  father  of  the  human  race,  but  like  homo  was 
applicable  to  woman  as  well  as  man,  so  that  we  find 
it  is  said  hi  Gen.  v.  1,  2,  "  This  is  the  book  of  the 
» history '  of  Adam  in  the  day  that  God  created 
» Adam,'  in  the  likeness  of  God  made  He  him,  male 
and  female  created  He  them,  and  called  their  name 
Adam  in  the  day  when  they  were  created." 

The  man  Adam  was  placed  in  a  garden  which 
the  Ivord  God  had  planted  '-eastward  in  lulen," 
for  the  pui"pose  of  dressing  it  and  keeping  it.  It 
a  of  course  hopeless  to  attempt  to  identify  the  sit- 
uation of  llden  with  that  of  any  district  familiar 
to  modem  geography.  There  seems  good  ground 
for  8upi)osing  it  to  have  been  an  actual  locality. 
It  was  probably  near  the  source  of  a  ri^er  which 
subsequently  divided  into  four  streams.  These 
are  mentioned  by  name:  Pison  is  supiwseJ  by 
Bome  to  be  the  Indus,  Gihon  is  taken  for  the 
Nile,  Hiddekel  is  called  by  the  LXX.  here,  and  at 
Dan.  X.  4,  Tigris,  and  the  fourth  is  Euphrates; 
but  how  they  should  have  been  originally  united  is 
unintelligii)le.  Adam  was  jxirmitted  to  eat  of  the 
fruit  of  every  tree  in  the  garden  but  one,  which  was 
called  the  "tree  of  the  knowledge  of  good  and 
evil."  AV'hat  tliis  was  it  is  also  impossible  to  say. 
Its  name  woidd  seem  to  indicate  that  it  had  the 
[X)wer  of  bestowing  the  consciousness  of  the  differ- 
erence  Ijetween  good  and  evil ;  in  the  ignorance  of 
which  man's  innocence  and  happiness  consisted. 
The  piohibition  to  taste  the  fruit  of  this  tree  was 
enforced  l)y  the  menace  of  death.  Thei-e  w'as  also 
another  tree  which  was  called  "the  tree  of  life." 
Some  fup]»ose  it  to  have  acted  as  a  kind  of  med- 
icine, and  that  by  the  continual  use  of  it  our  firet 
parents,  not  crcate<I  immortal,  were  preserved  from 
death.  (Abp.  Whately.)  While  Adam  was  in  the 
garden  of  Ivlen  tlie  lieitsts  of  the  field  and  the 
fowls  of  tlie  air  were  brought  to  him  to  be  named, 
and  whats(K'ver  he  callefl  every  living  creature 
that  was  the  name  thereof.  Thus  the  power  of 
itly  designating  objects  of  sense  Wiis  jwssessed  by 
ih^  first  man,  a  faculty  which  is  generally  considered 
B8  indicating  mature  and  extensive  intellectual  re- 
wurces.  L'jwn  the  failure  of  a  companion  suitable 
l)r  Adam  miiong  the  creatui-es  thus  brought  to  him 
"«  be  named,  the  Lord  God  caused  a  deep  sleep  to 


ADAM 

fall  upon  him,  and  took  one  of  his  id)s  from  bim, 
which  He  fashioned  into  a  woman  and  brought  hei 
to  the  man.  Prof.  S.  Lee  supposed  the  narrative 
of  the  creation  of  Eve  to  have  l>een  revealed  tc 
Adam  in  his  deep  sleep  (Ixe's  Job,  Introd.  p.  16). 
This  is  agreeable  with  the  analogy  of  similar  pas- 
sages, as  Acts  X.  10,  xi.  5,  xxii.  17.  At  this  time 
tliey  are  both  described  as  being  naked  without  the 
consciousness  of  shame. 

Such  is  the  Scripture  account  of  Adam  prior  to 
the  Pall.  There  is  no  narrative  of  any  condition 
sujierhuman  or  contrary  to  the  ordinary  laws  of 
humanity.  The  first  man  is  a  true  man,  with  the 
powers  of  a  man  and  the  innocence  of  a  child. 
He  is  moreover  spoken  of  by  St.  Paul  as  being 
"  the  figure,  rvvos,  of  Him  that  was  to  come," 
the  second  Adam,  Chri.st  Jesus  (Kom.  v.  14).  Ilia 
human  excellence,  therefore,  cannot  have  been 
superior  to  that  of  the  Son  of  Mary,  who  was 
Himself  the  Pattern  and  Perfect  Man.  By  the 
subtlety  of  the  serpent,  the  woman  who  was  given 
to  be  with  Adam,  was  beguiled  into  a  violation  of 
the  one  command  which  had  been  impased  upon 
them.  She  took  of  the  fruit  of  the  forbidden  tree 
and  gave  it  to  her  husband.  The  propriety  of  its 
name  was  inmiediately  shown  in  the  results  which 
followed:  seli'-consciousness  was  the  first  fruits  of 
sin;  their  eyes  were  ojjeiied  and  tiiey  knew  that 
they  were  naked."  The  subsequent  conduct  of 
Adam  would  seem  to  militate  against  the  notion 
that  he  was  in  himself  the  perfection  of  moral  ex- 
cellence. His  cowardly  attempt  to  clear  himself  by 
the  inculpation  of  his  helpless  wife  bears  no  markt 
of  a  high  moral  nature  even  though  fallen;  it  was 
conduct  unworthy  of  his  sons,  and  such  a.s  many 
of  them  would  have  scorned  to  adopt.*  Though 
the  curse  of  Adam's  rebellion  of  necessity  fell  upon 
him,  yet  the  very  prohibition  to  eat  of  the  tree  of 
life  iifter  his  transgression,  was  probably  a  manifes- 
tation of  Divine  mercy,  because  the  greatest  male- 
diction of  all  would  have  been  to  have  the  gift  of 
indestructible  life  superadded  to  a  state  of  wretch- 
edness and  sin.  When  moreover  we  find  in  Prov- 
iii.  18,  that  wisdom  is  declared  to  be  a  tree  of  life 
to  them  that  Liy  hold  upon  her,  and  in  Pev.  ii.  7, 
xxii.  2,  14,  that  the  same  expression  is  applied  to 
the  grace  of  Christ,  we  are  1«1  to  conclude  that  this 
was  merely  a  temporary  prohibition  inipused  till 
tlie  Gospel  dispeiis.atioii  should  be  brought  in 
Upon  this  supposition  the  condition  of  Christians 
now  is  as  favorable  as  that  of  Adam  l)efore  the 
Fall,  and  their  spiritual  st^ite  the  same,  with  the 


a  •  For  an  analysis  of  thi.s  first  sin  of  the  race,  the 
nature  of  the  temptation,  and  it<!  elTiJcts  on  tlie  mind 
of  Adam,  the  reader  will  find  Auberlcn's  remarks  in- 
structive (,Die  g'ottlklie  Offfnbdriin^,  i.  154  ff.,  trans- 
lated in  tlie  Bibl.  Sacra,  xxii.  430  ff.).  II. 

6  *  The  better  view  of  interpreters  is  that  Adam 
meant  to  cast  the  blame  of  his  sin  not  so  much  on 
Kve  as  on  his  Maker  for  havinj;  given  to  him  a  woman 
whose  example  had  led  him  into  trausgres.sion.  And 
in  that  disposition  certiiinly  ho  manifested  only  a  trait 
of  human  character  that  has  ever  distinguished  his 
descendants,  namely,  a  proneness  to  find  the  cause  of 
sin  not  in  their  own  hearts,  but  in  Ood's  relations  to 
them  as  having  ordained  the  circumstances  in  which 
they  act,  and  given  to  them  the  moral  natui-e  which 
they  possess.  In  that  remonstrance  of  the  Aposthi 
James  (i.  1^-15)  against  this  .self^j-xculpatory  spirit, 
"  liet  no  man  say  when  he  is  tempted,  I  am  tempted  of 
Ood,"  &c.,  we  simply  hear  again  the  echo  of  Adam'i 
defense  in  the  garden,  "  The  woman  whom  thou  gayes 
to  be  with  me  "  (Uen.  iii.  12).  11 


ADAM 

tingle  exception  of  the  consciousness  of  si.i  and  the 
knowle<Jge  of  good  and  evil. 

Till  u  recent  period  it  has  been  generally  believed 
that  the  Scriptural  narrative  supposes  the  wliole 
liuman  race  to  have  sprung  fnnn  one  pair.  It  is 
maintained  that  the  O.  T.  assumes  it  in  the  reason 
assigned  for  the  name  which  Adam  gave  his  wife 
after  the  l''all,  namely,  Fab,  or  Chavvah,  i.  e.  a  lic- 
ing  woman,  "  because  she  was  the  mother  of  all 
living;  "  and  that  St.  Paul  assumes  it  in  his  sermon 
at  Athens  when  lie  declares  that  God  hath  made 
of  one  blood  all  nations  of  men ;  and  in  the  ICpistle 
to  the  Ihmans,  and  first  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians, 
wlien  he  opposes  Christ  as  the  representative  of  re- 
deemed humanity,  to  Adam  as  the  representative 
of  natural,  fallen,  and  sinful  humanity.  But  the 
full  consideration  of  this  imix)rtant  subject  will 
come  more  appropriately  under  the  article  M.\n. 

In  the  middle  ages  discussions  were  raised  as  to 
the  period  which  Adam  remained  in  Paradise  in  a 
unless  state.  To  these  Dante  refers  m  the  Paradiso, 
ixvi.  139-142:  — 

"  Nel  monte,  che  si  leva  pii'i  dall'  onda, 
i'u'  io,  con  vita  pura  e  disonesta, 
Dalla  prim'  era  a  quella  ch'  k  seconda. 
Come  il  Sol  muta  quadra,  all'  ora  sesta." 

Lknte  therefore  did  not  suppose  Adam  to  have 
been  rtwre  than  seven  hours  in  the  earthly  paradise. 
Adam  is  stated  to  have  lived  930  ye:irs :  so  it  would 
seem  that  the  death  which  resulted  from  his  sin 
was  the  spiritual  death  of  alienation  from  God. 
"  In  the  day  that  thou  eatest  thereof  thou  shalt 
surely  die:"  and  accordingly  we  find  that  this 
spiritual  death  began  to  work  immediately.  The 
sons  of  Adam  mentioned  in  Scripture  are  Cain, 
Abel  and  Seth.  It  is  implied,  however,  that  he 
had  others.  S.  L. 

AD'AM  (ClK^ear^j;"  [Comp.  Aid.  'AS- 

a/xf:]  Adorn),  a  city  on  the  Jordan  "beside  (l^S2) 
'Zarthan,'  "  in  the  time  of  Joshua  (Josh.  iii.  16). 
It  is  not  elsewhere  mentioned,  nor  is  there  any  ref- 
erence to  it  in  Josephus.  The  LXX.  (both  MSS.) 
[both  in  the  Rom.  ed.  and  the  Alex.  JIS.]  has  'iws 
fiepous  Kapiadiapifi  [Vat.  Kadiaipeiv],  a  curious 
variation,  in  which  it  has  been  suggested  (Stanley, 
S.  (f\  P.  App.  §  80,  note)  that  a  trace  of  Adam 
appears  in  apifj.,  D  being  changed  to  K  according 
to  the  fre<iuent  custom  of  the  LXX. 

Note.  —  The  A.  V.  here  follows  the  Ken,  which, 

for  □"TS3z="by  Adam,"  the  reading  in  the  He- 

brew  text  or  Chetib,  has  D7S^  =  "  from  Adam," 
an  alteration  which  is  a  questionable  improvement 
(Keil,  p.  51).  The  accurate  rendering  of  the  text 
is  '•  rose  up  upon  a  heap,  very  far  off,  by  Adam, 
the  city  that  is  beside  Zarthan  "  (Stanley,  S.  if  P. 
p.  304,  note).  G. 

AD'AMAH  (npiS  learth]:  'Apfxald; 
[Alex.  Comp.  Aid.  \5oju.i:]  Edema),  one  of  the 
"fenced  cities"  of  Naphtali,  named  between  Chin- 
neretli  and  ha-Kamah  (Josh.  xix.  36).  It  was 
DrobaI)ly  situated  to  the  N.  W.  of  the  Sea  of  Gali- 
jee,  but  no  trace  of  it  has  yet  been  discovered. 

ADAMANT  O'''!^^^',  shdmir:  i^afidrTivos- 

a  Can  the  plsu-e  have   derived  its  name  fronv  ihe 
'fat '  ground"  (n^^SH)  which  was  in  this  very 
aeighborliood  —  "between    Succoth    and    Zarthan" 
3  K.  vii  40)? 


ADAMANT 


27 


adamns'>).  Tlie  word  Shdmir  occurs  as  a  ccmmop 
noun  eleven  times  in  the  O.  T.  In  eight  of  tliest 
passages  it  evidently  stands  for  some  prickly  plant, 
and  accordingly  it  is  rendered  "  briers  "<-'  by  the 
A.  V.  In  the  three  remaining  passages  (Jer.  jc^ii. 
1;  liz.  iii.  9;  Zech.  vii.  12)  it  is  the  representative 
of  some  stone  of  excessive  hardness,  and  is  used 
in  each  of  tliese  last  instances  metaphoricidly.  In 
Jer.  xvii.  1,  <S/(d/»?;'=  "diamond  "  in  tlie  text  of 
the  A.  V.  "The  sin  of  Judah  is  written  with  a 
pen  of  iron  and  with  the  point  of  a  diamond," 
*'.  e.  the  people's  idolatry  is  indelibly  fixed  in  tlieir 
affections,  engraved  as  it  were  on  the  tablets  of. 
their  hearts.  In  li.  iii.  9,  /S//a)«j/-=:="  adamant." 
"  As  an  adamant  harder  than  flint  have  I  made 
thy  forehead,  fear  tliem  not."  Here  the  word  is 
intended  to  signify  that  firmness  of  purjK)se  with 
which  the  prophet  should  resist  the  sin  of  the  re- 
bellious house  of  Israel.  In  Zech.  vii.  12,  the 
Hebrew  word  =  "  adamant-stone  "  —  "  Yea,  they 
made  their  hearts  as  an  a<lamant-stone,  lest  they 
should  hear  the  law,"  — and  is  used  to  express  tlie 
hardness  of  the  hearts  of  the  Jews  in  resisting 
truth. 

The  LXX.  afford  us  but  little  clue  whereby  to 
identify  the  mineral  here  spoken  of,  for  in  Ez.  iii.  !> 
and  in  Zech.  vii.  12  they  have  not  rendered  the 
Hebrew  word  at  Ul,  while  the  whole  passage  in 
Jer.  xviii  1-5  is  altogether  omitted  in  the  Vatican 
MS.;  the  Alexandrine  MS.,  however  has  the  pas- 
sage, and  reads,  with  the  versions  of  Aquila,  Theo- 
dotion,  and  Symmachus,  "  with  a  nail  of  ada- 
mant." <J  "  Adamant "  occurs  in  the  Apocrypha, 
in  P>cclus.  xvi.  16. 

Our  English  "  Adamant "  is  derived  from  the 
Greek,«  and  signifies  "  the  unconquerable,"  in 
allusion,  perhaps,  to  the  hard  nature  of  the  sub- 
stance, or,  according  to  Pliny  (xxxvii.  15),  because 
it  was  supposed  to  be  indestructible  by  fire-/"  The 
Greek  writers  o  generally  apply  the  word  to  some 
very  haixi  metal,  perhaps  stti-l,  though  they  do  also 
use  it  for  a  mineral.  Pliny,  in  the  chapter  referred 
to  above,  enumerates  six  varieties  of  Ada  mas. 
Dana  (Siist.  Mineral,  art.  Diamoiul)  says  that  the 
word  "  Adamas  was  applied  by  the  ancients  to  sev- 
eral minerals  differing  much  in  their  physical 
properties.  A  few  of  these  are  quartz,  specular 
iron  ore,  emery,  and  other  substances  of  rather 
high  degrees  of  hardness,  which  cannot  now  be 
identified."  Nor  does  the  EngUsh  language  attach 
any  one  definite  meaning  to  Adamant ;  sometimes 
indeed  we  understand  the  diamond  >>  by  it,  but  it  is 
often  used  vaguely  to  express  any  substance  of  im- 


S>^        5(2-  S-«* 

6  Arab.  ^yoLww  et  \y^,  «•  7-  jj**L*Jl,    "d^ 

mas.     The  Chaldee  S"1"'pti\ 

c  The  word  is  then  firequently  associated  wltk 
n'^VJ,  "thorns." 

<*  iv  oin)j(t  aSanavTivtf,  LXK.  Alex.;  "in  ungue 
adamantine,"  Vulg. 

*   a,  £a/ii.a(o. 

/  It  is  incorrect  to  suppose  that  even  tne  diamond, 
which  is  only  pure  carbon  crystallized,  is  "  invincible  " 
by  fire.  It  will  burn,  and  at  a  temperature  of  14' 
Wedgewood  will  be  wholly  consumed,  producing  car 
bonic  acid  gas. 

0  Comp.  also  Senec.  Hercul.  Fur.  807 :  "  Adamantt 
texto  vincire." 

'»  Our  English  diamond  is  merely  a  corruption  of 
adamant.     Comp.  the  ¥rench  diamante. 


28 


ADAMANT 


penetrable  hardness.  Chaucer,  Ba'viu,  Shakes- 
peart-,  use  it  in  some  instances  for  tUe  UxUsiotie." 
fn  niodeni  niineralojjy  tlie  simple  term  Adfiinanl 
has  no  technical  signiliciitiou,  but  AcUivumtine  Spar 
is  a  niinenil  well  known,  and  is  closely  allied  to  that 
which  we  have  good  reason  for  identifying  with  tlie 
Shamir  or  AiUviumt  of  the  liible. 

That  some  hanl  cutting  stone  is  intended  can 
be  shown  from  the  {Kissage  in  Jeremiah  quoted 
above  Moreover  the  Hebrew  root  *  {Sliduuir, '■'■  io 
cut,"  "  to  pierce  "),  from  which  the  word  is  derived, 
reveals  the  nature  of  the  stone,  the  sharpness  of 
which,  moreover,  is  proved  by  the  identity  of  the 
origin:d  word  with  a  britr  or  Uiom.  Now  since, 
in  the  opinion  of  those  who  have  given  much  at- 
tention to  the  subject,  the  Hebrews  ap{)ear  to  have 
lieen  unac^|uaiiited  with  the  true  diamond,'^  it  is 
very  probable,  from  the  expression  in  Ez.  iii.  9,  of 
"adamant  harder  than  Jlint"  <'  that  by  Shamir  is 
intended  some  variety  of  Coruiulum,  a  mineral 
uiferior  only  to  the  diamond  in  hardness.  Of  this 
minenil  there  are  two  principal  groups ;  one  is  crys- 
talline, the  otlier  granular  ;  to  tlie  crystalline  va- 
rieties belong  tlie  indigo-blue  sapphire,  the  red 
orientiU  ruby,  the  yellow  oriental  tojjaz,  the  green 
orientiU  emerald,  the  violet  oriental  amethyst,  the 
browTi  adamantuie  spar.  IJut  it  is  to  the  granular 
or  massive  variety  that  the  Shamir  may  with  most 
probability  be  assigned.  This  is  the  modern  Kmery, 
extensively  used  in  the  arts  for  polishuig  and  cutting 
gems  and  other  luird  substances;  it  is  found  in 
Saxony,  Italy,  Asia  Minor,  the  East  Indies,  &c., 
and  "  occurs  in  boulders  or  nodules  in  mica  slate,  in 
talcose  rock,  or  in  granular  limestone,  associated 
with  oxide  of  iron;  the  color  is  smoke-gray  or 
bluish-gray;  fractiu-e  imperfect.  The  best  kinds 
are  those  which  have  a  l)!ue  tuit;  but  many  sub- 
stances now  sold  under  the  name  of  emery  contain 
no  corundum."  «  'I'he  Greek  name  for  the  emery 
is  Smyris   or   Smir'u/  and   the   Hebrew  lexico- 


a  Chaucer,  Romaunt  of  the  Rose,  1182;  Shakes- 
peare, Mid.  Night  Dr.  Act  ii.  sc.  2,  and  Trail,  and 
CJress.  Act  iii.  sc.  2 ;  lUcou's  jE&wy  on  Travel. 

&  Fiirst's  Concorclantia;  '^TZV^,  inridere,  impingere. 
But  Oesenius,    Tkes.   sub   voc.  ~IDI?^,  t-  q-  ID'D 
^  Gj  ^ 

"an  Egyptian  thom  "  (see  Forskal,  Fl.  Mg.  Ar.  exxiu. 
G    >     - 

176),  and  \ajoLww,  adamas.  See  Freytag,  I^a;.  Arab. 
s.  T. 

c  Dana  sjiys  that  the  method  of  polishing  diamonds 
was  first  discovered  in  1456  by  Ix)uis  Bergnen,  a  cit- 
Ixen  of  Hruges,  previous  to  which  time  the  diamond 
waa  only  known  in  its  native  uncut  state.  It  is  quite 
olear  that  SJiam'r  cannot  mean  diamond,  for  if  it  did 
the  word  would  be  mentioned  with  precious  stones; 
but  this  is  not  the  case. 

rf  "n^Jp  "J  7.  That  "I!?,  though  it  may  some- 
times be  applied  to  ''  rock  "  generally,  yet  sometimes 
=flint,  or  some  other  variety  of  r/itariz,  seems  clear 
from  Kx.  iv.  25 :  —  "  Then  Zipporah  took  a  sharp  stone  " 

(T"),  Ts:r.  That  flint  knives  were  in  common  use 
%monRst  EiiKtcm  nations  is  well  known.  Compare 
Oiat  verj-  interesting  verse  of  the  LXX.,  Josh.  xxiv. 

n. 

«  Anstcd's  Mineraio-rij,  §  S&t. 

J  iriivpit,  or  <r/ii'pn,  aixtpK  est  ifinov  tlSoi 
lUeajrchiiu);  trit'^t  \ieot  iirri  (Oioscor.  r.  165).    Both 


ADBEEL 

graphers  derive  this  word  from  the  Hebrew  Shamir^. 
There  seems  to  l)e  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  twc 
words  are  identical,  and  that  by  Adamant  we  ar« 
to  understand  the  emery-stime,u  or  the  uncrystal- 
line  vai'iety  of  the  Corwulum. 

The  word  Smamik  occurs  in  the  0.  T.  three 
times  as  a  proper  name  —  once  as  the  name  of  a 
man''  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  24),  and  twice  a.s  the  name  of 
a  town.  The  name  of  the  town  may  have  reference 
to  the  rocky  nature  of  the  situation,  or  to  brier» 
and  tlionis  abundant  in  the  neighborhood.' 

W.  H. 

AD'AMI  ("'Q^M  ["  humanus,"  human,  or 
Adamite^]  'Ap/tf';  [Alex.  Aid.  *Ap/iot;  Comp.'AS- 
(fxixi-]  Adami),  a  place  on  the  border  of  Naphtali, 
named  after  AUon  bezaanannim  (Josh.  xix.  33). 
l?y  some  it  is  taken  in  connection  with  the  next 
name,  han-Nekeb,  but  see  Keland,  p.  545.  In  the 
post-biblical  times  Adami  bore  the  name  of  Damin. 

A'DAR  (accurately  Addar,  "T^S  \lieigh(]: 
lipoma;  [Alex.  Aid.  Comp.  'A55apo:]  Addar),  a 
phice  on  the  south  boundary  of  I'alestine  and  of 
Judah  (Josh.  xv.  3)  which  in  the  parallel  list  is 
called  Hazau-addau. 

A'DAR.     pNIoNTiis.] 

AD'ASA  ('ASao-cf,  LXX. ;  ra  'PiSaai,  Jos. : 
Adarsa,  Adazer),  a  place  in  Judxa,  a  day's  jour- 
ney from  Gazera,  and  30  stadia  from  IJethhoron 
(Jos.  Ant.  xii.  10,  §  5).  Here  Judas  Maccabaeus 
encamped  before  the  battle  in  which  Nicanor  wag 
killed,  Nicanor  having  pitched  at  Bethhoron  (1 
Mace.  vii.  40, 45).  In  the  Onomasticon  it  is  men- 
tioned as  near  (iuphna  [the  Roman  Gophna  and 
present  Jufna,  2^  miles  north-west  of  Bethel.     See 

Ol'UNI.] 

AD'BEEL  (^SS^S  :  NajSSe^X;  [in  1  Chr., 
Vat.  No;35oj7j\;  ( 'omp.  'A^Stji^A;  Aid.  Ai>j85t^\:] 
Adbetl;  'AjSSe'jjAos,  Joseph.;  "perhaps  ^ miracle 

Got- 
of  God,"  from        ^i,  miracle,""   Geseu.  s.  v.)  a 

son  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  13;  1  Chr.  i.  29),  and 
probably  the  progenitor  of  an  Arab  tril)e.  No  sat- 
isfactory identification  of  this  name  with  that  of 
any  jieople  or  place  mentioned  by  the  Greek  geog- 
niphers,  or  by  the  Arabs  themselves,  has  yet  been 
discovered.  The  latter  have  lost  most  of  the  names 
of  Ishmael's  descendants  between  that  patriarch 
and  'Adniin  (who  is  said  to  be  of  the  21st  genera- 
tion before  Mohammed),  and  this  could  scarcely 
have  been  the  case  if  tribes,  or  places  named  after 
them,  existed  in  the  times  of  Arabian  historians  or 
reiaters  of  traditions:  it  is  therefore  unlikely  that 


statements  are  correct ;  the  one  refers  to  the  powder^ 
the  other  to  the  storu.  The  German  Smirgel,  or 
Schmirgel,  is  evidently  allied  to  the  Hebrew  or  Greek 
words.  ISohlen  considers  the  Hebrew  word  to  be  of 
Indian  origin,  comparing  asmira,  a  stone  which  eats 
away  iron.  Doubtless  all  these  words  have  a  common 
origin. 

V  This  is  probably  the  same  stone  which  Ilerodotu* 
(vii.  69)  says  the  Ethiopians  in  the  army  of  Xerxee 
used  instead  of  iron  to  point  their  arrows  with,  and 
by  means  of  which  they  engraved  seals. 

A  In  theKeri.    The  Chethib  has  "^•"I^P',  Simmer 

i  It  will  be  enough  merely  to  allude  to  the  Rabbin? 

cal  fable  about  Solomon,  the  Hoopoe,  and  the  worn 

SAitn'ir.     See  Bochart's   Kierozoicon,  vol.  iii.  p.  &i3 

ed.  BosenmuUer,  and  Buxtorf,  Lex.  Talmud,  col.  24U 


ADDAS 

these  uames  are  to  be  recovered  from  the  works  of 
Dative  authors.  But  sopie  they  have  taken,  and 
apparently  corrupted,  from  the  Bible;  and  among 
these  is  Adbeel,  written  (in  the  Mir-ul  ez-Zemdn) 

Joy.  E.  S.  P. 

ADDAN    (T^S    [stronff]:    'HSop,    LXX.; 

'Aa\dp  [Vat.  AWap,  Alex.  A\ap],  Apocr.  1  Esdr.: 
Adon,  Vulg.),  one  ot  the  places  from  which  some  of 
the  captivity  returned  with  Zerubbabel  to  Judiea 
who  could  not  show  their  pedigree  as  Israelites 
(Ezr.  ii.  59).  In  the  parallel  lists  of  Nehemiah  (vii. 
61)  and  Esdras  the  name  is  Addon  and  Aalah. 

G. 
♦Perhaps  the  name  Aalar  in  1  Esdr.  v.  36  cor- 
responds to  Immkk  in  lizra  and  Nehemiah.     It 
appears  in  Esdras  as  the  name  of  a  man.     See 
ChakaaticaIuMI.  a. 

ADTDAR  ("l";tW:  'A5fp;  [Vat.  AAet;  Alex. 
ApeS;  Comp.  'ASap:]  Afklar),  son  of  Bela  (1  Chr. 
viii.  3),  called  Akd  in  Num.  xxvi.  40. 

ADDER.  This  word  in  the  text  of  the  A.  V. 
is  the  representative  of  four  distinct  Hebrew  names, 
mentioned  below.  It  occurs  in  Gen.  xUx.  17  (mar- 
gin, arrow-snake);  Ps.  Iviii.  i  (margin,  (tsp);  xci. 
13  (margin,  asp);  Prov.  xxiii.  32  (margin,  cocka- 
trice); and  in  Is.  xi.  8,  xiv.  29,  lix.  5,  the  margin 
has  adiler,  where  the  text  has  cockatrice.  Our 
English  word  adder  is  used  for  any  poisonous  snake, 
and  is  applied  in  this  general  sense  by  the  transla- 
tors of  the  A.  V."  They  use  ui  a  similar  way  the 
gynon3Tiious  term  asp. 

1.  Acsliub  (3^V."'!5'^  ;  aarnis'  aspis)  is  found 
only  in  Ps.  cxl.  3 :  "  They  have  sharpened  their 
tongues  like  a  serpent,  adder's  poison  is  imder  their 
lips."  The  latter  half  of  this  verse  is  quoted  by 
St.  Paul  from  the  LXX.  in  Rom.  iii.  13.  The 
poison  of  venomous  serpents  is  often  employed  by 
the  sacred  writers  in  a  figurative  sense  to  express 
the  evil  tempers  of  ungodly  men  —  that  malignity 
which,  as  Bishop  Ilorne  says,  is  ''  the  venom  and 
poison  of  the  intellectual  world "  (comp.  Deut. 
xxxii.  33;  Job  xx.  14,  16). 

It  is  not  possible  to  say  with  any  degree  of  cer- 
tainty what  particular  species  of  serpent  is  intended 
by  the  Hebrew  word ;  the  ancient  versions  do  not 
help  us  at  all,  although  nearly  all  agree  in  some 
kind  of  serpent,  with  the  exception  of  the  Chaldee 
paraphrase,  which  understands  a  spider  by  Acskiib, 
■iterpreting  this  Hebrew  word  by  one  of  somewhat 
i>.milar  form.''  The  etymology  of  the  term  is  not 
ascertained  with  sufficient  precision  to  enable  us  to 
refer  the  animal  to  any  determinate  species.  Gese- 
nius  derives  it  from  two  Hebrew  roots,'^  the  com- 
bined meaning  of  which  is  "  rolled  in  a  spire  and 
lying  in  ambush;  "  a  description  which  would  ap- 
ply to  almost  any  kind  of  serpent. 

The  number  of  poisonous  serpents  with  which 
the  Jews  were  acquainted  was  in  all  probabiUty 
limited  to  some  five  or  six  species  [Seki-knt],  and 
as  there  are  reasonable  grounds  for  identifying 
Pethen  and  Sliepliiphdn  with  two  well  known  spe- 
jies,  viz.  the  Egji)tian  Cobra  and  the  Homed  Viper, 
it  is  not  improbable  that  the  Acskub  may  be  repre- 
lented  by  the  Toxicoa  of  Egypt  and  North  Africa. 


a  Adrier,  in  systematic  zoology,  is  generally  applied 
«  those  genera  which  form  the  family  Vipendee  ;  —  Asv. 
i>  the  Vipera  Aspis  of  th«  Al]  a. 


ADDER  29 

At  any  rate  it  is  unlikely  that  the  Jews  were  iniac- 
quahited  with  this  kind,  which  is  common  in 
ICgypt  and  probably  in  Syria:  the  Echis  artnicolii 
therefore,  for  such  is  tliis  adder's  scientific  name 
may  be  identical  in  name  and  reality  witli  the  ajii- 
mal  signified  bv  the  Hebrew  Acsliub. 


-  '--v/  -^         ''  -  ^■■■> 

Toxicoa,  of  Egypt. 

Colonef  Hamilton  Smith  suggests  that  the  Ao- 
shub  may  be  the  puff  or  spooch-adder  of  the  Dutch 
colonists  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  or  that  of 
Western  Africa ;  but  it  has  never  I  een  shown  that 
the  Cai)e  species  ( Clotho  arietans)  or  the  W.  Afri- 
can species  ( Clotho  lateiistiign),  the  only  tv?o  hith- 
erto known,  are  either  of  them  iidiabitants  of  a  dis- 
trict so  far  north  and  east  as  Egypt. 

2.  rethen  (^Hv)),     [Asr.] 

3.  Tsepha,  or  Tsiphmi  (375•:^  ''DiyQ!? : 
eKyova  acrwiScav,  Kepaffrris-  rer/ulus)  occurs  five 
times  in  tlie  Hebrew  Bible.  In  Prov.  xxiii.  32  it 
is  translated  adder,  and  in  the  three  passages  of 
Isaiah  quoted  above,  as  well  as  in  .Jer.  viii.  17,  it  is 
rendered  cockatrice.  The  derivation  of  the  word 
from  a  root  which  means  "  to  hiss  "  does  not  help 
us  at  all  to  identify  the  animal.  From  Jeremiah 
we  learn  that  it  was  of  a  hostile  nature,  and  from 
the  parallelism  of  Is.  xi.  8,  it  appears  that  the  Ts' 
plu'mi  was  considered  even  more  dreadfid  than  the 
Pethen.  Bochart,  in  his  Hierozoicon  (iii.  182,  ed. 
RosenmiiUer),  has  endeavored  to  prove  that  the  Tsi- 
phoni  is  the  Basilisk  of  the  Greeks  (whence  Jerome 
in  Vulg.  reads  Eer/ulus),  which  was  then  supposed 
to  destroy  life,  burn  up  grass,  and  break  stones  by 
the  pernicious  influence  of  its  breath  (comp.  Plin. 
//.  iV.  viii.  c.  33);  but  this  is  explaining  an  "igno- 
tum  per  ignotius." 

The  whole  story  of  the  Basilisk  is  involved  in 
fable,  and  it  is  in  vain  to  attempt  to  discover  the 
animal  to  which  the  ancients  attributed  stich  terri- 
ble power.  It  is  curious  to  observe,  however,  that 
Forskal  (Descr.  Animal,  p.  15)  speaks  of  a  kind  of 
serpent  ( Coluber  Ildlleik  is  the  name  he  gives  it) 
which  he  says  produces  irritation  on  the  spot 
touched  by  its  breath ;  he  is  quoting,  no  doubt,  the 


c  Thes.  8ub  voc.  :  — 11?  5V,  retrorsum  sejlexit,  and 

3p'^,  insidiatus  est.  Alii  Arab,  kalliaha  (impetiim 
fecere),  yel  etiam  gasluib  (venenum)  confenint 
(Fiirst.) 


BO 


ADDER 


apinion  of  the  Arabs.  Is  this  a  relic  of  the  liasi- 
luXvin  fable  'f  This  creature  was  so  called  from  a 
mark  on  its  head,  suppose*!  to  resemble  a  kingly 
crown.  .Several  ser])ents,  however,  have  peculiar 
markings  on  the  head  —  the  varieties  of  the  Spec- 
tacle-Cobras of  India,  for  example  — so  that  iden- 
tification us  iiiiiK)ssil)le.  As  the  lAX.  make  use 
of  tlie  word  Ifcisilisk  (I's.  xc.  13;  xci.  13,  A.  V.) 
it  was  thought  desirable  to  say  this  much  on  the 
subject." 

It  is  possible  that  the  Tsiphont  may  be  repre- 
senUnl  by  the  Algerine  adder  {Clotlw  muuritanica) 
but  it  must  lie  confessed  that  this  is  mere  conject- 
ure. Dr.  Harris,  in  his  JVaturnl  History  of  tjie 
Bible,  erroneously  supposes  it  to  lie  identical  with 
tlie  li'ijdli  zvphtn  of  Forskal,  which,  however,  is  a 
fish  (Triyou  zvphen,  Cuv.),  and  not  a  serpent. 


AlRurine  Adder.     (British  Museum.) 

4.  Shejyh'iphdn  (]b''2tt7  :  4yKae-f}fjieyos-  ceras- 
t's)  occurs  only  in  Gen.  xlix.  17,  where  it  is  used 
to  characterize  tha  tribe  of  I'an :  "  Dan  shall  be  a 
seq)ent  by  the  way,  an  adder  in  the  path,  that 
biteth  the  horse's  heels,  so  Ihat  his  rider  shall  fall 
backward."  Various  are  tl:e  re:.Uirjgs  of  the  old 
versions  in  this  passage:  the  Samaritan  interprets 
Shep/iiphm  by  "  lying  in  wait ;"  the  Targums  of 
Jonathan,  of  Onkelos,  and  of  Jerusalem,  with  the 
Syiiac,  "a  basilisk."  6  The  Arabic  interpreters 
Erpeuius   [i.  e.  tlie  anonymous  version  edited  by 


a  The  Basilisk  of  naturalists  is  a  most  forbidding- 
looking  yet  harmless  lizard  of  the  family  Iguanidm, 
order  Sauria.  In  using  the  term,  therefore,  care 
DiiLst  be  taken  not  to  confound  the  mythical  serpent 
with  the  Teritublu  Saurian. 

6  ^I2Tin  {HUnnan),  pemiciosus,  from  D"ir',  "  to 

destroy."  "  Ita  R.  Salom.  Chaldieum  esplicat,  Onke- 
lofl  autem  rcddit,  Sicut  serpens  Hurman,  quod  est  no- 
men  serpentis  cujusdam,  cvjus  morstts  est  insanabUis  ; 

is  autem  est  basUiscus  ^y\'^^'? ,  (Crit.  Sam,  i. 
IIH.)  "        *  ■ 


ib 


y 


)LK^. 


[This  is  not  the  rendering  of 

0     »o  - 
the  Tersions  referred  to,  which  haye      ,«.j^,   A.] 

tlFrom     PISIT,    pungere,  mordere,  according   to 

FUrst  and  A.  Scholtens ;   but  Oesenius  denies   this 

p 
vwanlng,  and  compares  ^he  Syr.  <JSj|»,  "  to  glide," 

"to  creep." 


ADDER 

Erpenius]  and  Saadias  have  "  the  homed  snake; '  * 
and  so  the  Vulg.  Cerastes.  The  LXX.,  like  the 
Samaritan,  must  have  connected  the  Hebrew  term 
with  a  word  which  expresses  the  idea  of  "  sitting 
in  ambush."  The  original  word  comes  from  a 
root  which  signides  "to  prick,"  "pierce,"  or 
"  bite." '' 

The  habit  of  the  Shephiphon,  alluded  to  in  Ja- 
cob's prophecy,  namely,  that  of  lurking  in  tke  sand 
and  biting  at  the  horse's  heels,'"  suits  the  cluiracter 
of  a  well-known  species  of  venomous  snake,  the  cel- 
ebrated horned  viper,  the  asp  of  Cleopatra  ( Ceras- 
tes JJasselquistti),  which  is  found  abundantly  in  the 
saiidy  deserts  of  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Arabia.  'Hie 
Hebrew  word  Shq)hiph6n  is  no  doubt  identical  with 
the  Arabic  Siffon.  ii  the  translation  of  this  Ara- 
bic word  by  Golius  be  compared  with  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  Cerastes  in  the  Hritish  Museum,  there 
will  appear  good  rea-son  for  identifying  the  Slieplti- 
plwn  of  Genesis  with  the  Cerastes  of  naturaUsts. 
"  Hiff'on,  ser[)entis  genus  leve,  punctia  maculisque 
distinctum  "  —  "a  small  kind  of  serpent  marked 
with  dots  and  spois"  (Golius,  Arab.  Lex.  s.  v.). 
"  The  Cerastes  ( Cerastes  Ilasselfiuisiii),  brownislj 
white  with  pale  brown  irregular  unequal  siwts" 
(Cat.  of  Snakes  in  Brit.  M.  pt.  i.  29).  It  is  not 
pretended  that  the  mere  fact  of  these  two  animals 
being  sjiotttd  affords  sufficient  ground,  when  taken 
alone,  for  assei-ting  that  they  are  identical,  for  many 
serpents  ba\e  this  character  in  common ;  but,  wheji 
taken  in  connection  with  what  has  been  adduced 
above,  coupled  with  the  fact  that  this  spotted  char- 
acter belongs  only  to  a  very  few  kinds  coumion  in 
the  localities  in  question,  it  does  at  least  form  strong 
presumptive  evidence  in  favor  of  the  identity  of  the 
Shepliipho-n  with  the  Cerastes.  The  name  of  Ce- 
rastes is  derived  from  a  curious  homhke  process 
above  each  eye  in  the  male,-/'  which  gives  it  a  for- 
midable appearance.  Bruce,  in  his  Travels  in 
Abyssinia,  has  given  a  very  accurate  and  detailed 
accoimt  of  these  animals.  He  observes  that  he 
found  them  in  greatest  numbers  in  those  parts 
which  were  frequented  by  the  jerboa,  and  that  in 
the  stomach  of  a  Cerastes  he  discovered  the  remains 
of  a  jerboa.  He  kept  two  of  these  snakes  in  a 
glass  vessel  for  two  years  without  any  food.  An- 
other circumstance  mentioned  by  Bruce  throws 
some  light  on  the  assertions  of  ancient  authors  as 
to  the  movement  of  this  snake.     JEMasi^a  Isidorus, 


'H  Kttl  o/xarpoxt^o'i  Kara,  <nifiov  ivSvKei  avei. 

Nicander,  Tkeriac.  263. 

/The  female,  however,  is  supposed  sometimes  to 
possess  these  horns.  Uassclquist  {Itiner.  pp.  241, 
365)  has  thus  described  them  :  —  "  Tentacula  duo, 
utrinque  unum  ad  latera  vertici.s,  in  margine  superiori 
orbitaa  oculi,  erecta,  parte  avcrsa  parum  arcwita, 
eademque  parte  parum  canaliculata,  sub-dura,  mem 
brana  tenaci  vestita,  basi  squamis  minimis,  una  serie 
erectis,  cincta,  brevia,  orbitae  oculorum  dimidla  longi. 
tudine." 

With  this  description  that  of  Geoffiwy  St.  Hilaire 
may  be  compared :  —  "  Au  dessus  des  yeux  nait  d? 
chaque  c6t<5  une  petite  <5minence,  ou  comme  on  a  eou- 
tume  de  la  dire  une  petite  come,  longue  do  deux  ou 
trois  lignes,  prt^sentant  dans  le  sens  de  sa  longueur  dea 
sillons  ct  dirig^  en  haut  et  im  peu  en  arri6re,  d'oii  U 
nom  de  draste.  La  nature  des  comes  du  C(<ra8te  est 
tris  peu  connue,  et  leurs  usages,  si  toutcfois  eU»« 
peuvent  etre  de  quelque  utility  pour  I'animul,  son! 
entlirement  ignort-s." 

0  Ko^hv  it  olixov  npotKriv  |£U{.n,  De  Anim  rf 
18) 


ADDl 

Aetius,  bare  all  recorded  of  the  Cerastes  that, 
whereas  other  serpents  creep  along  in  a  straight 
direction,  this  one  and  the  IJcemonhous "■  (no 
doubt  the  same  animal  under  another  name)  move 
sideways,  stumbling  as  it  were  on  either  side  (and 
comp.  IJochart).*  Let  this  be  compared  with  what 
Bruce  says :  "  The  Cerastes  moves  with  great  ra- 
pidity and  in  all  directions,  forwards,  backwards, 
sideways ;  when  he  inchnes  to  surjjrise  any  one  who 
is  too  far  from  him,  he  creeps  with  his  side  towards 
the  person^'"  &c.,  &c.  The  words  of  Ibn  Sina,  or 
Avicenna,  are  to  the  same  effect.  It  is  right,  how- 
ever, to  state  that  nothing  unusual  has  been  ob- 
served in  the  mode  of  progression  of  the  Cerastes 
now  in  the  gardens  of  the  Zoological  Society ;  but 
of  course  negative  evidence  in  the  instance  of  a 
specimen  not  in  a  state  of  nature  does  not  inval- 
idate the  statement  of  so  accurate  an  observer  as 
Bruce. 


ADINA 


El 


The  Ilomed  Cerastes.     (From  specimen  in  British 
Museum.) 

The  Cerastes  is  extremely  venomous;  Bruce 
compelled  one  to  scratch  eighteen  pigeons  upon  the 
thigh  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  they  all  died 
nearly  in  the  same  interval  of  time.  It  averages  12 
to  15  inches  in  length,  but  is  occasionally  found 
larger.  It  belongs  to  the  family  Viperidce,  order 
Ophidiafi     [Seiu'Ent.] 

From  the  root  Shaphaph  are  possibly  derived 
the  proper  names  of  SnuriiAM,  whence  the  ftimily 
of  the  SnuPHAMiTES,  Smephupiian,  and  Shup- 

PIM.  W.  li. 

ADO)!  ('A5Si  [Tisch.  Treg.  'ASSef])-  1-  Son 
of  Cosam,  and  father  of  Meichi,  in  our  Lord's 
genealogy  (Luke  iii.  28);  the  third  above  Salathiel. 
The  etymology  and  Hebrew  form  of  the  name  are 
doubtful,  as  it  does  not  occur  in  the  LXX.,  but  it 

probably  represents  the  Hebrew  '^~}y,  an  ornament, 
and  is  a  short  form  of  Adiel,  or  Adaiah.  The  lat- 
ter name  in  1  Chr.  vi.  41  (26  in  Heb.  Bib.)  is  ren- 
dered in  the  [lioman  edition  of  the]  Septuagint 
'A5ai',  which  is  very  close  to  Addi.        A.  C.  H. 

2.  ('ASSi;  [VvLt.  ASSeif.]  Addin.)  This  name 
accurs  m  a  very  corrupt  verse  (1  Esdr.  ix.  31),  ap- 
parently for  Adna  (Ezra  x.  30).         W.  A.  W. 

AD'DO  ('A55c6;  [Vat.  ESSetv:]  Addin) 
Iddo,  the  grandfather  of  the  prophet  Zechariah  (1 
Esdr.  vi.  1).  W.  A.  W. 


"  Aoxfi-a.  S'  ein<7Ka.^mv  b\Cyov  Be^iai,  ola  Kepacmjs 
CNicander,  Theriac.  294). 

b  Bochart  {Hieroz.  iii.  209,  Rosemn.)  says  that  tne 

Babl:ins  derive     "?2^2tt7    firom    r)DIi?j    claudicare, 

wherefore  ri*12Ii7  is  claudus. 

c  Tke  celebrated  John  Ellis  seems  to  have  been  the 
Irst  EngUshman  who  gave  an  accurate  description  of 
he  Oeraates  (see  Pkilosop/i.  Transact.  1766). 


AD'DON.     [Addan.] 

*  This  varied  orthogi-aphy,  says  Fiirst  {HandtDb. 
p.  17)  is  owing  to  a  dialectic  difference  which  pro- 
iiounced  ^  as  o.  H. 

AD'DUS  ('A55ow:  Addus).  1.  The  sons  of 
Add  us  are  enumerated  among  the  children  of  Solo- 
mon's servants  who  returned  with  Zorobal)el  (1 
lisdr.  V.  34);  but  the  name  does  not  occur  in  the 
parallel  Usts  of  Ezra  or  Nehemiah. 

2.  ('Ia55ou;  [Vat.  laSSous;]  Alex.  loSSous; 
[Aid.  'ASSous:]  Addin.)  A  priest  whose  descend- 
ants, according  to  1  Esdr.,  were  unable  to  establish 
their  genealogy  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  and  were  re 
moved  from  their  priesthood  (1  Esdr.  v.  38).  He 
is  said  to  have  married  Augia,  the  daughter  of 
Berzelus  or  BarziUai.  In  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  he 
is  called  by  his  adopted  name  BarziUai,  and  it  is 
not  clear  whether  Addus  repiesents  his  original 
name  or  is  a  mere  corruption.  W.  A.  W. 

ATDER    (173?    \in  pause  "17.^,  a  flock]: 

'ESep;  [Vat.  n5r?5;]  Alex.  "Ci^ep:  Heder).  A 
Benjamite,  son  of  Beriah,  chief  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Aijalon  (1  Chr.  viii.  15).  The  name  is,  more 
lorrectly,  Eder.  W.  A.  AV. 

AD'IDA  ('A5i5a;  [Sin.  ASeiSa,  ASeij/o  or 
-yoi\\  Joseph.  *'A55t5a:  Addus,  Adiada),  a.  Xovm 
on  an  eminence  {Ant.  xiii.  6,  §  4)  overlooking  the 
low  country  of  Judah  ('A.  «V  rrj  '2ie(p-fi\a),  fbrti- 
faed  by  Simon  jMaccabaeus  in  his  wars  with  Try- 
phon  (1  Mace.  xii.  38,  xiii.  13).  Alexander  was 
here  defeated  by  Aretas  {Ant.  xiii.  15,  §  2);  and 
Vespasian  used  it  as  one  of  his  outposts  in  the 
siege  of  Jerusalem  {B.  J.  iv.  9,  §  1).  Probably 
identical  with  Hauid  and  ADiTiiAOi  (which  see) 

G. 

A'DIEL  (^^^"^11  [ornament  of  God]: 'u^i' 
77A;  [Vat.  corrupt;]  Alex.  EStrjA;  [Comp.  'ASitjA.:] 
Adiel).  1.  A  prince  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon,  de- 
scended from  the  prosperous  family  of  Shiniei  (1 
Chr.  iv.  30).  He  took  part  in  the  murderous  raid 
made  by  his  tribe  upon  the  peaceable  Hamite  shep- 
herds in  the  valley  of  Gedor,  in  the  reign  of  Heze- 
kiah. 

2.  ('AStTjA.)  A  priest,  ancestor  of  Maasiai  (1 
Chr.  ix.  12). 

3.  COSi^A;  [Vat.  Comp.]  Alex.  'nSt^A.)  An- 
cestor of  Azmaveth,  David's  treasurer  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  25).  W.  A.  W. 

A'DIJSr  (n^  [delicate]:  'ASSiV,  'A5iV  [Vat. 
kSiv,  A'Seiv]  in  Ezr.,  ['ASjvou,  A5iV  in  1  Esdr.;] 
'HSiV  [Vat.  HSeij']  in  Neh. :  Adin,  Adan  in  Ezr. 
viii.  0).  Ancestor  of  a  family  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  to  the  number  o*"  454  (Ezr.  ii.  15  [1 
Esdr.  V.  12]),  or  655,  according  to  the  parallel  list 
in  Neh.  vii.  20.  Fifty-one  more  [251  according  tc 
1  Esdr.  viii.  32]  accompanied  Ezra  in  the  second 
caravan  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  viii.  6).  Tliey  joined 
with  Nehemiah  in  a  covenant  to  separate  themselves 
from  the  heathen  (Neh.  x.  16).  AV.  A.  \V. 

AD'INA  (Sr"T5  [pliant]:  'ASiyd;  [Comp. 
Vat.  FA.  'ASeij/aO  Adina).  The  son  of  Shiza, 
one  of  David's  captains  ireyond  the  Jordan,  and 
chief  of  the  Reubenites  (1  Chr.  xi.  42).  According 
to  the  A.  V.  and  the  Syriac,  he  had  the  command 
of  thirty  men ;  but  the  passage  should  be  rendered 
"and  over  him  were  thirty,"  that  is,  the  thirty  be- 
fore enumerated  were  his  superiors,  just  as  Benaiah 
was  "  above  the  thirty  "  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  6). 

W.  A.  W 


82  A»INO 

ADINO,  THE  EZNITE,  2  Sam.  rxnii.  8. 
Bee  Jasiioueam. 

AD'INUS  ClaSi^fJj;  f^'at.  laidvos;  Aid. 
'ASti/6s']  Juddimus).  .Iami.n  tlie  Levite  (1  I'^sdr. 
Ix.  48;  comp.  Neh.  viii.  7).  W.  A.  W. 

ADITHA'IM  (with  the  article,  CVn''73?n 
\tiit  double  booty]:  Comp.  'AyfOOaifi.;  Aid.  'AS- 
Mytddaifi'-  Adkluiim]),  n  town  belonging  to  Ju- 
dah,  lying  in  the  low  country  {SlivJ'tlnli),  and 
named,  lietween  Sharnini  and  Gederali  (with  tlie 
uticle^,  in  Josh.  xv.  au  only.  It  is  entirely  omit- 
ted oy  the  [Vat.  and  Alex.  MSS.  of  the]  LXX. 
At  a  inter  time  the  name  appears  to  have  bee-n 
changed  to  lladid  "  (Chadid)  and  Adida.  For  the 
dual  termination,  comp.  tlie  two  names  occurring 
in  the  same  vei^se;  also  ICglaini,  lloronaim,  etc. 

G. 

ADJURATION.     [E.tohcism.] 

AD'LAI  [dissyl.]  {^'^IV  [=  n^lV,,  jus- 
tice of  J  nil]:  'A5Ai;  [Vat.]  Alex.  A5ai;  [Comp. 
'A5Aat :]  Adli).  Ancestor  of  Shapliat,  tlie  overseer 
of  David's  herds  that  fed  in  the  broad  valleys  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  2'J).  W.  A.  W. 

AD'MAH  (npiH  {fortress,  Fiirst]:  'A8- 
a/ic{:  Adama),  one  of  the  "  cities  of  tJie  plain," 
always  coupled  with  Zeboim  (Gen.  x.  I'J,  xiv.  2 
8;  Deut.  xxix.  23;  lies.  xi.  8).  It  had  a  king  of 
its  own. 

AD'MATHA  (SnJ2"TS  :  {UaKiaiip;  Vat. 
Alex.  FA.  KoATjo-eap;  Comp.  'A5/xa0a:]  Adma- 
tha),  one  of  the  seven  piinces  of  I'ersia  (listh.  i. 
14). 

AD'NA  (S2TV  ipkasure]:  'E5v4;  [A'at.  IT. 
ESaive,  Alai  AiSaivf-]  Edna).  1.  One  of  tlie 
Guiiily  of  I'ahath-Moab  who  returned  with  Ezra, 
and  marrietl  a  foreign  wife  (I'^r.  x.  130). 

2.  (Mowcij;  [Vat.  Alex,  om.;  Comp.  '£?;'<{$.]) 
A  prie.st,  descendant  of  llarim,  in  the  days  of  Joi- 
akim,  the  sou  of  Jeshua  (Nuh.  xii.  15). 

W.  A.  W. 

AD'NAH  (n^iy  [pleasurey.  "Edvi:  Ed- 
nas). 1.  A  Manassite  who  deserted  from  Saul  and 
joined  the  fortunes  of  iJa\id  on  his  road  to  ZikLig 
from  the  camp  of  the  riiilistines  (1  Chr.  xii.  20). 

2.  ("EScos;  [Vat.]  Alex.  ESvoay.)  The  com- 
mander-in-chief of  :J00,000  men  of  Judah,  who 
were  in  Jelioshaphat's  army  (2  Chr.  xvii.  14). 

\\.  A.  W. 

ADO'NI-BE'ZEK  (rT^-^plS,  W-t/  of  Be- 
zek:  'ASaivi$e(tK-  Adonibestc),  kw^  of  Itezek,  a 
city  of  ( he  Canaiinites.  [Hk/.ek.]  This  chieftain 
was  vaiKinislie<l  by  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Judg.  i.  3- 
7),  who  cut  off  iiis  thumbs  and  great  toes,  and 
brought  him  prisoner  to  Jerusalem,  where  he  died. 
He  confessed  that  he  had  inflicteil  the  same  cruelty 
upon  70  jwtty  kings  whom  he  had  conquered. 

11.  W.  B. 

*  Ca.«sel  in  his  note  on  Judg.  i.  6  (Richler  u. 
Ruth,  p.  (i),  mentions  norae  parallels  to  this  baibar- 
ty,  which  show  that  it  was  not  uncommon  in  an- 
eient  times.  'J'he  form  of  the  mutilation  was  not 
arbitrary,  but  chosen  in  order  to  render  those  who 
luffered  it  unfit  for  warlike  senice:  henceforth  they 
lould  neither  wield  the  bow,  nor  stand  firm  in  bat- 
le,  or  escajie  by  flight.     When  the  inhabitants  of 

o  If  so,  it  is  an  instance  of  Ain  changing  to  C/iel/i 
JM  Qef   p  436). 


ADONIJAH 

iEgina  were  conquered  b.  c.  456,  the  Atheniana 
ordered  their  right  thumbs  to  be  cut  off  so  that 
they  might  not  be  aide  to  handle  the  spesir,  though 
as  slaves  they  might  pull  the  oar  (yElian,  \'<ir. 
Hist.  ii.  9).  The  confession  of  the  savage  chief 
(Judg.  i.  7)  testifies  to  the  natural  sentiment  that 
the  wicked  deserve  to  experience  the  suHerings 
which  they  tliemselves  have  inflicted  or.  others 
(comp.  1*8.  vii.  15,  10).  Adoni-bezek  had  humili- 
ated as  well  as  maimed  his  victims:  "they  hac 
gathered  their  meat  under  his  table"  (Judg.  i.  7, 
and  comp.  Matt.  xv.  27).  It  is  said  of  some  of  the 
Parthian  kings  that  at  table  they  threw  food  t: 
their  famished  vassals,  who  would  catcii  it  up  hke 
dogs,  and  Uke  dogs  were  beaten  till  blood  flo^/ed 
from  them  (Athen.  JMipti.  lib.  iv.  p.  152  d). 
Adoni-bezek  is  obviously  not  so  much  a  proper 
name  as  a  title.  II. 

*ADON'ICAM,  ADON'ICAN.     [Adon- 

IKAM.] 

ADONI'JAH  (n>3'TK,  ^n*3""1K,  viy  Lord 
is  Jehovah  :  'ASwy'ias-  Adimias).  1-  'Hie  fourth 
son  of  David  by  lliiggith,  liorn  at  Hebron,  while 
his  father  was  king  of  Judah  (2  Sam.  iii.  4). 
After  the  death  of  his  three  brothers,  Amnon,  Chi- 
leab,  and  Absalom,  he  became  eldest  son;  and, 
when  his  father's  strength  wiis  visibly  declining, 
put  forward  his  pretensions  to  the  crown,  by  equip- 
ping himself  in  royal  state,  with  chiu-iots  and  horse- 
men, and  fifty  men  to  run  before  him,  in  imitation 
of  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xv.  J )  wliom  be  also  resembled 
in  jjersonal  beauty,  and  ap|)arently  also  in  charac- 
ter, as  indeed  Josephus  says  {Ant.  vii.  14,  §  4). 
For  this  reason  he  was  plainly  unfit  to  be  king, 
and  David  promised  ISathsheba  that  her  son  Solo- 
mon should  inherit  tlie  crown  (1  K-  i.  30),  for  there 
was  no  absolute  claim  of  primogeniture  in  these 
I'Astern  monarchies.  Soloinon'.s  cause  was  esix)used 
by  the  best  of  David's  coun.sellors,  the  illustrious 
prophet  Nathan;  Zadok,  tlic  de.icendant  of  I'Lleazar, 
and  representative  of  tlie  elder  line  of  ])riesthooti ; 
iienaiah,  the  captain  of  the  king's  body-yuard ;  to- 
gether with  Shimei  and  h'ei,  whom  ICwald  (6'es- 
chivhte,  iii.  200)  conjectures  to  be  llavid's  two  sur- 
viving brothers,  comparing  1  Chr.  ii.  13,  and  iden- 
tifying '^V'CtW  with  U'SJIW  {SMmmiih  in  our 

version),  and  "*j7*1  with  ""T^  (our  linddai).  From 
1  K.  ii.  8,  it  is  unlikely  that  the  Shimei  of  2  Sam. 
xvi.  5  could  ha\e  actively  esiKiused  Solomon's  cause. 
On  the  side  of  Adonijali,  wlio  when  he  made  his 
attempt  on  the  kingdom  was  aliout  35  years  old  (2 
Sam.  v.  5),  were  Abiadiar,  the  rejiresentative  of 
Eli's,  i.  e.  the  junior  line  of  the  priesthood  (de- 
.scended  from  Ithamar,  Aaron's  fourth  sum),  and 
Joab,  the  famous  commander  of  David's  army;  the 
latter  of  whom,  always  audacious  and  self-willed, 
probably  ex{)ected  to  find  more  congenial  elements 
in  A  don  ij  ah' 8  court  than  in  Solomon's.  His  name 
and  influence  secured  a  large  numlier  of  followers 
among  the  captains  of  the  royal  army  lielonging  to 
the  tribe  of  Judah  (comp.  1  K.  i.  !»  and  25):  and 
these,  togetlier  with  all  the  jirinces  except  Solomon, 
were  entertained  by  Adonijah  at  a  great  sacrificiai 
feast  held  "by  the  stone  Zoiiki.ktii,  which  is  by 
Enrogel."  The  meaning  of  the  stone  Zolieleth  i» 
very  doubtful,  being  tran.slated  roe/:  (f  the,  watch- 
tmcer  in  the  Chaldee ;  (jrvat  rock;  Syr.  and  Arab, 
and  explained  "  rocA*  of  the  stream  of  miler  "  bj 
U.  Kimchi.  En-roge!  is  mentioned  in  .losh.  xv.  7 
as  a  spring  on  the  border  of  Judah  and  liei^jamiii 


ADONIKAM 

S.  of  Jerusalem,  and  may  be  the  same  as  that 
aft^HA'aids  called  tiie  Well  of  Job  or  Joab  {Am 
Ayuh).  It  is  explained  K/jiiiif/  of  Ihe  fuller  by  the 
Chaldee  Paraphrast,  jjerhaps  because  he  treads  liis 
slothes  with  his  feet  (^3"^'  ^^  Gesen.  s.  v.);  but 
comp.  Deut.  xi.  10,  where  "watering  with  the 
feet "  refers  to  machines  trodden  with  the  foot,  and 
such  possibly  the  sjjring  of  Ko^el  supplied.  [I'^N- 
luiGKL.J  A  meeting  for  a  religious  purpose  would 
be  held  near  a  spring,  just  as  in  later  times  sites 
for  irotio-eux"'  ^*^^'^  chosen  by  the  waterside  (Acts 
xvi.  13). 

Nathan  and  Ikthsheba,  now  thoroughly  alarmed, 
apprised  l)avid  of  these  proceedings,  who  immedi- 
ately gave  orders  that  Solomon  should  be  conducted 
on  the  royal  mule  in  solenm  procession  to  Gihon, 
a  spring  on  the  west  of  Jerusalem  (2  Chr.  xxxii. 
30).  |GiHON.]  Here  he  was  anointed  and  pro- 
claimed king  by  Zadok,  and  joyfully  recognised  by 
the  people.  This  decisive  measure  struck  terror 
into  the  opposite  party,  and  Adonijah  fled  to  the 
sanctuary,  but  was  pardoned  by  Solomon  on  con- 
dition that  he  should  "shew  himself  a  worthy 
man,"  with  the  threat  that  "  if  wickedness  were 
found  in  him  he  should  die  "  (i.  52). 

The  death  of  David  q\iickly  fijllowed  on  these 
events;  and  Adonijah  begged  Bathsheba,  who  as 
"king's  mother"'  would  now  have  special  dignity 
and  influence  [Asa],  to  procure  Solomon's  consent 
to  his  marriage  with  Abishag,  who  had  been  the 
wife  of  David  in  his  old  age  (1  K.  i.  3).  This  was 
regarded  as  equivalent  to  a  fresh  attempt  on  the 
throne  [Absalom;  Ab.neh];  and  therefore  Solo- 
mon ordered  him  to  be  put  to  death  by  IJenaiah,  in 
accordance  with  the  terms  of  his  previous  pardon. 
Far  from  looking  upon  this  as  "  the  most  flagrant 
act  of  despotism  since  Doeg  massacred  the  priests 
at  Saul's  comnviiid  "  (Newman,  Ikbrew  Monarchy, 
ch.  iv.),  we  must  consider  that  the  clemency  of 
Solomon  in  sparing  Adonijah  till  he  thus  again  re- 
vealed a  treasonable  purpose,  stands  in  remarkable 
contrast  with  the  aluiost  universal  pnictice  of 
I'^astem  sovereigns.  Any  one  of  these,  situated 
like  Solomon,  would  jjrobably  have  secured  his 
throne  by  putting  all  his  brothers  to  death,  whereas 
we  have  no  reason  fo  thuik  that  any  of  David's 
sons  suff'ered  except  the  open  pretender  Adonijah, 
though  all  seem  to  have  opposed  Solomon's  claims ; 
and  if  his  execution  lie  thought  an  act  of  severity, 
we  must  remember  that  we  cannot  expect  to  find 
the  principles  of  the  Gospel  acted  upon  a  thousand 
years  before  Christ  came,  and  that  it  is  hard  for 
us,  in  this  nineteenth  century,  altogether  to  realize 
the  {josition  of  an  Oriental  king  in  that  remote 
age. 

2.  [.Vld.  Vat.  Alex.  'ASaiyiW-]  A  Levite  in 
tiie  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii.  8). 

3.  ['ASoj/t'a;  Alex.  Aai/aa;  Vat.  FA.  ESafio; 
Aid. 'Acti/io;  Comp.  'ASoyias:  Adonia.']  One  of 
the  Jewish  chiefs  m  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (x.  IG). 

He  is  called  Adonikam  (lZP^3"^S  :  'ASwi/tKci/U : 
Adonicam)  in  F^r.  ii.  13.  Comp.  Ezr.  viii.  13; 
Neh.  vii.  18.  G.  E.  L.  C. 

ADON'IKAM  (a'^^^lSl  'h-d  of  the  enemy, 

Ges. ;  or  lord  iclio  assists,  Fiirst] .  ' A.Ba>vtKdfjL  [or 
'Kdi/;  Vat.  varies  in  each  place] :  Adonicam).  The 
Bons  of  Adonikam,  660  in  number,  were  among 
those  who  returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel 
(F^.r.  ii.  13;  Neh.  vii.  18;  1  Esdr.  v.  14).  In  the 
ut  two  passages  the  number  is  667.  The  remain- 
3 


ADORAIM  33 

der  of  the  family  returned  with  Ezi-a  (Ezr.  viii.  1 3 
1  I'2sdr.  viii.  39).  The  name  is  given  as  Adoni- 
jah in  Neh.  x.  16.  [In  1  Esdr.  v.  14,  A.  V.  ed. 
1611,  etc.  reads  Adoiuc«H,  and  viii.  3!),  Adonicvn/i. 
_  A.]  W.  A.  W. 

ADONI'RAM  (l3:;"'31^  [brd  of  exalta- 
tion], 1  K.  iv.  6;  by  an  unusuiil  contraction  Auo- 
ii.vM,  C"^"T^*,  2  Sam.  xx.  24,  and  1  K.  xii.  18 ; 
also  llADOitAM,  nmn,  2Chr.  X.  18; ' fiiSiDvipdfji; 
[Vat. -vet-,  in  1  K.  xii.  Apa/j,-]  Adonirnin,  Adu- 
ram).  Chief  receiver  of  the  tribute  during  the 
reigns  of  David  (2  Sam.  xx.  24),  Solomon  (I  K. 
iv.  6)  and  Kehoboam  (1  K.  xii.  18).  This  last 
monarch  sent  him  to  collect  the  tribute  from  the 
rebellious  Israelites,  by  whom  he  was  stoned  to 
death.     [See  also  1  K.  v.  14.]  II.  W.  B. 

ADO'NI-ZE'DEC  (P7'.;"'?""T^^,  lord  (fjus- 

tice:  'ASaivififC^K;  [Comp.  'AScayiaeSfK'-]  Adon- 
isedec),  the  Amorite  king  of  Jerusalem  who  organ- 
ized a  league  with  four  other  Amorite  princea 
against  Joshua.  The  confederate  kings  having  laid 
siege  to  tiibeon,  Joshua  miu'ched  to  the  relief  of 
his  new  allies  and  put  the  besiegers  to  flight.  The 
five  kings  took  refuge  in  a  cave  at  JMakkeuah, 
whence  they  were  taken  and  slain,  their  bodies 
hung  on  trees  and  then  buried  in  the  j)lace  of  their 
concealmeift  (Josh.  x.  1-27).     [Joshua.] 

11.  \V.  B. 

*  Adoni-zedek  (note  the  meaning)  was  no  doubt 
the  official  name  of  the  Jebusit«  kings  at  Jerusalem, 
as  Pharaoh  was  that  of  the  Egyptiiui  kings,  Agag 
that  of  the  Amalekites,  Jabin  that  of  the  Hazor- 
ites,  and  the  like.  See  Hengstenberg's  Beitrtiye, 
iii.  306,  and  Keil's  Buch  Josun,  p.  171.  II. 

ADOPTION  (vloOea-ia),  an  expression  meta- 
phorically used  by  St.  Paul  in  reference  to  the  pre- 
sent and  iirosi^ective  privileges  of  Christians  (Kom. 
viii.  15,  23;  Gal.  iv.  5;  Eph.  i.  5).  He  probably 
alludes  to  the  Roman  custfim  of  adoption,  by  which 
a  iiei-son  not  having  children  of  his  own  might 
adopt  as  his  son  one  bom  of  other  parents.  It  was 
a  formal  act,  efffected  either  by  the  process  named 
adroffdiio,  when  the  person  to  be  adojjted  was  in- 
dependent of  his  parent,  or  by  adoptio,  specifically 
so  called,  when  in  the  power  of  his  parent.  (See 
JJict.  of  Gr.  and  Rom.  Ant.  art.  Adoptio.)  The 
effect  of  it  was  that  the  adopted  child  was  entitled 
to  the  name  and  sacra,  privata  of  his  new  father, 
and  ranked  as  his  heir-at-law;  while  the  father  on 
his  part  was  entitk^I  to  the  property  of  the  son, 
and  exercised  towards  him  all  the  rights  and  priv- 
ileges of  a  father.  In  short  the  relationship  was  to 
all  intents  and  purposes  the  same  as  existed  betweei- 
a  natural  father  and  son.  The  selection  of  a  jier- 
son  to  be  adopted  implied  a  decideil  preference  and 
love  on  the  part  of  the  adopter ;  and  St.  Paul  aptly 
transfers  the  well-known  feelings  and  customs  con- 
nected with  the  act  to  illustrate  the  position  of  the 
Christianized  Jew  or  Gentile.  The  Jews  them- 
.selves  were  unacquainted  with  the  process  of  adop- 
tion :  indeed  it  would  have  been  incousistent  with 
the  regulations  of  the  Mosaic  law  affecting  the 
inheritance  of  property.  The  instances  occcasion- 
ally  adduced  as  referring  to  the  custom  (Gen.  rv. 
3,  xvi.  2,  XXX.  5-9)  are  evidently  not  cases  of 
adoption  proper.  W.  L.  B. 

ADO'IIA  or  A'DOR.     [Adouaim.] 
ADORA'IM  (Q'lri'f??:  'ASwpo/;  [^Uex.  » 


84 


ADORABI 


moain'}  Adwam),  a  fortified  city  built  by  Rehobo- 
Kin  (2  Chr.  xi.  9),  in  Judah"  (Jos.  Ant.  viii.  10, 
§  1 ),  apparently  in  or  near  the  S/ifJ\lah,  suice,  al- 
tlioujrh  omitted  from  the  lists  in  Josh.  xv.  it  is  by 
Josephns  (Ant.  xiii.  9,  §  1,  15,  §  4;  B.  J.  i.  2,  §  6, 
i.  8,  §  4)  abuost  unifonnly  coupled  with  Mareshah, 
which  was  certainly  situated  there.  l"or  the  dual 
teniiination  compare  Adithaim,  Gederothaim,  etc. 
By  Josephus  it  is  given  as  "ASupa,  'ABdspeos;  and 
in  Ani.  xiii.  6,  §  5,  he  calls  it  a  "  city  of  Idumtea," 
imder  wliich  name  were  included,  in  the  later  times 
of  Jewish  liistory,  the  southern  jwrts  of  Judaea  it- 
self (Kcbuid,  p.  48;  Hobinson,  ii.  69).  Adoraim  is 
prol)ably  the  same  place  with  "'ASeopo  (1  Mace.  xiii. 
20),  unless  that  l)e  Dor,  on  the  sea-coast  below  Car- 
rael.  Kobinson  identifies  it  witli  Dura,  a  "  large  vil- 
lage "on  a  rising  ground  west  of  Hebron  (ii.  215). 

G. 
*  Dura  "  is  one  of  the  largest  vilkgcs  in  the  dis- 
trict of  1  Icbron,  and  is  properly  the  chief  place  " 

(Rob.  ii.  214).  'llie  name  (from  "T^S,  to  be  ijreat) 
intimates  that  Adoraim  liad  a  similar  importance; 
and  tlie  duid  (Fiirst,  i.  22)  implies  that  there  was  an 
upp«'r  and  lower  town,  as  there  might  so  easily  be, 
since  the  top  of  the  hill  overlooks  the  present  Dura 
on  its  slope.  II. 

ADO'RAM.     [Adosikam.] 

ADORATION.  The  acts  and  postures  by 
which  the  Hebrews  expressed  adoration  i)car  a  great 
similarity  to  those  still  in  use  among  Oriental  na- 
tions. To  rise  up  and  suddenly  prostrate  the  body, 
was  the  most  simple  method ;  but  generally  six-ak- 
ing,  the  prostration  was  conducted  in  a  more  formal 
manner,  the  [RTson  falling  upon  the  knee  and  then 
gradually  inclining  the  lx>vly  until  the  forehead 
touched  the  ground.     The  various  expressions  in 


Adoration.  Modem  Egyptian,  (Lane.) 
Hebrew  referring  to  this  custom  appear  to  have 
tiieir  specific  meaning:  thus  ^33  (Trfirrw,  LXX.) 
describes  the  sudden  fall;  57';^^  (/ctf/xTrrw,  LXX.) 
bending  the  knee;  "TIH  ((dJirrw,  IJCX.)  the  in- 
clination of  the  head  and  body;  and  Lustly  nPt^' 
(■wpocTKuvi'iv,  LXX.)  complete  prostration.  The 
term  "TT~  (Is.  xliv.  15,  17,  19,  xlvi.  6)  was  intro- 
duced at  a  hite  period  as  appropriate  to  the  worship 
paid  to  idols  by  the  Babylonians  and  other  eastern 
uations  (I 'an.  iii.  5,  6).  Such  prostration  was 
usual  in  the  worship  of  Jehovah  (Gen.  xvii.  3;  Ps. 


a  Even  without  this  statement  of  Josephus,  it  is 
»la!x  thAt  ''Judah  and  Beiuamin,"  in  2  Clir.  xi.  10, 


ADRAMYTTIUM 

xcv.  6),  but  it  was  by  no  means  exilusi/ely  it««d 
for  that  purpose ;  it  was  the  formal  mode  of  re- 
ceiving visitors  (Gen.  xviii.  2),  of  doing  obeisance 
to  one  of  superior  station  (2  Sam.  xiv.  4),  and  of 
showing  res[)ect  to  equals  (1  K.  ii.  19).  Occa- 
sionally it  was  repeated  three  times  (1  Sam.  xx. 
41),  and  even  seven  times  (Gen.  xxxiii.  3).  It  was 
accompanied  by  such  acts  as  a  kiss  (Ex.  xviii.  7 ), 
laying  hold  of  the  knees  or  feet  of  the  person  to 
whom  the  adoration  was  paid  (Matt,  xxviii.  9),  and 
kissing  the  ground  on  which  he  stood  (Fs.  Ixxii.  9: 
Mic.  vii.  17).  Similar  adoration  was  paid  to  idols 
(1  K.  xix.  18;  sometimes,  however,  prostration  was 
omitted,  and  the  act  consisted  simply  in  kissing  tho 
hand  to  the  object  of  reverence  (Job  xxxi.  27)  in 
the  manner  practiced  by  the  Romans  (I'liny  xxviii. 
5 :  see  Diet,  of  Ant.  art.  Adoiutio),  in  kissing 
tlie  statue  itself  (Ilos.  xiii.  2).  The  same  ctis- 
toms  prevailed  at  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  min- 
istry, as  appears  not  only  from  the  numeroua 
occasions  on  which  they  were  put  in  practice  to 
wards  Himself,  but  also  from  the  parable  of  the 
unmerciful  servant  (Matt,  xviii.  26),  and  from  Cor- 
nelius's reverence  to  St.  Peter  (Acts  x.  25),  in 
which  case  it  was  olyected  to  by  the  Apostle,  as 
implying  a  higher  degree  of  superiority  than  he  wa.s 
entitled  to,  esjiecially  as  coming  from  a  Roman  to 
whom  prostration  was  not  usual.  W.  L.  B. 

ADRAM'MELECH    [Iltb.   Adrammelech] 

Cn^'?'!?!^:  *A5po/i6A«x;  ['^ex.  A5pa/ieAe/e:J 
Adramtkdi].  1.  The  name  of  an  idol  worshipped 
by  the  colonists  introduced  into  Samaria  from  Se- 
pharvaim  (2  K.  xvii.  31).  He  was  worshipped  with 
rites  resembling  those  of  MDhih.  children  being 
burned  in  his  honor.  In  Gescnius  {sub  voce)  the 
word  is  expLiined  to  mean  splendor  oftlte  king,  being 

a  contraction  of  Tf  "^iSn  *^^S^  But  Winer,  quot- 
ing Roland,  De  vet.  lin//ud  Pers.  ix.  interprets  the 
first  part  of  the  word  to  mean  Jire,  and  so  regards 
this  deity  as  the  Sun-god,  in  accordance  with  the 
astronomical  character  of  the  Chalda>an  and  Per- 
sian worship.  Sir  II.  Rawlinson  also  regards 
Adrananelech  as  the  male  power  of  the  sun,  and 
Ana.mmki.kch,  who  is  mentioned  with  Adramme- 
lech, as  a  companion-god,  as  the  female  power  of  the 
sun.     (Kawlinsou's  llerodotm,  i.  611.) 

2.  [Alex,  in  2  K.  ASpe/itAtx-]  Son  of  the 
AssjTian  king  Sennacherib,  whom  he  murdered  in 
conjunction  with  his  brother  Sharezer  iw  the  temple 
of  Nisroch  at  Nineveh,  after  the  failure  of  the  As- 
syrian attack  upon  Jerusalem.  Tlie  parricides 
escajjed  into  Armenia  (2  K.  xix.  37;  2  Ghr.  xxxii. 
21 ;  Is.  xxxvii.  38).  The  date  of  this  event  was 
B.  c.  080.  G.  E.  L.  C. 

ADRAMYTTIUM  (occasionally  Atramyt- 
tiu.m:  and  some  cursive  MSS.  have 'Arpa^uTTjj'y, 
instead  of  'ASpafivrrvvo)  in  Acts  xxvii.  2),  a  sea- 
port in  the  province  of  Asia  [Asia],  situated  in  the 
district  anciently  called  4^olis,  and  also  Mysia  (see 
Acts  xvi.  7).  Adramyttium  gave,  and  still  gives 
its  name  to  a  deep  gulf  on  this  coast,  opposite  t<i 
the  opening  of  which  is  the  island  of  Lesbos  [Mi- 
TYLENEJ.  St.  Paul  was  never  at  Adranijltium, 
except,  perhaps,  during  his  second  missionary  jour- 
ney, on  his  way  from  Galatia  to  Troas  (Acts  xvi.), 
and  it  has  no  Biblical  interest,  except  as  illustrat- 
ing his  voyage  from  Csesarea  in  a  ship  belonging  tc 


is  a  form  of  expression  for  the  new  kingdnm,  and  tliat 
none  of  the  towns  named  are  necessarily  in  the  )iinl> 
of  Beigamin  proper. 


ADRIA 

his  place  (Acts  xxvii.  2).  The  reason  is  given  in 
what  follows,  namely,  that  the  centurion  and  his 
prisoners  would  thus  be  brought  to  the  coasts  of 
Asia,  and  therefore  some  distance  on  their  way 
towards  Rome,  to  places  where  some  other  ship 
bound  for  the  west  would  probably  be  found. 
Ships  of  Adramyttium  must  have  been  frequent 
on  this  coast,  for  it  was  a  place  of  considerable 
traffic.  It  lay  on  the  great  Koman  road  between 
Assos,  Troas,  and  the  Hellespont  on  one  side,  and 
I'erganms,  Ephesus,  and  Miletus  on  the  other,  and 
wa-s  connected  by  similar  roads  with  the  interior  of 
the  country.  According  to  tradition,  Adramyttium 
was  a  settlement  of  the  J^ydians  in  the  time  of 
Croesus.  It  was  afterwards  an  Athenian  colony. 
Under  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus  it  became  a  sea- 
port of  some  consequence;  and  in  the  time  of  St. 
Paul  I'Uny  mentions  it  as  a  Roman  assize-town. 
The  modern  Adramyti  is  a  poor  village,  but  it  is 
still  a  place  of  some  trade  and  shipbuilding.  It  is 
described  in  the  travels  of  Pococke,  Turner,  and 
Fellows.  It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  notice  the 
mistaken  opinion  of  Grotius,  Hammond,  and  others, 
that  Hadrumetum  on  the  coast  of  Africa  is  meant 
in  this  passage  of  the  Acts.  J.  S.  II. 

A'DRI A,  more  properly  A'DRIAS  {6  'ABplai  '■ 
[Adriu] ).  It  is  important  to  fbc  tlie  meaning  of 
this  word  as  used  in  Acts  xxvii.  27.  The  word 
Beems  to  have  been  derived  from  the  towm  of  Adria, 
near  the  Po ;  and  at  first  it  denoted  that  part  of 
the  gulf  of  Venice  which  is  in  that  neighborhood. 
Afterwards  the  signification  of  the  name  was  ex- 
tended so  as  to  embrace  the  whole  of  that  gulf. 
Subsequently  it  obtained  a  much  wider  extension, 
and  in  the  apostolic  a:^f  denoted  tliat  natural  divi- 
sion of  the  jNIediterraucau,  which  Humboldt  names 
the  Syrtic  basin  (see  Acts  xxvii.  J  7).  and  which 
had  the  coasts  of  Sicily,  Italy,  Greece,  and  Africa 
for  its  boundaries.  This  definition  is  explicitly 
given  by  almopt  a  contemporary  of  St.  I'aul,  the 
geographer  Ptolemy,  who  also  says  that  Crete  is 
bounded  on  the  west  by  Adrias.  Later  writers 
state  that  Malta  divides  the  Adriatic  sea  from  the 
Tyrrhenian  sea,  and  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  the 
^gean  from  the  Adriatic.  Thus  the  ship  in  which 
Josephus  started  for  Italy  about  the  time  of  St. 
Paul's  voyage,  foundered  in  Adrias  (Life,  3),  and 
here  he  was  picked  up  by  a  ship  from  Cyrene  and 
laken  to  PuteoU  (see  Acts  xxviii.  13).  It  is  through 
ignorance  of  these  facts,  or  through  the  want  of 
attending  to  them,  that  writers  have  drawn  an  ar- 
gument from  this  geographical  term  Ln  favor  of  the 
false  view  which  places  the  Apostle's  ship\vreck  in 
tlie  Gulf  of  Venice.  [Melita.]  (Smith's  Voy. 
ami  Shipwreck  of  St.  Paul.  Diss,  on  the  Island 
Melita.)  J.  S.  H. 

A'DRIEL  (^S"^"]"!?  [flock  of  God]:  [Comp.] 
'A5^iir)A.;  [Rom.  'EtrSpt^A.,  Vat.  'Sepfi  (om.  in  1 
Sam.);  Alex.  IcpoTjA.,  EtrSpj;  Aid.  'Etr5pf:rJA,  'E(r- 
Spl:]  Hadriel),  a  son  of  BarziUai  the  Meholathite, 
to  whom  Saul  gave  his  daughter  Merab,  although 
he  had  previously  promised  her  to  David  (1  Sam. 
sviii.  19).  His  five  sons  were  amongst  the  seven 
descendants  of  Saul  whom  David  suiTendered  to  the 
Gibeonites  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8,  9)  in  satisfaction  for  the 
»ndeavors  of  Saul  to  extirpate  the  latter,  although 
Ihe  Israelites  had  originally  made  a  league  with 
Shem  (.Josh.  ix.  15).  In  2  Sam.  xxi.  they  are  called 
•he  sons  of  Michal  [the  datighter  of  Saul  and  wife 
rf  David] ;  but  as  Michal  had  no  children  (2  Sam. 
r   23),  the  A.  V.,  in  order  to  surmount  the  diffi- 


ADULLAM 


35 


culty,  erroneously  translates  5^7  t  "  '^'"''"g'''*  "P'' 
instead  of  "  bare."  This  accords  with  the  opinion 
of  the  Targum  and  Jewish  authorities.  The  mar- 
gin also  gives  "Michal's  sister"  for  "Michal." 
I'robably  the  en-or  is  due  to  some  early  transcri- 
ber." 

ADU'EL     ('A5oy^\    [Alex.    FA.    NauTj], 

X.  e.  bsni7,  1  Chr.  iv.  36  ('Ie5«^A.);  ix.  12 
('ASi^A),  the  oi-nameni  of  God).  A  Xaphtalite, 
ancestor  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  1). 

B.  F.  W.  and  W.  A.  W. 

ADUL'LAM  (Apocr.  Odou^.m,  C^^P 
[justice  of  the  ])eq)le,  Ges. ;  but  according  to  .Si- 
monis  from  T11V  and  u)"^,  hence  hidinf/-place] : 
'OBoWdfi :  [ Odvllam,  Odullim,  Adidlam] ),  a  city 
of  Judah  m  the  lowknd  of  the  Shefelah,  .Josh.  xv. 
35  (comp.  Gen.  xxxviii.  1,  "Judah  irent  doiim," 
and  Micah  i.  15,  where  it  is  named  with  Mareshah 
and  Achzib);  the  seat  of  a  Canaanite  king  (.Josh, 
xii.  15),  and  evidently  a  place  of  great  antiquity 
(Gen.  xxxviii.  1,  12,  20).  Fortified  by  Rehoboam 
(2  Chr.  xi.  7),  one  of  tlie  towns  reoccupieil  by  the 
Jews  after  their  return  from  Babylon  (Neh.  xi.  30), 
and  still  a  city  ('O.  ir6\is)  in  the  tmies  of  the  Mac- 
cabees (2  Mace.  xii.  38). 

The  site  of  Adullam  has  not  yet  be«n  identified, 
but  from  the  mention  of  it  in  the  passages  quoted 
above  in  proximity  with  other  known  towns  of  the 
Shefelah,  it  is  likely  that  it  was  near  Ihir  DiMdn, 
5  or  6  miles  N.  of  l-LleutheropoUs.  (By  I'-usebius 
and  Jerome,  and  apparently  by  the  LXX.  it  is  con- 
founded with  Eglox:  see  that  name.)  The  lime- 
stone cliffs  of  the  whole  of  that  locality  are  piercetl 
with  extensive  excavations  (Robinson,  ii.  23,  51-53), 
some  one  of  which  is  possibly  the  "  cave  of  Adul- 
lam," the  refuge  of  David  (1  Sam.  xxii.  1;  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  13;  1  Chr.  xi.  15;  Stanley,  .S\  if  P.  p.  259). 
Monastic  tradition  places  the  cave  at  Khiireilun,  at 
the  south  end  of  the  Wady  Urtus,  between  Beth- 
lehem and  the  Dead  Sea  (Robinson,  i.  481).     G. 

*  No  one  who  has  seen  the  cave  at  Khureitun 
can  have  any  doubt  of  its  fitness  to  be  such  a  place 
of  refuge  as  the  cave  of  Adullam  evidently  was  to 
David  and  his  followers.  For  a  description  of  this 
cavern  see  Tekoa.  Dr.  ITiomson  {Land  an^l  Book, 
ii.  424  f.)  pleads  still  for  the  correctness  of  the 
popular  opinion.  David,  who  lived  in  the  neigh- 
boring Bethlehem  and  had  often  driven  his  flocks 
over  those  hills,  must  have  known  of  the  existence 
of  the  cave  and  been  famihar  with  the  entrances  to 
it.  It  was  in  a  desert  remote  from  the  haunts  of 
Saul,  or  if  approached  by  him  was  incapable  of  anj 
effectual  assault.  It  was  in  the  direction  of  Moab 
whither  David,  shortly  before  betaking  himself  to 
this  retreat,  had  sent  his  parents  and  the  women  oH 
his  train.  Stanley  decides  (S.  &  P.  p.  254,  note) 
that  the  cave  mtist  have  been  in  the  Sbeftlak,  be- 
cause the  family  of  David  "went  down"  to  him 
there  fi-om  Bethlehem  (1  Sam.  xxii.  1);  but  the 
expression  may  be  used  also  of  Khureitun,  which  is 
nearly  2  hours  S.  E.  of  Bethlehem  and  over  a  path 
which  descends  rapidly  almost  the  entire  distance. 
Tha'  the  town  and  the  cave  of  Adullam  are  not 
near  each  other  would  be  only  an  instance  of  the 
,  fact  that  the  same  name  is  often  applietl  to  different 
localities. 

a  *  So  also  Thenius  (Die  Bilcher  Sarmuls,  p.  230\ 
accounts  for  th«  inconsistency.  See  furtl  er  unde! 
Mjerab.  " 


86 


AD  ULL  AMITE 


David  was  certainly  in  the  cave  of  Adnllam 
when  the  "  tliree  chiels "  brought  watei  to  him 
from  liethleheni ;  and  as  it  is  said  that  the  Philis- 
tines, throiij^h  whom  they  forced  their  way  for  that 
purjxjse,  were  encamped  at  the  time  near  Beth- 
lehem (2  Sam.  xxiii.  13,  14),  we  nmst  infer  that 
the  cave  itself  wsw  near  IJethlehem,  and  not  so  far 
off  as  the  border  of  the  plain  of  Philistia."     11. 

ADULXAMITE  C^v-Tl?  face  Adul- 
i,am]:  '05o\Aa^i'T7jj ;  Alex.  OSoAAayuejTTjs : 
O'lMiiiiitiii).  A  native  of  Adullani:  applied  to 
ilirah,  the  friend   (or  ''shepherd"  as  the  Vulgate 

has  it,  reading  ^ni!7~^  for  5^(12?"^)  of  ,1udah  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  1,  1-2,  20).  "W.  A.  \V 

ADULTERY.  Tlie  parties  to  this  crime  were 
a  maiTie<l  woman  and  a  man  who  was  not  her  hus- 
band. 'I'he  toleration  of  polygiuuy,  indeed,  renders 
it  nearly  impossible  to  make  criminal  a  similar 
offence  committed  by  a  maiTied  man  with  a  woman 
not  his  wife.  In  the  patriarchal  period  the  sanc- 
tity of  man-iage  is  noticejvble  Imm  the  history  of 
Abraham,  who  fears,  not  that  his  wife  will  be  se- 
duced from  him,  but  that  he  may  be  killed  for  her 
sake,  and  especially  from  the  scruples  ascribed  to 
I'haraoh  and  Abinielech  ((jcn.  xii.,  xx.).  The 
Woman's  punishment  wa.s,  as  commonly  amongst 
eastern  nations,  no  doidit  capital,  and  probably,  as 
in  the  case  of  Tamar's  unchastity,  death  by  fire 
(xxxviii.  24).  The  iMo,saic  jjcnalty  was  that  both 
the  guilty  parties  should  be  stoned,  and  it  applied 
as  well  to  the  betrothed  as  to  the  married  woman, 
prodded  she  were  free  (Ueut.  xxii.  22-24).  A 
i)ondwonian  so  offending  was  to  be  scourged,  and 
the  man  was  to  make  a  trespass  offering  (I^v.  xix. 
20-22). 

The  system  of  inheritances,  on  which  the  polity 
of  Moses  w;vs  based,  was  threatened  with  confusion 
by  tlie  doubtful  offspring  caused  by  this  crime,  and 
this  securetl  [wpular  sym]>atliy  on  the  side  of  moral- 
ity imtil  a  far  a<lvance<i  stage  of  corruption  was 
re;ichcd.  Yet  from  stoning  being  made  the  penalty 
we  may  su])iK>se  that  the  exclusion  of  private  re- 
venge was  intendcnl.  It  is  probable  that,  when 
that  territorial  basis  of  ])olity  passed  away  —  as  it 
did,  alter  the  captivity  —  and  when,  owing  to  (Jen- 
tile  exami)le,  the  marriage  tie  Ijecame  a  looser  bond 
of  union,  pulilic  feeling  in  regard  to  adultery 
changed,  and  the  penalty  of  death  was  seldom  or 
never  inflicted.  Thus  in  the  ciuse  of  the  woman 
lirought  under  our  lord's  notice  (.John  viii.),  it 
is  likely  that  no  one  then  thought  of  stoning 
her  in  fact,  but  there  remained  the  written  law 
letuly  for  the  purj^se  of  the  caviller.  It  is  likely, 
ilso,  tliat  a  divorce  in  which  the  adulteress  lost  her 
lower  and  rights  of  maintenance,  Ac.  {demara 
?ke(/iufj(illi,  cap.  vii.  U),  was  tlie  usual  remedy 
I  iggested  by  a  wish  to  avoid  scandal  and  the  ex- 
citement of  commiseration  for  crime.  The  word 
wapaSeiyfuiTlffai  [SftyfiaTiaai  Lachm.,  Tisch., 
Tr^.]  (Matt.  i.  19),  probably  means  to  bring  the 
case  before  the  local  Sanhedrim,  which  was  tlie 
usual  course,  but  which  Joseph  did  tiot  propose  to 
take,  preferring  repudiation  (IJuxtorf,  de  i</wns.  et 
Divort.  iii.  1-4),  because  that  could  be  managed 
prirately  {Kddpa)- 

Concerning  the  famous  trial  liy  the  waters  of 
jealousy  (Num.  v.  11-29),  it  has  been  questioned 


a  •  Since  writing  tbe  above  not«,  we  find  tliat  Dr. 
Stanley  is  either  not  consistent  witli  himwlf  or  has 
Uiauged  liis  opinion.     In  hia  article  on  Davis  in  this 


ADUMMIM 

whether  a  husband  was,  in  case  of  certain  facts, 
liound  to  .adopt  it.  The  more  hkely  view  is,  tliat 
it  was  meant  as  a  relief  to  the  vehemence  of  impla- 
cable jealousy  to  which  Orientals  appear  prone,  but 
which  was  not  consistent  with  the  laxity  of  the 
nuptial  tie  prevalent  in  the  period  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament. The  ancient  strictness  of  tliat  tie  gave 
room  for  a  more  intense  feeling,  and  in  that  inten- 
sity probai)ly  arose  this  strange  custom,  which  no 
doubt  Moses  found  prevailing  and  deeply  seated; 
and  which  is  said  to  be  paralleled  by  a  fonn  of 
ordeal  called  the  "red  water"  in  Western  Africa 
(Kitto.  Cyi-Uip.  s.  v.).  The  forms  of  Hebrew  jus- 
tice all  tended  to  hmit  the  application  of  this  Ujst. 
1.  15y  prescribing  certain  facts  presumptive  of 
guilt,  to  be  estal)iished  on  oath  by  two  wilriesses, 
or  a  jjreiMJiiderating  but  not  conclusive  tcsJimony 
to  the  fact  of  the  woman's  adultery.  2.  Hy  tech- 
nical rules  of  evidence  which  made  proof  of  those 
l)resumptive  facts  difficult  {Sotnh,  vi.  2-5).  3.  I5y 
exempting  certain  large  cLusses  of  women  (all  in- 
deed, except  a  pure  Israelitess  married  to  a  |)ure 
Israehte,  and  some  even  of  them )  from  the  Uability. 
4.  By  providing  that  the  trial  could  only  be  l>ef'ore 
the  great  Sanhedrim  (SoUili,  i.  4).  5.  By  invest- 
ing it  with  a  ceremonial  at  once  humiliating  and 
intimidating,  yet  which  still  harmonized  witli  the 
spirit  of  the  wliole  ordeal  as  recorded  in  Num.  v. ; 
but  C.  Al.'ove  all,  by  the  conventioiiiJ  and  even 
mercenary  light  in  which  tlie  nuptial  contract  was 
latterly  regarded. 

When  adultery  ceased  to  be  capital,  as  no  doubt 
it  did,  and  divorce  became  a  matter  of  mere  conve- 
nience, it  would  be  absurd  to  suppose  that  this  trial 
was  continued.  And  when  adultery  became  com- 
mon, as  the  Jews  themselves  confess,  it  would  have 
been  impious  to  exjjcct  the  miracle  which  it  sup- 
jiosed.  If  ever  the  Sanhedrim  were  driven  by 
force  of  circumstances  to  adopt  this  trial,  no  doubt 
every  effort  was  used,  nay,  was  prescribed  (SoUifi, 
i.  5,  G)  to  overawe  the  culprit  and  induce  confes- 
sion. Nay,  even  if  she  submitted  to  the  frisd  and 
was  really  guilty,  some  rabbis  held  that  the  effect 
on  hei"  might  be  suspended  for  years  through  the 
merit  of  some  good  deed  (SoUtfi,  iii.  4-G).  Be- 
sides, however,  the  intimidation  of  the  woman,  the 
man  was  likely  to  feel  the  jiublic  exjwsure  of  his 
suspicions  odious  and  repulsive.  Divorce  was  a 
ready  and  quiet  remedy;  and  the  only  question 
was,  whether  the  divorce  should  carry  the  dowry, 
and  the  property  which  she  had  brought;  which 
was  decided  by  the  slight  or  grave  character  of  the 
suspicions  against  her  (Svtah,  vi.  1 ;  Genuira  Cht- 
thiiboth,  vii.  G;  Ugol.  Uxor  Ihb.  c.  vii.).  If  the 
husband  were  incapable  through  derangement,  im- 
prisonment, Ac,  of  acting  on  his  own  behalf  in  the 
matter,  the  Sanhedrim  proceeded  in  his  name  as 
concerned  the  dowry,  but  not  as  concerned  the  trial 
by  the  water  of  jealousy  {Sotah,  iv.  6).      II.  II. 

ADUM'MIM,  "  THE  GOING  UP  TO  "  or  "  of  " 

(C'T^IS*  n^^r :  Trp6<rfiaaii  'ASa/ifily,  [ivd- 
patris  Alda/ilv;  Alex,  vfocrava^aais  ASofifit, 
avafi.  E5a)/t£j':]  ascensio  or  ascensus  Afhimmim)  = 
the  "pass  of  the  red; "  one  of  the  landmarks  of 
the  bomidary  of  Bei\jamui,  a  rising  ground  or  pass 
"over  against  Gilgal,"  and  "on  the  south  side 
of  the  '  torrent '  "  (Josh.  xv.  7,  xviii.  17),  which  ig 


Dictionary  (§  ii.  3),  and  in  his  Lectures  on  the  Jewish 
Church  (ii.  GO),  )ie  spcak.s  r-'^icut  hesibition  (  f  tty 
cave  near  KhureitUn  as  David''-  sOi    «)t'  Adullam     II. 


AEDIAS 

the  position  still  occupied  by  the  road  leading  up 
"roni  Jericho  and  the  Jordan  vallej  to  Jerusalem 
(Rob.  i.  558"),  on  the  south  face  of  the  gorge  of 
the  Wiuly  Ktlt.  Jerome  ( Oiiom.  Adonimln)  as- 
sribes  the  name  to  the  blood  shed  there  by  the  rob- 
bers who  infested  the  pass  in  his  day,  as  they  still 
(Stanley,  pp.  31-1,  424;  Martineau,  p.  481;  Stewart) 
continue  to  infest  it,  as  they  did  in  the  middle 
ages,  when  the  order  of  Knights  Templars  arose 
out  of  an  a.ssociation  for  the  guarding  of  this  rciad, 
and  as  they  did  in  the  days  of  our  Lord,  of  whose 
parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan  this  is  the  scene. 
But  the  name  is  doubtless  of  a  date  and  significance 
far  more  remote,  and  is  probably  derived  from  some 
tribe  of  "  red  men  ' '  of  the  earliest  inhabitants  of 
the  country  (Stanley,  p.  424,  note).  The  sugges- 
tion of  Keil  that  it  refers  to  the  "  rothlichen  Farbe 
des  Felsen,"  is  the  conjecture  of  a  man  who  has 
never  been  on  the  spot,  the  whole  pass  being  of  the 
whitest  limestone.  [Fiirst  derives  the  name  in 
the  first  instance  from  the  color  {red-brown)  of  the 
earth  in  the  hills.]  G. 

AfiDI'AS  ("Ai'Sias;  [Vat.  ATjSeioy;  Aid.  Alex. 
'Ar>5/a$:]  Ilellris).  1  Esth'.  ix.  27.  Probably  a 
corruption  of  Eliaii. 

^'GYPT.     [Egypt.] 

^'NEAS  [so,  correctly,  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  etc.; 
Eneas,  later  eds.]  (AiVeas:  yEneas),  a  paralytic  at 
Lydda,  healed  by  St.  Peter  (Acts  ix.  33,  34). 

*  The  name  shows  that  he  was  either  a  Greek  or 
a  Hellenistic  Jew.  It  is  uncertain  whether  he  was 
a  believer  or  not  (&i/dpci>ir6v  riva) ;  but  it  was  usual 
bo  require  faith  of  those  who  received  such  benefits. 

H. 

.iE'NON  ihlvciv'  yEnnon),  a  place  "near  to 
Salim,"  at  which  John  baptized  (John  iii.  23).  It 
was  evidently  west  of  the  Jordan  (comp.  iii.  22 
with  20,  and  with  i.  28),  and  abounded  in  water. 
This  is  indicated  by  the  name,  which  is  merely  a 

Greek  version  of  the  Chaldee  T1T'^  =  "  springs." 
.iEnon  is  given  in  the  Onomnstlcoii  as  8  miles  south 
of  Scythopolis,  "juxta  Salem  et  Jordanem."  Dr. 
Koljinson's  most  careful  search,  on  his  second  visit, 
however,  failed  to  discover  any  trace  of  either  name 
or  remains  in  that  locality  (iii.  333).  But  a  Salim 
has  been  found  by  him  to  the  east  of  and  close  to 
Ndbulus,  where  there  are  two  very  copious  springs 
(ii.  279;  iii.  298).  This  position  agrees  with  the 
requirements  of  Gen.  xxxiii.  18.  [Salem.]  In 
favor  of  its  distance  from  the  Jordan  is  the  consid- 
eration that,  if  close  by  the  river,  the  EvangeUst 
would  hardly  have  drawn  attention  to  the  "  much 
water"  there. 

The  latest  writer  on  Jerusalem,  Dr.  Barclay 
(1858),  reports  the  discovery  of  yEnon  at  yVndy 
Farah,  a  secluded  valley  about  5  miles  to  the  N.  E. 
of  Jerusalem,  running  mto  the  great  Wculy  Fownr 
immediately  above  Jericho.  The  grounds  of  this 
novel  identification  are  the  very  copious  springs  and 
pools  in  which  W.  Farah  abounds,  and  also  the 
presence  of  the  name  Sdam  or  Seleiiti,  the  appel- 
lation of  another  Wculy  close  by.  But  it  requires 
more  examination  than  it  has  yet  received.  (Bar- 
day,  City  of  the  Great  King,  pp.  558-570.)  See 
Ihe  curious  speculations  of  Lightfoot  ( Chorog.  In- 
■'uiry,  ch.  iii.  §§  1,  2,  3,  4).  G. 


<•  Robinson's  words,  "  On  the  south  side 

iboTe,"  are  the  more  remarkable,  because  the  identity 
f  tlie  place  with  the  Maaleli-AJumniim  does  not  seem 
o  have  occurred  to  him. 


AGABUS  37 

♦The  kter  observations  tend  to  narrow  the 
limits  of  the  question :  they  indicate  at  least  the 
region  if  they  do  not  fix  the  site  of  ^non.  Je- 
rome's testimony  (Keland's  Palcestina,-^.  480)  that 
it  was  8  miles  south  of  Scythopolis  (still  shown 
there  in  his  day,  "ostenditur  usque  nunc")  agrees 
with  the  ascertained  condition  of  that  neighbor 
hood.  Dr.  Thomson  {Lnml  and  Book,  ii.  17G), 
who  visited  Beisuii  (ScytbopoUs)  and  the  neighbor- 
hood, represents  the  valley  there  as  al)ounding  in 
fountains  and  brooks,  which  make  it  one  of  the 
most  fertile  places  in  Palestine.  Though  find- 
ing no  traces  of  the  names  stiU  current,  he  says 
that  ^non  and  Salim  were  no  doubt  in  this 
Ghor  Beisdn.  Dr.  liobinson's  SaUm  lies  too  far 
inward  to  agi-ee  with  the  "juxta  Jordanem"  of 
Eusebius  and  Jerome ;  indeed,  he  gives  up  that  po- 
sition and  fixes  on  a  different  one.  The  name 
merely  of  Salim  would  not  be  decisive,  as  it  seems 
to  have  been,  and  is  still,  not  uncommon  in  Pales- 
tine. [Salim.]  We  have  the  more  reason  for 
adhering  to  the  traditionary  site,  that  Mr.  Van  de 
Velde  reports  his  finding  a  Mussulman  oratory 
( [Vely)  called  Sheykh  Salim  near  a  heap  of  ruins, 
about  six  English  miles  south  of  Beisan,  and  two 
west  of  the  Jordan  (Syr.  and  Pal.  ii.  34G).  Bleek 
{Brie/  an  die  Ilebr.  vol.  ii.  pt.  2.  p.  285  ff.)  main- 
tains that  this  Salim  was  not  only  the  one  where 
John  baptized,  but  of  which  Melchizedek  was  king 
(Gen.  xiv.  18).  As  to  yEnon,  which  is  descriptive 
rather  than  local,  the  existence  itself  of  foimtains, 
"deep  waters"  {vSara  iroWd),  is  all  the  identifi- 
cation that  the  term  requires.  H 

^RA.     [Chuonology.] 

^THIO'PIA.     [ExnioriA.] 

*^THIOPIC  VERSION.  [Versions, 
Ancient.] 

AFFINITY.     [Marriage.] 

AG' ABA  {'AKKafid  ;  [Vat.  marg.  AyYaiSa; 
Alex.  TajSa;  Aid.  'Ayafid'-}  Ay  gab),  1  Esdr.  v. 
30.     [Hagau.] 

AG'ABUS*  ("A-yo/Sos:  Agabus),  a.  Christian 
prophet  in  the  apostolic  age,  mentioned  in  Acts  xi. 
28  and  xxi.  10.  The  same  person  must  be  meant  in 
both  places ;  for  not  only  the  name,  but  the  office 
{TrpO(pr}Trjs)  and  residence  {anh  'lepoaoKvfiwv,  airh 
tTis  'lot/Saias),  are  the  same  in  both  instances. 
He  predicted  (Acts  xi.  28)  that  a  famine  would 
take  place  in  the  reign  of  Claudius  "  throughout  all 
the  world  "  (t^'  '6\t]v  tV  oiKovfjievnv)-  This  ex 
pression  may  take  a  narrower  or  a  wider  sense, 
either  of  which  confirms  the  prediction.  As  (ireek 
and  Roman  writers  used  ^  oiKovfj.fur)  of  the  (ireek 
and  the  Roman  world,  so  a  Jewish  writer  could  use 
it  naturally  of  the  Jewish  world  or  Palestine.  Jo- 
sephus  certainly  so  uses  it  {Ant.  viii.  13,  §  4)  when 
speaking  of  the  efforts  of  Ahab  to  discover  the 
prophet  IQijah,  he  says  that  the  king  sought  him 
/farcb  iracrav  r^v  olKovfieyr)v,  i.  e-  throughout 
Palestine  and  its  borders.  (See  Anger,  De  Tempo- 
rum  in  Actis  App.  ratione,  p.  42. )  Ancient  writers 
give  no  account  of  any  universal  famine  in  the 
reign  of  Claudius,  but  they  speak  of  several  local 
famines  which  were  severe  in  particular  countries. 
Josephus  {Ant.  xx.  2,  §  C  lb.  5,  §  2)  mentions  one 
which  prevailed  at  that  time  in  Judsea,  and  swept 
away  many  of  tlie  inhabitants.  Helena,  queen  of 
Adiabene,  a  Jewish  proselyte  who  was  then  at  Je- 

b  *  This  article  (not  accredited  in  the  English  edt 
tion)  lias  been  re-written  here  by  the  author         U 


iS  AGAG 

"usalem,  imported  provisions  from  E^-pt  and  Cy- 
prus, wliich  she  distributed  among  tlie  people  to 
»ve  them  from  steirvation.  This,  in  aU  probability, 
is  the  famine  to  which  Agabus  refers  in  Acts  xi. 
28.  'Hie  clironology  admits  of  this  supijosition. 
According  to  Josephus,  the  famine  which  he  de- 
icri1)es  took  place  when  Cuspius  Fadus  and  Tiberius 
Alexander  were  procurators;  t.  e.  as  Lardner  com- 
putes the  time  {Credibility,  F.  I.  b.  i.  ch.  xi.),  it 
may  have  Ijegun  about  the  close  of  A.  D.  44,  and 
lasted  three  or  four  years.  I'adus  was  sent  into 
Juda-a  on  the  death  of  .^grippa,  which  occuired 
in  August  of  the  year  a.d.  44 ;  and  it  was  about  the 
time  of  the  death  of  Agrippa  (Acts  xii.  1 )  that  Paul 
and  Hiuniab.Ts  carried  the  alms  of  the  Cliristians  at 
Antioch  to  Jerusalem.  If  we  attach  the  wider 
sense  to  oiKovfifvriv,  the  prediction  may  import 
that  a  famine  should  take  place  throughout  the 
lioman  empire  during  the  reign  of  Claudius  (the 
year  is  not  specified),  iind  not  that  it  should  prevail 
in  all  parts  at  the  same  time.  We  find  mention 
of  three  other  famuies  during  the  reign  of  Claud- 
ius: one  in  Greece  (Kuseb.  Chron.  i.  79),  and  two 
in  Konie  (Dion  Cass.  Ix.  11;  Tac.  Ann.  xii.  43). 
For  the  facts  concerning  these  famines,  see  Walch, 
De  Agabo  vote  (Dissertt.  ad  Acta  Ajwst.  ii.  131  ff.). 
At  Caesarea,  Agahus  foretold  to  Paul,  who  was 
then  going  up  to  Jerusalem  for  the  last  time,  that 
the  Jews  there  would  cast  him  into  prison  and  bind 
him  hand  and  fw>t.  The  prophet  accompanied  this 
prediction  with  a  syniboUc  act  (that  of  binding  his 
own  hands  and  feet  with  I'auls  girdle),  which 
served  U>  pl:ice  the  event  foretold  more  vividly  be- 
fore them.  'J'he  scene,  being  thus  acted  out  before 
their  eyes,  was  renderetl  present,  real,  beyond  what 
any  mere  verbal  declaration  could  possibly  have 
made  it. 

"Segnius  irritint  animos  cleniissa  per  aurem 
Quiun  qua;  sunt  oculis  suhjecta  tidelibus,  et  qua9 
Ipse  sibi  tradit  spectator." 

Instances  of  such  symbolism,  though  rare  in  the 
N.  T.,  are  frequent  in  the  Old.  See  1  K.  xxii.  11; 
1.1.  XX.  1  ff. ;  Jer.  xiii.  1  ff. ;  Kzek.  iv.  1  ff.,  etc. 

The  name  Agabus  is  variously  derived :  by  Dru- 

•ius,  from  23n,   a  locust ;  by  Grotius,  Witsius, 

wid  Wolf,  from  3237,  he  hued.  See  Wolf's  Curm 
Phihhfjica,  ii.  1107.  Walch  {vi  supra)  adopts 
the  latter  derivation,  and  compares  the  name  with 
the  (ireek  Agape,  Agapetus,  Agapius,  and  the  like. 
Walch,  in  his  Dissertutio,  treats  («)  of  the  name 
of  Agal)us;  (b)  of  his  office  as  propliet;  (c)  of  his 
prophecies;  and  (d)  of  their  fulfillment.  He 
illustrates  these  topics  fully,  but  adds  nothing 
imix)i-t:int  to  the  results  stated  in  this  article.  The 
jicidents  in  wfiich  Agabus  appears  are  noticed  at 
'.engtli  in  Haumgarten's  Aposttlyesckiclite,  i.  270 
ff.  and  ii.  113  ff.  H.  B.  H. 

A'GAG  (22W,  from  an  Arabic  root  "  to  bum," 
Gesen.:  'A7({7  and  Ttiy-  ^<7n(7),  possibly  the  title 
3f  the  kings  of  Amalek,  Uke  Pharaoh  of  Egypt. 
Due  king  of  tliis  name  is  mentioned  in  Num.  xxiv. 


6  Seo"  "  Translators'  Prefiice  to  the  Reader,"  which 
t  is  to  be  regretted  is  never  now  printed  in  editions 
If  tlie  Bible. 

"  nSt^,'',  captivum  feiil,  Qesen.  Tlusaur.  a.  t. 

<J  Comp.  UolliM,  Arab.  Lex.  ,    f,,^,  exartU. 


AGATE 

7,  and  another  in  1  Sam.  xv.  3,  9,  2i),  32.  TLi 
latter  was  the  king  of  the  Amalekites,  whom  Saui 
spared  together  with  the  best  of  the  spoil,  althougl 
it  was  the  well-known  will  of  Jehovah  that  tho 
Amalekites  should  l)e  extirpated  (Ex.  xvii.  14; 
Ueut.  XXV.  17).  For  this  act  of  disoliedience  Sam- 
uel was  commissioned  to  declare  to  Saul  his  rejec- 
tion, and  he  himself  sent  for  Agag  and  cut  him  in 
pieces.     [Samukl.] 

Hamaii  is  called  the  Agagitk  in  Rsther  (Boir 
ya7os,ni.  1,  10,  viii.  3,  5,  [MaKtSdiv,  ix.  24]). 
Tlie  Jews  consider  Haman  a  descendant  of  Agag, 
the  Amalekite,  and  hejice  account  for  the  hatred 
with  which  he  pursued  their  race  (Joseph.  Ant.  xi. 
6,  §5;  Targ.  Iilsth.).  K.  W.  B. 

A'GAGITE.     [Agag.] 

A'GAR.     [Hagak.] 

AGARE'NES  {viol  "Ayap:  flii  Agar),  Bar. 
ill.  23.     [Hagarenks.] 

AGATE  ('W,  shebo;  1*31?,  cadcM: 
axdrris'-  achates)  is  mentioned  four  times  in  the 
text  of  the  A.  V.;  viz.  in  Ex.  xxviii.  10,  xxxix. 
12;  Is.  liv.  12;  Ez.  xxvii.  IG.  In  the  two  fonner 
passages,  where  it  is  represented  by  the  Hebrew 
word  shebo,  it  is  spoken  of  as  forming  the  second 
stone  in  the  third  row  of  the  high-priest's  breast- 
plate ;  in  each  of  the  two  latter  jjlaces  the  original 
word  is  cadcod,  by  which  no  doubt  is  intended  a 
different  stone.  [Ruhy.]  In  ICz.  xxvii.  10,  where 
the  text  has  agate,  the  margin  has  chrysojtrase, 
whereas  in  the  very  next  chaiiter,  F.z.  xxviii.  13, 
chrysoprase  occurs  in  the  nuirgin  instead  of  em- 
erald, which  is  hi  the  text,  as  tlie  translation  of  an 
entirely  different  Hebrew  word,  mphec;"  this  will 
show  how  much  our  translators  were  perplexed  as 
to  the  meanings  of  the  minerals  and  precious  stones 
mentioned  in  the  sacretl  volume;*  and  this  uncer- 
tainty which  Iielongs  to  the  mineralogy  of  the  Bi- 
ble, and  indeed  in  numerous  instances  to  its  botany 
and  zoclogy,  is  by  no  means  a  matter  of  surprise 
when  we  consider  how  often  there  is  no  collateral 
evidence  of  any  kind  that  might  possibly  help  us, 
and  that  the  derivations  of  the  Hebrew  words  have 
generally  and  necessarily  a  \ery  extensive  significa- 
tion; identification,  therefore,  in  many  cases  be- 
comes a  difficult  and  uncertiiin  matter. 

Various  definitions  of  tlie  Hebrew  word  shebo 
have  been  given  by  the  learned,  but  nothing  defi- 
nite can  be  deduced  fnnn  any  one  of  them.  Gese- 
nius  places  the  word  under  the  nwt  shdMh,"  "  to 
take  prisoner,"  but  allows  tliat  nothing  at  all  can 
\x  learned  from  such  an  etymology.  Fiirst  "^  with 
more  probability  assigns  to  the  name  an  Arabic 
origin,  shaba,  "  to  glitter." 

Again,  we  find  curiously  enough  an  interpreta- 
tion which  derives  it  from  another  Arabic  root, 
which  has  precisely  the  opposite  meaning,  viz.  "  to 
lie  dull  and  obscure."  «  Another  derivation  traceg 
the  word  to  the  proj>er  name  Sheha,  whence  pre- 
cious stones  were  exported  for  the  T3Tian  mer- 
chants. Of  these  derivations,  it  is  difficult  to  see 
any  meaning  at  all  in  the  first,/  while  a  contrary 


*  12527  ;   cf.  Freytag,   Arab.   Lkt.    euXCil    (^^U 

coty.  of  XaXw),  obscura,  amhigua  fuit  r*s  alinii. 

f  "  Sed  hsBc  nihil  Cu-iunt  ad  dotegeudam  ^u«  nat» 
ram."  — Bmun.  V.  S.  II.  xv.  i. 


AGE,   OLD 

me  to  what  we  should  expect  is  given  to  the  third, 
Tor  a  dull-looking  stone  is  surely  out  of  place 
amongst  tlie  glittering  gems  which  adorned  the  8»- 
Dcrdotal  breastplate.  The  derivation  adopted  by 
Fiirst  is  perhaps  the  most  probable,  yet  tuere  is 
nothing  even  in  ii  which  will  indicate  the  stone  in- 
tended. That  shebo,  however^  does  stand  for  some 
variety  of  agate  seems  generally  agreed  upon  by 
commentators,  for,  as  Kosenmiiller «  has  observed 
(Schol.  in  Exod.  xxxviii.  19).  there  is  a  wonderful 
agreement  amongst  interpreters,  who  all  under- 
Btand  an  ngate  by  the  term. 

Our  English  agate,  or  achat,  derives  its  name 
from  the  Achates,  the  modern  Dirillo,  in  the  Val 
di  Noto,  in  Sicily,  on  the  banks  of  which,  accord- 
ing to  Tlieophrastus  and  Pliny,  it  was  first  found ;  ^ 
but  as  agates  are  met  with  in  ahnost  every  coun- 
try, this  stone  was  doubtless  from  the  earliest  times 
known  to  the  Orientals.  It  is  a  sUicious  stone  of 
the  quai-tz  family,  and  is  met  with  generally  in 
rounded  nodules,  or  in  veins  in  trap-rocks;  speci- 
mens are  often  found  on  the  sea-shore,  and  in  the 
l)ed3  of  streams,  the  rocks  in  which  they  had  been 
imbedded  having  been  decomposed  by  the  elements, 
when  the  agates  have  dropped  out.  Some  of  the 
principal  varieties  are  called  chalcedony,  from  Chal- 
cedon  in  Asia  Minor,  where  it  is  found,  carnelian, 
chrysopvase,  an  apple-green  variety  colored  by  ox- 
ide of  nickel,  Mucha^stoiies,  or  moss  agate,  which 
owe  their  dendritic  or  tree-like  markings  to  the 
imperfect  crystaUization  of  the  coloring  salts  of 
manganese  or  iron,  onyx-stones,  bloodstones,  &c., 
&c.  Beautifid  specimens  of  the  art  of  engraving  on 
caaicedony  are  stiU  found  among  the  tombs  of 
Egypt,  Assyria,  Etruria,  &c.<^  W.  H. 

AGE,  OLD.  In  early  stages  of  civiUzation, 
when  experience  is  the  only  source  of  practical 
knowledge,  old  age  has  its  special  value,  and  con- 
sequently its  special  honors.  The  Spartans,  the 
Athenians,  and  the  Ilomans  were  particular  in 
showing  respect  to  the  aged,  and  the  Egyptians 
liad  a  regulation  which  has  its  exact  parallel  in  the 
Bible  (Herod,  ii.  80;  I^v.  xix.  32).  Under  a  pa- 
triarchid  form  of  govermnent  such  a  feeUng  was 
still  more  deeply  implanted.  A  further  motive  was 
superadded  in  the  case  of  the  Jew,  who  was  taught 
to  consider  old  age  as  a  reward  for  piety,  and  a  sig- 
nal token  of  God's  favor.  For  these  reasons  the 
aged  occupied  a  prominent  place  in  the  social  and 
political  system  of  the  .Jews.  In  private  life  they 
were  looked  up  to  as  the  depositaries  of  knowledge 
(.Job  XV.  10);  the  young  were  ordered  to  rise  up  in 
their  presence  (I>ev.  xix.  32);  they  allowed  them  to 
give  their  opinion  first  (.Job  xxxii.  4);  they  were 
taught  to  regard  grey  hairs  as  a  "  crown  of  glory  " 
and  as  the  "  beauty  of  old  men  "  (Prov.  xvi.  31, 
XX.  29).  The  attainment  of  old  age  was  regarded 
OS  a  special  blessing  (.Job  v.  2f)),  not  only  on  ac- 
count of  the  prolonged  enjoyment  of  life  to  the  ir  - 
dividual,  but  also  because  it  indicated  peacefid  and 
prosperous  timas  (Zech.  viii.  4 ;  1  Mace.  xiv.  9 ;  Is. 
KV.  20).     In  pyJjUc  affairs  age  carried  weight  with 


AGRICULTURE 


89 


y^.^TJ  «  esse  achaiem,  satis  probablle  est,  quum 
tnirus  in  hoc  lapiile  interpretum  sit  consensus."  Vid. 
Braun.  de  Vest,  tiacerd.  Hebr(r,or.  II.  c.  xv.  iii. 

''  KoAb;  5e  Ai'Sos  Ka\  6  a^aTr;?  6  aTrb  ,toO  'K^iiov 
TOTa/aoO  ToO  iv  XixeXia,  koL  irwAeiTat  Tt/nio?.  —  Theoph. 
s>.  ii.  31,  ej.  Schneider,  and  Plin.  sxxvii.  54  ;  Litliog- 
ttphie  Sicilienne,  Naples,  1777,  p.  1(5. 

'-•  Compare  with  this  Ex.  xxxviii.  23  :  "  And  with 
■im  was  Aholiab,  son  of  Ahisamach,  of  the  tribe  of  Dan, 


it,  especially  in  the  infancy  of  the  state :  it  formed 
under  Moses  the  main  qualificatioi)  of  those  who 
acted  as  the  representatives  of  the  people  in  all 
matters  of  difficulty  and  deUberation.  The  old 
men  or  Elders  thus  became  a  class,  and  the  title 
gradually  ceased  to  convey  the  notion  of  age,  and 
was  used  in  an  official  sense,  like  Patres,  Senatores, 
and  other  similar  terms.  [Ei.oehs.]  Still  it 
would  be  but  natural  that  such  an  office  was  gen- 
erally held  by  men  of  advanced  age  (I  K.  xii.  8). 

W.  L.  B. 
*  The  distinction  between  ■jrpf(r$vTr]i  and  Trpeor- 
fivrepos  should  be  remarked.  Though  the  for- 
mer refers  always  to  age,  the  latter  refers  occa- 
sionally to  age  (Acts  ii.  17;  1  Tim.  v.  1;  1  Pet. 
V.  5),  but  usually  to  rank  or  office.  The  point  is 
of  some  interest  as  regards  the  age  of  Paul  at  the 
time  of  his  Roman  captivity.  In  PhUem.  ver.  9. 
the  apostle  alludes  to  himself  "as  an  old  man" 
(iy  irpefffivTTis)  for  the  purpose  of  giving  effect  by 
that  reminiscence  to  his  entreaty  in  behalf  of  Ones- 
imus.  Paul  is  supposed  to  have  been,  at  the  time  of 
writing  to  Philemon  (converted  about  30  A.  d.,  at 
the  age  of  30,  and  at  Rome  62-4  a.  d.),  about  GO 
yeai-3  old.  According  to  Hippocrates,  a  man  was 
called  irpe<r^vTT]s  from  49  to  56,  and  after  that  was 
called  yepwv.  But  there  was  another  estimate 
among  the  Greeks  which  fixed  the  later  period 
(7(j/)as)"at  09.  Coray  treats  of  this  question  in 
his  2uveKSri/xos  'UpariKSs,  p-  167  (Paris,  ISSl).** 
Our  most  impressive  image  of  old  age  in  the  N. 
T.,  as  represented  by  its  appropriate  word,  is  that 
which  occurs  in  the  Saviour's  touching  description 
of  what  was  to  befall  the  energetic  Peter  in  his  last 
days  {oTai>  yrjpdffrts)-  See  John  xsi.  18.  The 
tenn  applied  to  Zacharias  (Luke  i.  18)  is  irpeff- 
PvrrjT-  The  patriarch  Jacob's  characterization  of 
a  long  life,  as  he  looked  back  upon  it  from  the  verge 
of  the  grave,  has  hardly  its  parallel  for  truthfulness 
and  pathos  in  all  extant  literature.  See  Gen.  xlvii. 
8,  9.  H. 

A'GEE  [dissyl.]  (SiS  [fugitii-e]:  "Affa  ; 
Alex.  Ayoa.;  [Comp.  'Ayi'-]  Age).  A  Ilararite, 
father  of  Shammah,  one  of  David's  three  mightiest 
heroes  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  11).  In  the  Peshito-SjTiac 
he  is  called  "  Ago  of  the  king's  mountain." 

AGGE'US  {'Ayyaios'-  Agg<eus),  [1  Esdr.  vi.  1, 
vii.  3 ;  2  Esdr.  i.  40.]      [Haggai.] 

AGRICULTURE.  This,  though  promineni 
in  the  Scriptural  narrative  concerning  A<lam,  Cain 
and  Xoah.  was  little  cared  for  by  the  patriarchs . 
more  so,  however,  by  Isaac  and  J;u;ob  than  by 
Abraham  (Gen.  xxvi.  12,  xxxvii.  7),  in  whose  time, 
probably,  if  we  except  the  lower  Jordan  valley  (xiii. 
10),  there  was  little  reguliu-  culture  in  C'anaan. 
Thus  Gerar  and  Shecheni  seem  to  have  been  cities 
where  pastoral  wealth  predominated.  The  herds- 
men strove  with  Isiiac  about  his  wells;  about  his 
crop  there  was  no  contention  (xx.  14,  xxxiv.  28). 
In  Joshua's  time,  as  shown  by  the  story  of  the 
"  Eshcol "  (Num.  xiii.  23-4),  Canaan  was  found  in 


an  engraver  and  a  cunning  workman ;  "  and  ch.  xxxix. 
8 :  "  And  he  made  tlie  breastplate  of  cunninp;  work." 

*  Occasional  sptK'imens  of  agiite  occur  along  the 
coa.'^t  north  of  Tortosa,  and  it  is  very  abundant  near 
Antioch  (Antakia),  Kob.  P/ii/s.   Geo^r.  p.  37(5.        II. 

<'  *  Or.  tha  single  word  "aged"  in  I'hilem.  ver.  9, 
the  celebrated  r>avater  preached  two  of  his  39  seimoM 
on  the  Epistle  :o  Philemon  {Preidiiten  iiter  d.  Brief 
an  d.  Philemor    "t.  Uallen,  17!*r)-6).  H 


10 


AGRICULTURE 


K  much  more  advanced  agricultural  state  than 
Jacob  had  left  it  in  (Deut.  viii.  8),  resulting  prob- 
ably from  the  severe  experience  of  famines,  and  the 
example  of  Kgyi)t,  to  which  its  i)eople  were  thus 
led.  llie  past-oral  life  w:vs  the  means  of  keeping 
the  sacred  race,  whilst  yet  a  family,  distinct  from 
mixture  and  locally  unattached,  especially  whilst 
in  Egjpt.  When,  grown  into  a  nation,  they  con- 
quered their  future  seats,  agriculture  supplied  a 
similar  check  on  tlie  foreign  intercourse  and  s{)eedy 
demoralization,  esi)ecially  as  regards  idolatry,  which 
commerce  would  have  caused.  Thus  agriculture 
became  the  basis  of  the  Mosaic  commonwealth 
(Michaelis,  xxxvii.-xli.)-  It  tended  to  check  also 
the  freebooting  and  nomad  life,  and  made  a  numer- 
ous oflspring  jirofitaiile,  as  it  was  already  honorable 
by  natural  sentiment  and  by  law.  Thus,  too,  it 
indirectly  discouraged  slavery,  or,  where  it  existed, 
made  the  slave  somewhat  like  a  son,  though  it 
made  the  son  aluo  somewhat  of  a  slave.  Taken  in 
connection  with  the  inalienable  character  of  inher- 
itances, it  gave  each  man  and  each  family  a  stake 
in  the  soil  and  nurtured  a  hardy  patriotism. 
"The  land  is  Mine"'  (Ix;v.  xxv.  23)  wa.s  a  dictum 
which  made  agriculture  likewise  the  basis  of  the 
theocratic  relation.  Thus  every  family  felt  its  own 
life  witli  intense  keenness,  and  had  its  di\ine  ten- 
ure which  it  was  to  guard  from  alienation.  The 
prohiliition  of  culture  in  the  sabbatical  year  formed, 
under  this  aspect,  a  kind  of  rent  resened  by  the 
Divine  Owner.  I^indmarks  were  deemed  sacred 
(Deut.  six.  14),  and  tiie  inalienability  of  the  heri- 
tage was  ensure<l  by  its  reversion  to  the  owner  in 
the  year  of  jubik«;  so  that  only  so  many  years  of 
occupancy  could  lie  sold  (l^v.  xxv.  8-lG,  2;i-35). 
The  prophet  Isaiah  (v.  8)  denoimces  the  contenqit 
of  such  restrictions  by  wealtliy  grandees  who  sought 
to  "ax:Id  field  to  field,"  erasing  families  and  depop- 
ulating districts. 

A  change  in  the  climate  of  Palestine,  caused  by 
increase  of  population  and  the  clearance  of  trees, 
must  have  taken  place  before  the  period  of  the  N. 
T.  A  further  change  caused  by  the  decrease  of 
skilled  agricidtural  lal)or,  e.  (j.,  hi  irrigation  and 
terrace-making,  has  since  ensued.  Not  only  this, 
but  the  great  variety  of  elevation  and  local  charac- 
ter in  so  small  a  compass  of  country  necessitates  a 
partial  and  guardtnl  application  of  general  remarks 
(Robuison,  i.  507,  553,  554,  iii.  5U5;  Stanley,  8. 
<f  P.  pp.  119,  124-0).  Yet  wherever  industry  is 
secure,  the  soil  still  asserts  its  old  fertility.  The 
JIaurdn  (I'er*a)  is  as  fertile  as  Damascus,  and  its 
bread  enjoys  the  highest  reputation.  The  black 
and  fat,  but  light,  soil  about  Gaza  is  said  to  hold 
so  much  moisture  as  to  lie  very  fertile  with  little 
rain.  Here,  as  in  the  neighborhood  of  Beyrut,  is 
a  vast  olive-ground,  and  the  very  sand  of  tlie  shore 
is  saiil  to  lie  fertile  if  watere<l.  The  Israehtes 
probably  found  in  ('anaan  a  fair  proportion  of 
woodland,  which  their  necessities,  owing  to  the  dis- 
couragement of  commerce,  must  have  led  them  to 
reduce  (Josh.  xvii.  18).  Ihit  even  in  early  times 
timber  seems  to  have  l)een  far  less  used  for  building 
material  than  anuiii";  westeni  nations  ;  tlie  Israel- 
ites Were  not  skillful  hewers,  and  imported  both 
the  timlier  and  tiie  workmen  (1  K.  v.  (i,  8).  No 
store  of  wood-fuel  seems  to  have  been  kept ;  ovens 
were  heatj'd  with  sucii  things  as  dung  and  liay  (!•>.. 
'v.  12,  15;  Mai.  iv.  1);  and,  in  any  case  of  sacrifice 
»n  an  emergency,  some,  as  we  should  think,  unu- 
flial  source  of  supply  is  constantly  mentioned  for 
be  wood  (I  Sam.  vi.  14;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  22;  1  K. 


AGRICULTURE 

xix.  21;  comp.  (ien.  xxii.  3,  0,  7).     All  tliis  iiidl 
cates  a  non-.abundance  of  timlier. 

Its  plenty  of  water  from  natural  sources  madf 
Canaan  a  contrast  to  raudess  Kgyjit  (Deut.  viii.  7 
xi.  8-12).  Nor  was  the  jieculiar  ligyptian  method 
alluded  to  in  Deut.  xi.  10  unknown,  though  less 
prevalent  in  Palestine.  That  [)e<'nliarity  seems  to 
have  consisted  in  making  in  the  liclds  s<|uare  shal- 
low beds,  Uke  our  salt-pans,  surrounded  by  a  raised 
border  of  earth  to  keep  in  the  water,  which  was 
then  turned  from  one  scjuare  to  another  by  pushing 
aside  the  mud  to  open  one  and  close  the  next  with 
the  foot.  A  very  similar  method  is  apparently  de- 
scribetl  by  Robinson  as  used,  especially  for  garden 
vegetables,  in  Palestine.  There  irrigation  (includ- 
ing under  the  tenii  all  ajipliances  for  making  the 
water  available)  was  as  essential  as  dniinage  in  our 
region ;  and  for  this  the  large  extent  of  rocky  sur- 
face, easily  excavated  for  cisterns  and  ducts,  was 
most  useful.  Even  the  plain  of  .lericho  is  watered 
not  by  canals  from  the  .lordan,  since  the  river  hes 
lielow  the  land,  but  by  rills  converging  from  the 
mountains.  In  these  features  of  the  country  lay 
its  expansive  resources  to  meet  the  wants  of  a  mul- 
tiplying jKipulation.  The  lightness  of  agricultural 
labor  in  the  plains  set  free  an  abundance  of  hands 
for  the  task  of  terracing  and  watering;  and  tlie 
result  gave  the  highest  stimulus  to  industry. 

'llie  cereal  crops  of  constant  mention  are  wheat 
and  barley,  and  more  nircly  rye  and  millet  (?). 
Of  the  two  former,  together  with  the  vine,  olive, 
and  fig,  the  use  of  irrigation,  the  ))lough  and  the 
harrow,  mention  is  found  in  the  liook  of  .lob  (xxxi. 
40,  XV.  33,  xxiv.  (i,  xxix.  1),  xxxix.  10).  Two 
kinds  of  cummin  (the  blick  variety  called  "  fitches," 
Is.  xxviii.  27),  and  such  ]iodde<l  jilants  as  beans 
and  lentiles,  may  be  named  among  the  staple  prod- 
uce. To  these  later  writers  add  a  great  variety 
of  garden  plants,  e.  (/.,  kidney-beans,  [leas,  lettuce, 
endive,  leek,  garlic,  onion,  melon,  cucumber,  cab- 
bage, Ac.  (Mislina,  Cel'iini,  1.  1,  2).  The  prwluce 
which  formed  Jacob's  present  was  of  such  kinds  as 
would  keep,  and  had  kept  during  the  famine  (Gen. 
xliii.  11). 

The  Jewish  calendar,  as  fixed  by  the  three  great 
festivals,  turned  on  the  seasons  of  green,  ripe,  and 
fully-gathered  produce.  Hence,  if  the  sea.son  was 
backward,  or,  owing  to  the  imiierfections  of  a  non- 
astronomical  reckoning,  seenietl  to  be  so,  a  month 
was  intercalated.  This  rude  system  was  foudly  re- 
tained long  after  ment;il  progress  and  foreign  inter- 
course placed  a  correct  calendar  wit liin  their  power ; 
so  that  notice  of  a  I'tndor,  i.  c,  second  or  inter- 
calated Adar,  on  account  of  the  landis  being  not 
yet  of  paschal  size,  and  the  barley  not  forward 
enough  for  the  AM//  (green  sheaf),  was  sent  to  the 
Jews  of  liabylon  and  I'^gypt  (Ugol.  de  Me  Rml.  v. 
22)  early  in  the  season. 

The  year  ordinarily  consisting  of  12  months  wa# 
divided  into  G  agricultural  periods  as  follows  ( To 
saphia  Taanilh,  ch.  1):  — 

I.  SowiM!  Time. 

/  bt'ginniii)?  about  ") 
Tisri,  latter  half  5        autumnal 

(        equinox  |  Early  rait  doa. 

Marchesvan j 

Ka«leu,  former  half       .     .     .     .     j 

II.  Unripi  Tout. 
Kasleu,  latter  half. 

Tebeth. 

Shebath,  former  half. 


AGRICULTURE 

III.  Cold  Season. 

II  ebath,  latter  half  ...    1 

^'     .     .     .     .     •  .     .     I  Latter  rain  due. 

[Veadar] f 

Nisan,  former  half J 

IV.  IIartest  Tnis. 

(Beginning   about 
vernal  equinox. 
Barley  giecn. 
Passover. 
Ijar 
Sivan,  former  half        .     .     .         {^^^^08^" 

V.    OCMMEB. 

Sivan,  latter  half. 

Tamuz. 

Ab,  former  half. 

VI.  SoLTET  Season. 
Ab,  latter  half. 
Ulul. 
Tisri,  former  half  .     .  .     .  Intcathering  of  fruits. 

Thus  the  6  months  from  mid  Tisri  to  mid  Nisan 
were  mainly  occupied  with  the  process  of  cultiva- 
tion, and  the  rest  with  the  gathering  of  the  fruits. 
Rain  was  commonly  expected  soon  after  the  autum- 
nal equinox  or  mid  Ti.sri ;  and  if  by  tlie  first  of 
Kasleu  none  had  fallen,  a  fast  was  proclaimed 
{Mishnn,  Taiinilh,  eh.  i.).  The  common  scriptu- 
ral expressions  of  the  "early"  and  the  ''latter 
rain"  (Deut.  xi.  1-4;  Jer.  v.  24;  Hos.  vi.  3;  Zech. 
X.  1;  Jam.  v.  7)  are  scarcely  confirmed  by  modern 
experience,  the  season  of  raifis  lieing  unbroken 
(Robinson,  i.  41,  429,  iii.  90),  though  perhajjs  the 
fall  is  more  strongly  marked  at  the  beginning  and 
the  end  of  it.  The  consternation  caused  by  the  fail- 
ure of  the  former  rain  is  depicted  in  Joel  i.,  ii. ;  and 
that  prophet  seems  to  [jromise  that  and  the  latter 
rain  together  "in  Uie  first  month,"  i.  e.  Nisan  (ii. 
23).  The  ancient  Hebrews  had  little  notion  of 
green  or  root-crops  grown  for  fodder,  nor  was  the 
long  summer  drought  suitable  for  them.  IJarley 
supplied  food  both  to  man  and  beast,  and  the  plant, 

called  in  Ez.  iv.  9,  "Millet,"  'J^'"^?  holmis  clodma, 
Linn.  (Gesenius),  was  grazed  while  green,  and  its 
ripe  grain  made  into  bread.     In  the  later  period 

of  more  advanced  irrigation  the  ^HVil,  "Fenu- 
greek," occurs,  also  the  rinj27,  a  clover,  appa- 
rently, given  cut  (Peak,  v.  5).  Mowing  (T3,  Am. 
vii.  1;  Ps.  Ixxii.  G)  and  haymaking  were  familiar 
processes,    but   the  latter   had  no   express  word, 

"^^^n  standing  both  for  grass  and  hay,  a  token 
of  a  hot  climate,  where  the  grass  may  become  hay 
as  it  stands. 


AGRICULTURE 


41 


The  produce  of  the  land  besides  fruit  from  trees, 
was  technically  distinguished  as  HSinn,  incluJ 

ing  apparently  all  cereal  plants,  nV3l;p  {quicqula 
in  sillqms  nascitur,  Buxt.  Lex.),  nearly  equivalent 
to  the  Latin  legumen,  and    CJIV"!?  or    ^3127"1T 

riD^n,  semina  /lortensia,  (since  the  former  word 
alone  was  used  also  generically  for  all  seed,  includ- 
ing all  else  which  was  liable  to  tithe,  for  which 
pui-pose  the  distinction  seems  to  have  exi.sted.  'J'he 
plough  probably  was  like  the  ICgyptian,  and  the 
process  of  plougiiing  mostly  very  liglit,  like  that 
called  scarijicatlo  by  the  Romans  ("  Syria  tenui 
sulco  arat,"  I'hn.  xviii.  47),  one  yoke  of  oxen 
mostly  sufficing  to  draw  it.  Such  is  still  u.sed  iu 
Asia  Minor,  and  its  parts  iire  shown  in  tiie  accom- 
panying drawing :  a  is  the  pole  to  which  the  cross 
beam  with  yokes,  b,  is  attached ;  c,  the  share ;  d,  the 
handle;  e  represents  three  modes  of  arming  the 
share,  and  /  is  a  goad  with  a  scraper  at  the  other 


Fig.  1. 


-  Plough,  &c.,  as  still  used  in  Asia  Minor. 
(l'"rom  Fellows's  Asia  ]\Iinor.) 


end,  probably  for  cleansing  the  share.  INIountains 
and  steep  places  were  hoed  (Is.  vii.  25;  Maimon.  (id 
Mishn.  vi.  2;  Robinson,  iii.  595,  G02-3).  The 
breaking  up  of  new  land  was  performed  as  with 
the  Romans  vtre  novo.  Such  new  ground  and  fal- 
lows, the  use  of  wliich  latter  was  familiar  to  the 
Jews  (Jer.  iv.  3;  Hos.  x.  12),  were  cleared  of  stones 
and  of  thorns  (Is.  v.  2;  Gtmnra  lllerosol.  ud  loc.) 
eajrly  in  the  year,  sowing  or  gathering  from  "  among 
thorns"  being  a  proverb  for  sloveidy  husbandry 
(Job  v.  5;  Prov.  xxiv.  30,  31;  Robinson,  ii.  127). 
Virgin  land  was  ploughed  a  second  time.     The 

proper  words  are  Hn?,  jrroscindere,  and  "T"Tt?7, 
offringere,  i.  e.,  iferare  ut  frangantur  ghbce  (by 
cross  ploughing),  Varr.  de  k.  R.  i.  32;  both 
are  distinctively  used  Is.  xxviii.  24.  Land  already 
tilled  was  ploughed  before  the  rains,  that  the  moist- 
ure might  the  better  penetrate  (Maimon.  ap.  Ugol. 
de,  Re  Rust.  v.  11).  Rain,  however,  or  irrigation 
(Is.  xxxii.  20)  prepared  the  soil  for  the  sowing,  a» 
may  be  infeiTcd  from  the  prohibition  to  irrigate  tiB 


Hg.  2.  —  Eg>ptian  ploughing  and  8C?rtng.  —  (Wilkinson,  Tn7nbs  of  the  Kings.  —  77i<-bf3.) 

able  of  the  sower,  being  scattered  Itroadcast,  aii4 
ploughed  in  a/ferwnrds,  the  roots  of  the  late  crop 
being  so  far  decaj'ed  a.<i  Ut  scnc  fur  manui-e  (Fel- 


Bie  gleaning  was  over,  lest  the  poor  should  suffer 
Peak,  V.  8);  and  such  sowing  often  took  place 
tnlhoul  previous  ploughing,  the  seed,  as  in  the  pa."- 


AGRICULTURE 


AGRICULTURE 


fig.  &  —  Ooats  treading  in  the  grain,  when  sown  in  the  field,  after  the  water  has  subsided. 

To7nbs,  near  the  Pyramids.) 

lows,  Asia  ^finor,  p.  72).  The  soil  was  then 
brushed  over  with  a  light  haiTow,  often  of  thorn 
bushes.  In  highly  irrigated  8[)ots  the  seed  was 
trampletl  in  hy  cattle  (Is.  xxxii.  20),  as  in  li^jypt  by 
goata  (Wilkinson,  i.  39,  2d  8er.).  Sometimes, 
however,  the  sowing  was  by  patches  only  in  well 

manured  spots,  a  process  called  "1^3^,  der.  "^^"', 
panliif,  from  its  spotted  appearance,  as  represented 
in  the  acconi[Kin/uig  di-awing  by  Surenhusius  to 
illustrate  the  Jlishna.     Where  the  soil  was  heavier, 


Fig.  4.  —  Corn  growing  in  patches.  —  (Surenhusius.) 

the  ploughing  was  best  done  dry  ("  duni  sicca  tel- 
lure  licet,"  \'irg.  (Jtm-ff.  i.  214);  and  there,  though 

not  generally,  the  sarritw  (11"T1?,  der.  "^7"^,  to 
cleanse),  and  even  the  lirntio  of  Roman  husbandry, 
performed  witli  tnlniUp.  affixed  to  the  sides  of  the 
share,  might  be  useful.  Hut  the  more  formal  rou- 
tine of  heavy  western  .soils  must  not  be  made  the 
standard  of  such  a  natui-ally  fine  tilth  as  that  of 
Palestine  generally.  '•  Sunt  enim  regionum  propria 
munera,  sicut  /Kgy|>ti  et  AfriciE,  in  quibus  agricola 
post  senienteni  ante  mes.sem  s^eteni  non  attingit 
....  in  iis  autcm  locLs  ubi  dtslderatur  saii-itio" 
&c.,  Columella,  ii.  12.  During  the  rains,  if  not 
too  hetivy,  or  between  their  two  periods,  would  be 
tlie  best  time  for  tliese  operations ;  thus  70  days  Iw- 
fore  the  ]);Lsso\er  was  the  time  prescribed  for  sowing 
lor  the  "  wave-sheaf,"  and,  probably,  therefore,  for 
that  of  barley  generally.  The  oxen  were  urged  on 
l>y  a  goad  Uke  a  spear  (.ludg.  iii.  31).  The  custom 
of  watching  rij)ening  crops  and  threshing  floors 
against  theft  or  damage  (Robinson,  i.  490,  ii.  18, 
33,  99)  is  probably  ancient.  Thus  l^az  slept  on 
Jie  floor  (Ruth  iii.  4.  7.)"  Barley  ripened  a  week 
jr  two  tefore  wheat,  and  as  fine  harvest  weather 
A-as  certain  (I'rov.  xxvi.  1;  1  Sam.  xii.  17;  Am.  iv. 
7),  the  crop  chiefly  varied  with  the  quantity  of 
timely  rain.  The  neriod  of  har\est  must  always 
bave  differed  according  to  elevation,  aspect,  &c. 
JJobiuson,  i.  430,  551.)     The  proportion  of  harvest 


o  •  This  practice  continues  to  the  present  day. 
Vpeahing  of  a  night  spent  near  Uebron,  Robinson  (ii. 
146,  ed.  1841)  says  :  "The  owners  of  the  crops  came 
iTery  night  and  slept  upon  their  threshing  floors  to 


(Wilkinson, 


gathei-ed  to  seed  .sown  was  often  vast;  a  hundred- 
fold is  mentioned,  but  in  such  a  way  as  to  signify 
that  it  was  a  limit  rarely  attained  (Gen.  xxvi.  12 
Matt.  xiii.  8). 

The  rotation  of  crops,  familiar  to  the  Egyptiaiu 


Fig.  7.  —  Sowing.  —  (Surenhusius.) 


guard  them ;  and  this  we  hud  found  to  be  universa.  ii 
all  the  region  of  Gaza."  Thomson  {land  and  Book 
ii.  548)  refers  to  the  same  custom.  See  Rurn,  Boo» 
or.  H. 


AGRICULTURE 

'"Wilkinson,  ii.  p.  4),  can  hardly  have  been  un- 
known to  the  Hebrews.  Sowini;  a  field  with  divers 
seeds  was  forbidden  (Deut.  xxii.  9),  and  minute 
directions  are  given  by  the  rabbis  for  arranging  a 
Beeded  surface  with  great  variety,  yet  avoiding  jux- 
taposition of  heterogtnen  8uch  arrangements  are 
shown  in  the  annexed  drawings.     Three  furrows' 


AGRICULTURE 


43 


Fig  8  —  Sowing  —  (Surenhusius  ) 

interval  was  the  prescribed  margin  {Celaim,  ii.  6). 
'i'he  blank  spaces  in  fig.  5,  a  and  b,  represent  such 
margins,  tapering  to  save  gromd.  In  a  vineyard 
wide  spaces  were  often  left  between  the  vines,  for 


dg-^i-«i^^^< 


9.  —  Corn-field  witti  Olives.  —  (Surenhusius.) 


whose  roots  a  radius  of  4  cubits  was  allowed,  and 
the  rest  of  the  space  cropped:  so  herb-gardens 
stood  in  the  midst  of  vineyards  {Pe.a}i,  v.  5.) 
Fig.  9  shows  a  com-field  with  olives  about  and 
amidst  it. 


l"ig  iO  — Iteaping  wheat.  —  (Wilkinson,  Tomb:  of  I  he 
Kiagx  —  Thehex  ) 

The  wheat,  &c.,  wa.s  reaped  by  the  sickle  (the 

ivord   foi  which  is  ti'^"in  in   Deut.,  and   73^1 


in  Jer.  and  Joel),  either  the  ears  merely  in  th« 
"  Picenian  "  method  (Varr.  de  Re  Rust.  i.  50),  or 
stalk  and  all,  or  it  was  pulled  by  the  roots  (Peak,  v. 
10).  It  was  bound  in  sheaves  —  a  process  prom- 
inent in   Scripture,   and  described  by  a  peculiar 

word,    "11227  — or  heaped,     mmpb,    in  Uie 

form  of  a  helmet,  mSD^T!3  -  of  a  turban  (of 
which,  however,  see  another  explanation,  Buxt.  Lex. 
s.  v.    niDp^3),  or  rT*:"inb  of  a  cake.      Tli.-. 


Fig.  12.  — Beaping.  —  (Surenhusius.) 


sheaves  or  heaps  were  carted  (Am.  ii.  13)  to  the 
floor  —  a  circular  spot  of  hard  ground,  probably, 
as  now,  from  50  f^  80  or  100  feet  in  diameter. 
Such  floors  were  probably  permanent,  and  became 
well  known  spots  (Gen.  1.  10, 11 ;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  16. 
18).  On  these  the  oxen,  &c.,  forbidden  to  be  muz- 
zled (Deut.  XXV.  4),  trampled  out  the  grain,  as  we 


Fig.  13.  —  Threshing-floor.  The  oxen  driven  round 
the  heap  ;  contrary  to  the  usual  custom.  —  (Wilkin 
son,  Thebes.) 

find  represented  in  the  Egyptian  monuments.  At 
a  later  time  the  Jews  used  a  threshing  sledge  called 
Jttdi-ag  (Is.  xli.  15;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  22;  1  Chr.  xxi. 
23),  probably  resembling  the  mrer/,  still  employed 


fig.  11.  —  Pulling  up  the  doora  by  the  roots.  ■ 
kinson   ut  supra.) 


■  (yca- 


14.  —  The  Ndrer  a  machine  used  by  the  niodem 
Egyptians  for  threshiag  com. 


44 


AGRICULTUJIE 


in  y^y^i  (Wilkinson,  ii.  190)  — a  stage  with  three 
rdlere  ridged  with  iron,  which,  aided  by  the  driver's 
wdght,  cruslied  out,  often  iiyuring,  the  gi-am,  as 


Fig.  15.  —  Threshing  instrument.  — (From  Fellows's 
Asia  Minor.) 

well  as  cut  or  tore  the  straw,  whicli  thus  became 
fit  for  fodder.  It  appears  to  ha\e  been  similar  to 
the  Ikonian  tribulum  and  the  plostellum  Panicum 


AGRICULTTTRE 

(Varr.  dc  R.  R.  i.  52).  Lighter  grains  were  beaten 
out  with  a  stick  (Is.  xxviii.  27).  liarley  wa.s  som&- 
times  soaked  and  then  parched  before  treading  out, 
wliich  got  rid  of  the  pellicle  of  the  grain.  See 
further  the  Antiquitntes  Triturce,  Ugolini,  vol.  29 
'Hie  use  of  animal  manure  is  proved  frequent  by 
such  recurring  expressions  as  "  dung  on  the  face 
of  the  earth,  field,"  &c.  (Ps.  l.xxxiii.  10;  2  K.  ix. 
37;  .ler.  viii.  2,  &c.).  A  rabbi  hniita  the  quantity 
to  three  heaps  of  ten  half-cors,  or  about  380  gal- 
lons, to  each  HSD  (^=5  of  ephah  of  grain, 
(lesen.),  and  wishes  the  quantity  in  each  heap, 
rather  than  tlieir  number,  to  be  mcrea-sed  if  tlie 
field  Vie  large  {Slienith,  cap.  iii.  2).  Nor  was  the 
great  u.sefulncss  of  sheep  to  the  soil  unrecognized 
(ibid.  4),  though,  owing  to  the  general  distinctness 
of  the  pastoral  life,  there  was  less  scope  for  it. 
Vegetable  ashes,  burnt  stubble,  &c.  were  also  uae«L 


Fig.  16. 


-Treatting  out  the  grain  by  oxfin,  and  winnowing.     1.  Raking  up  the  ears  to  the  centre, 
driver.     3.  ^Vinnowing,  with  wooden  shoTels.  —  (Wilkinson,  Thebes.) 


2.  The 


The  "shovel"  and  "fan"  (Hnn  and  HIHT't? 
Is.  XXX.  24,  but  their  precise  difierence  is  very 
doubtful)  indicate  the  process  of  winnowing  —  a 
conspicuous  part  of  ancient  husbandry  (Ps.  xxxv. 
5;  Job.  xxi.  18;  Is.  xvii.  13),  and  important  owing 
to  the  slovenly  threshing.  Evening  was  the  fa- 
vorite time  (Ruth  iii.  2)  when  there  was  mostly  a 

breeze.      The  H^TD  (m^,  to  scatter  =  irTvoj/? 

(Matt.  iii.  12;  Horn.  Jlind.  xiii.  588),  was  perhaps 
a  broad  shovel  which  threw  the  grain  up  agauist 

the  wind;  while  the  nn'H  (akin  to  n^"^?)  may 
have  been  a  fork  (still  used  in  Palestine  for  the 
same  purpose),  or  a  broad  basket  in  which  it  was 
tossed,  'i'he  heap  of  produce  rendered  in  rent  was 
sometimes   customai'ily  so  large  as  to  cover  the 

nnn  {Bavn  Metzia,  ix.  2).  This  favors  the  lat- 
ter view.  So  the  irrvoy  was  a  corn-measure  in 
Cyprus,  and  the  StTrTuof  =  J  a  ftditfivos  (Liddell 
and  Scott,  Lex.  a.  v.  irTvop)-    ITie  last  process  was 

the  shaking  in  a  sieve,  n^35,  a-ibrum,  to  sep- 
arate dirt  and  refuse  (Am.  ix.  9).  [See  Luke  xxii. 
31.] 

I'lelds  and  floors  were  not  commonly  enclosed ; 
vineyards  mostly  were,  with  a  tower  and  other 
huildings  (Num.  xxii.  24;  Ps.  Ixxx.  13:  Is.  v.  5; 
Matt.  xxi.  33 ;  comp.  Judg.  vi.  11).  Banks  of  mud 
from  ditches  were  also  used. 

With  regard  to  occupancy  a  tenant  migW  pay 


a  fixed  moneyed  rent  (Cant.viii.il)  —  in  which 
ca-se  he  was  called  "Iwltt?,  and  was  compellable  to 
keep  the  ground  in  good  order  for  a  stipulated  share 
of  the  fruits  (2  Sam.  ix.  10;  Matt.  xxi.  34),  often 
a  half  or  a  third ;  but  local  custom  was  the  only 

ndc:  in  this  case  he  was  called  Z^^.  and  was 
more  protected,  the  owner  sharing  tlie  loss  of  a 
short  or  spoilt  crop;  so,  in  ca.se  of  locusts,  bli<iht. 
&c.,  the  year's  rent  was  to  be  al)ated ;  or  he  might 
receive  such  share  as  a  salary  —  an  inferior  jwsitiou 

—  when  tlie  term  which  descrilied  him  was  "'SIP. 
It  was  forbidden  to  sow  flax  during  a  short  occu- 
pancy (hence  leases  for  terms  of  years  would  seem 
to  have  been  conunon),  lest  the  soil  shoidd  \ie  un- 
duly exhaustwl  (comp.  Oeort/.  i.  77).  A  pa.sser-by 
might  cat  any  quantity  of  corn  or  grapes,  but  not 
reap  or  carry  oif  fruit  (Deut.  xxiii.  24-5;  Matt, 
xii.  1). 

The  rights  of  the  corner  to  be  left,  and  of  glean- 
ing [CoisxKit;  Gleaxixo],  formed  the  \wot  man's 
claim  on  the  soil  for  support.  I'or  his  lienetit,  too 
a  sheaf  forgotten  in  carrying  to  the  floor  w:i8  to  be 
left ;  so  also  with  regard  to  the  vineyard  and  the 
olive-grove    (I^v.    xix.   9,   10;    Deut.   xxiv.   19).a 


a  •  The  beautiful  custom  ha«  survived  to  thp  present 
time  (Thom.son'g  Land  ami  Book,  ii.  3*23,  511).  On 
several  topics  in  this  ardcle  (as  cliumte,  seasons.  ferti> 
Ity,  productions)  further  information  will  be  fount 
under  Palestine.  ^- 


AGRIPPA 

Besides  there  seems  a  probability  that  every  third 
fear  a  second  tithe,  besides  the  priests  ,  was  paid 
for  the  ix)or  (Ueut.  xiv.  28,  xxvi.  12;  Am.  iv.  4; 
Tob.  i.  7 ;  Joseph.  Ant.  iv.  8).      On  tliis  doubtful 

point  of  the  poor  man's  tithe  {"^^V  '^WV72)  see  a 
learned  note  by  Surenhusius,  ad  Peak,  viii.  2. 
These  nghts,  in  case  two  poor  men  were  partners 
In  occupancy,  might  be  conveyed  by  each  to  the 
other  for  halt"  the  field,  and  thus  retained  between 
them  (Maimon.  ad  Peak,  v.  5).  Sometimes  a  char- 
itable owner  declared  his  ground  common,  when 
its  fruits,  as  those  of  the  sabbatical  year,  went  to 
the  poor.  For  three  years  the  fruit  of  newly- 
pLanted  trees  was  deemed  uncircumcised  and  for- 
bidden; in  the  4th  it  was  holy,  as  first-fruits;  in 
ine  5th  it  might  be  ordinarily  eaten  (Mlshna,  Or- 
lah,  pnssim).  For  the  various  classical  analogies, 
■ee  Diet,  of  Or.  and  Rom.  Antiq.  a.  v.  H.  H. 
AGRIP'PA.     [Herod.] 

A'GUR  ("l^JSI  [collector] :  Cmgregam).  The 
son  of  Jakeh,  an  unluiown  Hebrew  sage,  who  ut- 
tered or  collected  the  sayings  of  wisdom  recorded 
in  Prov.  xxx.  Ewald  attributes  to  him  the  author- 
ship of  Prov.  xxx.  1-xxxi.  9,  in  consequence  of  the 
similarity  of  style  exhibited  in  the  tliree  sections 
therem  contained ;  and  assigns  as  his  date  a  period 
not  earlier  than  the  end  of  the  7th  or  beginning  of 
the  6th  cent.  b.  c.  The  liabbins,  according  to 
Rashi,  and  Jerome  after  them,  interpreted  the  name 
symboheally  of  Solomon,  who  "collected  under- 
standing" (from  "^^S  agar,  he  gathered),  and  is 
elsewhere  called  "  Koheleth."  Bunsen  {Bibdwerk,  i. 
p.  clxxviii.)  contends  that  Agur  was  an  inhabitant 
of  Massa,  and  probably  a  descendant  of  one  of  the 
500  Simeonites,  who,  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah, 
drove  out  the  Amalekites  from  Mount  Seir.  Hit- 
zig  goes  further,  and  makes  him  the  son  of  the 
queen  of  Massa  and  brother  of  Lemuel  {Die  Spi-iicke 
Sal.  p.  311,  ed.  1858).     [Massa.]     In  Castell's 

Lex.  Heptag.  we  find  the  Syriac  word  ^'^^"N.', 

dguro,  defined  as  signifying  "  one  who  applies  him- 
self to  the  studies  of  wisdom."  There  is  no  au- 
thority given  for  this  but  the  Lexicon  of  Bar  Balilul, 
and  it  may  have  been  derived  (torn  some  tradi- 
tional interpretation  of  the  proper  name  Agur. 

W.  A.  W. 

A'HAB  (Si^nW  [father's  brother']  :  'Axadff; 

Achab),  son  of  Omri,  seventh  king  of  the  separate 
kingdom  of  Israel,  and  second  of  his  dynasty.  The 
great  lesson  which  we  learn  from  his  life  is  the  depth 
of  wickedness  into  which  a  weak  man  may  fall, 
even  though  not  devoid  of  good  feelings  and  amiable 
impulses,  when  he  abandons  himself  to  the  guidance 
of  another  person,  resolute,  unscrupulous  and  de- 
praved. The  cause  of  his  ruin  was  his  marriage 
with  Jezebel,  daughter  of  Ethbaal,  or  Eithobal,  king 
of  Tyre,  who  hail  been  priest  of  Astarte,  but  had 
usmped  the  throne  of  his  brother  Phalles  (compare 
Joseph.  AiU.  viii.  13,  2,  with  c.  Apian,  i.  18).  If 
she  resembles  the  Lady  Macbeth  of  our  r"eat 
dramatist,  Ahab  has  hardly  Macbeth's  energy  and 
determination,  though  ne  was  probably  by  nature  a 
better  man.  We  have  a  comparatively  fuU  accoimt 
of  Ahab's  reign,  because  it  was  distinguished  by 
the  ministry  of  the  great  prophet  ElijaL,  who  was 
brought  into  direct  coUision  with  Jezebel,  when  she 
wntured  to  introduce  into  Israel  the  impure  wor- 
thip  of  Baal  and  her  father's  goddess  Astarte.     In 


AHAR  45 

obedience  to  her  wishes,  Ahab  caused  a  temple  to 
be  built  to  Baal  in  Samaria  itself,  and  an  oraeulai 
grove  to  be  consecrated  to  Astarte.  With  a  fixed 
determination  to  extirpate  tlie  true  religion,  Jezebel 
hunted  down  and  put  to  death  God's  prophets, 
some  of  wlionj  were  concealed  in  caves  by  Obadiab, 
the  governor  of  Ahab's  house;  while  the  Phoenician 
rites  were  carried  on  with  such  splendor  that  we 
read  of  450  prophets  of  Baal,  and  400  of  Asherah. 
(See  1  K.  xviii.  19,  where  our  version  follows  the 
LXX.  in  eiToneously  substituting  "the  groves" 
for  tho  proper  name  Asherah,  as  again  in  2  K. 
xxi.  7,  xxiii.  6.)  [Asiieuah.]  How  the  worship 
of  God  was  restored,  and  the  idolatrous  priests  slain, 
in  consequence  of  "  a  sore  famine  in  Samaria,"  will 
be  more  properly  related  under  the  article  Elijah. 
But  heathenism  and  persecution  were  not  the  only 
crimes  into  which  Jezebel  led  her  yielding  husband. 
One  of  his  chief  tastes  was  for  splendid  architect- 
ure, which  he  showed  by  building  an  ivory  house 
and  several  cities,  and  also  by  ordering  the  restora 
tion  and  fortification  of  Jericho,  which  seems  to 
have  belonged  to  Israel,  and  not  to  Judah,  as  it  ia 
said  to  have  been  rebuilt  in  the  days  of  Ahab, 
rather  than  in  tliose  of  the  contemporary  king  of 
Judah,  Jehoshaphat  (1  K.  xvi.  34).  But  the  place 
in  which  he  chiefly  indulged  this  passion  was  the 
beautiful  city  of  Jezreel  (now  Zerin),  in  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon,  which  he  adorned  with  a  palace  and 
park  for  his  own  residence,  though  Samaria  re- 
mained'the  capital  of  his  kingdom,  Jezreel  standing 
in  the  same  relation  to  it  as  the  VersaUles  of  the 
old  French  monarchy  to  Paris  (Stanley,  S.  <f  P. 
p.  244).  Desiring  to  add  to  his  pleasure-grounds 
there  the  vineyard  of  his  neighbor  Naboth,  he  pro- 
posed to  buy  it  or  give  land  in  exchange  for  it ;  and 
when  this  was  refused  by  Naboth,  in  accordance 
with  the  Mosaic  law,  on  the  ground  that  the  vine- 
yard was  "  the  inheritance  of  his  fathers "  (Lev. 
XXV.  23),  a  false  accusation  of  blasphemy  was 
brought  against  him,  and  not  only  was  he  himself 
stoned  to  death,  but  Ms  sons  also,  as  we  learn  from 
2  K.  ix  26.  Elijah,  already  tlie  great  vindicator 
of  religion,  now  appeared  as  the  assertor  of  morality, 
and  declared  that  the  entire  extirpation  of  Ahab's 
house  was  the  penalty  appointed  for  his  long  coiurse 
of  wickedness,  now  crowned  by  this  atrocious 
crime.  The  execution,  however,  of  this  sentence 
was  delayed  in  consequence  of  Ahab's  deep  repent- 
ance. The  remaining  part  of  the  first  book  of 
Kings  is  occupied  by  an  account  of  the  Syrian 
wars,  which  originally  seems  to  have  been  contained 
in  the  last  two  chapters.  It  is  much  more  natural 
to  place  the  20th  chapter  after  the  21st,  and  so 
bring  the  whole  history  of  these  wars  together,  than 
to  interrupt  the  narrative  by  interposing  the  story 
of  Xaboth  between  the  20th  and  22d,  especially  an 
the  b^inning  of  the  22d  seems  to  follow  naturally 
from  the  end  of  the  20th.  And  this  arrangement 
is  actually  found  in  the  LXX.  and  confirmed  by 
the  narrative  of  Josephus.  We  read  of  three  cam- 
paigns which  Ahab  undertook  against  Benhadad 
II.  king  of  Damascus,  two  defensive  and  one  offen- 
sive. In  the  first,  Benhadad  laid  siege  to  Sama- 
ria, and  Ahab,  encouraged  by  the  patriotic  counsels 
of  God's  prophets,  who,  next  to  the  true  religion, 
valued  most  deeply  the  independence  of  His  chosen 
people,  made  a  suiJjn  attack  on  him  whilst  in  the 
plentitude  of  arrogant  confidence  he  was  banquet- 
ing in  his  te:at  with  his  32  vassal  kuigs.  The 
Syrians  were  totally  routed,  and  fled  to  Damaa- 
cus. 


iQ 


AHARAH 


Next  year  Ikuhadad,  believing  that  his  fiulure 
was  owing  to  some  peculiar  {wwer  which  the  God 
of  Israel  exercised  over  tlie  hills,  inva<led  Israel  by 
way  of  Aphek,  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  (Stanley,  -S'. 
ij-  P.  App.  §  6).  Yet  Ahab's  victory  was  80  com- 
plete that  Itenliadad  himself  fell  into  his  hands; 
but  was  released  (contrary  to  the  will  of  God  as 
announced  by  a  projjhet)  on  condition  of  restoring 
all  the  cities  of  Israel  which  he  held,  and  making 
"streets"  for  Ahab  in  Damascus;  that  is,  admit- 
ting into  his  capital  jK-rmanent  Hebrew  commis- 
sioners, in  an  independent  position,  with  sjiecial 
dwellings  for  themselves  and  tlieir  retinues,  to  watch 
over  the  commacial  and  poUtical  interests  of  Ahab 
and  his  subjects.  Tliis  was  apparently  in  retali- 
ation for  a  similar  privilege  exsicted  by  Benhadad's 
predecessor  irom  Omri  in  re«pect  to  Samaria. 
After  this  great  success  Ahab  enjoyed  peace  for 
three  vears,  and  it  is  difficult  to  account  exactly  for 
the  third  outbreak  of  hostilities,  which  in  Kings  is 
briefly  attributed  to  an  attack  made  by  Ahab  on 
Ramoth  in  Gilead  on  the  east  of  Jordan,  in  con- 
junction with  Jehoshaphat  king  of  Judah,  which 
town  he  claimed  as  belonging  to  Israel.  But  if 
Itamoth  was  one  of  tlie  cities  which  Benhadad 
agreed  to  restore,  why  did  Ahab  wait  for  three  years 
to  enforce  tlie  fulfillment  of  the  treaty  ?  From 
this  difficulty,  and  the  extreme  bitterness  shown  by 
Benhadad  against  Ahab  personally  (1  K.  xxii.  31), 
it  seems  probable  that  this  was  not  the  case  (or  at 
all  events  that  tlie  Syrians  did  not  so  understand  the 
treaty),  but  that  Aliab,  now  strengthened  by  Jehosh- 
aphat, who  must  have  felt  keenly  the  paramount 
importance  of  cripphng  the  jwwer  of  Syria,  origin- 
ated the  war  by  assaulting  Kanioth  without  any  im- 
mediate provocation.  In  any  case,  God's  blessing 
did  not  rest  on  the  expedition,  and  Ahab  was  told  by 
the  prophet  Micaiah  that  it  woiUd  fail,  and  that  the 
prophets  wlio  advised  it  were  hurrying  him  to  his 
ruin.  For  giving  this  warning  Micaiah  was  im- 
prisoned ;  but  Ahab  was  so  far  roused  by  it  as  to 
take  the  precaution  of  disguising  himself,  so  as  not 
to  offer  a  consjiicuous  mark  to  the  archers  of  Ben- 
hadad. But  he  was  skin  liy  a  "certain  man  who 
drew  a  bow  at  a  venture;"  and  though  staid  up 
hi  his  chariot  for  a  time,  yet  he  died  towards  even- 
ing, and  his  army  dispersed.  When  he  was  brought 
to  be  buried  in  Samaria,  the  dogs  licked  up  his  blood 
as  a  servant  was  washing  his  chariot :  a  partial  ful- 
fillment of  EUjah's  prediction  (1  K.  xxi.  19),  which 
was  more  hterally  accomplished  in  the  case  of  his 
son  (2  K.  ix.  2G).  Josephus,  however,  substitutes 
Jezreel  for  Samaria  in  the  former  passage  (Ant. 
?iii.  15,  G).  The  date  of  Ahab's  accession  is  919 
B.  c. ;  of  his  death,  b.  c.  897. 

2.  ['Ax«ii3:  Heb.  in  .Jer.  xxix.  22,  SHv']-  ^ 
lying  prophet,  who  deceived  the  captive  Israehtes 
In  Babylon,  and  was  burned  to  death  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, Jer.  xxix.  21,  22.  G.  E.  L.  C. 

AHAR'AH  (nnnS  [a/ler  the  brother,  but 
uncertain]:  'Aapd;  [Vat.  loAarjA.:]  Ahara). 
The  third  son  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  1).  See 
Aher,  Aiiiram.  W.  A.  W. 

AHAR'HEL  (bn"inSt  [as above]:  k'biXtphs 
'Pr/x<fj8;  [^'omp-  ^5.  'PTJx<iA.:]  Akarehel).  A 
name  occurring  in  an  obscure  fragment  of  the 
genealogies  of  Judah.  "  The  families  of  Aharhel  " 
apparently  traced  their  descent  tlirough  Coz  to 
Ashur,  the  posthumous  son  of  Ilczron.  The  Tar- 
pim  of  R.  Joseph  on  Chronicles  identifies  him  with 


AUASUERUS 

«  Hut  the  firstborn  of  Miriam "  (1  Chr.  ir.  8^ 
The  LXX.  appear  to  have  read  ^n'n  TK 
"brother  of  Kechab,"  or  according  to  the  Comphi- 
tensian  editifa  bfl")  TIS,  "brother  of  Rachel.' 

W.  A.  W. 

AHA'SAI  [3  syl.]  OlHS  [=^Aa2««/(]:  om 
in  LXX.  [but  Comp.  ^Kxias] :  Ahazi).  A  priest, 
ancestor  of  Maasiai  or  Amashai  (Neh.  xi.  13). 
He  is  called  Jahzekah  m  1  Chr.  ix.  12. 

W.  A.  W. 

AHASTBAI  [3  syl.]  C'SlDrs; :  6  'A<rPirri$ 
[Vat.  -/3ej-] ;  Alex,  o  Airovf,  [Comp.  'Axtw/Sat:] 
Aasbai).  The  father  of  EUphelet,  one  of  David's 
thirty-seven  captains  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34).  In  the 
corrupt  list  in  1  Chr.  xi.  35,  EUphelet  appears  as 
"  Hiphal  the  son  of  Ur."  The  LXX.  regarded  the 
name  Ahasbai  as  denoting  not  the  father  but  the 
family  of  I'Uiphelet.  [According  to  Gesenius  the 
name  signifies  J  have  taktn  refuge  in  Jehovah.'] 

W.  A.  W. 

♦AHASHVETROSH.  Noted  in  Ezra  iv.  6 
in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.  as  the  Hebrew  form  of 

AllASUEUUS.  A. 

AHASUE'RUS"  (2?1"i)t?'nW :  'Affao^poi, 
[Vat.  Aadripos,]  LXX.  [in  Ezra  iv.  6] ;  but  'A<r«V 
pas,  [Alex.  AaovT^pos,  Comp.  Aid.  'Acaovr]pos,] 
Tol).  xiv.  15:  Assuerus,  A.  V.  [in  Tob.],  Vulg.), 
the  name  of  one  Median  and  two  Persian  kings 
mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament.  It  may  be  de- 
sirable to  prefix  to  this  article  a  chronological  table 
of  the  Medo-1'ersian  kings  from  Cyaxares  to  Ar- 
taxerxes  Longimanus,  according  to  their  ordinary 
classical  names.  The  Scriptund  names  conjectured 
to  correspond  to  them  in  this  article  and  Auta- 
XEiJXKS  are  added  in  italics. 

1.  Cyaxares,  king  of  Media,  son  of  Phraortes, 
grandson  of  Deioces  and  conqueror  of  Nineveh, 
begiui  to  reign  n.  c.  634.     Ahasuervs. 

2.  Astyages  his  son,  last  king  of  Media,  b.  c. 
594.     J)nrius  the  Mtde. 

3.  Cyrus,  son  of  his  daughter  Mandane  and 
Cambyses,  a  Persism  noble,  first  king  of  I'ersia,  559. 
Cyi-us. 

4.  Cambyses  his  son,  529.     Ahnsuervs. 

5.  A  Magian  usurper,  wlio  jiersonates  Smerdia, 
the  younger  son  of  Cyrus,  521.     Art(tx€rxes. 

G.  Darius  Hystaspis,  raised  to  the  throne  on  the 
overthrow  of  the  INlagi,  521.     Darius. 

7.  Xerxes,  his  son,  485.     Ahasuerus. 

8.  Artaxerxes  lx)ngimaim8  (Macrocheir),  his  son, 
4G5-495.     Artaxerxes. 

The  name  Ahasuerus  or  Achashverosh  is  the 
same  as  the  Sanscrit  kghatra,  a  king,  which  appears 
as  kshtrahe  in  the  arrow-headed  inscriptions  of  I'er- 

scpolis,  and  to  this  in  its  Hebrew  form  S  prostlietic 

is  prefixed  (see  Gibbs's  Gesenius,  S).  This  name 
in  one  of  its  Greek  forms  is  Xerxes,  explained  l)y 
Herod,  (vi.  98)  to  mean  ctpji'oy,  a  signification  suf- 
ficiently near  that  of  kin(/. 

1.  In  Dan.  ix.  1,  Ahasuerus  [IJiX.  Xfp|Tjy, 
Theodot.  'Anovripos]  is  said  to  be  the  father  of 
Darius  the  Mede.  Now  it  is  almost  certiiin  that 
Cyaxares  is  a  form  of  Ahasuerus,  grecized   inU 


a  *  iMiIs  fomi  in  A.  V.  ed.  1611  may  have  tieen  )» 
tended  to  be  reail  Ahasierus,  u  being  used  lor  r,  H 
elsewhere.  ^ 


AHASUERUS  AHAZ  47 

Ksaita  with  the  prefix  Cy-  or  Kai-,  common  to  the  i  seen,  identical) ;  and  this  conclusion  '»  fortified  by 
Kaianian  djTiasty  of  kings  (Malcolm's  Persia,  ch.    the  resemblance  of  character,  and  by  certain  chron- 


lii. ),  with  which  may  be  compared  Kai  Khosroo,  the 
Persian  name  of  Cjtus.  The  son  of  this  Cyaxares 
was  Astyages,  and  it  is  no  improbable  coiyectm-e 
that  Darius  the  Mede  was  Astyages,  set  over  Baby- 
lon as  viceroy  by  his  grandson  Cyrus,  and  allowed 
to  Uve  there  in  royal  state.  (See  Rawlinson's 
Herodotus,  vol.  i.  ]Cssay  iii.  §  11.)  [Darius.] 
This  first  Ahasuerus,  then,  is  Cyaxares,  the  con- 
queror of  Nineveh.  And  in  accordance  with  this 
view,  we  read  in  Tobit,  xiv.  15,  that  Nineveh  was 
taken  by  Nabuchodonosor  and  Assuerus,  i.  e.  Cy- 
axares. 

2.  In  Ezra  iv.  6,  the  enemies  of  the  Jews,  after 
the  death  of  Cjtus,  desirous  to  frustrate  the  build- 
ing of  Jerusalem,  send  accusations  agauist  them  to 
Ahasuerus,  king  of  Persia.  This  must  be  Cam- 
byses.  For  we  read  (v.  5)  that  their  opposition 
continued  from  the  time  of  Cyrus  to  that  of  Darius, 
and  Ahasuei-us  and  Artaxerxes,  i.  e.  Cambyses  and 
the  Pseudo-Smerdis,  are  mentioned  as  reigning  be- 
tween tlv^m.  [Aktaxerxes.]  Xenophon  (Cyr. 
viii.)  calls  the  brother  of  Cambyses,  Tanyoxares, 
i.  e.  the  younger  Oxares,  whence  we  infer  that  the 
elder  Oxares  or  Axares,  or  Ahasuerus,  was  Cam- 
byses. His  constant  wars  probably  prevented  him 
from  interfering  in  the  concerns  of  the  Jews.  He 
was  plainly  called  after  his  grandfather,  who  was 
not  of  royal  race,  and  therefore  it  is  very  likely  that 
he  also  assumed  the  kingly  name  or  title  of  Axares 
or  Cyaxares  which  had  been  borne  by  his  most  illus- 
trious ancestor. 

3.  The  third  is  the  Ahasuerus  of  the  book  of 
Esther.  It  is  needless  to  give  more  than  the  heatls 
of  the  well-known  story.  Having  divorced  his 
queen  Vashti  for  refusing  to  appear  in  public  at  a 
banquet,  he  married  four  years  afterward  the  Jewess 


ological  indications.  As  Xerxes  scourged  the  sea, 
and  put  to  death  the  engineers  of  his  bridge  be- 
cause their  work  was  injured  by  a  storm,  so  Ahas- 
uerus repudiated  his  queen  Vashti  because  she 
would  not  violate  the  decorum  of  her  sex,  and 
ordered  the  massacre  of  the  whole  Jewish  people  to 
gratify  the  mahce  of  Haman.  In  the  third  year 
of  the  reign  of  Xerxes  was  held  an  assembly  to  ar- 
range the  Grecian  war  (Herod,  vii.  7  ff.).  In  the 
third  year  of  Ahasuerus  was  held  a  great  feast  and 
assembly  in  Shushan  the  palace  (Esth.  i.  3).  In 
the  seventh  year  of  his  reign  Xerxes  returned  de- 
feated from  Greece,  and  consoled  himself  by  tha 
pleasures  of  the  harem  (Herod,  ix.  108).  In  the 
seventh  year  of  his  reign  "  fair  young  virgins  were 
sought"  for  Ahasuerus,  and  he  replaced  Vashti  by 
marrying  Esther.  The  tribute  he  "  laid  upon  the 
land  and  upon  the  isles  of  the  sea  (Esth.  x.  1)  may 
well  have  been  the  result  of  the  expenditure  and 
ruin  of  the  Grecian  expedition.  Throughout  the 
book  of  Esther  in  the  LXX.  'Apralfp^ris  is  writ- 
ten for  Ahasuerus,  but  on  this  no  argument  of  any 
weight  can  be  founded.  G.  E.  L.  C. 

AHA'VA  (W^lT^  [water,  Ges.]:  6  Eif 
[Vat.  Eudfx,  Alex.  Evei],  [in  Ezr.  viii.  21,  31]  i 
'Aove  [Vat.  @ove,  Aove]  ■  Ahava),  a  place  (I'^zr.  viii. 

15),  or  a  river  ("IHD)  (viii.  21,  31),  on  the  bank* 
of  whicli  Ezra  collected  the  second  expedition  which 
returned  with  him  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem. 
Various  have  been  the  conjectures  as  to  its  locality ; 
e.  f/.  Adiaba  (Le  Clerc  and  Mannert) ;  Abeh  or 
Aveh  (Hiivernick,  see  Winer);  the  Great  Zab 
(KosenmiiUer,  Bib.  Geogr.).  But  the  latest  re- 
searches are  in  favor  of  its  being  the  modern  IIU, 
on  the  Euphrates,  due  east  of  Damascus,  the  name 


Esther,  cousin  and  ward  of  Mordecai.     Five  years  if  ^5^;^,^  j^  j^,^^^^  ^^  j^^^g  ^^^  i^  ^j^^  post-bibhcaJ 
after  this,  Haman,  one  of  his  counsellors,  havnig  ^ 

been  sUghted  by  Mordecai,  prevailed  upon  hun  to   times  Ihi,  or  Ihi  da-kfra  (Talm.  S"l^pl  S  H^), 


order  the  destruction  of  all  the  Jews  in  the  empire 
But  before  the  day  appointed  for  the  massacre. 
Either  and  Mordecai  overthrew  the  influence  which 
Haman  had  exercised,  and  so  completely  changed 
his  feelings  in  the  matter,  that  they  induced  him  to 
put  Haman  to  death,  and  to  give  the  Jews  the  right 
of  self-defense.  This  they  used  so  vigorously  that 
they  killed  several  thousands  of  their  opponents. 
Now  from  the  extent  assigned  to  the  Persian  em- 


"  the  spring  of  bitunien."    See  Kawlinson's  Herod- 
otus, i.  316,  note. 

In  the  apocryphal  Esdras  [1  Esdr.  viii.  41,  61] 
the  name  is  given  0epc(y.  Josephus  {Ant.  xi.  5,  ^ 
2)  merely  says  ds  rh  irtpay  rov  Evrppdrov.    G. 

A'HAZ   (TPS,    ywsse.'ssOT-;    "Ax^O     Joseph. 

'Axd-Cv^'  Achaz).     .1.  Ahaz,  eleventh  [twelfth?] 
king  of  Judah,  son  of  Jotham,  ascended  the  throne 


pire  (Esth.  i.  1),  "  from  India  even  unto  Ethiopia,"  I  in  the  20th  year  of  his  a§e,  according  to  2  K.  xvi.  2. 
it  is  proved  that  Darius  Hystaspis  is  the  e;irliest  I  But  tliis  nmst  be  a  transcriber's  error  for  the  25th, 
possible  king  to  wlioui  this  history  can  apply,  and  it  I  which  number  is  found  in  one  Hebrew  JMS.,  the 


is  hardly  worth  while  to  consider  the  claims  of  any 
after  Artaxerxes  lx)ngimanus.  But  Ahasuerus 
cannot  be  identical  with  Darius,  whose  wives  were 
the  daughters  of  Cyrus  and  Otanas,  and  wlio  in 
name  and  character  etiually  ditfers  from  that  foohsh 
tjrant.  Neitlier  can  he  be  Artaxerxes  Longimarms, 
although  as  Artaxerxes  is  a  compound  of  Xerxes, 
there  is  less  difficulty  here  as  to  tlie  name.  But  in 
the  first  place  the  character  of  Artaxerxes,  as  given 
by  Plutarch  and  by  Diodorus  (xi.  71),  is  also  very 
unlike  that  of  Ahasuerus.  Besides  this,  in  Ezra 
▼ii.  1-7,  11-26,  Artaxerxes,  in  the  seventh  year  of 
fai»  reign,  issues  a  decree  very  favorable  to  the  Jews 
ind  it  is  unlikely,  therefore,  that  in  the  tirelfth 
(Esth.  iii.  7)  Haman  could  speak  to  him  of  them 
as  if  he  knew  nothing  about  them,  and  persuade 
him  to  sentence  them  to  an  indiscriminate  mas- 
ncre.  We  are  therefore  reduced  to  the  behef  that 
Ihasuerus  is  Xerxes  (the  names  being,  as  W3  have 


LXX.,  tlie  Pesliito,  and  Arabic  version  of  2  Chr. 
xxviii.  1 ;  for  otherwise,  his  son  Hezekiah  was  bom 
when  he  was  eleven  years  old  (so  Clinton,  Fasti 
Hdl.,  vol.  i.  p.  318).  At  the  time  of  his  accession, 
Kezin  king  of  Damascus  and  Pekah  king  of  Israel 
had  recently  formed  a  league  against  Judah,  and 
they  proceeded  to  lay  siege  to  .Jerusalem,  intending 
to  place  on  the  throne  lien  Tabeal,  who  was  not  a 
prince  of  the  royal  family  of  Judah,  hut  probably 
a  Sjrian  noble.  Upon  this  the  great  prophet 
Isaiali,  full  of  zeal  for  God  and  patriotic  loyalty  to 
the  house  of  David,  hastened  to  give  advice  and 
encouragement  to  Ahaz,  and  it  was  prol>alily  owing 
to  the  spirit  of  energy  and  "-ehgious  devotion  which 
he  poured  into  his  counsels,  that  the  allies  failed 
in  their  attack  on  Jerusalem.  'ITius  much,  together 
with  anticipations  of  danger  from  the  Assyrians, 
amd  a  general  picture  of  weakness  and  unfaithf  d- 
ness  both  in  the  king  and  the  people,  we  find  in 


48  AHAZIAH 

the  famous  prophecies  of  the  7th,  8th,  and  9th 
ehaptew  of  Isaiah,  in  which  he  seeks  to  animate 
and  support  tlieni  by  the  promise  of  the  Messiah. 
From  2  K.  \vi.  and  2  Chr.  xxviii.  we  learn  that 
the  allies  took  a  vast  number  of  captives,  who, 
however,  were  restored  in  virtue  of  the  remon- 
strances of  the  prophet  Oded ;  and  that  they  also 
inflicted  a  most  severe  injury  on  Judah  by  the 
capture  of  Elath,  a  flourishing  port  on  the  Red  Sea, 
in  which,  after  ex()elling  the  Jews,  they  reestab- 
lished the  I'^domites  (according  to  the  true  reading 

of  2  K.  xvi.  6,  C'^hlS  for  C^S^'inS),  who 
attacked  and  wasted  the  E.  part  of  Judah,  while 
the  Philistines  invaded  the  W.  and  S.  The  weak- 
minded  and  hel|)less  Ahaz  sought  deliverance  from 
these  numerous  troubles  by  appealing  to  Tiglath- 
pileser  king  of  AssjTia,  who  freed  him  from  his 
most  formidable  enemies  by  invading  Syria,  taking 
Damascus,  killing  Kezin,  and  depriving  Israel  of  its 
Northern  and  Transjordanic  districts.  But  Ahaz 
had  to  purchase  this  help  at  a  costly  price.  He 
becawie  tributary  to  Tiglath-pileser,  sent  him  all  the 
treasures  of  the  Temple  and  his  own  palace,  and 
even  apijeared  liefore  him  in  Damascus  as  a  vassal. 
He  al.so  ventureil  U>  seek  for  safety  in  heathen  cere- 
monies; m.'dcing  his  son  pass  througli  the  fire  to 
Moloch,  consulting  wizards  and  necromancers  (Is. 
viii.  19),  sacrificing  to  the  Syrian  gods,  introducing 
a  foreign  altar  from  Damascus,  and  probably  the 
worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies  from  Assyria  and 
Babylon,  as  he  would  seem  to  have  set  up  the 
horses  of  the  sun  mentioned  in  2  K.  xxiii.  11  (cf. 
Tac.  Ann.  xii.  i;i);  and  "  the  altars  on  the  top  (or 
roof)  of  the  upjjcr  chamber  of  Ahaz"  (2  K.  xxiii. 
12)  were  connected  with  the  adoration  cf  the  stars. 
We  see  another  and  lilanicless  result  of  this  inter- 
course with  an  astronomical  people  in  the  "  sundial 
of  Ahiiz,"  Is.  xxxviii.  8.«  He  died  after  a  reign  of 
16  years.  Listing  n.  c.  740-724.         G.  E.  L.  C. 

2.  (Ahaz.)  A  son  of  Micah,  the  grandson  of 
Jonathan  through  Meribbaal  or  Mephibosheth  (1 
Chr.  viii.  35,  3G.  ix.  42).  W.  A.  W. 

AHAZI'AH  (nnrs*,  SinnrS,  whom  Je- 
hovah smtnlm :  'Oxo^as  [Vat.  -^ti-']  :  Ochozins. ) 
1.  Son  of  Aliab  and  .lezelml,  and  eighth  king  of 
Israel.  After  the  battle  of  Kamoth  in  Gilead 
[An  ah]  the  Syrians  hafl  the  command  of  the  coun- 
try along  the  east  of  Jordan,-  and  they  cut  oflT  all 
comnmnication  between  the  Israelites  and  Moab- 
ites,  so  that  the  vassal  king  of  Moab  refused  his 
yearly  tribute  of  100,000  lambs  and  100,000  rams 
with  their  wool  (conip.  Is.  xvi.  1).  Befrre  Ahaziah 
could  take  mea-sures  for  enforcing  his  claim,  he  was 
seriously  injured  by  a  fall  through  a  lattice  in  his 
palace  at  Samaria.  In  his  health  he  had  worshipped 
his  mother's  giKis,  and  now  he  sent  to  inquire  of  the 
i>racle  of  Baidzebub  in  the  Philistine  city  of  Ekron 
whether  he  should  recover  his  health.  But  Elyah, 
who  now  for  the  last  time  exercised  the  prophetic 
office,  rebuke<l  him  for  this  impiety,  and  announced 
to  htjii  his  approaching  death.  He  reigned  two 
years  (».  c.  8JG,  895).  The  only  other  recorded 
transaction  of  his  reign,  his  endeavor  to  join  the 
king  of  J  udah  in  trading  to  Ophir,  is  more  fitly  re- 
lated under  Jkiiosmaphat  (1  K.  xxii.  50  ff". ;  2  K. 
i.;2<hr.  xx.  35  ff.). 

2.  Fifth  [sixth]  king  of  Judah,  son  of  Jehoram 
jnd  Athaliah,  daughter  of  Ahab,  and  therefore 
lephew  of  the  preceding  Ahaziah.     He  is  called 

«  •rorthe  "son  dial"  of  Ahaz,  eee  DiAi»    H. 


AHAZIAH 

Azariah,  2  Chr.  xxii.  6,  probably  by  a  copyist's  ent* 
and  Jehoahaz,  2  Chr.  xxi.  17.  Ewald  {deschichtt 
des  Vulkifs  Israd,  iii.  525)  thinks  that  his  name 
was  changed  to  Ahaziah  on  his  accession,  but  the 
LXX.  read  'Oxo^ias  for  Jehoahaz,  and  with  this 
agree  the  Peshito,  Chald.,  and  Arab.  So  too,  while 
in  2  K.  viii.  26  we  read  that  he  was  22  years  old 
at  his  accession,  we  find  in  2  Chr.  xxii.  2,  that  his 
age  at  that  time  was  42.  llie  former  number  is 
certainly  right,  as  ui  2  Chr.  xxi.  5,  20,  we  see  that 
his  father  Jehoram  was  40  when  he  died,  which 
would  make  him  younger  than  his  own  son,  so  that 

a  transcriber  must  have  confounded  D3  (22)  and 
Dt5  (42).     Ahaziah  was  an  idolater,  "  walking  in 

all  the  ways  of  the  house  of  Ahab,"  and  he  allied 
himself  with  his  uncle  Jehoram  king  of  Israel, 
lirother  and  successor  of  the  preceding  Ahaziah, 
against  Hazael,  the  new  king  of  Syria.  The  two 
kings  were,  however,  defeated  at  L'amoth,  where 
Jehoram  was  so  severely  wounded  that  he  lotired  to 
liis  mother's  palace  at  Jezreel  to  be  healed.  The 
union  between  the  uncle  and  nephew  was  so  close 
that  there  was  great  danger  lest  heathenism  should 
entirely  overspread  Loth  the  Hebrew  kingdoms,  but 
this  was  prevented  by  the  great  revolution  carried 
out  in  Israel  by  Jehu  under  the  guidance  of  Elisha, 
which  involved  the  house  of  David  in  calamities 
only  less  severe  than  those  which  exterminated  the 
house  of  Omri.  It  broke  out  while  Ahaziah  was 
visiting  his  uncle  at  Jezreel.  As  Jehu  ai)proached 
the  town,  Jehoram  and  Ahaziali  went  out  to  meet 
him,  either  from  not  suspecting  his  designs,  or  to 
prevent  them.  The  former  Wiia  shot  through  the 
heart  by  Jehu;  Ahaziah  was  pursuwl  as  far  as  the 
pass  of  Gur,  near  the  city  of  Ibleam,  and  there 
mortally  wounded.  1  le  died  when  he  reached  Me- 
giddo.  But  in  2  Chr.  xxii.  9,  it  is  said  that  Ahsr 
ziah  was  found  hidden  in  Samaria  after  the  death  of 
.lehoram,  brought  to  Jehu,  and  kille<l  by  his  orders. 
Attempts  to  reconcile  these  accounts  may  l>e  found 
in  Pole's  Synopsis,  in  hightlbot's  IJunn.  of  QUI 
Test,  (in  loc),  and  in  Davidson's  Text  of  the  Old 
Testament,  part  ii.  book  ii.  ch.  xiv.  Ahaziah 
reigned  one  year,  h.  c.  884,  called  the  P2th  of  Je- 
horam, kuig  of  Israel,  2  K.  viii.  25,  the  11  ih,  2  K. 
ix.  29.  His  father  therefoi'e  mu.st  have  died  before 
the  11th  [year]  of  Jehoram  was  concludt-d  (<  linton, 
Fasti  Hell.  i.  324).  G.  E.  L.  C. 

*  It  being  possible  that  the  two  accounts,  taken 
singly,  are  fragmentary,  they  may  supplement  each 
other.  Ahaziah  escaping  "by  the  way  of  the 
garden  house,"  Jehu  ordered  his  men  to  pursue  and 
.slay  him  in  his  chariot  (2  K.  ix.  27);  but  being  to) 
swift  for  his  pursuers,  he  reached  Samaria  and  there 
concealed  himself  for  a  time,  till  Jehu,  "  executing 
judgment  upon  the  house  of  Ahab,"  sought  hira 
out,  and  had  him  put  to  death  (2  Chr.  xxii.  8,  9). 
For  the  fuller  circumstances  of  the  death  we  turn 
again  t«  2  K.  ix.  27.  Jehu  ordered  his  cai)tive  to 
be  taken  (perhaps  under  some  j)retense  of  a  friendly 
object)  to  "the  going  up  (a-scent)  to  (iur  near 
Ibleam,"  and  there  he  was  slain  in  his  chariot  (i.  e 
received  the  deadly  blow  there,  though  he  escaped 
and  actually  died  at  Jlegiddo).  According  to  an- 
other slightly  varied  combination,  Ahazisili  may 
have  managed,  after  being  brought  l)efore  .Jehu  froa 
his  pLice  of  concealment,  to  escape  again,  and  in- 
stead of  being  decoyed  to  Gur  for  execution,  maj 
have  been  overtaken  there  as  he  fled  in  his  chariot 
and  put  to  death  as  before  stated.     It  is  wortlb 


noticing  (see  the  Hebrew  text  and  the  italics  in  the 
A.  v.:  "Aud  they  did  so")  that  the  slaying  of 
Ahaziah  at  Gur  (2  K.  ix.  27)  stands  loosely  related 
to  what  precedes,  as  if  his  being  slain  there  was  the 
final  execution  of  Jehu's  order  after  various  delays 
had  intervened.  See  Keii,  Comm  iib.  die  Biicher 
der  Koniye,  p.  402;  and  Zeller's  B'M.  Worttrb. 
p.  42.     [AzAKiAH  12.]  H. 

AII'BAN  CjSnS  {brother  of  the  wise,  or 
brotherly]:  'Axa/St^p;  ^ex.  'Ofa;  [Aid.  'OC/Sa; 
Comp.  'A0a.v'-l  Ahobban).  Son  of  Abishur,  by 
his  wife  Abihail  (1  Chr.  11.  29).  He  was  of  the 
tribe  of  Judah.  W.  A.  W. 

A'HER(inS  [another]:  'AJp;  [Vat.  M. 
Aep,  H.  Aep;  Comp.  'Ax«VO  Aher).  Ancestor 
of  Hushiin,  or  rather  "the  Hushini,"  as  the  plural 
form  seems  to  indicate  a  family  rather  than  an  in- 
dividual. The  name  occurs  in  an  obscure  passage 
in  the  genealogy  of  Benjamm  (1  Chr.  vii.  12). 
Some  translators  consider  it  as  not  a  proper  name 
at  all,  and  render  it  literally  "another,"  because, 
as  Eashi  says,  l<^zra,  who  compiled  the  genealogy, 
was  uncertain  whether  the  families  belonged  to  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin  or  not.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  Aher  and  Ahiram  (Num.  xxvi.  38)  are  the 
game;  unless  the  former  belonged  to  the  tribe  of 
Dan,  whose  genesilogy  is  omitted  in  1  Chr.  vii.; 
Hushim  being  a  Danite  as  well  as  a  Benjamite 
name.  W.  A.  W. 

A'HI  C^rS,  brother:  aSe\fov:fratres).  1. 
A  Gadite,  chief  of  a  family  who  lived  in  Gilead  in 
Bashan  (1  Chr.  v.  15),  in  the  days  of  Jotham,  king 
of  Judah.  By  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  the  word 
was  not  considered  a  proper  name.  [But  for  Bov( 
aSe\(pov  of  the  Roman  edition.  Vat.  M.  has  Za- 
fiovxaf^  (^I-  ZafiovXa/x),  and  Alex,  with  7  other 
MSS.  Ax'^ovC.  —  A.] 

2.  ('Ax'';  [Vat.  M.  Axiovia,  H.  AxiomA.:]  AM.) 
A  descendant  of  Shamer,  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  (1 
Chr.  vii.  34).  The  name,  according  to  Gesenius, 
is  a  contraction  of  Ahuah. 

AHI'AH.     [AiiiJAii.] 

AHFAM  (ES^nW,  for  nS^H^  [faUier's 
brother],  Gesen. :  [in  2  S.]  'Ajxvdv,  [Aid.  'Ax«<^''; 
Comp.  'Ax«c{;u;  in  1  Chr.  'Ax'M?  ^^*'-  Axe'fi! 
Comp.  Alex.  'Axtdfi']  Ahiam),  son  of  Sharar  the 
Hararite  (or  of  Sacar,  1  Chr.  xi.  35),  one  of  David's 
30  mighty  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  33). 

AHI'AN  (i;*nW:  'At/i;  [Vat.  louufi;  Alex. 
Afiv'-]  Aliin).  A  Manassite  of  the  family  of  She- 
mida  (1  Chr.  vii.  19).  ^  W.  A.  W. 

AHIE'ZER  ('l.!^?'^™  :  [brother  of  help,  or 

Godis  help]: 'AxtfC^P' ^^^^^^^^^'  ^'  Son  of  Am- 
mishaddai,  hereditary  chieftain  of  the  tribe  of  Dan 
under  the  administration  of  Moses  (Num.  i.  12,  ii. 
25,  vii.  GO,  [71,  x.  25]). 

2.  The  Benjamite  chief  of  a  body  of  archers  at 
the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xii.  3).         R.  W.  B. 

AHI'HUD  (l^in'^nW  [6ro<Aer- =  fnend,  of 
t/ie  J  eivs,  or  of  renown]:  'Ax'wp;  [Alex.  Ax't^/S-] 
Ahiiul.)  1.  The  son  of  Shelomi,  and  prince  of 
the  tribe  of  Asher,  selected  to  assist  Joshua  and 
Eleazar  in  the  division  of  the  Promised  Land  (Num. 
txxiv.  27). 

2.  ("Tn"^nS  [brother  =  fnQnA,  of  union]:  '!«- 
X'X"^'   L^**"  lax^'X**^'  Alex.  lax'X*5;  Comp. 


AHUAH  49 

'Ax«oi5S:]  Ahiud),  chieftain  of  the  trilie  of  Benja- 
min (1  Chr.  viii.  7).  K.  W.  B. 

AHI'JAH,    or    AIII'AH     (H^n^^    and 

^n*nS  [friend  of  Jehovah] :  'Ax'a  [Vat.  -x€J-] : 
Achias).  1.  Son  of  Ahitub,  Ichabod's  brother,  the 
son  of  Phinehas,  the  son  of  Vii  (1  Sam.  xiv.  3,  18). 
He  is  described  as  being  the  Lord's  priest  in  Shi- 
loh,  wearing  an  ephod.  And  it  appears  that  the 
ark  of  God  was  under  his  care,  and  that  he  inquired 
of  the  Lord  by  means  of  it  and  the  ephod  (comp. 
1  Chr.  xiii.  3).  There  is,  however,  great  difficulty 
in  reconciling  the  statement  in  1  Sam.  xiv.  18,  con- 
cerning the  ark  being  used  for  inquiring  by  Ahijah 
at  Saul's  bidding,  and  the  statement  that  they  in- 
quired not  at  the  ark  in  the  days  of  Saul,  if  we  un- 
derstand the  latter  expression  in  the  strictest  sense. 
This  difficulty  seems  to  have  led  to  the  reading 
in  the  Vatican  copy  of  the  LXX.,  of  rh  f<pov5,  in 
1  Sam.  xiv.  18,  instead  of  rrju  Ktfiuriy,  or  rather 

perhaps  of  "T^-^,  instead  of  ]^"'»^\  in  the  He- 
brew codex  from  which  that  version  was  made. 
Others  avoid  the  difficulty  by  interpreting  ^^1M 
to  mean  a  chest  for  carrying  about  the  ephod  in. 
But  aU  difficulty  will  disappear  if  we  apply  the  ex- 
pression only  to  all  the  latter  years  of  the  reign  of 
Saul,  when  we  know  that  the  priestly  establishment 
was  at  Nob,  and  not  at  Kirjath-je;irim,  or  Baale  of 
Judah,  where  the  ark  was.  But  the  narrative  in  1 
Sam.  xiv.  is  entirely  favorable  to  the  mention  of  the 
ark.  For  it  appears  that  Saul  was  at  the  time  in 
Gibeah  of  Benjamin,  and  Gibeah  of  Benjamin 
seems  to  have  been  the  place  where  the  house  of 
Abinadab  was  situated  (2  Sam.  vi.  3),  being  prob- 
al)ly  the  Benjamite  quarter  of  Kirjath-jearim, 
which  lay  on  the  very  borders  of  .ludah  and  Ben- 
jamin. (See  Josh,  xviii.  14,  28.)  Whether  it 
was  the  encroachments  of  the  Philistines,  or  an  in- 
cipient schism  between  the  tribes  of  Benjamin  and 
Judah,  or  any  other  cause,  which  led  to  the  disuse 
of  the  ark  during  the  latter  years  of  Saul's  reign, 
is  difficult  to  say.  But  probably  the  last  time  that 
Ahijah  inquired  of  the  l^rd  before  the  ark  was  on 
the  occasion  related  1  Sam.  xiv.  3G,  when  Saul 
marred  his  victory  over  the  Philistines  by  his  rash 
oath,  which  nearly  cost  Jonathan  his  life.  For  we 
there  read  that  when  Saul  proposed  a  night-pursuit 
of  the  Philistines,  the  priest,  Ahijah,  said,  "  Let  us 
draw  near  hither  unto  Gotl,"  for  the  purj)ose, 
namely,  of  asking  counsel  of  God.  But  God  re- 
turned no  answer,  in  consequence,  as  it  seems,  of 
Saul's  rash  curse.  If,  as  is  commonly  thought,  and 
as  seems  most  likely,  Ahijah  is  the  same  person  as 
Ahimelech  the  son  of  Ahitub,  this  failure  to  obtain 
an  answer  from  the  priest,  followed  as  it  was  l)y  a 
rising  of  the  people  to  save  Jonathan  out  of  Saul's 
hands,  may  have  led  to  an  estrangement  between 
the  king  and  the  high-priest,  and  predisposed  him 
to  suspect  Ahimelech's  loyalty,  and  to  take  that 
terrible  revenge  upon  him  for  his  favor  to  David. 
Such  changes  of  name  as  Ahi-melech  and  Ahi-jah 
are  not  uncommon.  (See  Genealogies,  p.  115- 
118.)  "  However,  it  is  not  impossible  that,  as  Ge- 
senius supposes,  Ahimelech  may  have  been  brother 
to  Aliijah. 

2.  [Achia.]      Son  of  Bela   (1   Chr.   viii.   7) 
[Probably  the  same  as  Ahoah,  1  Chr.  viii.  4.  — A.] 


»■  'Otere  we  have  the  furthei  error  Df  Abimeltch  ton 
Ahimelech. 


50  AHIKAM 

3.  [LXX.  i,Sf\>phs  aiirov-  Aihia.]  Son  of  J&- 
rahmeel  (1  Chr.  ii.  25). 

4.  [Aliia.]  One  of  David's  mighty  men,  a  Pe- 
lonite  (1  Chr.  xi.  36). 

5.  [LXX.  aSfK<po\  ahruv-  Ahiat.']  A  Levite 
tu  David's  reign,  who  was  over  the  treasures  of  the 
bouse  of  God,  and  over  the  treasures  of  the  dedi- 
cated thmgs  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  20). 

6.  [A)tia.']  One  of  Solomon's  princes,  brother 
of  lilihoreph,  and  son  of  8hisha  (1  K.  iv.  3). 

7.  [Ahuis.]  A  propliet  of  Shiloh  (1  K.  xiv.  2), 
hence  called  the  Shilonite  (xi.  29)  in  the  days  of 
Solomon  and  of  Jeroboam  king  of  Israel,  of  whom 
we  have  two  remarkable  prophecies  extant:  the  one 
in  1  K.  xi.  31-3'J,  addressed  to  Jeroboam,  announ- 
cing the  rending  of  the  ten  tribes  from  Solomon,  in 
punishment  of  liis  idolatries,  and  the  transfer  of  the 
kingdom  to  Jeroboam :  a  prophecy  which,  thougli 
delivered  privately,  became  known  to  Solomon,  and 
excited  his  wrath  against  Jerolioam,  who  fled  for  his 
life  into  It)gypt,  to  Shishak,  and  remained  there  till 
Solomon's  death.  The  other  prophecy,  in  1  K. 
xiv.  C-16,  was  delivered  in  the  prophet's  extreme 
old  age  to  Jeroboam's  wife,  in  which  he  foretold 
the  death  of  Abyah,  the  king's  son,  who  was  sick, 
ind  to  inquire  conceniing  whom  the  queen  was 
come  in  disguise,  and  then  went  on  to  denounce 
the  destruction  of  Jeroboam's  liouse  on  account  of 
the  images  which  he  had  set  up,  and  to  foretell  the 
captivity  of  Israel  "  beyond  the  river  "  Euphrates. 
These  prophecies  give  us  a  high  idea  of  the  faith- 
fulness and  boldness  of  Ahijali,  and  of  the  eminent 
rank  which  lie  attained  as  a  prophet.  Jeroboam's 
Bi>eech  concerning  him  (1  K.  xiv.  2,  3)  shows  tlie 
estimation  in  wliich  he  held  his  truth  and  prophetic 
powers.  In  2  Chr.  ix.  21)  reference  is  made  to  a 
record  of  the  events  of  Solomon's  reign  contained 
in  the  "  prophecy  of  Ahijah  the  Shilonite."  If 
there  were  a  larger  work  of  Ahijah's,  the  passage 
in  1  K.  xi.  is  doubtless  an  extract  from  it. 

8.  \Ahi<isJ\  Father  of  Baaslia,  king  of  Israel, 
Uie  contemporary  of  Asa,  king  of  Judah.  He  was 
of  tlie  tribe  of  Isssvchar  (I  K.  xv.  27,  33).  [Occurs 
ak.j  1  K.  xxi.  22;  2  K.  ix.  9.]  A.  C.  H. 

9.  ('Ato;  [Vat.  Apa:]  Kchnia.)  One  of  the 
heads  of  the  people  who  sealed  the  covenant  with 
Nehemial)  (Neh.  x.  20).  W.  A.  W. 

AHI'KAM  (Erj'^nW  [brother  of  the  enemy]: 

'Axutd/j,  [Vat.  -x««-]  '•  Ahicam),  a  son  of  Shaphan 
the  scribe,  an  influential  officer  at  the  court  of  Jo- 
tiah  (2  K.  xxii.  12),  and  of  Jehoiakim  his  son  (Jer. 
xxvi.  24).  When  Shaphan  Virought  the  book  of  the 
law  to  Josiah,  wliich  Hilkiah  the  high  priest  had 
found  in  the  temple,  Ahikam  was  sent  by  the  king, 
together  with  four  other  delegates,  to  consult  Ilul- 
dah  the  prophetess  on  the  subject.  In  the  reign  of 
Tehoiakim,  when  the  priests  and  prophets  arraigned 
Jeremiah  before  the  princes  of  Judah  on  account  of 
nis  bold  denunciations  of  the  national  sins,  Ahikam 
mccessfuUy  use<l  his  influence  to  protect  the  prophet. 
His  sin  dedaliah  was  made  governor  of  Judah  by 
Nebuchadnezzar,  the  ('haldaan  king,  and  to  his 
charge  .leremiah  was  entrusted  when  releasal  from 
[irison  (.ler.  xxxix.  14,  .\1.  5).  K.  W.  B. 

AHI'LUD  ("I^b^rS"  [brother  of  one  boi-n, 
yes.;  or  Ach,  i.  e.  God,  tcho  orir/iiuites,  Fiirst: 
Horn.]  'AyiAovS;  ^Axi^ovd  [Vat.  -x**-]  i"  2  Sam. 
II.  2-1 ;  [\'at.  Ayc<o  i"  2  Sam.  viii.  Ki  and  1  Chr.; 
In  1  K.  iv.  3,  Vat.  M.  A^fiAiaS,  U.  AxttKaS:] 
Aks    A.vmcAex  2  Sum.  viii.  10,   Ax«Ma  1  K.-  i^. 


AHIMAAZ 

3:  Ahilud).  1.  Father  of  JeLoshuphat,  tin  re- 
corder or  chronicler  of  the  kingdom  in  tl'.e  ragiu 
of  David  and  Solomon  (2  Sam.  viii.  16,  xx.  24;  1 
K.  iv.  3;  1  Chr.  xviii.  15). 

2.  ('Ax'AouO;  [Vat.  Axe«AioxO  Alex.  EAoi;5.) 
The  father  of  Baana,  one  of  Solomon's  twelve  com- 
missariat officers  (1  K.  iv.  12).  It  is  uncertain 
whether  he  is  the  same  as  the  foregoing. 

W.  A.  W. 

AHIM'AAZ  \Ihb.  Ahima'az]  (VVPTIN 
[brother  of  anger,  i.  e.  irascilk]:  'Ax'M*^' 
[Vat.  Axf "'aas :]  Achimaas).  1.  Father  of  Saul'« 
wife,  Ahinoam  (1  Sam.  xiv.  50). 

2.  [Vat.  AxfifJ-aa?,  etc.]  Son  of  Zadok,  th« 
priest  in  David's  reign.  When  David  fled  from 
Jerusalem  on  account  of  Absalom's  rebellion,  Za- 
dok and  Abiathar,  accompanied  by  their  sons  Ahim- 
aaz  and  Jonathan,  and  the  Le>'ites,  carried  the  ark 
of  God  forth,  intending  to  accompany  the  king. 
But  at  his  bidding  they  retiu-ned  to  the  city,  as 
did  likewise  Hushai  the  Archite.  It  was  then  ar- 
ranged that  Hushai  should  feign  himself  to  be  a 
friend  of  Absalom,  and  should  tell  Zadok  and  Abi- 
athar whatever  intelligence  he  could  obtain  in  the 
palace.  They,  on  their  parts,  were  to  forward  the 
intelligence  through  Ahimaaz  and  Jonathan.  Ac- 
cordingly Jonathan  and  Ahimaaz  stayed  outside 
the  walls  of  the  city  at  En-Kogel,  on  the  road 
towards  the  plain.  A  message  soon  came  to  them 
from  Zadok  and  Abiatliar  through  the  maid-servant, 
to  say  that  Ahithophel  had  counselled  an  immediate 
attack  against  David  and  his  followers,  and  that, 
consequently,  the  king  must  cross  the  Jordan  with- 
out the  least  delay.  They  started  at  once  on  their 
errand,  but  not  without  beuig  suspected,  for  a  lad 
seeing  the  wench  speak  to  them,  and  seeing  them 
immediately  nm  off  quickly  —  and  Ahimaaz,  we 
know,  was  a  practiced  runner  —  went  and  told  Ab- 
salom, who  ordered  a  hot  pursuit.  In  the  mean 
time,  however,  they  had  got  as  far  as  Bahurim,  the 
very  place  where  Shimei  cursed  David  (2  Sam.  xvi. 
5),  to  the  house  of  a  steadfast  partizan  of  David's. 
Here  the  woman  of  the  hou.se  eflectually  hid  them 
in  a  well  in  the  court- yard,  and  covered  the  well's 
mouth  with  ground  or  bruisefl  corn.  Absabm's 
servants  coming  up  searched  for  them  in  vain ;  and 
as  soon  as  they  were  gone,  and  returned  on  the  road 
to  Jerusalem,  Ahimaaz  and  Jonathan  hasted  on  to 
David,  and  told  him  Aliithophel's  counsel,  and 
David  with  his  whole  company  crossed  the  Jordan 
that  very  night.  Ahithophel  was  so  mortified  at 
seeing  the  failure  of  his  scheme,  through  the  un- 
wise delay  in  executing  it,  that  he  went  home  and 
hanged  himself.  This  signal  service  rendered  to 
David,  at  the  hazard  of  his  life,  by  Ahimaaz,  must 
have  tended  to  ingratiate  him  with  tht^  king.  We 
have  a  proof  how  highly  he  was  esteemed  by  him, 
as  well  as  an  honorable  testimony  to  his  character, 
in  the  saying  of  David  recorded  2  Sam.  xviii.  27. 
For  when  the  watchman  aimounced  the  approach 
of  a  messenger,  and  adde<l,  that  his  miming  was 
like  the  nmning  of  Ahimaaz,  the  sou  of  Zadok, 
the  king  said,  "He  is  a  good  man,  and  oometb 
with  good  tidings." 

The  same  transaction  gives  us  a  very  curious 
specimen  of  the  manners  of  the  times,  and  a  singu- 
lar instance  of  oriental  or  Jewish  crai't  in  Ahimaaz. 
I'or  we  learn,  first,  that  Ahiniiiaz  was  a  professed 
runner  —  and  a  very  swift  one  too  —  which  one 
would  hardly  have  expected  in  the  »on  of  the  I'.igh- 
priest.     It  belongs,  however,  to  a  liinple  itate  of 


AHIMAAZ 

lociel/  tbat  bodily  powers  of  any  kind  should  be 
highly  valued,  and  exercised  by  the  possessor  of 
them  in  the  most  natural  way  Ahimaaz  was 
probably  natuially  swift,  and  so  became  famous  for 
his  running  (2  Sam.  xviii.  27).  .So  we  are  told  of 
Asahel,  Joab's  brother,  that  "  he  was  as  light  of 
foot  as  a  wild  roe"  (2  Sam.  ii.  18).  And  that 
quick  running  was  not  deemed  inconsistent  with 
the  utmost  dignity  and  gravity  of  character  appears 
from  what  we  read  of  Elijah  the  Tishbite,  that  "  lie 
girded  up  his  loins  and  ran  before  Ahab  (who  was 
in  l\is  chariot)  to  the  entrance  of  Jezreel"  (1  K. 
xviii.  4G).  The  kings  of  Israel  had  running  foot- 
men to  precede  them  when  they  went  in  their  char- 
iots (2  Sam.  XV.  1;  1  K.  i.  5),  and  their  guards 

were  called  □'^IJ"',  runners.     It  appears  by  2  Chr. 

XXX.  0,  10,  that  in  Hezekiah's  reign  there  was  an 
establishment  of  running   messengers,   who    were 

also  called  D"'!^'^.     The  same  name  is  given  to  the 

Persian  posts  in  Esth.  iii.  13,  15,  viii.  14 ;  though 
it  appears  from  the  latter  passage  that  in  the  time 
of  Xerxes  the  service  was  performed  with  mules  and 
camels.  The  Greek  name,  borrowed  from  the  Per- 
sian, was  ^Yyapot-  As  regards  Ahimaaz's  crafti- 
ness we  read  that  when  Absalom  was  killed  by  Joab 
and  his  armor-bearers  Ahimaaz  was  very  urgent 
with  Joab  to  be  employed  as  the  messenger  to  run 
and  carry  the  tidings  to  David.  The  politic  Joab, 
well  knowing  the  king's  fond  partiality  for  Absalom, 
and  that  the  news  of  his  death  would  be  anything 
but  good  news  to  him,  and,  apparently,  having  a 
friendly  feeling  towards  Ahimaaz,  would  not  all(>w 
him  to  be  the  bearer  of  such  tidings,  but  em- 
ployed Cushi  instead.  But  after  <^ushi  had  started, 
Ahimaaz  was  so  urgent  witli  Joab  to  be  allowed  to 
run  too  that  at  length  he  extorted  his  consent. 
Taking  a  shorter  or  an  easier  way  by  the  plain  he 
managed  to  outrun  Cushi  before  he  got  in  sight  of 
the  watch-tower,  and,  arriving  first,  he  reported  to 
the  king  the  good  news  of  tlie  victory,  suppressing 
his  knowledge  of  Absalom's  death,  and  leaving  to 
Cushi  the  task  of  announcing  it.  He  had  thus  the 
merit  of  bringing  good  tidings  without  the  alloy  of 
the  disaster  of  the  death  of  the  king's  son.  This 
IS  the  last  we  hear  of  Ahimaaz,  for  the  Ahimaaz 
of  1  K.  iv.  1.5,  who  was  Solomon's  captain  in 
Naphtali,  was  certainly  a  different  person.  There 
is  no  evidence,  beyond  the  assertion  of  Josephus, 
hat  he  ever  filled  the  office  of  high-priest ;  and  Jo- 
<ephus  may  have  concludetl  that  he  did,  merely  1)e- 
rause,  in  the  genealogy  of  the  high-priests  (1  ("hr. 
vi.  8,  9),  he  intervenes  between  Zadok  and  Azariah. 
Judging  only  from  1  K.  iv.  2,  compared  witli  1 
Chr.  vi.  10,  we  should  conclude  that  Ahimaaz  died 
before  his  father  Zadok,  and  that  Zadok  was  suc- 
leeded  by  his  grandson  Azariah.  Josephus's  state- 
ment that  Zadok  was  the  first  high-priast  of  Solo- 
mon's temple,  seeing  the  temple  was  not  finislied 
till  the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign,  is  a  highly  im- 
probable one  in  itself.  The  statement  of  the  Seder 
Olain,  which  makes  Ahimaaz  high-priest  in  Heho- 
x>am's  reign,  is  still  more  so.  It  is  safer,  there- 
bre,  to  follow  the  indications  of  the  Scripture  nar- 
ative,  though  somewhat  obscured  by  the  appa- 
ently  coiTupted  passages,  1  K.  iv.  4,  and  1  Chr. 
i'i.  9,  10.  and  conclude  that  Ahimaaz  died  before 
te  attained  tlie  high-priesthood,  leaving  as  his  heir 
his  son  Azarlas. 

3.  Solomon's  officer  in  Naplitali,  charged  with 
woviding  victuals  for  the  king  and  his  household 


AHINADAB  51 

for  one  mouth  in  the  year.  He  was  probably  of 
the  tril)e  of  NaphtaU,  and  was  the  king's  son  in- 
law, having  married  his  daughter  Basmath  (1  K 
iv.  7,  15).  A.  C.  H. 

AHI'MAN  (TP'-n^  [brother  of  a  c/ift,Ges.]. 

'Axi/xa",  ['AxiM«.  ^'^^-  -X«'-;  '"  ''"''S-'  y^*-^ 
Axit'aa";  Alex.  Ax'Ka/i,  AxiM"«mO  Achinmn, 
[Ahlinan^).  1.  One  of  the  three  giant  Anakim 
wiio  inhabited  Mount  Hebron  (Num.  xiii.  22,  '-Vi; 
[Josh.  XV.  14]),  seen  by  Caleb  and  the  spies.  The 
whole  race  were  cut  oft"  by  Joshua  (Josh.  xi.  21), 
and  the  three  brothers  were  slain  by  tlie  tribe  of 
Judah  (Judg.  i.  10).  K.  W.  B. 

2.  (Ai/uat/;  [Vat.  M.  At/xa/i,  II.  Aijua/x!  Aid.] 
Alex.  Klfjuiv,  [Comp.  'AxtMa»'=J  -^/'^I'l-'"^-)  <'»e 
of  the  porters  or  gatekeepers,  who  had  charge  of 
the  king's  gate  for  the  "  camps  "  of  the  sons  of  I-evi 
(1  Chr.  ix.  17).  W.  A.  W. 

AHIM'ELECH  [IM.  -melech]  CTlb^"'r« 
[brother  of  the  kiii(/]:  'Ax'M*^sX  '^"'^  'AjSi/ueAeX' 
[Vat.  -xet-  and  -jSet-;  Alex.  Afxifi-,  ASix-.  Ax'M" 
e\eXi  AxtM^^^''*]  -Achhnelech,  [Ahinielech']).  1. 
Son  of  Ahitub  (1  Sam.  xxii.  11),  and  high-priest  at 
Nob  ill  the  days  of  Saul.  He  gave  David  the  show- 
bread  to  eat,  and  the  sword  of  Goliath ;  and  for  so 
doing  was,  upon  the  accusation  of  1  )oeg  the  Edom- 
ite,  put  to  death  with  his  whole  house  by  Saul's 
order,  liighty-five  priests  wearing  an  ephod  were 
thus  cruelly  slaughtered;  Abiathar  alone  escaped. 
[AiitATHAK.]  The  LXX.  read  three  hamlrea 
(tnd  fire  men,  thus  affording  anotlier  instance  of 
the  fi-equent  clerical  errors  in  transcribing  numbers, 
of  which  Ezr.  ii.  compared  with  Neh.  vii.  is  a  re- 
markable example.  The  interchange  of  C-X^tt?, 
or  nibUl\  with  D"'Crbtr  and  tt'br,  is   very 

common.  For  the  question  of  Ahimelech's  iden- 
tity with  Ahijah,  see  Am  J  ah.  For  the  singular 
confusion  [or  apparent  confusion]  between  Ahime- 
lech  and  Abiathar  in  the  1st  Book  of  Chronicles 
see  AiUATHAR.  [The  name  occurs  1  Sam.  xxi.  1, 
2,  8,  xxii.  !),  11,  14,  IG,  20,  xxiii.  6,  xxx.  7;  2 
Sam.  viii.  17;  1  Chr.  xxiv.  3,  6,  31 ;  Ps.  Iii.  title.] 
2.  [' k^i^t.4\(x\  ^"•'i*'-^  A;86t/ieA.ex,  2.  m. 
AXfifXiXiX'  Achiinelech.]  One  of  David's  com- 
panions while  lie  was  persecuted  by  Saul,  a  Ilittite; 
called  in  the  LXX.  Abimelech ;  which  is  perliaps 
the  right  reading,  after  the  analogy  of  Abimelech, 
king  of  Gerar  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  6).    In  the  title  of  Pa 

xxxiv.  Tf  7^"'3SI  [Abimelech,  Aciiish]   seems 

to  be  a  corrupt  reading  for  HI  Tf  Jp  tJ,''''5W. 
See  1  Sam.  xxi.  13  (12,  in  A.  V.).        A.  C.  H. 
AHFMOTH  (n'ia''nS  [brother  of  death]'. 

'AxiAtaSfl;  [Vat.  AXfifiwd:]  Achimoth),  a  I^vita 
of  the  house  of  the  Korhites,  of  the  family  of  the 
Kohathites,  apparently  in  the  time  of  David  (1 
Chr.  vi.  25).     In  ver.  35,  for  Ahimoth  we  find  Ma- 

hnth  {"^T}^),  Made,  as  in  Luke  iii.  26.  For  a 
correction  of  these  genealogies,  see  Genenhr/ies  of 
our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  p.  214,  note. 

A.  C.  H. 

AHIN'ADAB    (^ll'^HS    [noble   brother]: 

'Ayij/aSa^;  [Vat.  Axeivaa^;  Alex.  Al'mSajS :] 
Ahin'idnh),  son  of  Iddo,  one  of  Solnn;on's  twelve 
commissaries  who  supplied  provisions  for  flie  n)yal 
household.      The  district  entrusted  to  Ahiiia<lab 


52  AHINOAM 

Was  that  of  IMalianaim,  situated  on  the  east  of  the 
Jordan  (1  K.  iv.  14).  R.  W.  B. 

AHIN'OAM  [FTeb.  -no'am]  (Q^b^rS 
[brolhtr  of  (jract  or  beauty;  according  to  Fiirst's 
theory,  Acli,  i.  e.  God,  is  grace]  :  'kvivo6iJi\  Alex. 
hxavoon;  [Conip.  'Axti'twi/t:]  Achinoum).  1. 
Daughter  of  Ahimaaz  and  wilie  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xiv. 
50.)  W.  A.  W. 

2.  ['Axivdofi,  'Axivio/x;  Vat.  Axftvoofi,  etc.] 
A  woman  of  Jezrecl,  wliose  ma.'^cidiiie  name  may 
be  com])ared  with  that  of  Aliiijai),  /other  of  Joy. 
It  was  not  unconnnon  to  give  Momeu  names  com- 
pounded with  3S  (fntJier)  and  HS  (brother). 
Ahinoam  was  maiTied  to  David  during  his  wander- 
ing life  (1  Sam.  xxv.  43),  lived  with  him  and  his 
other  wife  Abigail  at  the  court  of  Achish  (xxvii.  3), 
was  taken  prisoner  with  her  by  the  Amalekites 
when  they  phuidered  Ziklag  (xxx.  5),  but  was  res- 
cued by  David  (18).  She  is  again  mentioned  a-s 
living  with  him  when  he  was  king  of  Judah  in 
Hebron  (2  Sam.  ii.  2);  and  was  the  mother  of  his 
eldest  son  Amnon  (iii.  2  [also  1  Chr.  iii.  1]). 

G.  E  L.  C. 

AHI'O  (VnW  [brotherly]:  ol  kBi\^o\  ab- 
ToC :  Ahin,  2  Sam.  vi.  3,  4 ;  /rater  ejus,  1  Chr. 
xiii.  7).  1.  Son  of  Abinadab  who  accompanied 
the  ark  when  it  was  brought  out  of  his  father's 
house  (2  Sam.  vi.  3,  4;  1  Chr.  xiii.  7). 

2-  (">''rS  [brotherly]:  dSeAc^by  ahrov;  Alex. 
01  aSeK<poi  avrou:  Ahio.)  A  Benjamite,  one  of 
the  sons  of  Beriali,  who  drove  out  the  inhabitants 
of  Gath  (1  Chr.  viii.  14).     According  to  the  Vat. 

MS.  the  LXX.  must  have  read  Vflt^,  accorduig 
to  the  Alex.  MS.  VPS. 

3.  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Jehiel,  father  or  founder 
of  Gii)eon  (1  Chr.  viii.  31,  ix.  37).  In  the  last 
quoted  passage  the  Vatican  MS.  [as  also  Sin.]  has 
iSe\<p6s  and  the  Alex.  aSe\({)ol.         W.  A.  W. 

AHI'RA  CSyPi^  [br-otker  of  evil]:  'Ax<pe 
[Vat.  generally  -xei-] :  Ahira),  chief  of  the  tribe 
of  Naplitali  wlien  Moses  took  the  census  in  the  year 
ifter  the  Exotlus  (Num.  i.  15,  ii.  29,  vii.  78,  83,  x. 
^7).  K.  W.  B. 

AHI'RAM  (::"JT^  [brother  exalted]  :  'la^- 
tpdv  [Vat.  -x««-];  [.A.lex.  AxipW-]  Ahiram),  son 
of  lieiijaniin  (Num.  xxvi.  38),  called  Ehi  in  Gen. 
xlvi.  21,  [and  perhaps  the  same  as  Ahek,  which 
*ee.] 

AHIRAMITES,     THE      OD^TSn  • 

.1  'loxipai'i ;  [Vat.  0  lax^ipavti ;]  Alex,  o  Axtpai ; 
[Aid.  6  'Axfipai"':]  Ahiramitee).  One  of  the 
branches  of  tlie  tribe  of  Benjamm,  descendants  of 
Aliiram  (Num.  xxvi.  38).  \V.  A.  W. 

AHIS'AMACH  [fTeb.  -sa'mach]  TfJ^D'^PS 
[brother  of  giip/mrf]:  ' Axiffafiix'  -Achilnmech). 
A  Danite,  father  of  Ahohab,  one  of  the  architects 
»f  tlie  tabernacle  (lix.  xxxi.  6,  xxxv.  34,  xxxviii. 
W).  W.  A.  W. 

AinSH'AHAR  [Ueb.  -shaTiar]  (intrTS 
^)rolhvr  of  the  iliiicn]:  'Axi(reu£p;  [\'at.  Ax«io-- 
tjoap-]  .Ahixnhar).  One  of  the  sons  of  Bilhan,  the 
irandson  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  10). 

W.  A.  W. 

AHI'SHAR  (ll'IT^  ibroOier  of  the  singer 


AHITUB 

or  upright]:  'Axia-dp;  [Vat.  Ax««0  Akitar),  On 
controller  of  Solomon's  household  (1  K.  iv.  6). 

AHITH'OPHEL  [Hebrew  Ahitho'phel] 
(b^h"^nS*  [brother  of  foolishness]:  'Axiri^tX 
[Vat.  -xe«-];  Joseph.  ' Axit6<P(\os:  Achito/jhel) 
a  native  of  Giloh,  in  the  hill  country  of  Judab 
(Josh.  XV.  51),  and  privy  councillor  of  David, 
whose  wisdom  was  so  highly  esteemed,  that  hig 
advice  had  the  autliority  of  a  divine  oracle,  tliough 
his  name  had  an  exactly  opposite  signification  (2 
Sam.  xvi.  23).  He  was  the  grandfather  of  Bath- 
sheba  (comp.  2  Sam.  xi.  3  with  xxiii.  34).  She  ia 
called  daughter  of  Ammiel  in  1  Chr.  iiL  5 ;  but 
7S^^27  is  only  the  anagram  of  C17^^^*.  Absa- 
lom immediately  [as  soon  as]  he  had  revolted  sent 
for  him,  and  when  David  heard  that  Ahitliophel 
had  joined  the  conspiracy,  he  prayed  Jehovah  to 
turn  his  counsel  to  fooUshness  (xv.  31),  alluduig 
possibly  to  the  signification  of  his  name.  David's 
grief  at  the  treachery  of  his  confidential  friend 
found  expression  in  the  Messianic  prophecies  (Ps. 
xli.  9,  Iv.  12-14). 

In  order  to  show  to  the  people  that  the  breach 
between  Absalom  and  his  father  was  ureparable, 
Ahithophel  persuaded  him  to  take  possession  of  the 
royal  harem  (2  Sam.  xvi.  21).  David,  in  order  to 
counteract  his  counsel,  sent  Hushai  to  Absalom. 
Ahithophel  had  recommended  an  immediate  pur- 
suit of  David ;  but  Hushai  advised  delay,  his  object 
being  to  send  intelligence  to  David,  and  give  to 
him  time  to  collect  his  forces  for  a  decisive  engage- 
ment. When  Ahithophel  saw  that  Hushai's  advice 
prevailed,  he  despaired  of  success,  and  returning 
to  his  own  home  "  put  his  household  in  order  and 
hung  himself"  (xvii.  1-23).  (See  Joseph.  Ant. 
vii.  9,  §  8;  Niemeyer,  Charakt.  iv.  454;  Ewald, 
Geschich.  ii.  652.)  R.  W.B. 

*  Aliithophel  is  certainly  a  very  singular  name 
for  a  man  who  had  such  a  reputation  for  sagacity ; 
and  it  is  very  possible  it  was  derisively  applied  to 
him  after  his  death  in  memory  of  his  uifemous  ad- 
vice to  Absalom,  which  the  result  showed  to  be  so 
fooUsh,  while  it  was  utterly  disastrous  to  himself. 
For  other  coryectures  on  this  point  see  "Wilkinson's 
Personal  Names  of  the  Bible,  p.  384  (I^ndon, 
1865).  This  case  of  Ahithophel  is  the  only  instance 
of  suicide  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament  (except 
in  war)  as  that  of  Judas  ia  the  only  one  in  the  New 
Testament.  H. 

AKITUB  (n^ti^nW  [brother  of  goodness; 
or,  Gixi  is  good,  Fiirst]:  'Axtrcifi:  Achitob).  1. 
Father  of  Ahimelech,  or  Ahijah,  the  son  of  Phui- 
ehaa,  and  the  elder  brother  of  Ichabod  (1  Sam.  xiv. 
3,  xxii.  9, 11),  and  therefore  of  the  house  of  Eh  and 
the  family  of  Ithamar.  There  is  no  record  of  his 
high-priesthood,  which,  if  he  ever  was  high-priest, 
must  have  coincided  with  the  early  days  of  Samuel's 
judgeship. 

2.  [Vat.  Axe*Ta>;3;  in  Neh.  xi.  11,  Rom.  Af- 
TwO,  Vat.  Airaifiiax,  I'A.  Airoficox,  Aid.  Alex. 
A/Tco/S,  Comp.  'Ax'TtijS.]  Son  of  Amariah  and 
father  of  Zadok  the  high-priest  (1  Chr.  vi.  7,  8,  52, 
xviii.  10;  2  Sam.  viii.  17),  of  the  house  of  Eleazar. 
F'rom  1  Chr.  ix.  11,  where  the  genealogy  of  Azariali, 
the  head  of  one  of  the  priestly  faniilies  that  returned 
from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel,  is  traced,  tlirough 
Zadok,  to  "  Ahitub,  the  ruler  of  the  house  of  God," 
it  appears  tolerably  certain  that  Ahitub  was  high- 
priest.  And  so  the  LXX.  version  unetjui vocally 
renders  it  ;ilov  'Axfritifi  ifyovixtvov  oIkov  rod  H*o£ 


AHLAB 

rhe  expression  MH  3  ^^J^^  is  applied  to  Azariab 
be  liigh-priest  in  Ilezekiah's  rsign  in  2  Chr.  xxxi. 
13.     The  passiige  is  repeated  in  Neh.  xi.  11,  but 

the  LXX.  have  spoilt  the  sense  by  rendering  T^^^ 

kvfvayTt,  as  if  it  were  "T3'^.  K  the  line  is  cor- 
rectly given  in  these  two  passages,  Ahitub  was  not 
the  father,  but  the  grandfather  of  Zadok,  liis  father 
teiiig  Meraiotli.  But  in  1  Chr.  vi.  8,  and  in  Ezr. 
vii.  2,  Ahitub  is  represented  as  Zadok's  father. 
This  uncertainty  makes  it  difficult  to  determine  the 
exact  time  of  Ahitub's  high-priesthood.  If  he  was 
father  to  Zadok  he  must  have  been  high-priest  with 
Ahimelech.  But  if  he  was  grandfatlier,  his  age 
would  have  coincided  exactly  with  the  other  Ahi- 
tub, the  son  of  I'hinehas.  Certainly  a  singular  co- 
incidence. 

3.  [Vat.  Axf'TCtfiS.]  The  genealogy  of  the 
high-priests  in  1  Chr.  vi.  11, 12,  introduces  another 
Ahitub,  son  of  another  Amariah,  and  father  of 
another  Zadok.  At  p.  2S7  of  the  Genealogies  will 
be  found  reasons  for  believing  tliat  the  second 
Ahitub  and  Zadok  are  spurious.  A.  C.  H. 

AH'LAB      (^bnK      [fertility]:     Aa\d(p; 

[Comp.  'Ax^c^iS-]  -Achahb)^  a  city  of  Asher  from 
which  the  Canaanites  were  not  driven  out  (Judg.  i. 
31).  Its  omission  from  the  list  of  the  towns  of 
Asher,  in  Josh,  xix.,  has  led  to  the  suggestion  (Ber- 
theau  on  Judg.)  that  the  name  is  but  a  corruption 
of  Achshaph ;  but  this  appears  extravagant.  It  is 
more  provable  that  Achlab  reappears  m  later  his- 
tory as  Gush  Chaleb,  ^bn  IC12,  orGiscala,  (Re- 
land,  pp.  813,  817),  a  place  lately  identified  by  Rob- 
inson under  the  abbreviated  name  of  el-Jish,  near 
Safed,  in  the  hilly  country  to  the  N.  W.  of  the 
Sea  of  Galilee  (Rob.  ii.  446,  iii.  73).  Gush  Chaleb 
was  in  Rabbinical  times  famous  for  its  oU  (see  the 
citations  in  Reland,  p.  817),  and  the  old  olive-trees 
still  remain  in  the  neighborhood  (Rob.  iii.  72). 
From  it  came  the  famous  John,  son  of  Levi,  the 
teader  in  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  (Jos.  Vii.  §  10; 
B.  J.  ii.  21,  §  1),  and  it  had  a  legendary  celebrity 
as  the  birthplace  of  the  parents  of  no  less  a  person 
than  the  Apostle  Paul  (Jerome,  quoted  by  Reland, 

p.  813).     [GiSCHALA.]  G. 

AH'LAI  [2  syl.]  O^H^  [0  that,  a.  wish]: 
AoSai  [Vat.  Axtt'])  'Axaia;  Alex.  Aadai,  OAC 
[Comp.  ObKdi,  'AKai;  Aid.  AaSai,  'Oo\l']  Oholai, 
Oholi).  Daughter  of  Sheshan,  whom  he  gave  in 
marriage  to  his  Egyptian  slave  Jarha  (1  Chr.  ii.  31, 
35).  In  consequence  of  the  failure  of  male  issue, 
Ahlai  became  the  foundress  of  an  important  branch 
3f  the  family  of  the  Jerahmeelites,  and  from  her 
were  descended  Zabad,  one  of  David's  mighty  men 
(1  Chr.  xi.  41),  and  Azariah,  one  of  the  captains 
Df  hundreds  in  the  reign  of  Joash  (2  Chr.  xxiii.  1 ; 
eomp.  1  Clir.  ii.  38).  W.  A.  W. 

AHO'AH  (nhni^,  probably  another  form  of 

("ITIWI  [fi-iend  of  Jehovah]:  'Ax'cJ;  [3omp. 
A^S :]  Ahoe),  son  of  Bela,  the  son  of  Benjamin  (1 
Chr.  viii.  4).  The  patronymic  Afiohite  ("'"^HS) 
g  found  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  9,  28 ;  1  Chr.  xL.  12,  29, 
cxvii.  4).  [Em.] 
AHO'HITE.     [AiioAH.] 

AHCLAH   C^l^n^    C^*'"    ^«"']=     -^oAtf; 
Tat.  OoA\a,  Oo\a;  Alex.  OAA,a:]  Oofla),  a  har- 


AHOLIBAMAH  68 

lot,  used  by  Ezekiel  as  the  symbol  of  Samaria  (£b. 
xxui.  4,  5,  30,  44). 

AHOTiIAB  {3«''bnS  [tent  of  his  father]: 

'EAi(£j3:  Ooliab),  a  Danite  of  great  skill  as  a 
weaver  and  embroiderer,  whom  Moses  appointed 
with  Bezaleel  to  erect  the  tabernacle  (I'jc.  xxxv. 
30-35  [xxxi.  6,  xxxvi.  1,  2,  xxxviii.  2] ). 

AHOL'IBAH  ((in''bnS  [my  tabernacle  in 

her]:  'OoXifid;  [Alex.  OAijSa:]  Oulibn),  a  harlot, 
used  by  Ezekiel  as  the  symbol  of  Judah  (I'^.  xxiii. 
4,  11,  22,  36,  44). 

AHOLIBA'MAH  (na3"^bn«  [tent  of  th« 

height  or  bfty  tent] :  '0\t$ffjid  [etc. ;  Alex.  E\j- 
fiffjia,  etc. :]  Oolibama),  one  (probalJy  tlie  second) 
of  the  three  wives  of  Esau.  She  was  the  daughter 
of  Anah,  a  descendant  of  Seir  the  Horite  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  2,  25).  It  is  doubtless  tlirough  tliis  con- 
nection of  Esau  with  the  original  inhabitants  of 
Mount  Seir  that  we  ire  to  trace  the  subsequent 
occupation  of  that  territory  by  him  and  his  de- 
scendants, and  it  is  remarkable  that  each  of  hia 
three  sons  by  tliis  wife  is  himself  the  head  of  a 
tribe,  whilst  all  the  tribes  of  the  Edomites  sprung 
from  his  other  two  wives  are  founded  by  his  grand- 
sons (Gen.  xxxvi.  15-19).  In  the  earlier  narrative 
(Gen.  xxvi.  34)  Aholibamah  is  called  Judith, 
daughter  of  Beeri,  the  Hittite.  The  explanation 
of  the  change  in  tlie  name  of  the  woman  seems  to 
be  that  her  proper  personal  name  was  Juditli,  and 
that  Aholibamah  was  the  name  which  slie  received 
as  the  wife  of  Esau  and  foundress  of  three  tribes  of 
his  descendants;  she  is  therefore  in  the  narrative 
called  by  tlie  first  name,  whilst  in  the  genealogical 
taWe  of  the  Momites  she  appears  under  the  second. 
This  explanation  is  confirmed  by  the  recurrence  of 
the  name  Aholibamah  in  the  concluding  list  of  the 
genealogical  table  (Gen.  xxxvi.  40-43  [comp.  1 
Chr.  i.  52])  which,  with  Hengstenberg  (Die  Ait- 
thtntie  d.  Perit.  ii.  279,  Eng.  transl.  ii.  228),  Tuch 
{Komm.  ah.  d.  Gen.  p.  493),  Knobel  {Genes,  p.  258), 
and  others,  we  must  regard  as  a  list  of  names  of 
I)laces  and  not  of  persons,  as  indeed  is  expressly 
said  at  the  close  of  it :  "  These  are  tlie  chiefs  (heads 
of  tribes)  of  Esau,  according  to  their  settlements 
in  the  land  of  their  possession."  The  district 
which  received  the  name  of  Plan's  wife,  or  perhaps 
rather  from  which  she  received  her  married  name, 
was  no  doubt  (as  the  name  itself  indicates )  situated 
in  the  heights  of  the  mountains  of  Edom,  probably 
therefore  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Hor  and 
Petra,  though  Knobel  places  it  south  of  Petra, 
having  been  misled  by  Burckhardt's  name  Ilesma, 
which,  however,  according  to  Robinson  (ii.  155),  is 
"  a  sandy  tract  with  mountains  around  it  ...  . 
but  not  itself  a  mountain,  as  reported  by  Burck- 
hardt."  It  seems  not  unhkely  that  the  three  tribes 
descended  from  Aholibamah,  or  at  least  two  of 
them,  possessed  this  district,  since  there  are  enumer- 
ated oidy  eleven  districts,  whereas  the  number  of 
tribes  is  thirteen,  exclusive  of  that  of  Korah,  whose 
name  occurs  twice,  and  which  we  may  further  con- 
jecture emigrated  (in  part  at  least)  from  the  dis- 
trict of  Ahohbamah,  and  became  associated  with 
the  tribes  descended  from  Eliphaz,  Esau's  first-bom 
son. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  each  of  the  wives  of  Esau 
is  mentioned  by  a  different  name  in  (he  genealogi- 
cal table  from  that  which  occiu-s  in  the  history. 
T^is  is  noticed  under  Bashemath.    With  respect 


54  AHTJMAI 

to  the  tame  and  race  of  the  father  of  Aholibamah, 
see  AsAH  and  Beeui.  F.  W.  G. 

AHU'MAI  [3syl.]  (^tt^Pb? :  'Ax.m"*;  [Vat. 
Axe'Me'O  Akumai).  Son  of  Jahath,  a  d&scendant 
Df  Judah,  and  head  of  one  of  the  families  of  the 
Zorathitea  (1  Chr.  iv.  2).  W.  A.  W. 

AHU'ZAM  (D-TriS  [their possession] :  'flxa/o; 
Alex.  nxa(aij.;  [Aid.  'Axc^C !  Comp.  '0(d/i--] 
Ooziim).  Properly  Aiiuzzam,  son  of  Ashur,  the 
fether  or  founder  of  Tekoa,  by  his  wife  Naarah  (1 
Chr.  iv.  6).  W.  A.  W. 

AHUZ'ZATH  (n-TPW  [possession:]  'Oxo- 
(dd :  Ochoznth ),  one  of  the  friends  of  the  Philistine 
king  Abimelech  who  accompanied  him  at  his  inter- 
view with  Isaac  (Gen.  xxvi.  26).  In  LXX.  he  is 
called  o  vv/xcpaywyhs  aurov  =  jtroniidvs,  or  brides- 
man, and  his  name  is  inserted  in  xxi.  22,  23.  St. 
Jerome  renders  the  word  "  a  company  of  friends," 
as  does  also  the  Targum. 

P'or  the  termination  "-ath  "  to  Philistine  names 
comp.  Gath,  Goliath,  Timnath.  U.  W.  B. 

AI  [monosyl.]  C^V  =  heap  <if  ruins,  Ges.).     1. 

(Always  with  the  def.  article,  '^VTl  (see  Gen.  xii. 
8,  in  A.  v.),  Tai,  ri  Fal,  'Aia,  'Af;  Jos.  "Awa; 
Ilai),  a  royal  city  (comp.  Josh.  viii.  2-3,  29,  s.  1, 
xii.  9)  of  Canaan,  already  existing  in  the  time  of 
Abraham  (Gen.  xii.  8)  [Hai],  and  lying  ea-st  of 
Bethel  (comp.  Josh.  xii.  9),  and  "  beside  Bethaven  " 
(Josh.  vii.  2,  viii.  9).  It  was  the  second  city  taken 
by  Israel  after  their  passage  of  the  Jordan,  and 
was  "utterly  destroyed"  (Josh.  vii.  .3,  4,  5;  viii. 
1,  2,  3,  10,  11,  12,  14,  16,  17,  18,  20,  21,  2.3,  24, 
25,  26,  28,  29;  ix.  3;  x.  1,  2;  xii.  9).  (See  Stan- 
ley, S.  cf  F.  p.  202.)  However,  if  Aiath  be  Al- 
and from  its  mention  with  IMigron  and  Jlichmash 
it  is  at  least  probable  that  it  was  so  —  the  name 
was  still  attached  to  the  locality  at  the  time  of 
Sennacherib's  march  on  Jerusalem  (Is.  x.  28). 
[Aiath.]  At  any  rate,  the  "  men  of  Bethel  and 
Ai,"  to  the  number  of  two  himdred  and  twenty- 
three,  returned  from  the  captivity  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.  ii.  28;  Neh.  vii.  32,  "otm;  hundred  and 
iwenty-three "  only);  and  when  the  Benjaminites 
again  took  possession  of  their  towns,  "  Michmash, 
Aija  and  Bethel,  with  their  'daughters,'"  are 
among  the  places  named  (Neh.  xi.  31).     [Aija.] 

Eusebius  remarks  (Oiwni.  'Ayyal)  that  though 
Bethel  remained,  Ai  was  a  tcJitos  fpr)fj.os,  avrhs 
■x6vov  Se'iKwrai '■  but  even  that  cannot  now  be  said, 
»nd  no  attempt  has  yet  succeeded  in  fixing  the  site 
of  the  city  which  Joslma  doomed  to  be  a  "  heap 
and  a  desolation  forever."  Stanley  (S.  cf  P.  p. 
202)  places  it  at  the  head  of  the  li'ttdy  Hai-ith  ; 
Williams  and  Van  de  Velde  (S.  <f  P.  p.  204, 
note)  apparently  at  the  same  spot  as  Robinson  (i. 
443,  576;  and  Kiepert's  map,  1856),  north  of 
Afukhmas,  and  between  it  and  Beir  Dmcdn.  For 
KrafTt's  identification  with  Kirbet  el-IIaiyeh,  see 
Rob.  iii.  288.     It  is  the  opinion  of  some  that  the 

vorda  Avim  (C^V)  in  Josh,  xviii.  23,  and  Gaza 


a  The  p&.rt  of  the  country  in  which  Aijalon  was  sit- 
lated  —  the  western  8lope!i  of  the  main  central  table- 
land leading  down  to  the  plain  of  Sharon  —  must,  if 
Bie  derivation  of  the  names  of  its  towns  is  to  be 
trusted,  have  abounded  in  animalH.  Besides  Avjalou 
(deer),  here  lay  Shaalbim  (foxes  or  jackals),  and  not 
br  off  the  valley  of  ZebUm  (hyaenas).  See  Stanley, 
r.  162,  note. 


AIJALON 

(n-Ty)  in  1  Chr.  vii.  28,  are  corruptions  of  Ai 
[Avim;  Azzaii.] 

2.  OV  :  rat  and  [Alex.  FA.]  Koi  {Vat.  omits:] 
Ilai),  a  city  of  the  Ammonites,  apparently  attached 
to  Heshbon  (Jer.  xlix.  3).  G. 

A'lAH  [2  syl.]  (n*S  [cry,  clamor]:  'aW 
Alex.  A«o;  [in  Gen.  'Ai«':]  Ala).  1.  Son  of 
Zibeon,  a  descendant  of  Seir,  and  ancestor  of  one 
of  the  wives  of  Esau  (1  Chr.  i.  40),  called  in  Gen. 
xxxvi.  24  Ajah.  He  probably  died  before  his 
father,  as  the  succession  fell  to  his  brother  Anah. 

2.  ([In  2  Sam.  iii.,]  'i(i\,  [Vat.  M.  loS,  Alex.9 
loA,  Comp.  'Aia;  in  2  Sam.  xxi.,]  'Aia)  Father 
of  Rizpah,  the  concubine  of  Saul  (2  Sam.  iii.  7, 
xxi.  8,  10,  11).  W.  A.  W. 

A'lATH  [2 syl.]  (H^V  [fem.  of^V,  Ai]:  «], 
T^iy  ir6\ty  ^Ayyal:  Aiath),  a  place  named  by 
Isaiah  (x.  28)  in  connection  with  Migron  and 
Michmash.  Probably  the  same  as  Ai.  [Ai; 
Aija.] 

AI'JA  [2  syl.]  (S*2? :  [om.  Aid.  Rom.  Alex. 
FA.;  Comp.  ye  i.  e.  t4  for  Tai',  FA.V  Atw:] 
Ilai),  like  Aiath,  probably  a  variation  of  the  name 
W.  The  name  is  mentioned  with  ]Michmash  and 
Bethel  (Neh.  xi.  31).     [Ai.] 

AI'JALON  [3  syl.]  (V"1^*^»,  place  of  deer<^ 
or  (/aztlles,  Gesen.  p.  46,  Stanley,  p.  208,  note; 
AlaXdv  [?  AlKd>v],  and  Al\(ifj.,  [etc.:]  Aj'alon). 
1.  A  city  of  the  Kohathites  (Josh.  xxi.  24;  1  Chr. 
vi.  69),  originally  allotted  to  the  tribe  of  Dan 
(Josh.  xix.  42;  A.  V.  "Ajalon"),  which  tribe, 
however,  was  unable  to  dispossess  the  Amorites  of 
the  place  (Judg.  i.  35).  Aijalon  was  one  of  Ihe 
towns  fortified  by  Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  10)  dur- 
ing his  conflicts  with  the  new  kingdom  of  Ephraim 
(1  K.  xiv.  30),  and  the  last  we  hear  of  it  is  as  being 
in  the  hands  of  the  Philistines  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  18, 
A.  V.  "  Ajalon  "). 

Being  on  the  very  frontier  of  the  two  kingdoms, 
we  can  understand  how  Aijalon  should  be  spoken 
of  sometimes  (1  Chr.  vi.  69,  comp.  with  66)  as  in 
Ephraim,''  and  sometimes  (2  Chr.  xi.  10;  1  Sam. 
xiv.  31)  as  in  Judah  and  Benjamin. 

The  name  is  most  familiar  to  us  from  its  men- 
tion in  the  celebrated  speech  of  Joshua  during  bis 
pursuit  of  the  Canaanites   (Josh.  x.  12,  "valley 

(PP37)  of  Aijalon; "  see  Stanley,  p.  210).  ITiere 
is  no  doubt  that  the  town  has  been  discovered  by 
Dr.  Robinson  in  the  modem  Ydlo,<^  a  little  to  the 
N.  of  the  Jaffa  road,  about  14  miles  out  of  Jerusa- 
lem. It  stands  on  the  side  of  a  long  hUl  wliich 
forms  the  southern  boundary  of  a  fine  v.alley  of 
corn-fields,  which  valley  now  bears  the  name  of  the 
Merj  Ihn  Omeir,  but  which  there  seems  no  rea- 
son for  doubting  was  the  vaUey  of  Aijalon  which 
witnessed  the  defeat  of  the  Canaanites  (Rob.  ii. 
253,  iii.  145). 

2.  [AlKdfJt.;  Aid.  Alex.  Al\fifi.]  A  place  in 
Zebulun,  mentionetl  as  the  burial-place  of  Elon 

(l'*lb"'S),rf  one  of  the  Judges  (Judg.  xii.  12).    G. 


b  Perhaps  this  may  suggest  an  explanation  of  thi 
allusion  to  the  "  house  of  Joseph  "  in  the  difflcuif 
passage,  Judg.  i.  34,  85. 

c  'loAu,  in  Epiphanius  ;  see  Reland,  p.  663. 

d  It  will  be  observed  that  the  twc  words  diibi  cnli 
ia  their  vowel-points 


A.IJELETH 

*  It  may  have  been  also  his  birth-place,  and  pos- 
ribly  took  its  name  from  him.  [Elon.]  Van  de 
Velde  {Mem.  p.  283)  reports  his  finding  a  Jalun,  a 
pLice  of  ruins,  in  northern  Galilee,  inland  from 
/Ikka,  which  (if  this  be  reliable)  might  answer  well 
enough  to  the  Aijalon  in  Zebulun. 

I'he  Aijalon  mentioned  as  Ijdng  in  the  tribe  of 
Berjaniin  (2  Chr.  xi.  10),  one  of  "the  fenced  cities" 
fortified  by  Helioboara,  son;e  regard  as  a  third  town 
of  this  name.  But  it  was  probably  the  Uanite 
Aijalon  (Josh.  six.  42),  which,  after  the  Danites 
had  extended  their  territory  further  north  (Judg. 
x\iii.  1  ft'.),  was  assigned  to  Benjamin,  and  hence  at 
ditterent  times  was  held  by  different  tribes.  See 
Bertheau's  note  on  2  Chr.  xi.  10  {Exeg.  Handlmch, 
XV.  308).  H. 

AI'JELETH    [3   syl.]    SHA'HAR,   more 

correctly     Ayeletii     Has-siiachar       (H^'S 

"in*_VrT,  the  hind  of  the  mondng  dawn),  found 

once  only  in  the  Bible,  in  connection  with  Ps.  xxii., 
of  which  it  forms  part  of  the  introductory  \erse  or 
title.  This  term  has  been  variously  interpreted. 
Kashi,  Kimchi  and  Aben-Ezra  attest  that  it  was 
taken  for  the  name  of  a  musical  instrument. 
Many  of  the  modern  versions  have  adopted  this 
interpretation;  and  it  also  seems  to  have  been  that 
of  the  translators  from  whom  we  have  the  Author- 
ized Version,  although  they  have  left  the  term  it- 
self untranslated.  Some  critics  speak  of  this 
instrument  as  a  "flute;"  and  J.  D.  Michaelis, 
Mendelssohn,  Knapp,  and  others,  render  the  He- 
brew words  by  "  morning  flute."  Michaelis  admits 
the  difficulty  of  describing  the  instnmient  thus 
named,  but  he  conjectures  that  it  might  mean  a 
"flute  "  to  be  played  on  at  the  time  of  the  "  morn- 
ing" sacrifice.  No  account  is  rendered,  however, 
by  Michaelis,  or  by  those  critics  who  adopt  his 
view,  of  the  etymological  voucher  for  this  transla- 
tion. Mendelssohn  quotes  from  the  Shilte  Ilag- 
geboiim  a  very  fanciful  descrijjtion  of  the  "  Ayeleth 
Hasshachar"  (see  l^olegomena  to  Mendelssohn's 
Psahns);  but  he  does  not  approve  it:  he  rather 
seeks  to  justify  his  own  translation   by  connecting 

the  name  of  the  "flute"  with  C^anS  H^/S, 

Ayeleth  Ahahim  (Prov.  v.  19),  and  by  endeavoring 
to  make  it  appear  that  the  instrument  derived  its 
appellation  from  the  sweetness  of  its  tones. 

The  Chaldee  Paraphrast,  a  very  ancient  author- 
ity, rendes^  "Tj^L^  ^"^7;.1'^  "the  power  of  the 
continual  morning  sacrifice,"  implying  that  this 
term  con\eyed  to  the  chief  musician  a  direction 
respecting  the  time  when  the  22d  psalm  was  to  be 

3lianted.  In  adopting  such  a  translation,  H  7_*S 
must   be   received   as   synonymous  with   .l-I^^IS 

{strength,  force)  in  the  20th  ver.  (A.  V.  19th  ver.) 
of  the  same  psalm. 

According  to  a  third  opinion,  the  "  hind  of  the 
morning"  expresses  allegoricaUy  the  argument  of 
ihe  22d  psalm.  That  this  was  by  no  means  an 
mcommon  view  is  evident  from  the  commentaries 
*f  Rashi  and  Kimchi;  for  the  latter  regards  the 
•Hind  of  the  Morning"  as  an  allegorical  appella- 
lion  of  the  house  of  Judah,  whose  captivity  in  Baby- 
lon is.  agreeably  to  his  exegesis,  the  general  burden 
>f  the  psalm.  'ITioluck,  who  imagines  the  22d 
psalm  to  treat  primarily  of  David,  and  of  the  Mes- 
>iah  secondarily,  makes  David  allude  to  himself 


AIN  66 

under  the  figure  of  "  the  hind  of  the  morning." 
He  speaks  of  himself  as  of  a  hind  pursued  even 
from  the  first  dawn  of  the  morning  (Tholuck  on 
the  Ps.  in  loco). 

The  weight  of  authority  predominates,  however, 
in   favor   of  the  interpretation  which  assigns  to 

"inti^n  n^^S  the  sole  purpose  of  describing  tc 
the  musician  the  melody  to  which  the  psalm  waa 
Ui  be  played,  and  which  does  not  in  any  way  con- 
nect "  Ayeleth  Hasshachar  "  with  the  arguments  of 
the  psalm  itself.  To  Aben-Ezra  this  interpreta- 
tion evidently  owes  its  origin,  and  his  view  has 
been  received  by  the  majority  of  grammarians  and 
lexicographers,  as  well  as  by  those  commentators 
whose  object  has  been  to  arrive  at  a  grammatical 
exposition  of  the  text.  Amongst  the  number, 
Buxtorf,  Bochart,  Gesenius,  Kosemniiller,  and  M. 
Sachs  (in  Zunz's  Bible),  deserve  especial  mention. 
According  to  the  opinion,  then,  of  this  trustworthy 

band  of  scholars,  "'Htfi'n  iH^P^S  described  a  1\t- 

ical  composition  no  longer  extant;  but  in  the  age 
of  David,  and  during  the  existence  of  the  Temjile 
of  Solomon,  when  the  Psalms  were  chanted  for 
public  and  private  ser/ice,  it  was  so  well  known  as 
to  convey  readily  to  the  director  of  the  sacred 
music  what  it  was  needful  for  him  to  know.  That 
this  was  not  an  unusual  method  of  describuig  a 
melody  may  be  satisfactorily  proved  from  a  variety 
of  analogous  instances.  Ample  evidence  is  found 
in  the  Talmud  {Jerushnl.  Berach.)  that  the  ex- 
pression "hind  of  the  morning"  was  used  figura- 
ti\'ely  for  "  the  rising  sun;  "  and  a  similar  use  of 
the  Arabic  "  Gezalath  "  may  be  adduced.  (See 
Kosenmiiller's  Scholia,  in  loco,  and  Fiirst's  Ccm- 
cortkmce.)  Aben-Ezra  is  censured  by  Bochart 
{llierozoicon,  book  iii.  ch.  17)  for  describing  the 

poem    "in^C^    •'"^ „.*'!?    ^    *"    amorous    song 

(im  -f-n  \^  na;2?3  tsrs  nbnn,  sin 

cans  nb^'S  ins  V^^T^),  a  term  considered 
too  profane  to  be  employed  in  reference  to  a  compo- 
sition used  for  public  worship.  But  if  for  the  ob- 
noxious epithet  "amorous"  the  word  "elegiac" 
be  substituted  (and  the  expression  used  by  the  rabbi 
wiU  readily  admit  of  this  change  jn  the  translation), 
the  objection  is  removed. 

Calmet  understands  "IHti^n  iH^fS  to  mean 
a  '•  band  of  music  " ;  and  he  accordingly  translates 
the  introductory  verse,  "A  Psalm  of  David,  ad- 
dressed to  the  music  master  who  presides  over  the 
Band  called  the  Morning  Hind."         D.  W.  M. 

A'lN  d'^^),  "an  eye,"  and  also,  in  the  simple 
but  vind  imagery  of  the  East,  a  spring  or  nat- 
ural burst  of  Uving  water,  always  contradistin- 
guished from  the  well  or  tank  of  artificial  formation, 
which    latter  is  designated    by  the  words  Beer 

("1S2),  Bor  (~IS3  and  "112).     AIn  still  retains 

its  ancient  and  double  meaning  in  Arabic,  ^^vaA. 

Such  hving  springs  abound  in  Palestine  even  mora 
than  ii.  other  mountainous  districts,  and  apart  from 
their  natural  \'alue  in  a  hot  climate,  form  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  features  of  the  country.  Professor 
Stanley  (S.  (f  P.  pp.  147,  509)  has  called  atten- 
tion to  the  accurate  and  persistent  use  of  the  word 
in  the  origi  ^al  text  of  the  Bible,  and  has  well  ex- 
pressed the  inconvenience  arising  from  the  confusion 


5b  AIN 

In  the  A.  V.  of  words  and  things  so  radically  distinct 
Its  Ain  and  Beei:  "  The  importance  of  distin- 
guishing between  the  two  is  illustrated  by  Ex.  xv. 
27,  in  which  the  word  Alnotli  (translated  'wells') 
is  used  for  the  springs  of  fresli  water  at  Elini,  al- 
though the  roclty  soil  of  that  place  exclude*  the 
supposition  of  dug  wells."     [I'ol'xtaix.] 

Ain  oftenest  occurs  in  combination  with  other 
words,  forming  the  names  of  definite  localities. 
Tlie-se  will  lie  found  under  I-Ji,  as  Kn-gedi,  Kn-gan- 
nim,  Ac.     It  occurs  alone  in  two  cases :  — 

1.  (With  the  def.  article,  ^^n.)  One  of  the 
landmarks  on  the  eastern  boundary  of  Palestine  as 
described  by  Moses  (Num.  xxxiv.  11),  and  appar- 
sntly  mentioned,  if  the  rendering  of  tlie  A.  V.  is 
accurate,  to  define  the  jwsition  of  Riblah,  namely, 
"  on  tlie  east  side  of  '  the  spring '  "  (LXX.  fVi 
Trrijis)-  Hy  Jerome,  in  the  Vulgate,  it  is  rendered 
cotitrajhiik-m  I)  iphniii,  meaning  the  spring  which 
rose  in  the  celebrated  grove  of  Daphne  dedicated  to 
Apollo  and  Diana  at  Antioch."  Hut  KiblaJi  hav- 
ing been  lately,  witli  much  probability,  identified 
(Kob.  iii.  542-C;  Porter,  ii.  335)  with  a  place  of 
the  same  name  on  the  N.  E.  slopes  of  the  Hermon 
range,  "the  spring"  of  the  text  nnist  in  the 
present  state  of  our  knowledge  l)e  taken  to  be  ''Ain 
el-'Azi/,  the  main  source  of  the  Orontes,  a  spring 
remarkable,  e\en  among  the  springs  of  I'alestine, 
for  its  force  and  magnitude.  The  objections  to  this 
identification  are  the  distance  from  RibUh  —  about 
9  miles ;  and  the  direction  —  neaier  N.  E.  than  E. 
(see  Kob.  iii.  534;  Porter,  ii.  335-6,  358).  [Kin- 
LAu;  Hamatii.] 

2.  ['A(rc£,  etc.;  Alex.  At*',  etc.:  Aen,  Ain.'\ 
One  of  the  southernmost  cities  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
32),  after^vards  allotted  to  Simeon  (Josh.  six.  7; 
1  Chr.  iv.  32 '')  and  given  to  the  priests  (.losh.  xxi. 
10).     In  the  list  of  priests'  cities  in  1  Chr.  vi. 

Ashan  0^^'^)  takes  the  place  of  Ahi.  [Ashan.] 
In  Neh.  xi.  29,  Ain  is  joined  to  the  name  which 
in  the  other  passages  usually  follows  it,  and  appears 
as  En-rimmon.  So  the  LXX.,  in  the  two  earliest 
of  the  passagas  in  Joshua,  give  the  name  as  'Epa;- 
luSe  and  'Eofufidv.  [Ex-kimmox.]  (See  Kob. 
li.  204.)  G. 

*  The  rea/ler  should  not  overlook,  under  this 
head,  Dr.  Hobinson's  admiral)le  account  of  the  Ayins 
or  Fountains  of  I'alestine  in  his  Phyaicnl  Geofj- 
vaphy  (pp.  238-2(i4).  lie  enumerates  and  de- 
scribes tlie  principal  of  them  under  the  cla.sses  of 
(fi),  those  of  the  western  j)lain  along  the  Mediter- 
ranean; {b)  those  of  the  hill-country  west  of  the 
Jordan ;  (<•)  those  in  the  Ghor  or  valley  of  the 
Jordan;  (d)  tliose  of  tlie  hill-country  east  of  the 
Jordan;  and  {e)  the  warm  and  mineral  fountains. 
In  the  comparative  frequency  of  such  living  springs 
of  water,  he  finds  the  characteristic  difference  be- 
tween Palestine  and  l-^jiit,  and  a  perfect  justifica- 
tion of  the  language  of  Moses  in  his  description  of 
the  l*romi.scd  I>and  to  the  children  of  Israel :  "  For 


a  That  this,  and  not  the  sprinR  lately  Identified  at 
Vifneh,  near  the  source  of  the  Jordan  at  Tel  fl-Kady 
'ilob.  iii.  393 ;  Hitter,  Jordan,  p.  215),  is  the  Daphne 
referred  to  in  the  Vulgate,  is  dear  from  the  quota- 
tions from  Jerome  given  in  Reland  {Pal.,  cap.  xxv. 
y.  120).  In  the  Targums  of  Jonathan  and  Jerusalem, 
Riblah  Is  rendered  by  Dophne,  and  Ain  by  'Invatha 

'Smi^'^y)  [or  'Ayenutha,  Sm2"'37,  Jerus.]. 
SchwBtj  (29)  would  place  Ain  at  "  Ein-al-Malcha " 
Uoubtless  Ain-  MeilaAah) ;  to  be  consistent  with  which 


AIR 

the  Lord  thy  God  bringeth  thee  into  a  good  land,  k 
land  of  brooks  of  water,  of  fountains  and  depths 
that  spring  out  of  valleys  and  hills  "  (L^ut.  viii.  7). 
The  English  explorer,  Mr.  Tristram,  in  his  LanA 
of  Israel,  has  given  special  attention  to  this  im- 
jwrtant  branch  of  sacred  geography ;  and  Dr.  Sepp 
has  done  the  same  in  his  two  volumes  {Jerusalem 
u.  dds  Ihilitje  Land,  1803).  I'he  subject  recurs 
again  under  Fouxtaixs.  H. 

*  AIR  (in  the  N.  T.  h.i\p,  al.so  o'vpa.v6s)-  The 
Greeks  generaUy  used  the  word  d^p  to  denote  the 
lower  portion  of  the  atmosphere,  the  region  of 
vapors,  clouds  and  mist,  in  opposition  to  aj&<jp,  th« 
pure  upjier  air  or  ether,  thoiigh  tlie  former  term 
also  included  the  whole  space  between  the  earth 
and  the  nearest  of  the  heavenly  bodies.  The 
Homans  borrowed  the  words  and  adopted  the  con- 
ceptions connectetl  with  them.  It  appears  to  have 
been  a  common  opinion,  both  among  the  Jews  and 
heathens,  that  the  air  was  filled  with  spiritual  be- 
ings, good  and  evil,  the  region  nearest  the  earth 
being  regarded  as,  in  particular,  the  al)ode  of  the 
latter  class.  Thus  Pythagoras  taught,  according 
to  Diogenes  LaiTtius  (viii.  32),  "that  the  whole 
air  was  full  of  souls,"  namely,  daemons  and  heroes; 
Plutarch  says  that  "  the  air  beneath  the  ether  and 
the  heaven,  rij/  viraiBpov  aepa  Kal  rhv  tnrovpiviov, 
is  full  of  gods  and  da-mons  "  (  (iiuest.  Rom.  c.  40, 
p.  274  b);  and  he  ascribes  to  Xenocrates  the  doc- 
trme  "  that  there  are  beings  in  the  region  surround- 
ing us,  great  and  powerful  indeed,  but  evil-disposed 
and  malignant"  {De  Is.  et  Odr.  c.  26,  p.  361 
b).  Varro,  in  a  curious  passage  presened  by 
Augustine  (De  Cic.  Dei,  vii.  G),  represents  the 
spa<;e  between  the  moon  and  the  lower  part  of  our 
atmosphere  as  full  of  "heroes,  lares,  and  genii," 
aericB  unima;,  that  is,  souls  inhabithig  the  ner  in 
distinction  from  the  cether.  Philo  says  that  "  an- 
gels, which  the  philosophers  call  diemons,  are  souls 
dying  about  in  the  air,"  ^vxa.\  Kara  rhv  atpa  ver6- 
Hfvai  (/■*<;  Oi(/aul.  c.  2.  Opp.  i.  263  ed.  Mang.); 
and  similar  jxissages  repeatedly  occur  in  his  writ- 
ings (De  Pliint.  Noe,  c.  4,  p.  331 ;  De  Conf.  Ling. 
c.  34,  p.  431;  De  Somn.  i.  22,  p.  641).  In  a 
Ifabbinicol  commentary  on  Pirke  Avoth,  fol.  83,  2, 
it  is  said  that  "  from  the  earth  upward  the  whole 
space  is  filled  with  beings  divided  into  bands  with 
rulers ;  and  that  below  [/.  e.  in  the  lower  region  of 
the  air]  there  are  many  creatures  employed  in  in- 
juring and  accusing."  (See  Drusius  on  I'-ph.  vi. 
12,  or  Koppe  on  Eph.  ii.  2.)  Tlie  Test.  XII. 
Patriarch.,  Bertj.  c.  3,  spcdcs  of  PeUar  or  Belial 
as  aepiov  iryev/xa,  a  "  spirit  of  the  air."  (Fabric. 
Cod.  pseiutep.  V.  T.  p.  729.)  These  passages  may 
sene  to  illustrate  Eph.  ii.  2,  where  Satan  is  desig- 
nated as  6  &px<>iv  Tjjs  t^ovcrias  tov  atpos,  '•  e. 
"  the  ruler  of  the  powers  of  the  air,"  i^ovala  Ijeing 
used  in  a  collective  sense  for  i^ovaiai  (comp.  Eph. 
vi.  12,  Col.  ii.  15),  as  we  say  "force"  for  "forces," 
and  denoting  the  evil  spirits  which  make  the  air 


he  is  driven  to  assume  that  the  Daphne  near  Paniaa 
had  also  the  name  of  Riblah. 

6  There  is  a  curious  expression  in  this  verse  which 
has  not  yet  been  explained.     After  enumerating  tha 

"  dties  "  ("^^y )  of  Shneon,  the  text  proceetls,  «  and 

their  villages  ("'"^VC)  ^^^  Etam,  Ain fiw 

cities "  (''"12?).  Considering  the  strict  distirLttion  si 
generally  observed  in  the  use  of  these  two  wjrds.  ttu 
above  is  at  least  worthy  of  note.     [Hazos.j 


AIRUS 

{bar  habitat)  "ii  So,  substantially,  Robjison, 
Bretschneider,  aiid  Grimm  in  their  Lexicons,  with 
De  Wette,  Meyer,  ]31eek,  Alford,  EUicott,  and 
other  eminent  conuuentators.  For  further  quota- 
tions illustrating  the  opinion  referred  to,  see  Dru- 
Bius  (in  the  Crit.  Sacri),  Grotius,  Wetstein,  and 
Mej'er  in  loc. ;  I'Xsner,  Obss.  Saci;  ii.  205-7,  and 
Windet,  Be  Vita  functofum  Slalu,  sect.  xiii.  pp. 
201-2(50,  3d  ed.,  Lond.  1G77.  The  elaborate  note 
of  Ilarless  also  deserves  to  be  comparetl. 

Prof.  Stuart,  in  his  Skttc/ies  of  Angelohgy 
{Bihl.  Sacra  for  1843,  p.  139),  translates  the  ex- 
|)ression  in  Eph.  ii.  2,  "  prince  of  the  aerial  host," 
and  remarks  that  "  no  other  exegesis  which  has 
lieen  given  of  this  text  seems  capable  of  abiding 
tlie  test  of  philological  examination."  But  he 
understands  the  language  used  here  and  elsewhere 
in  reference  to  the  locality  of  evil  spirits  as  sy)iv- 
boliccd.  "  Their  airy  nature  (to  speak  as  the  an- 
cients did),  their  invisibility,  their  quick  and  easy 
access  to  men,  are  all  shadowed  forth  in  assigning 
them  an  aiirial  abode  "  (p.  1-14). 

The  Greek  ovpav6s,  "heaven,"  is  the  word 
rendered  "air"  in  tlie  expression  "  the  birds  "  or 
"  fowls  of  the  air,"  Matt.  vi.  20,  viii.  20,  etc.,  and 
"sky"  in  Matt.  xvi.  2,  3,  "the  sky  is  red  and 
lowering,"  and  not  unfrequently  denotes  the  lower 
heaven,  the  region  of  clouds  and  storms.  (See 
the  N.  T.  Lexicons. )  In  accordance  with  this  use 
of  the  primitive  word,  rk  iirovpdifLa  in  Eph.  vi.  12 
may  be  understood  as  essentially  synonymous  with 
6  wfip  in  Eph.  ii.  2,  or  at  least  as  including  it. 
The  expression  to.  irvev/xaTtKot,  tJjs  irourjpias  fv 
To7s  eiroupavlots  in  the  passage  referred  to  (A.  V. 
'•  spiritual  wickedness  in  high  places,"  but  see  the 
margin)  is  accordingly  translated  by  Stuart  "evil 
spirits  in  the  aerial  region?"  {Bibl.  Sacra,  1843, 
pp.  123,  13!)),  and  by  Ellicott  "the  spiritual  hosts 
of  wickedness  in  the  heavenly  regions."  Substan- 
tially the  same  view  is  taken  of  the  passage  by  the 
best  commentators,  as  De  Wette,  Meyer,  Bleek, 
Alford.  In  illustration  of  the  use  of  iirovpivios, 
see  the  account  of  the  seven  heavens  in  the  Ttst. 
XII.  Patriarch.,  Levi,  c.  3,  and  the  Ascension  of 
Isaiah,  vii.  9-13,  and  x.  29,  cited  by  Stuart,  ut 
supra,  p.  139.  So,  where  the  so-called  Epistle  of 
Ignatius  to  the  Ephesians  in  the  shorter  form  (c.  13) 
reads  eV  p  (sc.  elp^yri)  iras  ■)r6\efjLos  Karapyurai 
iirovpavioiv  kolX  eTriyeiui',  the  longer  recen- 
sion has  d  €  p  1  CO  1/  Kal  iiriyelui'  Tri/evfidToyv. 

The  sui^erstitious  notion,  widely  prevalent  in 
later  times,  that  evil  spirits  have  the  power  of 
raising  storms  and  temi)ests,  appears  to  have  been 
connected  with  this  conception  of  their  place  of 
abode.  The  sorcerer  Ismeno  is  represented  by 
Tasso  as  thus  invoking  the  daemons,  "  roving  in- 
habitants of  the  air  " :  — 

"  Voi  che  le  tempeste  e  le  procelle 
Movete,  abitator  delP  aria  erranti." 

Gems.  Lib.  xiii.  7. 

The  proverbial  phrases  th  aepa  \a\e7v,  1  Cor. 
liv.  9,  "to  talk  to  the  winds"  {ventis  verba  pro- 
fumlere,  Lucret.  iv.  929),  and  h-tpa.  Sepfiv,  1  Cor. 
X.  26,  "to  beat  the  air"  (verberare  laibus  auras, 
Viig.  Jfra.  v.  377),  hardly  need  illustration.     A. 

AI'RUS  Claipos;  [Vat.  laeipos;  Aid.  'Aipos'] 


a  The  Alex.  MS.  in  this  place  reads  'lovSaia  for 
"iSou/uai?,  and  E.vald  {Gescli.  iv.  91,  358)  endeavors  to 
(how  therefivai  that  the  Acrabattine  there  mentioned 
Was  tliat  between  Samaria  and  Judrea,  in  support  of 
U«  opinion  that  a  large  part  of  Southern  Palestine 


AKRABBIM  67 

An).  One  of  the  "  servants  of  the  Temple,"  or 
Nethinim,  whose  descendants  returned  with  Zoro- 
babel  (1  Esdr.  v.  31).  Perhaps  the  same  as  Re- 
AiAii.  W.  A.  W. 

A'JAH,  Gen.  xxxvi.  24.  [Aiah.] 
AJ'ALON  (Josh.  X.  12,  xix.  42;  2  Chr.  xxviu. 
18).  The  same  place  as  Aljalon  (1)  which  see. 
The  Hebrew  being  the  .same  in  both,  there  is  no 
reason  for  the  inconsistency  in  the  spelling  of  tha 
name  in  the  A.  V.  G. 

A'KAN  ("117^    [perh.    sharp-si(jhted,    Fiirst] 
'lou/caju;   [Alex.   icavKa/j.;  Aid.  'lovKtiv:]  Acaii), 
descendant  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  27,  called  Jaka» 
in  1  Chr.  i.  42.     [Bkne-J.\akan.] 

AK'KUB  {2A;^V  [insufious]:  'Akov0;  [Vat. 
laKovf,]  Alex.  Akkov^-  Accub).  1.  A  descend- 
ant of  Zenibbatel,  and  one  of  the  seven  sons  of 
Elioenai  (1  Chr.  iii.  24). 

2.  CA/couju  in  1  Chr.,  'Akov)8;  Alex.  Akou/3  in 
1  Chr.,  AKovfi  in  Ezr.  and  Neh.;  [Vat.  AKOufj,  in 
1  Chr.  and  Ezr.,  A/cou  in  Neh.  vii.])  One  of  the 
porters  or  doorkeepers  at  the  east  gate  of  the  Temple. 
His  descendants  succeeded  to  his  office,  and  appear 
among  those  who  returned  from  Babylon  (1  Chr. 
ix.  17;  I'Jir.  ii.  42;  Neh.  vii.  45,  xi.  19,  xii.  25). 
Also  called  Dacobi  (1  l^sdr.  v.  28). 

3.  ('AKovfi;  [Vat.  A(ca/3coe.])  One  of  the 
Nethinim^  whose  family  returned  with  Zenibbabel 
(Ezr.  ii.  45).  The  name  is  omitted  in  Neh.  vii., 
but  occurs  in  the  form  AcuB  in  1  Esdr.  v.  31. 

*  It  rather  corresponds  to  AcuA  {'AkovS)  in 
1  Esdr.  V.  30.  Acub  hi  1  Esdr.  v.  31  answers  to 
Bakbuk,  Ezr.  ii.  51.  A. 

4.  (om.  in  LXX.  [but  Comp.  'Akov0].)  A 
Invite  who  assisted  luzra  in  expounding  the  Law  to 
the  people  (Neh.  viii.  7).  Called  Jacubus  in  1 
Esdr.  rx.  48.  W.  A.  W. 

AKRAB'BIM  [scorpions],  "the  ascent 
oi',"  and  "  THE  going  up  to  " ;  also  "  Maaleii- 

ACKABBiJi"  (D'^Snrp^?  nj'\773  =  the  scor 
pion-pass;  avafiaaris  'A/cpajStj/  [Alex,  -fieiu] 
Ascensns  scorpionum).  A  pass  between  the  south 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  Zin,  forming  one  of  the 
Landmarks  on  the  south  boundary  at  once  of  Judah 
(.Josh.  XV.  3)  and  of  the  Holy  I^nd  (Num.  xxxiv. 
4).  Also  the  north  (?)  boundary  of  the  Amorites 
(Judg.  i.  30). 

Judas  Maccabfeus  had  here  a  great  victory  over 
the  Edomites  (1  Mace.  v.  3,«  "  Arabattuie,"  which 
see;  Jos.  Ant.  xii.  8,  §  1). 

De  Saulcy  (i.  77)  would  identify  it  with  the  long 
and  steep  pass  of  the  Wady  es-Zuweirah.  Scor- 
pions he  certainly  found  there  in  plenty,  but  this 
wady  is  too  much  to  the  north  to  have  been  Akrab  - 
bim,  as  the  boundary  went  from  thence  to  Zin  and 
Kadesh-barnea,  which,  wherever  situated,  were  cer- 
tainly many  miles  further  south.  Kobuison's  con- 
jecture is,  that  it  is  the  line  of  cliffs  which  cross 
the  Ghor  at  right  angles,  11  miles  south  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  and  form  the  ascent  of  separation  between 
the  Ghor  and  the  Arabah  (ii.  120).  But  this  would 
be  a  descent  and  not  an  ascent  to  those  who  were 
entering  tlie  Holy  La.id  from  the  south.*"  Perhaps 
the  most  feasible  supposition  is  that  Akrabbim  is 


was  then  in  possession  of  the  Edomites.  But  this 
reading  does  not  agree  with  the  context,  and  it  is  at 
least  certain  that  Josephus  had  the  text  as  it  now 
stands. 

6  *  In  his  Phys.  Geogr.  p.  53,  Dr.  Robinson  savs  thai 


58  ALABASTER 

Ihe  steep  pass  es-Sv/ah,  by  which  the  final  step  is 
made  from  the  desert  to  the  level  of  the  actual  land 
af  Palestine.  As  to  the  name,  scorpions  abomid 
Ui  the  whole  of  this  district. 

This  place  must  not  be  confounded  with  Acra^- 
Uatteae,  north  of  Jerusalem.     [Akuattis.]    G. 

ALABASTER  iaKd^aarpos  '•  alabastrum) 
occurs  in  the  N.  T.  only,  in  the  notice  of  the 
alabaster  box  of  ointment  which  a  woman  brought 
to  our  l^rd  when  He  sat  at  meat  in  the  house  of 
Simon  the  \e\teT  at  Bethany,  the  contents  of  which 
she  poured  on  the  head  of  the  Saviour.  (See  Matt. 
xxvi.  7;  Mark  xiv.  3;  Luke  vii.  37.)  By  the 
I'nglish  word  alabaster  is  to  be  understood  both 
that  kind  which  is  also  known  by  the  name  of 
yypsum,  and  the  oriental  alabaster  wliicli  is  so 
much  valued  on  account  of  its  translucency,  and 
for  its  variety  of  colored  streakings,  red,  yellow, 
gray,  &c.,  which  it  owes  for  the  most  part  to  the 
admixture  of  oxides  of  iron.  The  latter  is  a  fibrous 
carbonate  of  lime,  of  which  there  are  many  varieties, 
fitin  spar  being  one  of  the  most  common.  The 
former  is  a  hydrous  sulpliate  of  lime,  and  forms 
when  calcined  and  ground  the  well-known  substance 
called  plaster  (if  Paris.  l$oth  these  kinds  of  ala- 
liaster,  but  especially  the  latter,  are  and  have  been 
long  used  for  various  ornamental  purposes,  such  as 
tlie  fabrication  of  vases,  boxes,  &c.  The  ancients 
considered  alabaster  (carbonate  of  lime)  to  be  the 
best  material  in  which  to  preserve  their  ointments 
(Pliny,  //.  jV.  xiii.  3).  Herodotus  (iii.  20)  men- 
tions an  alabaster  vessel  of  ointment  which  Cam- 
l)yses  sent,  amongst  other  things,  as  a  present  to 
tlie  ^Ethiopians.  Hammond  (Annotat.  ad  Matt. 
%xy\.  7)  quotes  Plutarch,  Julius  Pollux,  and  Athen- 
aeus,  to  show  that  alabaster  was  the  material  in 
which  ointments  were  wont  to  be  kept. 

In  2  K.  xxi.  13,  "  I  will  wipe  Jerusalem  as  a 
man  wipeth  a  dish  "  (Heb.  tsallachatli),  tlie  Vat. 
and  Alex,  versions  of  the  LXX.  use  alnbiistron  in 
the  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  words."  The  reading 
of  the  LXX.  in  this  passage  is  thus  literally  trans- 
lated by  Harmer  ( Obsen-ations,  iv.  473) :  —  "I  will 
unanoint  Jerusalem  as  an  alabaster  unanointed  box 
is  unanointed,  and  is  turned  down  on  its  face." 
I'liny*  tells  us  that  the  usual  form  of  these  alabas- 
ter vessels  was  long  and  slender  at  the  top,  and 
round  and  full  at  the  bottom.  He  likens  them  to 
the  long  pearls,  called  elenclii,  which  tlie  Itoman 
ladies  suspended  from  their  fingers  or  dangled  from 
their  ears.  He  compares  also  the  green  jwinted 
cone  of  a  rose-bud  to  the  form  of  an  alabaster  oint- 
mcnt-ves.sel  (//.  TV",  xxi.  4).  The  onyx —  (cf.  Hor. 
Od.  iv.  12,  17),  "Nardi  parvus  onyx"  —  which 
Pliny  says  is  another  name  for  al<(baslrites,  must 
not  be  confounded  witli  the  precious  stone  of  that 
name,  which  is  a  sub-si>ecie8  of  the  quartz  family 
of  minerals,  being  a  variety  of  agate.  Perhaps  the 
name  of  onyx  was  given  to  the  jiink-colored  variety 
uf  the  calcarc'jus  alabaster,  in  allusion  to  its  resem- 


inis  line  of  cliffs  crosses  the  G/iOr  6  or  8  miles  south  of 
'iie  Dead  Sea.    The  Akrabbim  (scorpion  clip's)  would  be 

An   "ascent  "  (H  ..27tt)  justly  so  called,  without  any 
reference  to  the  direction  in  which  tlie  traveller  might 

pproach   them  in  a  given  instance.     We  need  not 
luppose  them  to  have  n^!eived   their  name  from  the 

ict  that  the  Hebrews  crossed  them  from  tlie  south  in 
.omitig  out  of  Kgypt.  II. 

<•  diraAei'i/nu  ■riji'  'lepoviraXrin  KaOioi  oiroAei'^tToi  6 
kAa/SaiTTfiot  aTraAew^o/uei'OS,  »cai  KarairrpeijxTai  enX 
xoomtitov  aiiTOv,  LXX.     The  Compluteusiaa  version 


ALABASTER 

bling  the  finger-nail  (onyx)  in  color  or  else  becaiiae 
the  calcareous  alabaster  bears  some  resemblance  tc 
the  agate-onj-x  hi  the  characteristic  lunar-shapeC 
mark  of  the  last-named  stone,  which  mark  reminded 
the  ancients  of  the  whitish  semicircular  spot  at  th« 
base  of  the  finger-nail. 


Alabaster  Vessels.  From  the  British  Museum.  Tha 
inscription  on  the  centre  vessel  denotes  the  quantity 
it  holds. 

Tlie  term  alabastra,  however,  was  by  no  meana 
exclusively  applied  to  vessels  made  from  this  ma- 
terial. Theocritus*^  speaks  of  gokkn  alabasters. 
That  the  passage  in  Theocritus  implies  that  the 
alabasters  were  made  of  gold,  and  not  simply  gilt, 
as  some  have  understood  it,  seems  clear  from  the 
words  of  Plutarch  (in  Alcxandro,  p.  67G),  cited  by 
Kypke  on  JIark  xiv.  3,  where  he  speaks  of  alabas- 
ters "all  skillfully  xcrowjlit  of  r/oW 'i  Alabasters, 
then,  may  have  been  made  of  any  material  suitable 
for  keeping  ointment  in,  gla.ss,  silver,  gold,  Ac. 
Precisely  similar  is  the  use  of  the  English  word 
box;  and  perliaps  tlie  Greek  irv^os  and  the  Latin 
buxiis  are  additional  illustrations.  Box  is  doubt- 
less derived  from  the  name  of  the  shrub,  the  wood 
of  which  is  so  well  adapted  for  twninf/  boxes  and 
such  like  objects.  The  term,  which  originally  was 
limited  to  boxes  made  of  the  box-wood,  eventually 
extended  to  boxes  generally;  as  we  say,  an  iron 
box,  a  (/old  box,  &c. 

In  Mark  xiv.  3,  tlie  woman  who  brought  "the 
alabaster  box  of  ointment  of  spikenard  "  is  said  to 
break  the  box  before  pouring  out  the  ointment 
This  passage  has  been  variously  understood ;  but 
Harmer's  interpretfltion  is  probably  correct,  that 
brenkinr/  the  box  imjilies  merely  breaking  the  se(u 
which  kept  the  essence  of  the  perfume  from  evap- 
orating. 

The  town  of  Alabastron  in  Middle  I'-gypt  received 
its  name  from  the  alabaster  quarries  of  the  adjacent 
hill,  the  modem  Jloiint  St.  Anthony.    In  this  town 


and  the  Vulgate  understand  the  passage  in  a  very  dif- 
ferent way. 

t>  "  Et  procerioribus  sua  gnitia  est :  elenchos  appel. 
lant  fustigatji  longitudiiif,  aiaha.ilrorum  iigura  in  pleni- 
oreni  orbem  desinciites"  (H.  N.  ix.  56). 

•^  %vpC(a  Se  fiilpuj  xp^c^'-'  a\dpa<rTpa  (I'l.  XT.  114). 
"  Mupou  xpv(Tfia  aMpairrpa  non  sunt  vasa  unguentarU 
ex  alabastrite  lapiJe  caque  auro  omata,  fed  simpll 
citer  VBsa  uuguentaria  ex  auro  fiicta.  Cf.  Schleuac 
Lex.  N.  T.  8.  V.  oAo/3a<rTpoi'."  (KiessUng,  it  Fheov 
1-  c.) 

'^  Xinxrov  ri<TKr)iiiva  rrepiTTcos. 


ALEXANDER  III. 


ALAMETH 

ras  a  manufactory  of  vases  and  .-essels  for  holding 
perfumes,  &c.  VV.  H. 

*  I^yard  found  vases  of  white  alabaster  among 
the  ruins  at  Nineveh,  which  were  used  for  holding 
ointments  or  cosmetics  {Bahylon  ntul  Nineveh,  p. 
197).  The  alabasters  often  had  a  long,  narrow 
neck,  and  it  not  only  accords  best  with  the  Greek 
{(TvvTpi^affa)  to  supjiose  that  the  woman  broke 
this  in  two,  but  makes  the  act  more  expressive. 
.She  would  reserve  nothing  for  herself,  but  devote 
the  wl'.ole  to  her  Lord.  See  Meyer  and  I^nge  on 
Mark  xiv.  3.  11. 

ALA'METH  (H^b^  {cmering}:  'EAije- 
.(t'fi;  [Vat.  re/ieefl;  Aid.]  Alex.  'EAjuefleV; 
[Comp.  'AKafiiid']  Alinath).  Properly  Alk- 
MKTii ;  one  of  the  sous  of  Becher,  the  son  of  Ben- 
jamin (1  Chr.  vii.  8).  W.  A.  W. 

ALAM'MELECH  illebrew  Alammelech] 
C^  7?^.  1  ^  =  J^'intj's  oak ;  *EA.«/xe\«'x ;  [Vat.  -A«i- ; 
Aid.  'AAi/xeXe'xO  Elmdech),  a  place  within  the 
limits  of  Asher,  named  between  Achshaph  and 
Amad  (.Josh.  xix.  26,  only).  It  has  not  yet  been 
identified;  but  Schwarz  (191)  suggests  a  connec- 
tion with  the  Nahr  el-Melik,  which  falls  into  the 
Kishon  nejvr  Haifa.  G. 

AL'AMOTH  (n'la^V  :  Ps.  xlvi.,  title;  1 
Chr.  XV.  20),  a  word  of  exceedingly  doubtful  mean- 
ing, and  with  respect  to  which  various  conjectures 
prevail.  Some  critics  are  of  opinion  that  it  is  a 
kind  of  lute  brought  originally  from  J-Jlam  (Per- 
sia);  others  regard  it  as  an  instrument  on  which 

young  girls  (m^2  ^y)  used  to  play  (comp.  the 
old  English  instrument  "the  Vh'ginal"):  whilst 
some  again  consider  the  word  to  denote  a  sjiecies 
of  lyre,  with  a  sourdine  (mute)  attached  to  it  for 
the  purpose  of  subduing  or  deadening  the  sound, 

and  that  on  this  account  it  was  called  m^  •'^, 

from  Q  f^,  to  conceal.  Lafage  spealcs  of  m!2^17 
as  "  chant  supdrieur  ou  chant  a  I'octave."  Some 
German  commentators,  having  discovered  that  the 
lays  of  the  metHseval  minstrels  were  chanted  to  a 
nidody  called  "  die  Jungfniuenweise,"  have  trans- 
ferred that  notion  to  the  Psalms ;  and  Tholuck,  for 

instance,  translates  ill^^p  by  the  above  German 

t«rm.  According  to  this  notion  m!3^37  would 
not  be  a  musical  instrument,  but  a  melody.  (See 
Mendelssohn's  Introduction  to  his  Version  of  the 
Psalms ;  Forkel,  Geschichte  der  Musik ;  Lafage, 
Hist.  Gen.    de   la    Musique ;    and    Gesenius    on 

n;^b3:.)  d.  w.  m. 

AL'CIMUS  {""AXKifios,  valiant,  a  Greek  name, 
assumed,  according  to  the  prevailing  fashion,  as 

representing  D'^P^7^?,  'EAioxei/x,  God  hath  set 
up),  called  also  Jaceimus   {6  koI  'laKeifios  all. 

IcoaKetfios,  Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  9,  5,  »'.  e.  C'^p"',  cf. 
Jud.  iv.  6,  vii7-r.  lectt.),  a  Jewish  priest  (1  Mace.  -ii. 
12)  who  was  attached  to  the  Hellenizing  party  (2 
Mace.  xiv.  3)."  On  the  death  of  IMenelaus  he  vras 
«ppointed  to  the  high-priesthcod  by  the  influence  of 
bysias,  though  not  of  the  pontifical  family  (.Foseph. 

.  c. ;  XX.  9;  1  Mace.  vii.  14),  to  the  exclusion  of  i 

^nias,  the  nephew  of  Menelaus.    When  Demetrius  i 

*  According  to  a  Jewish  tradition  (Bereshith  R.  C5),    Sanhedrim,  whom  he  afterwards  put  to  dea'^^b. 
tie  was  "  sister's  son  of  Jose  ben  Jotser,"  chief  of  the  |  all,  ^ist.  of  *jt>«,  i.  315,  308. 


59 


Soter  obtained  the  kingdom  of  Syria  he  paid  court 
to  that  monarch,  who  confirinetl  him  in  his  oHice, 
and  through  his  general  Bacchides  [BACfiiiiuKs] 
established  him  at  Jerusalem.  His  cruelty,  how- 
ever, was  so  great  that,  in  spite  of  the  force  left  in 
his  command,  he  was  unable  to  withstand  the  op- 
position which  he  provoked,  and  he  again  fled  to 
Demetrius,  who  immediately  took  measures  for  his 
restoration.  The  first  expedition  under  Xicanor 
proved  unsuccessful;  but  upon  this  Bacchides 
marched  a  second  time  against  .Jerusalem  with  a 
large  army,  routed  Judas,  who  fell  in  the  battle 
(161  B.  c),  and  rehistated  Alcimus.  After  his  res- 
toration, Alcimus  seems  to  have  attempted  to  mod- 
ify the  ancient  worship,  and  as  he  w:is  engaged  in 
pulling  down  "  the  wall  of  the  iimer  court  of  the 
sanctuary"  (t.  e.,  which  separated  the  court  of  the 
Gentiles  from  it;  yet  see  Grimm,  1  Mace.  ix.  54)  he 
was  "plagued"  (by  paralysis),  and  "died  at  thai 
time,"  160  b.  c.  (Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  9,  5,  xii.  10;  1 
Mace,  vii.,  ix. ;  cf.  2  Mace,  xiv.,  xv.  Ewald,  Gesch. 
des  Volkes  Isr.  iv.  365  ff.)  B.  F.  "W. 

AL'EMA  iiv'AXe/xois;  [Alex,  tu  AXafiots'-] 
in  Aliinis),  a  large  and  strong  city  in  Gilead  in  the 
time  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  v.  26).  Its  name 
does  not  occur  again,  nor  have  we  yet  any  means 
of  identifying  it.  [Grimm  (in  loc.)  conjectures 
that  it  may  represent  Beer-elim  (Is.  xv.  8,  comp. 
Num.  xxi.  16).  —  A.]  G. 

ALE'METH  (H^b^  [covering-]:  :Za\ai- 
fxdd,  TaXe/xfd ;  Alex.  raXefiaO,  [-fied ;  Aid.  ToAe- 
/med,  'A\e(p;  Comp.  'AKefieO'-]  Ala  math).  A 
ISenjamite,  son  of  Jehoadah,  or  Jarah,  and  de- 
scended from  Jonathan  the  son  of  Saul  (1  Chr. 
viii.  36,  ix.  42).  The  form  of  the  name  in  Hebrew 
is  different  from  that  of  the  town  Alemeth  with 
which  it  has  been  compared.  W.  A.  W. 

ALE'METH  (accurately,  AUemeth;  iip^?: 
TaKifjLad;  [Alex.  raArj^efl:]  Alinath),  the  form 
under  which  Almon,  the  name  of  a  city  of  the 
priests  in  Benjamin,  appears  in  1  Chr.  vi.  60  [45]. 
Under  the  very  similar  form  of  'Almil  or  Almuth, 
it  has  been  apparently  identified  in  the  present  day 
at  about  a  mile  N.  E.  of  Anatri,  the  site  of  Ana- 
thoth;  first  by  Schwarz  (128)  and  then  by  Mr. 
Finn  (Rob.  iii.  287).  Among  the  genealoijies  of 
Benjamin  the  name  occurs  in  connection  with  Az- 
maveth,  also  the  name  of  a  town  of  that  tribe  (1  Chr. 
viii.  36,  ix.  42;  compared  with  Ezr.  ii.  24).  [Air- 
MON.]  In  the  Targum  of  Jonathan  on  2  Sam. 
xvi.  5,  Bahurim  is  rendered  Alemath.  G. 

ALEXAN'DER  III.,  king  of  Macedon,  sur- 
named  The  Gkeat  ('AAe'loj/Spos,  the  helper  of 
men:  Alexander:  Arab,  the  two-horned,  Golii  Lex. 
Arab.  1896),  "the  son  of  Philip"  (1  Mace.  vi.  2) 
and  Olympias,  was  born  at  Pella  n.  c.  356.  On 
his  mother's  side  he  claimed  descent  from  Achilles; 
and  the  Homeric  legends  were  not  without  influence 
upon  his  life.  At  an  early  age  he  was  j^Iaced  under 
the  care  of  Aristotle ;  and  while  still  a  youth  he 
turned  the  fortune  of  the  day  at  Charoneia  (338 
iJ.  c).  On  the  murder  of  Phihp  (b.  c.  336)  Alex- 
an.d3r  put  down  with  resolute  energy  the  disaflfec- 
tior  and  hostility  by  which  his  throne  was  men- 
aces!;  and  in  two  years  he  crossed  the  Hellespont 
(b.  c.  334)  to  carry  out  the  plans  of  his  father,  and 
execute  the  mission  of  Greece  to  the  civilized  world. 


BapU 


fiO  ALEXANDER   III. 

The  battle  of  the  (iraiiicus  was  followed  by  the  sub- 
jugation of  wastern  Asia;  and  in  the  following  year 
the  fate  of  the  I'^t  was  decided  at  Issus  (b.  c. 
333).  Tyre  and  (Jaza  were  the  only  cities  in 
Western  Syria  which  ottered  Alexander  any  resist- 
ance, and  these  were  reduced  and  treated  with  un- 
usuiU  severity  (n.  c.  33"2).  Kgypt  next  submitted 
to  him;  and  in  n.  c.  331  he  founded  Alexandria, 
which  remains  to  the  present  day  the  most  chai-ac- 
teristic  monument  of  his  life  and  work.  In  the 
same  year  he  finally  defeated  Darius  at  Gaugamela; 
and  in  u.  c.  330  his  unhappy  rival  was  nmrdered 
by  IJessus,  satrap  of  Bactria.  The  next  two  years 
were  occupied  by  Alexander  in  the  consohdatiou  of 
his  Persian  con(iuests,  and  the  reduction  of  Bactria. 
In  B.  c.  327  he  crossed  the  Indus,  {penetrated  to 
the  Hydaspes,  and  was  there  forced  by  the  discon- 
tent of  his  army  to  turn  westward.  He  reached 
Susa  IS.  c.  325,  and  procee<led  to  Ribylon  b.  c. 
324,  which  he  chose  as  the  capital  of  his  empire. 
In  the  next  year  he  died  there  (b.  c.  323)  in  the 
midst  of  his  gigantic  plans ;  and  those  who  inherited 
his  conquests  left  his  designs  unachieved  and  unat- 
tempted  (cf.  Dan.  vii.  6,  viii.  5,  xi.  3). 

The  famous  tradition  of  the  visit  of  Alexander  to 
Jerusalem  during  his  Phoenician  campaign  (Joseph. 
Ant.  xi.  8,  1  ft'. )  has  been  a  fruitftil  source  of  con- 
troversy. The  Jews,  it  is  said,  had  provoked  his 
anger  by  refusing  to  transfer  their  allegiance  to 
him  when  sunmioned  to  do  so  during  the  siege  of 
Tyri',  and  after  the  reduction  of  Tjre  and  (iaza 
(Joseph.  1.  c.)  he  turned  towards  Jerusalem.  Jad- 
dua  (Jaddus)  the  high-priest  (Neli.  xii.  11,  22), 
who  had  been  warned  in  a  dream  how  to  avert  the 
king's  anger,  caludy  awaited  his  approach;   and 

when  he  drew  near  went  out  to  Sapha  (HC^,  he 

watched),  within  sight  of  the  city  and  temple,  clad 
in  his  rol)es  of  hyacinth  and  gold,  and  accompanied 
by  a  train  of  priests  and  citizens  arrayed  in  white. 
Alexander  was  so  moved  by  the  solemn  spectacle 
that  he  did  reverence  to  the  holy  name  inscribed 
upon  the  tiara  of  the  high-priest ;  and  when  Par- 
menio  expressed  surprise,  he  replied  that  "  he  had 
Been  the  god  whom  Jaddua  represented  in  a  dream 
at  Dium,  encouraging  him  to  cross  over  into  Asia, 
and  promising  him  success."  After  this,  it  is  said 
tliat  he  visited  Jerusalem,  offered  sacrifice  there, 
heard  the  propliecies  of  Daniel  which  foretold  his 
victory,  and  conferred  imjwrtant  privileges  ujwn  the 
Jews,  not  only  in  .ludsea  but  in  Babylonia  and  Me- 
dia, which  they  enjoyed  during  the  supremacy  of 
his  successors.  The  narrative  is  repeated  in  the 
Talmud  (Joma  f.  69;  ap.  Otho,  Lex.  Rcibb.  s.  v. 
Alexajuhr ;  the  high-priest  is  there  said  to  have 
been  Simon  the  Just),  in  later  Jewish  writers 
(Vftjikra  K.  13;  Joseph  ben  (lorion,  ap.  Ste.  Croix, 
p.  553),  and  in  the  chronicles  of  Abulfeda  (Ste. 
Croix,  p.  555).  The  event  was  adapted  by  the  Sa- 
maritans to  suit  their  own  history,  with  a  corre- 
ipcnding  change  of  places  and  persons,  and  various 
tmbellishnients  (Aboullfatah,  quoted  by  Ste.  Croix, 
pp.  209-12);  and  in  due  time  Alexander  was  en- 
I  oiled  among  the  proselytes  of  Judaism.  On  the 
I  ther  hand  no  mention  of  tiie  event  occurs  in  Ar- 
uan,  Plutai-ch,  I>io<lorus,  or  Curtius;  and  the  con- 
lection  in  which  it  is  placed  by  Josephus  is  alike 
teconsistent  with  Jewish  history  (Ewald,  Gesch.  d. 
Volkts  Jsi:  iv.  12-1  ff.)  and  with  the  narrative  of 
irrian  (iii.  1  i$S6u.r)  vfitpcf.  airo  rrjs  Td^rjs  i\aii- 
•u>v  r]Kfu  fs  XlrjXovffiov)- 
But  admitting  the  incorrectness  of  the  details  of 


ALEXANDER   III. 

the  tradition  as  given  by  Josephua,  there  are  s<;vera< 
points  which  confirm  the  truth  of  the  main  fact 
Justin  says  that  "many  kings  of  the  East  came  tc 
meet  Alexander  wearing  fillets"  (Ub.  xi.  10);  and 
after  tlie  capture  of  I'yre  "  Alexander  himself  visited 
some  of  the  cities  which  still  refused  to  submit  tt 
him"  (Curt.  iv.  5,  13).  Even  at  a  later  time,  ac- 
cording to  Curtius,  he  executed  vengeance  person- 
ally on  the  Samaritans  for  the  murder  of  his  gov- 
ernor Andromachus  (Ciu-t.  iv.  8,  10).  Besides  this, 
Jewish  soldiers  were  enlisted  in  his  army  (Hecat. 
ap.  Joseph,  c.  Apion.  i.  22);  and  Jews  formed  an 
impoi-tant  element  in  the  population  of  the  city' 
which  he  founded  shortly  after  the  supposed  visit. 
Above  all,  the  privileges  which  he  is  said  to  have 
conferred  upon  the  Jews,  including  the  remission 
of  tribute  every  sabbatical  year,  existed  in  later 
times,  and  imply  some  such  relation  between  the 
Jews  and  the  great  conqueror  as  Josephus  describes. 
Internal  evidence  is  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  story, 
even  in  its  picturesque  fuUncss.  From  policy  or 
conviction  Alexander  delighted  to  represent  him- 
self as  chosen  by  destiny  for  the  great  act  which  he 
achieved.  The  siege  of  TjTe  arose  professedly  from 
a  religious  motive.  TTie  battle  of  Issus  was  pre- 
ceded by  the  visit  to  Gordium ;  the  invasion  of  Per- 
sia by  the  pilgrimage  to  the  temple  of  Ammon. 
And  if  it  be  impossible  to  determine  the  exact  cir- 
cumstances of  the  meethig  of  Alexander  and  the 
Jewish  envoys,  the  silence  of  the  classical  historians, 
who  notoriously  disregarded  (e.  g.  the  Maccabees) 
and  misrepresented  (Tac.  Hist.  v.  8)  the  fortunes 
of  the  Jews,  cannot  be  held  to  be  conclusive  against 
the  occurrence  of  an  event  which  must  have  ap- 
peared to  them  trivial  or  unintelligible  (Jahn,  Ar- 
dueol.  iii.  300  ff. ;  Ste.  Croix,  Kxamen  a-ilique,  &c., 
Paris,  1810;  Thirlwall,  Ilisf.  of  Greece,  vi.  206  f.; 
and  on  the  other  side  Ant.  van  Dale,  Dissert,  super 
Aiisted,  Amstel.  1705,  pp.  69  ff.) 

The  tradition,  whether  true  or  false,  presents  an 
aspect  of  Alexander's  character  which  has  been  fre- 
quently lost  sight  of  by  his  recent  biographers. 
He  was  not  simply  a  Greek,  nor  must  he  be  judged 
by  a  Greek  standard.  The  Orientalism,  wliich 
was  a  scandal  to  his  followers,  was  a  necessary  de- 
duction from  his  principles,  and  not  the  result  of 
caprice  or  vanity  (comp.  Arr.  vii.  29).  He  ap- 
proached the  idea  of  a  universal  monarchy  from  the 
side  of  Greece,  but  his  final  object  was  to  estabUsh 
something  higher  than  the  paramount  supremacy 
of  one  people.  His  purpose  was  to  combine  and 
equahze,  not  to  aimihilate:  to  wed  the  East  and 
West  in  a  just  union  —  not  to  enslave  Asia  to 
Greece  (Plut.  de  Ahx.  Or.  1,  §  6).  The  time  in- 
deed, was  not  yet  come  when  this  was  possible,  but 
if  he  could  not  accomplish  the  great  issue,  he  pre- 
pared the  way  for  its  accompUshment. 

The  first  and  most  direct  consequence  of  the 
policy  of  Alexander  was  the  weakening  of  nation- 
alities, the  first  condition  necessary  for  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  old  reUgions.  The  swift  course  of  his 
victories,  the  constant  incorporation  of  foreign 
elements  in  his  armies,  the  fierce  wars  and  chang- 
ing fortunes  of  his  successors,  broke  down  the  bar- 
riers by  which  kingdom  had  been  separated  from 
kingdom,  and  opened  the  road  for  larger  concep- 
tions of  life  and  faith  than  had  hitherto  been  pos- 
sible (cf.  Polyb.  iii.  59).  The  contact  of  the  East 
and  West  brought  out  into  practiiJal  forms,  thought* 
and  feelings  which  had  been  confined  to  the  schools 
Paganism  was  deprived  of  life  as  soon  as  it  wa» 
transplanted  beyond  the  narrow  limits  in  ivhich  it 


ALEXANDER   III. 

took  its  shape.  The  spread  of  commerce  followed 
Uie  progress  of  arms ;  aiid  'he  Greek  language  and 
literature  vindicated  their  'jlaim  to  be  considered 
the  mos.t  perfect  expression  of  human  thought  by 
becoming  practically  universal. 

The  Jews  were  at  once  most  exposed  to  the  pow- 
erful infiuencas  thus  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
M-jst,  and  most  able  to  support  them.  In  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  (Jreek  conquests  which  followed 
the  battle  of  Ipsus,  u.  c.  301,  Juda;a  was  matle 
the  frontier  land  of  the  rival  empires  of  Syria  and 
l\gypt,  and  though  it  was  necessarily  subjected  to 
I  lie  constant  vicissitudes  of  war,  it  was  able  to  make 
advantageous  terms  with  the  state  to  which  it  owed 
allegiance,  from  the  important  advantages  which  it 
offered  for  attack  or  defense  [Antio(;hls,  ii.-vii.]. 
Internally  also  the  peo])le  were  prepared  to  with- 
stand the  effects  of  the  revolution  which  the  Greek 
dominion  effected.  The  constitution  of  l^zra  had 
obtained  its  full  development.  A  powerful  hierar- 
chy had  succeeded  in  substituting  the  idesi  of  a 
church  for  that  of  a  state;  and  the  .Jew  was  now 
able  to  wander  over  the  world  and  yet  remain 
faithful  to  the  God  of  his  fathers  [TiiK  Disi'ei:- 
sion].  The  same  constitutional  ch;uige  had 
strengthened  the  intellectual  and  religious  position 
of  the  people.  A  rigid  "  fence  "  of  ritualism  pro- 
tected the  course  of  common  life  from  the  license 
of  Greek  manners ;  .-uid  the  great  doctrine  of  the 
unity  of  God,  which  was  now  seen  to  be  the  divine 
centre  of  their  system,  counteracted  the  attnictions 
of  a  philosophic  pantheism  [Simon  thk  Just]. 
Through  a  long  course  of  discipline  in  which  they 
had  been  left  unguided  by  prophetic  teaching,  the 
Jews  had  realized  the  nature  of  their  mission  to  the 
world,  and  were  waiting  for  the  means  of  fulfilling 
it.  The  conquest  of  Alexander  furnished  them 
with  the  occasion  and  the  power.  But  at  the  same 
time  the  example  of  Greece  fostered  personal  as 
well    as    popular    independence.       Judaism    was 


Tetradrachni  (Attic  talent)  of  Lysimachus,  King  of 
Thrace. 
Obv    Head  of  Alexander  the  Great,  as  a  young  Jupiter 
Anuuoii,  to  right.     Uev.  BASIAEfiS  AY2IMAXOY. 
In   field,   monograiM   and   2,   Pallas  seated  to  left, 
holding  a  Victory. 

speedily  divided  into  sects,  analogous  to  the  typical 
forms  of  Greek  philosopliy.  But  e\en  the  rude 
analysis  of  the  old  faith  was  productive  of  good. 
The  freedom  of  Greece  was  no  less  instrumental  in 
forming  the  Jews  for  their  final  work  than  the  con- 
templative spirit  of  I'ersia,  or  the  civil  organization 
of  Rome ;  for  if  the  career  of  Alexander  was  rapid, 
its  effects  were  lasting.  The  city  which  he  chose 
to  bear  his  name  perpetuated  in  ailer  ages  the  office 
which  he  providentially  discharged  for  Judaism 
Riid  mankind;   and   the  historian  of  iJhristianity 


a  The  attempt  of  Bertholdt  to  apply  the  description 
of  the  third  mouarchy  to  that  of  Alexander  has  little 
to  Tecommeud  it  [Daaiel]. 


ALEXANDER  BALAS  61 

must  confirm  the  judgment  of  Arrian,  that  Alexan- 
der, "  who  was  like  no  other  man,  could  not  have 
been  given  to  the  world  without  the  siiecial  design 
of  Providence "  (t|a)  rod  0elou,  Arr.  vii.  JJU). 
And  Alexander  himself  appreciated  this  design  bet- 
ter even  than  his  great  teacher;  for  it  is  said  (Plut. 
de  Alex.  Or.  1,  §  6)  that  when  Aristotle  urged 
him  to  treat  the  Greeks  as  freemen  and  the  Orien- 
tals as  slaves,  he  found  the  true  answer  to  this 
counsel  in  the  recognition  of  his  "  divine  mission 
to  unite  and  reconcile  the  world "  {Koivhs  rjKfiv 
de6dev  apfioffr^s  Kol  SmAAoKT-Jjs  rwv  oKwv  uo/x- 

In  the  prophetic  visions  of  Daniel  the  inlluenoa 

of  Alexander  is  necessarily  combined  with  that  of 
his  succftssors."  They  represented  with  partial  ex- 
aggeration the  several  phases  of  his  character;  and 
to  the  Jews  nationally  the  [wlicy  of  the  Syrian 
kings  was  of  greater  importance  than  the  original 
conquest  of  Asia.  But  some  traits  of  "  the  first 
mighty  king"  (Dan.  viii.  21,  xi.  3)  are  given  with 
vigorous  distinctness.     The  emblem  by  which  he 

is  typified  ("l"*py,  a  he-goat,  fr.  "1?^  he,  leapt, 
Ges.  TItes.  s.  v.)  suggests  the  notions  of  strength 
and  speed  ;**  and  the  universal  extent  (Dan.  viii.  5, 
.  .  .  J'rmti  the  west  on  the  face,  of  the  whole  earth), 
and  marvellous  rapidity  of  his  conquests  (Dan.  1.  c. 
he  touched  not  the  [/round)  are  brought  forward  as 
the  characteristics  of  his  power,  which  was  directed 
by  the  strongest  personal  inipetuosity  (Dan.  viii.  6, 
in  the  Jury  of  his  [mwer).  Ue  ruled  with  great 
dominion,  and  did  according  to  his  will  (xi.  3); 
"  and  there  was  none  that  could  deliver  .  .  .  out 
of  his  hand  ^viii.  7)."  B.  F.  W. 

ALEXAN'DER  BATjAS  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiii. 

•i,  §  8,   'AA.e'laj'Spos   6  BaAos  \(y6fjLevos'i  Strab. 

xiv.  p.  751,  rhv  BaKav  'AKf^aySpoV,  Just.  xxxv. 

1,    Subornant   pro   eo    Balam   quendam  .  .  .  et 

.  .  .  nomen  ei  Alexandri  inditur.     B;das  {X)ssibly 

represents  the  Aram.  Sv^3,  lord:  he  likewise 
assumed  the  titles  inKpayris  and  euepyerris,  I 
Mace.  X.  1).  He  was,  according  to  some,  a  (natu- 
ral) son  of  Antiochus  IV.  Epiphanes  (Strab.  xiii. 
Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  2,  1),  but  he  was  more  generally 
r^arded  as  an  im[)Ost«r  who  falsely  assumed  the 
connection  (App.  Syr.  67 ;  Justin  1.  c.  cf.  Polyb. 
xxxiii.  16).  He  claimed  the  throne  of  Syria  in 
152  B.  c.  in  opposition  to  Demetrius  Soter,  who 
h:ul  provoked  the  hostility  of  the  neighboring  kings 
and  alienated  the  affections  of  his  subjects  (Joseph. 
1.  c).  His  pretensions  were  put  foi-ward  by  Herac- 
lides,  formerly  treasurer  of  Antiochus  Kpiphanes, 
who  obtained  the  recognition  of  his  title  at  Home 
by  scandalous  intrigues  (Polyb.  xxxiii.  14,  16) 
After  landing  at  Ptolemais  (1  Wacc.  x.  1)  Alexan- 
der gained  the  warm  support  of  .Jonathan,  who  waa 
now  the  ieiuler  of  the  Jews  (1  Mace.  ix.  73);  and 
though  his  first  efforts  were  unsuccessful  (Just. 
xxxv.  1,  10),  in  150  b.  c.  he  completely  routed  the 
forces  of  Demetrius,  who  himself  fell  in  the  retreat 
(1  Mace.  X.  48-50;  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  2,  4;  Str. 
xvi.  p.  751).  After  this  Alexander  married  Cleo- 
patra, the  daughter  of  Ptolemseus  VI.  Philometor; 
and  in  the  arrangement  of  his  kingdom  apiwinted 
Jonathan  governor  (/xepiSdpxris;  1  Mace.  x.  65) 
of  a  province  (Judaea:  cf.  1  J\lacc.  xi.  57).     But  his 


There  may  be  also  some  allusion  iu  the  word  t» 
the  legend  of  Caranus,  the  founder  of  th3  Argiv^ 
dynasty  in  Macedonia,  who  was  guided  to  victory  by 
"  a  Hook  of  goats  "  (J-ictin.  i.  7). 


C2 


ALEXANDER 


triumph  was  of  short  duration.  After  obtaining 
power  he  gave  himself  up  to  a  life  of  indulgence 
(Liv.  Kp.  50;  of.  Athen.  v.  211);  and  when  Deme- 
trius Nicator,  the  son  of  Demetrius  Soter,  landed 
in  Syria  in  147  n.  <\,  the  new  pretender  found 
|X)werful  supjwrt  (I  Mace.  x.  07  ff.)-  At  first  Jon- 
athan defeated  and  slew  ApoUonius  the  governor 
of  Coele-Syria.  who  had  joined  the  party  of  Deme- 
trius, for  which  exploit  he  received  fresh  favors 
from  Alexander  (1  Mace.  x.  69-89);  but  shortly 
afterwards  (u.  c.  140)  Ptolemy  entered  Syria  with 
a  large  force,  and  aftt-r  he  had  jilaced  garrisons  in 
the  chief  cities  on  the  coast,  which  received  him 
according  to  the  commands  of  Alexander,  suddenly 
pronounced  himself  in  favor  of  Demetrius  (1  Mace. 
xi.  1-11 ;  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  4,  5  ff.),  alleging,  prob- 
ably with  truth,  the  existence  of  a  conspiracy 
against  his  life  (Joseph.  1.  c.  cf.  Diod.  ap.  Muller. 
Frdtpii.  ii.  IG).  Alexander,  who  had  been  forced 
to  leave  Antioch  (Joseph.  1.  c. ),  was  in  Cilicia  when 
he  heard  of  Ptolemy's  defection  (1  Mace.  xi.  14). 
lie  hastened  to  meet  hiin,  but  waa  defeated  (1 
Mace.  xi.  15;  Just.  xxxv.  2),  and  fled  to  Abae  in 
Arabia  (Diod.  1.  c),  whore  he  was  murdered  b.  c. 
140  (Diod.  1.  c;  1  Mace.  xi.  17  differs  as  to  the 
manner;  and  Euseb.  Chron.  Arm.  i.  349  represents 
him  to  have  been  slain  in  the  battle).  The  narra- 
tive in  1  Marc,  and  Josephus  shows  clearly  the 
partiality  which  the  Jews  entertained  for  Alexan- 
der "  as  the  first  that  entreated  of  true  peace  with 
them  "  (1  Mace.  x.  47);  and  the  same  feehng  was 
exhibited  aller%vards  in  the  zeal  with  which  they 
supported  the  claims  of  his  son  Antiochus.  [An- 
TiocHUs  VI.]  B.  F.  W. 


Tetradrachm  (Ptolemaic  talent)  of  Alexander  Balas. 

Obv.  Bust  of  King  to  right.  Rev.  BASIAEOS  AA- 
EHANAPOY.  Eagle,  upon  rudder,  to  left,  anil 
palm-branch.  In  field,  the  monogram  and  symbol 
of  Tyre  ;  date  THP  (163  iEr.  iSeleucid),  &c. 

ALEXANTJER  ('AX«|o.'8pos),  in  N.  T.  1. 
Son  of  Smion  the  Cyrenian,  who  was  compelled  to 
bear  the  cross  for  our  Ixird  (Mark  xv.  21).  From 
the  manner  in  which  he  is  there  mentioned,  to- 
gether with  his  brother  Kufus,  they  were  probably 
persons  well  known  in  the  early  Christian  church. 
[Com p.  Kom.  xvi.  1.3.] 

2.  One  of  the  kindred  of  Annas  the  high-priest 
(Acts  iv.  0),  apparently  in  some  high  office,  as  he 
is  among  three  who  are  mentioned  by  name.  Some 
suppose  him  identical  with  Alexander  the  Alabarch 
at  Alexandria,  the  brother  of  Philo  Judaeus,  men- 
tioned by  Josephus  (Anl.  xviii.  8,  §  1,  xix.  5,  §  1) 
in  the  latter  passage  as  a  <f>l\os  ipxt^ios  of  the 
Emperor  Claudius:  so  that  the  time  is  not  incon- 
sistent witli  such  an  idea. 


a  The  Alexandrine  corn-vessels  (Acts  xxtU.  6, 
xzriii.  11)  were  large  (Acts  xxvii.  37)  and  handsome 
(Luc.  Navig.  p.  668.,  ed  Bened.) ;  and  even  Vespasian 
made  a  voyage  in  one  (Joseph.  B.  J.  tu.  2).  They 
(ener&lly  sailed  direct  to  Puteoli  (Diccearchia,  Strab. 


ALEXANDRIA 

3.  A  Jew  at  Ephesus,  whom  his  countrymen  put 
forward  during  the  tumult  raised  by  Demetrius  the 
silversmith  (Acts  xix.  33),  to  plead  their  cause  with 
the  mob,  as  being  unconnected  with  the  attempt  t< 
overthrow  the  worship  of  Artemis.  Or  he  may 
have  been,  as  imagined  by  Calrin  and  others,  a 
Jewish  convert  to  Christianity,  whom  the  Jews 
were  willing  to  expose  as  a  victim  to  the  frenzy  of 
the  mob. 

4.  An  Ephesian  Christian,  reprobated  by  St. 
Paul  in  1  Tim.  i.  20,  as  having,  together  with  one 
Ilj-menseus,  put  from  him  faith  and  a  good  con- 
science, and  so  made  shipwreck  concerning  the 
faith.     This  may  be  the  same  with 

5.  Ale.\andek  the  cojipersmith  (AA.  6  X'*^" 
Kfi/y),  mentioned  by  the  same  apostle,  2  Tim.  iv. 
14,  as  having  done  him  many  mischiefs.  It  is 
quite  uncertain  where  this  person  resided ;  but  from 
the  caution  to  Timotheus  to  beware  of  him,  prob- 
ably at  Ephesus.  H.  A. 

ALEXAN'DRIA  [Gr.  -dri'a]  (^  'Wtiiv 
Sofia,  3  Mace.  iii.  1 ;  Mod.,  EUIskendereeyth ; 
Ethn.,  ' h\i^avSpevs,  3  Mace.  ii.  30,  iii.  21;  Acts 
xviii.  24,  ri.  9),  the  Hellenic  Komati  and  Christian 
capital  of  Egypt,  was  founded  by  Alexander  the 
Great  n.  c.  332,  who  traced  himself  the  ground- 
plan  of  the  city  which  he  designed  to  niake  the 
metropolis  of  his  western  empire  (Plut.  Alex.  20). 
The  work  thus  begun  was  continued  after  the  death 
of  Alexander  by  the  Ptolemies;  and  the  beauty 
(Athen.  i.  p.  3)  of  Alexandria  became  pix)verbial. 
Every  natural  advantage  contributed  to  its  prosper- 
ity. The  cUmate  and  site  were  singularly  healthy 
(Strab.  p.  793).  'J'he  harbors  fonned  by  the  island 
of  Phai"os  and  the  headland  Lochias,  were  safe  and 
conmiodious,  alike  for  commerce  and  for  war;  and 
the  lake  Mareotis  was  an  inland  haven  for  the  mer- 
chandise of  Egypt  and  India  (Strab.  p.  798).  Un- 
der the  despotism  of  tlie  later  Ptolemies  the  trade 
of  Alexandria  declined,  but  its  population  (300,000 
freemen,  Diod.  xvii.  52:  the  free  population  of  At- 
tica was  about  130,000)  and  wealth  (Strab.  p.  798) 
were  enormous.  After  the  victory  of  Augustus  it 
suffered  for  its  attachment  to  the  cause  of  Antony 
(Strab.  p.  792);  but  its  importance  as  one  of  the 
chief  corn-ports  of  Rome  "  secured  for  it  the  gen- 
eral favor  of  the  first  emperors.  In  later  times  tlie 
seditious  tumults  for  which  the  Alexandrians  had 
always  been  notorious,  desolated  the  city  (.v.  d. 
200  ff".  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall,  c.  x.),  and  relig- 
ious feuds  aggravated  the  popular  distress  (Dionj's. 
Alex.  Ep.  iii.,  xii. ;  Euseb.  //.  E.,  vi.  41  ff'.;  vii. 
22).  Yet  even  thus,  though  Alexandria  suffered 
greatly  from  constant  dissensions  and  the  weakness 
of  tlie  Byzantine  court,  tlie  splendor  of  "  the  great 
city  of  the  West"  amazed  Amrou,  its  Arab  con- 
queror (a.  d.  040;  Gibbon,  c.  Ii.);  and  after  cen- 
turies of  Mohammedan  misrule  it  promises  once 
again  to  justify  the  wisdom  of  its  founder  (Strab. 
xvii.  pp.  791-9;  Frag.  ap.  Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  7,  2; 
Plut.  Altx.  26;  Arr.  iii.  1;  Joseph.  B.  J.  iv.  5. 
Comp.  Alexandek  the  Great.) 

The  population  of  Alexandria  was  mixed  from 
the  first  (comp.  Cmt.  iv.  8,  5);  and  this  fact  fonned 
the  groundwork  of  the  Alexandrine  character. 
The  three  regions  into  which  the  city  was  divided 
{Regio  JudcKmtm,    Bi-ucheium,  Rhacotis)  corre- 


p.  793) ;  Senec.  Ep.  77,  1 ;  cf.  Suet.  Aug.  93,  AcU 
xxviii.  13) ;  but,  from  stress  of  weather,  often  sailei 
under  the  Asiatic  coast  (Acts  xxvii. ;  cf.  Luc  1.  c.  p 
670  f. ;  Smith,  Voyage  of  St.  Paul,  pp  70  «.' 


ALEXANDRIA 

iponded  to  the  three  chief  classes  of  its  inhabitants, 
Jews,  Greeks,  Egyptians ; "  but  in  addition  to  these 
principal  races,  representatives  of  almost  every  na- 
tion were  found  there  (Dion  Chrys.  Orat.  xxiii.)- 
According  to  Josephus,  Alexander  himself  assigned 
to  the  Jews  a  place  in  his  new  city ;  "  and  they  ob- 
tained," he  adds,  "equal  privileges  with  the  Mace- 
donians" (c.  Ap.  ii.  4)  hi  consideration  "of  their 
services  against  the  Egyptians  "  {/J.  J.  ii.  18,  7). 
Ptolemy  I.  imitated  the  policy  of  Alexander,  and, 
after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  he  removed  a  con- 
siderable number  of  its  citizens  to  Alexandria. 
Many  othei-s  followed  of  their  own  accord ;  and  all 
received  the  full  Macedonian  franchise  (Joseph.  Ant. 
xli.  1 ;  cf.  c.  Ap.  i.  22),  as  men  of  known  and 
tried  fidehty  (Joseph,  c.  Ap.  ii.  4).  Already  on  a 
former  occasion  the  Jews  had  sought  a  home  in  the 
land  of  their  bondage.  More  than  two  centuries 
and  a  half  before  the  foundation  of  Alexandria  a 
large  body  of  them  had  taken  refuge  in  Egypt, 
after  the  murder  of  Gedaliah;  but  these,  after  a 
general  apostasy,  were  carried  captive  to  Babylon 
by  Nebuchadnezzar  (2  K.  xxv.  26;  Jer.  xliv.;  Jo- 
seph. Ant.  X.  9,  7). 

The  fate  of  the  later  colony  was  far  different. 
The  numbers  and  importance  of  the  Egyptian  Jews 
were  rapidly  increased  under  the  Ptolemies  by  fresh 
immigrations  and  untiring  industry.  Philo  esti- 
mates them  in  his  time  at  little  less  than  1,000,000 
(/n  FLicc.  §  G,  p.  071);  and  adds  that  two  of  the 
five  districts  of  Alexandria  were  called  "  Jewish  dis- 
tricts; "  and  that  many  Jews  lived  scattered  in  the 
remaining  three  {id.  §  8,  p.  973).  JuUus  Ciesar 
(Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  10,  §  1)  and  Augustus  confirmed 
to  them  the  privileges  which  they  had  enjoyed  before, 
and  they  retained  them  with  various  inten-uptions, 
of  which  tlie  most  important,  \.  «.  39,  is  described 
by  PhUo  (/.  c),  duruig  the  tumults  and  persecu- 
tions of  later  reigns  (Joseph,  c.  Ap.  ii.  4;  B.  J. 
xii.  3,  2).  They  were  represented,  at  least  for 
some  time  (from  the  time  of  Cleopatra  to  the 
reign  of  Claudius;  Jost,  Gesch.  d.  Judenth.  i.  353) 
by  then-  own  officer  {iQvd.px']^,  Strab.  ap.  Joseph. 
Ant.  xiv.  7,  2;  aKa^dpxvs,  Joseph.  Ant.  xviii.  7, 
3;  9,  1;.  xix.  5,  1;  cf.  Kup.  ad  Juv.  Sat.  i.  130; 
yevdpxv^t  Philo,  In  Flncc.  §  10,  p.  975),  and  Au- 
gustus appointed  a  council  (yepovala,  i.  e.  Sanhe- 
drin:  Philo  /.  c.)  "to  superintend  the  affairs  of  the 
Jews,"  according  to  their  own  laws.  The  estab- 
lishment of  Christianity  altered  the  civil  position 
of  the  .lews,  but  they  maintained  their  relative 
prosperity;  and  when  Alexandria  was  taken  by 
Amrou  40,000  tributary  Jews  were  reckoned  among 
the  marvels  of  the  city  (Gibbon,  cli.). 

For  some  time  the  Jewish  Church  in  Alexandria 
was  in  close  dependence  on  that  of  Jerusalem. 
Both  were  subject  to  the  civil  jwwer  of  the  first 
Ptolemies,  and  both  acknowledged  the  high-priest 
as  their  religious  head.  The  persecution  of  Ptol- 
pmy  Philjpator  (217  b.  c.)  occasioned  the  first 
[wlitical  separation  between  the  two  bodies.  From 
that  time  the  Jews  of  PiUestine  attached  themselves 
to  the  fortunes  of  Syria  [Antiociius  the  Great] ; 
and  the  same  pohcy  which  ahenated  the  Palestin- 
ian party  gave  unity  and  decision  to  the  Jews  of 
Alexandria.  The  Septuagint  translation  which 
itrengthened  the  barrier  of  language  between  Pal- 


o  Polybius  (xxxiv.  14' ;  ap.  Strab.  p.  797)  speaks  of 
he  population  as  consisting  of  "  three  races  (rpi'a  yt'io)). 


ALEXANDRIA  68 

estine  and  Egypt,  and  the  temple  at  Leontopolia 
(IGl  B.  c.)  which  subjected  the  Egyptian  Jews  to 
the  charge  of  schism,  widened  the  breach  whicl 
was  thus  opened.  But  the  division,  though  marked, 
was  not  complete.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Chris- 
tian era  the  Egyptian  Jews  still  paid  the  contribu- 
tions to  the  temple-service  (Raphall,  Hist,  of  .Jews, 
ii.  72).  Jerusalem,  though  its  name  was  fashioned 
to  a  Greek  shape,  was  still  the  Holy  City,  the  me- 
tropolis not  of  a  country  but  of  a  people  {'\tp6iro- 
\ts,  Philo,  In  Flacc.  §  7;  Leg.  ad  Cai.  §  30),  and 
the  Alexandrians  had  a  synagogue  there  (Acts  vi. 
9).  The  internal  administration  of  the  Alexan- 
drme  Church  was  independent  of  the  Sanhedrim  at 
Jerusalem ;  but  respect  survived  submissioa. 

There  were,  however,  other  causes  which  tended 
to  produce  at  Alexandria  a  distinct  form  of  the 
Jewish  character  and  faith.  The  religion  and  phi- 
losophy of  that  restless  city  produced  an  effect  upon 
the  people  more  powerful  than  the  influence  of  [wl- 
itics  or  commerce.  Alexander  himself  sjinbolized 
the  spirit  with  which  he  wished  to  animate  his  new 
capital  by  founding  a  temple  of  Isis  side  by  side 
with  the  temples  of  the  Grecian  gods  ( Arr.  iii.  1 ). 
The  creeds  of  the  East  and  West  were  to  coiixist  in 
friendly  union ;  and  in  after-times  the  niixetl  wor- 
ship of  Serapis  (conip.  Gibbon,  c.  xxviii.;  Diet,  of 
(Jcof/r.  i.  p.  98)  was  chai-acteristic  of  the  Greek 
kingdom  of  Egypt  (August.  De  Civ.  Dei,  xviii.  5; 
S.  mciximus  yj'jfjyptioniin  Detis).  This  catholicity 
of  worship  w;is  further  combined  with  the  spread  of 
universal  learning.  The  same  monarchs  who  fa- 
vored the  worship  of  Serapis  (Clem.  AI.  Protr.  iv. 
§  48)  founded  and  embellished  the  Museum  and 
I.ibniry;  and  part  of  the  Library  was  deposited  i» 
tlie  Serapeum.  The  new  faith  and  the  new  hterar 
ture  led  to  a  common  issue ;  and  the  Egyptian  Jew* 
necessarily  imbibed  the  spirit  which  prevailed 
around  them. 

The  Jews  were,  indeed,  peculiarly  susceptible  of 
the  influences  to  which  they  were  exposed.  They 
presented  from  the  first  a  capacity  for  Eastern  or 
\Vestern  development.  To  the  faith  and  conserva- 
tism of  the  Oriental  they  united  the  activity  and 
energy  of  the  Greek.  The  mere  presence  of  Hel- 
lenic culture  could  not  fail  to  call  into  play  their 
lowers  of  speculation,  which  were  hardly  repressed 
by  the  traditional  legalism  of  Palestine  (comp. 
Jost,  Gesch.  d.  Judenth.  i.  233  ff );  and  the  un- 
changing element  of  divine  revelati<m  which  they 
always  retained,  enabled  them  to  harmonize  new 
thought  with  old  belief.  But  while  the  intercourse 
of  the  Jew  and  Greek  would  have  protluced  the 
same  general  consequences  in  any  case,  Alexandria 
was  peculiarly  adapted  to  insure  their  fuU  effect. 
The  result  of  the  contact  of  Judaism  with  the 
many  creeds  which  were  current  there  must  have 
been  speedy  and  powerful.  The  earUest  Greek 
fragment  of  Jewish  writhig  which  has  been  pre- 
8er\-ed  (about  160  B.C.)  [Aristobulus]  contains 
large  Orphic  quotations,  which  had  been  already 
moulded  into  a  Jewish  form  (comp.  Jost,  Gesch.  d. 
Judenth.  i.  370'*;  and  the  attempt  thus  made  to 
connect  the  mos*  ancient  Hellenic  traditions  with 
the  LaT  was  often  repeated  afterwards.  Nor  was 
this  done  in  the  spirit  of  bold  forgery.  Orpheus, 
Musaeus,  and  the  Sibyls  appeared  to  stand,  in  some 

receive  the  title  of  "mercenaries,"  firom  the  serric* 
which  they  originally  rendered  to  Alexander  (.Joseph. 


he  native  Egyptian  .  .  .  the  mercenary  .  .  .  and  the '  B.  J.  ii.  18,  7)  and  the  first  Ptolemies  f Joseph,  e.  Ap 
ilexandrine       .  of  Greek  descent."     The  Jews  might  |  ii.  4). 


64 


ALEXANDRIA 


remote  jxiriod  anterior  to  the  corruptions  of  poly- 
theism, as  the  witnesses  of  a  primeval  revelation 
and  of  the  teaching  of  nature,  and  thus  it  seemed 
excusable  to  attribute  to  them  a  knowledjje  of  the 
Mosaic  doctrines.  The  third  Ixwk  of  the  Sibyllines 
(c.  B.  C.  150)  is  the  most  valuable  nlic  of  this 
pseudo-Hellenic  literature,  and  shows  how  far  the 
conception  of  Judaism  wsis  enlarged  to  meet  the 
wider  view  of  the  religious  condition  of  heathen- 
dom which  was  opened  by  a  more  intimate  knowl- 
edge of  Greek  thought;  though  tlie  later  Apoca- 
lypse of  llzra  [IvsuiSAs  ii.]  exhibits  a  marked 
reaction  towards  the  extren)e  excu..iiveness  of  fonner 
limes. 

But  tlie  indirect  influence  of  Greek  literature  and 
philosophy  produced  still  greater  efiects  ufx>n  the 
Alexandrine  Jews  than  the  ojien  conflict  and  com- 
buiation  of  religious  dograxs.  The  literary  school 
of  Alexandria  was  essentially  critical  and  not  cre- 
ative. I'or  the  first  time  men  labored  to  collect, 
rense,  and  classify  all  the  records  of  the  past. 
Poets  trusted  to  their  learning  rather  than  to  their 
imagination.  Language  became  a  study ;  and  the 
legends  of  early  mythology  are  transfoniied  into 
pliilosophic  mysteries.  The  Jews  took  a  vigorous 
share  in  these  new  studies.  The  caution  against 
writing,  which  became  a  settletl  law  in  Palestine, 
found  no  favor  in  I'^ypt.  Numerous  authors 
adapted  the  history  of  tlie  Patriarchs,  of  Moses, 
and  of  the  Kings,  to  classical  models  (Euseb.  I'rcep. 
Ev.  ix.  17-39)  [as]  Eupolemus,  Artapanus  (?  ),  De- 
metrius, Aristteus,  C'leodenms  or  IMalchas,  "  a 
prophet."  A  poem  which  bears  the  name  of 
Phocylides,  gives  in  verse  various  precepts  of  Le- 
viticus {Dinid  sec.  LXX.  Apulor/.  p.  512  f.  Komw, 
1772) ;  and  several  large  fragments  of  a  "  tragedy  " 
in  which  Iv.ekiel  (c.  n.  c.  110)  dramatized  the  Ex- 
odus, have  been  preserved  by  Eusebius  (/.  c),  who 
also  quotes  numerous  passages  in  heroic  verse  from 
the  elder  Philo  and  Thajdotus.  This  classicalism 
of  style  was  a  symptom  and  a  cause  of  classicalism 
of  thought.  The  same  Aristobulus  who  gave  cur- 
rency to  the  Juda-o-Orphic  verses,  endeavored  to 
show  that  the  Pentateuch  was  the  real  source  of 
Greek  philosophy  (Euseb.  Prcep.  J^'v.  xiii.  12;  Clem. 
Al.  Strum,  vi.  1)8). 

The  proposition  thus  enunciated  was  thoroughly 
congenial  to  the  Alexandrme  character;  and  hence- 
forth it  was  the  chief  object  of  .Jewish  speculation 
to  trace  out  the  subtle  analogies  which  were  sup- 
posed tx)  exist  between  the  writings  of  Moses  and 
the  teaching  of  the  schools.  The  circumstances 
under  which  philosophical  studies  first  gained  a 
footing  at  Alexandria  favored  the  attempt.  Eor 
gome  time  the  practical  sciences  reigned  supreme; 
and  the  issue  of  these  was  skepticism  (flatter,  /Hs/. 
tie  tiZcole  dAlex.  iii.  162  If.).  Then  at  length 
the  clear  analysis  and  practical  morality  of  the 
Peripatetics  found  ready  followers;  and  in  the 
strength  of  the  reaction  men  eagerly  trusted  to 
those  splendid  ventures  w'ith  which  Plato  taught 
tliem  to  be  content  fill  they  could  gain  a  surer 
knowle<lge  (P/iced.  p.  85).  To  the  Jew  this  surer 
knowledge  seemed  to  Ije  already  given ;  and  the  be- 
lief in  the  existence  of  a  spiritual  meaning  under- 
'ying  the  letter  of  Scrijjture  was  the  great  principle 
m  which  all  his  investigations  rested.  The  facts 
yere  supposed  to  be  essentially  symbolic :  tlie  lan- 
guage the  veil  (or  sometimes  the  mask)  which 
partly  disguised  from  common  sight  the  truths 
which  it  enwrapped.  In  this  way  a  twofold  object 
iraa  gained.     It  became  jwssible  to  withdraw  the 


ALEXANDRIA 

Supreme  Being  (rb  uv,  6  iiiv)  from  immediate  cod 
tact  with  the  material  world ;  and  to  apply  the  nar 
ratives  of  the  Bible  to  the  phenomena  of  the  soul 
It  is  impo.-sible  to  determuie  the  process  by  whick 
these  results  were  embodied;  but,  as  in  parallel 
cases,  they  seem  to  have  been  shaped  gradually  in 
the  minds  of  the  mass,  and  not  fashioned  at  once 
by  one  great  teacher.  Even  in  the  LXX.  there 
are  traces  of  an  endeavor  to  interpret  the  anthro- 
pomorphic imagery  of  the  Hebrew  text  [Sepi  ua- 
«.;int]  ;  and  there  can  I*  no  doubt  that  the  Com- 
mentaries of  Aristobulus  gave  some  form  and 
consistency  to  the  allegoric  system.  In  the  time 
of  Philo  (k.  c.  20  —  A.  I).  50)  the  theological  and 
interpretative  systems  were  evidently  fixed,  even  in 
many  of  their  details,  and  he  apj)e;ir8  in  both  cases 
only  to  have  collected  and  expressed  the  popular 
opinions  of  his  countrymen. 

In  each  of  these  great  forms  of  speculation  —  th3 
theological  and  the  exegctical  —  Alexandrianism  has 
an  imix)rtant  beaiing  upon  the  Aj)o.stoUc  writings. 
But  the  doctrines  which  are  characteristic  of  the 
Alexandrine  school  were  by  no  meJms  peculiar  to 
it.  The  same  causes  which  led  to  the  formation  of 
wider  views  of  Judaism  in  I'^gypt,  acting  undei 
greater  restraint,  produced  corresixjnduig  results  in 
Palestine.  A  doctrine  of  the  Word  (Memra),  and 
a  system  of  mystical  interpretation  grew  up  withm 
the  Rabbinic  schools,  which  bear  a  closer  analogy 
to  the  language  of  St.  John  and  to  the  "allegories" 
of  St.  Paul  than  the  specuLitions  of  Philo. 

But  while  the  imjwrtance  of  this  Habbinic  ele- 
ment in  connection  with  the  exjtri:ssian  of  Apostolic 
truth  is  often  overlooked,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  tlie  Alexandrine  teaching  was  more  powerfiU 
in  furthering  its  rectpilmi.  Yet  even  when  the 
function  of  Alexandrianism  with  regard  to  Chris- 
tianity is  thus  limited,  it  is  needful  to  avoid  exag- 
geration. The  preparation  which  it  made  was  indi- 
rect and  not  inmiediate.  Philo's  doctruie  of  the 
^^'ord  (Ix)gos)  led  men  to  accept  the  teaching  of 
St.  John,  but  not  to  anticipate  it;  just  as  his 
method  of  allegorizing  fitted  them  to  enter  into  the 
arguments  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  though 
they  cuuld  not  have  foreseen  their  application. 

The  fii'st  thing,  uideed,  which  must  strike  the 
reader  of  Philo  in  relation  to  St.  John,  is  the  sim- 
ilarity of  phrase  without  a  similarity  of  idea.  His 
treatment  of  tlie  Ixigos  is  vague  and  inconsistent. 
He  argues  about  the  term  and  not  about  the  real- 
ity, and  seems  to  delight  hi  the  ambiguity  which  it 
invohes.  At  one  time  he  represents  the  lx)gos  a» 
the  reason  of  God  in  which  the  archetjiial  ideas  of 
things  exist  {\6yos  ivSidderos),  at  another  time  as 
the  \\'ord  of  God  by  which  he  makes  himself  know^l 
to  the  outward  world  (\6yos  ■irpo<f>opiK6s) ;  but  he 
nowhere  realizes  the  notion  of  One  who  is  at  once 
Kevealer  and  the  h'evelation,  which  is  the  essence 
of  St.  John's  teaching.  The  idea  of  the  active 
Ixigos  is  suggested  to  liini  by  the  necessity  of  with- 
drawing the  Infinite  from  the  finite,  God /rum  man, 
and  not  by  the  desire  to  bring  God  to  man.  Not 
only  is  it  impossible  to  conceive  that  Philo  could 
have  written  as  St.  John  WTites,  but  even  to  sup- 
pose that  he  could  have  admitted  the  possibility  of 
tlie  Incarnation  of  the  I^gos,  or  of  the  personal 
unity  of  the  Logos  and  the  Messiiili.  But  while 
it  is  right  to  state  in  its  full  breadth  the  opposition 
between  the  teaching  of  Philo  and  St.  John,"  it  it 


«  The  closest  analogy  to  the  teaching  of  I'hilo  on 
tbe  Logos  occurs  iu  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  whlcl 


ALEXANDRIA 

impossible  not  to  feel  the  imjxjrtant  office  which 
the  mystic  tlieosophy,  of  wliicli  I'hilo  is  the  repre- 
sentative, fulfiUed  ill  iirepariiij;  lor  tiie  ajjpreliension 
of  the  higliest  Christian  trutli.  Witliout  any  dis- 
tinct conception  o4'  the  persf  nality  of  tiie  Logos,  the 
tendency  of  Pliilo's  writings  was  to  lead  men  to 
regard  tlie  Logos,  at  le;ist  in  some  of  the  senses  of 
the  term,  as  a  person ;  and  while  he  maintained 
with  devout  earnestness  the  indivisibility  of  the  di- 
vine nature,  he  descril)ed  the  Logos  as  divine.  In 
vhis  manner,  liowever  unconsciously,  he  prepared 
the  way  tor  the  recognition  of  a  twofold  personality 
in  the  (iodhead,  and  ])erlbrmed  a  work  without 
which  it  may  well  appear  that  the  language  of 
Christianity  would  have  been  unintelligible  (corap. 
Domer,  Die  Lehre  von  dtr  I'enmii  Christi,  i.  2^ 
tf.)- 

The  aljegoric  method  stands  in  the  same  relation 
to  the  spiritual  interjjretation  of  Scripture  as  the 
mystic  doctrine  of  the  Word  to  the  teaching  of  St. 
John.  It  was  a  preparation  and  not  an  anticipation 
of  it.  Unless  men  had  been  liimiliarized  in  some 
such  way  with  the  existence  of  an  inner  meaning  in 
tlie  Law  and  tlie  I'l-ojdiets,  it  is  ditficult  to  under- 
stand how  an  Apollos  -'mighty  in  the  Scriptures" 
(Acts  x\iii.  24-28)  could  have  convinced  many,  or 
how  the  infant  t^hurch  could  have  seen  ahnost  un- 
moved the  rituid  of  the  Old  Covenant  swept  away, 
strong  in  the  conscious  ])Ossession  of  its  spiritual 
antitypes.  Hut  tliat  which  is  found  in  I'liilo  in 
isolated  fragments  combines  in  tlie  New  Testament 
to  form  one  great  wliole.  In  tiie  former  the  truth 
is  affirmed  ui  casual  details,  in  the  latter  it  is  laid 
down  in  its  broad  pruiciplos  whicli  admit  of  infinite 
application ;  and  a  comparison  of  patristic  inter- 
pretations with  those  of  I'liilo  will  show  how  pow- 
erful an  indueiice  the  Apostolic  example  exercised 
in  curbing  the  im;igination  of  later  writers.  Nor 
is  this  all.  While  I'hilo  regarded  that  which  was 
positive  in  Judaism  as  the  mere  symbol  of  abstract 
truths,  in  the  Kpistle  to  the  Hebrews  it  appears  as 
the  shadow  of  blessings  realizetl  (Ilebr.  ix.  11,  yevo- 
fifvuv  [so  Lachm.] )  in  the  presence  of  a  personal 
Saviour.  History  in  the  one  case  is  the  enunciation 
of  a  riddle,  in  the  other  it  is  the  record  of  a  life. 

Tlie  speculative  doctrines  which  thus  worked  for 
the  general  reception  of  Christian  doctrine  were  also 
embodied  in  a  form  of  society  wiiich  was  afterwards 
transfen-ed  to  the  Christian  C'hurch.  Numerous 
bodies  of  ascetics  ( Tlieni/ieiiUe),  especially  on  the 
borders  of  Lake  Mareotis,  devoted  themselves  to  a 
life  of  ceaseless  discipline  and  study.  Unlike  the 
I'^ssenes,  who  present  the  corresponding  phase  in 
Palestinian  life,  they  abjured  society  and  labor,  and 
often  forgot,  as  it  is  said,  the  simplest  wants  of  na- 
ture in  the  contemplation  of  the  hidden  wisdom  of 
the  Scriptures  (I'hilo,  De  lit.  Contempl.  through- 
out). The  description  which  Philo  gives  of  their 
occupation  and  character  seen.^d  to  Eusebius  to 
present  so  clear  an  image  of  L'hristian  virtues  that 
he  claimed  them  as  Christians ;  and  there  can  be 
uo  doubt  that  sonie  of  the  forms  of  monasticism 
were  shaiied  upon  the  model  of  the  Therapeutae 
(Kuseb.  //.  /•;.  ii.  10). 

According  to  tlie  common  legend  (Euseb.  /.  c.) 
St.  Mai  k  first  "  preached  the  ( Jospel  in  Egypt,  and 
founded  the  first  Church  ui  Alexandria."  At  the 
beginning  of  the  second  century  ttit  number  of 


is  throughout  Hellenistic  rather  than  Rabbinic.    Com- 
pare  Ileb.  iv.  12  with  I'hilo,  Qais  rerum  div.  /ueres, 

6 


ALGUM  65 

Christians  at  Alexandria  must  have  been  very  larga 
and  the  great  leaders  of  (inosticism  who  arose  there 
(Hasilides,  Valentinus)  exhibit  an  exaggeration  of 
the  tendency  of  the  (Jliurch.  lint  the  later  forms 
of  Alexandrhie  speculation,  the  strange  varieties  of 
Gnosticism,  the  progress  of  the  catechetical  school, 
the  development  of  Neo-l'latonism,  the  various 
phases  of  the  Arian  controversy,  belong  to  the 
history  of  the  Church  and  to  tlie  history  of  philos- 
ophy. To  the  last  Alexandria  fulfilled  its  mis- 
sion; and  we  still  owe  much  to  the  spirit  of  its 
great  teachers,  whicli  in  later  ages  struggled,  not 
without  success,  against  the  sterner  systems  of  the 
West. 

The  following  works  emljody  what  is  valuable  in 
the  earlier  Uterature  on  the  subject,  with  copious 
references  to  it:  flatter,  UiMoire  dc  t J-.'cule  d' 
Altxnndrie,  2d  ed.,  Paris,  1840.  Diihiie,  A.  F 
Gcscliichdichc  J):irsttlUin(/  dv r  j iidhch-tdtx:iiulnn 
ischen  Iii-li(/iuiujJi!l,uso/>/ne,  Halle,  18-J4.  Gfnirer, 
A.  F.,  I'hilo,  Will  die  jiidiich-fili-ximdriimdie  T/ie- 
osophie,  Stuttgart,  IS^Jo.  To  these  may  be  added, 
Ewald,  H.,  Gesch.  dvs  Vol/ctx  Israel,  Gi.ttiiigen, 
1852,  iv.  250  ffi,  393  ff.  Jost,  J.  M.,  Uesch.  dee 
Judfiilhums,  Ixipzig,  1857,  i.  344  tt'.,  388  tf.  No- 
ander,  A.,  Uislonj  of  Christian  Church,  i.  06  ff., 
Eng.  Tr.  1847  [i.  49  tf.,  Anier.  ea.].  Prof.  Jowett, 
Philo  and  St.  Paul.  ISt.  Paul's  Epistles  to  the.  Thes- 
snkmians,  ij-c,  London,  1855,  i.  303  tf.  [X'acherot 
/list,  crit.' de  tL'cole  d' Alcxarulrlt,  3  vol.,  Paris 
1840-51.]  And  for  the  later  Christian  history: 
Guerike,  H.  F.,  Ih-  Schold  Alexand>-ind  Calechet- 
icd,  Ilaiis,  1824-25.«  IJ.  F.  W. 

ALEXAN'DRIANS,  THE  {ol  'A\e^ay- 
Spe(s).  1.  'I'iie  (Jreek  inhabitants  of  Alexandria 
(3  Mace.  ii.  30,  iii.  21). 

2.  (Alexandriiii.)  The  Jewish  colonists  of  that 
city,  who  were  admitted  to  the  privileges  of  citizen - 
sh){),  and  had  a  synagogue  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  vi.  9). 
[Ai.i;xAxi>itiA,  p.  63  ((.]  W.  A.  W. 

ALGUM  or  ALMUG  TREES  (CJ^^^W, 

altjtimmim ;  C'SP  :  S,  idmiif/f/im  :  |uAa  oireAe- 
/crjra,  Alex.,  |.  iTtKeK-r)Ta,  Vat.,  in  1  K.  x.  11, 12; 
|.  irfvKiva'  li'jnii  ihyin-i,  liynn  pined).  There 
can  be  no  question  that  these  wonls  are  identical, 
although,  accorduig  to  Celsius  {/Hero/),  i.  173), 
some  doubted  it.  The  same  author  enumerates  no 
fewer  than  fifteen  different  trees,  each  one  of  which 
has  been  supposed  to  have  a  claim  to  represent  the 
alf/um  or  alnuig-iree  of  Scripture.  Mention  of  the 
alnmg  is  made  in  1  Iv.  x.  11,  12,  2  Chr.  ix.  10, 11, 
as  having  been  brought  in  great  plenty  from  Ophir, 
together  with  gold  and  precious  stones,  by  the  fleet 
of  Hiram,  for  Solomon's  Temple  and  house,  and  for 
the  construction  of  musical  instruments.  "  The 
king  made  of  the  almug-trees  pillars  for  the  house 
of  the  Lord,  and  for  the  king's  house,  harps  also 
and  psalteries  for  singers;  there  came  no  such 
almug-trees,  nor  were  seen  unto  this  day."  In  2 
Chr.  ii.  8,  Solomon  is  re|)resented  as  desiring  Hiram 
to  send  him  "  cedar-trees,  fir-trees,  and  algum-trees 
(marg.  almuf/f/im)  out  of  Lebanon."  From  the 
passage  in  Kings,  it  seems  clear  almug-trees  came 
from  Ophir;  and  as  it  is  improt)al)le  that  Lebanon 
should  also  have  be*n  a  locality  for  tbem,  the  pas- 
sage which  ap[)ears  to  ascribe  the  growth  of  the 


o  Alexandria  occurs  in  the  Vulijate  by  an  error  fol 
No-Ammon  [No-Ammon],  Jer.  xlri.  25 ;  Uz.  xitx.  14 
L5,  i6 ;  Nab.  iu.  8. 


06  ALGUM 

»lmug-<ree  to  the  mountains  of  Lebanon  must  be 
considered  to  be  either  an  interjxjlation  of  some  tran- 
icriber,  or  else  it  must  besir  a  diflerent  interpreta- 
tion. The  fonner  view  is  the  one  taken  by  Kosen- 
miiUer  {BiUL  hot.  p.  245,  ^lorren's  translation), 
who  suggests  that  the  wood  had  been  brought  from 
Ophir  to  TjTe,  and  that  Solomon's  instructions  to 
Hiram  were  to  send  on  to  Jerusalem  {via  Joppa, 
perhaps)  the  timber  imported  from  Ophir  that  was 
lying  at  tlie  port  of  Tyre,  with  the  cedars  which 
had  been  cut  in  Mount  Lebanon  (see  Lee's  Utb. 
Ltx.  s.  V.  "Almuggim").  No  information  can 
be  deduced  from  the  readings  of  the  LXX.,  who 
explain  the  Hebrew  word  l)y  "  hewn  wood  "  (1  K. 
3C.  11,  Vat.),  "unhewn  wood"  (ibid.  Alex.),  and 
"pine-wood"  (2  Chr.  ii.  8,  and  ix.  10,  11).  The 
Vulg.  in  the  passages  of  Kings  and  2  Chr.  ix.  reads 
ligrm  tliyina ;  but  in  2  Chr.  ii.  8  follows  the  LXX., 
and  has  liijna  p'nien.  Interpreters  are  greatly  per- 
plexed as  to  what  kind  of  tree  is  denoted  by  the 
words  (ilynmiinm  and  almu(/f;ini..  The  Arabic  and 
the  Chaldee  interpret«itions,  with  Munster,  A.  Mon- 
tanus,  Deodatus,  Noldius,  'i'igurinus,  retain  the 
original  word,  as  does  the  A.  V.  in  all  the  three 
passjiges.  The  attempts  at  identification  made  by 
moilern  writers  have  not  been  happy.  (1.)  Some 
maintain  that  the  thyina"  wood  {Thnya  avticulata) 
is  signilied  by  nh/um.  'lliis  wood,  as  is  well  known, 
was  highly  prized  by  the  Komans,  who  used  it  for 
doors  of  temples,  tables,  and  a  variety  of  purjxjses; 
for  the  citron-wood  of  the  ancients  apix-ars  to  be 
identical  with  the  thuya.  (The  word  occurs  in 
Kev.  x\iii.  12.)  Its  value  to  the  Romans  accounts 
for  the  reading  of  the  Vulgate  in  the  passages 
quoted  above,  liut  the  Tlniya  articuluta  is  indig- 
enous to  the  north  of  Africa,  and  is  not  found  in 
Asia ;  and  few  geographei-s  will  be  found  to  identify 
the  ancient  Ophir  with  any  port  on  the  N.  African 
coast.  [Oriiiu.]  (2.)  Not  more  happy  is  the 
opinion  of  Dr.  Kitto,  that  the  deodar  is  the  ti'ee 
probably  designated  by  the  term  almvij  {Pirt.  Bibl., 
note  on  2  Chr.).  On  this  subject  Dr.  Hooker,  in 
a  letter  to  the  writer,  says,  "  The  deodar  is  out  of 
the  ([uestion.  It  is  no  better  than  cedar,  and  never 
eoukl  liave  been  exportetl  from  Himalaya."  (3.) 
Tlie  late  Dr.  Hoyle,  with  more  reason,  is  inclined 
to  decide  on  the  white  sandal-wood  (Savtalum  aU 
brnn;  see  Cyd-  liib.  Lit.  art.  "Algum.")  'Iliis 
tree  is  a  native  of  India,  and  the  mountainous  parts 
of  the  coast  of  Malabar,  and  deliciously  fragrant  in 
the  i)arts  near  to  the  root.  It  is  much  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  work-boxes,  cjibinets,  and  other  or- 
naments. (4.)  The  rabbins*  imderstand  a  wood 
conmionly  called  brasil,  in  Arabic  alhaccnm,  of  a 
deej)  red  color,  used  in  dyeing.*  This  appears  to 
be  the  hukkum  ( Ccsalplnia  sappan),  a  tree  allied  to 
the  Hrazil-wood  of  modem  commerce,  and  found 
in  India;  and  many  of  the  Jewish  doctors  under- 
gtand  ctn-al  (i.  e.  coral-wood)  by  the  word  almug, 
the  name  no  doubt  having  reference  to  the  color  of 

«  Tliiija  appears  to  be  a  corruption  of  Thya,  from 
Ww,  "  I  sacrittce,"  the  wood  having  been  used  in  sac- 
rifices Thuja  oeculentalis  is  the  well-known  evergreen, 
"  arlwr  vitse." 

6  R.  Salomon  Ben  Melek,  1  K.  x.  11,  and  R.  Dav. 
Kimchi,  2  Chr.  ii.  8.  "  Algummim  est  quod  almyggim, 
•rhor  rubrig  coloris  dicta  Arabum  lingua  alhaccam, 
vulgo  lirasilia."  See  Celsius,  who  wonders  that  the 
term  "  Bm/il-wood  "  (Lignum  brasiliense)  should  be 
named  by  one  who  lived  300  j'ears  before  the  discov- 
irk'  of  America ;  but  the  word  bran/  also  =  red  color. 
Ct  Uosenm.  Sot.  of  BM.  p.  243,  Monen's  note. 


ALIAN 

the  wood.  (5.)  If  any  rehance  is  to  bo  placed  on 
these  rabbinical  interpretations,  tlie  most  probable 
of  all  the  attempts  to  identify  tlie  almug  is  that 
first  proposed  by  Celsius  {Hierob.  i.  172),  namely, 
that  the  red  sandal-wood  (Pterocarjma  santaunm) 
may  be  the  kind  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  word. 
But  this,  after  all,  is  mere  coiy'ecture.  "  I  have 
often,"  says  Dr.  Hooker,  "  heard  the  subject  of  thfl 
almug-tree  discussed,  but  never  to  any  purpose 
The  Pttrocarpus  sanUdimis  has  occurred  to  me^ 
but  it  is  not  found  in  large  pieces,  nor  is  it,  I  be- 
heve,  now  used  for  musicid  purposes." 

This  tree,  which  belongs  to  the  natural  order 
Le(/umiiws(e,  and  sub-order  Pajnlkmncea,  is  a  na- 
tive of  India  and  Ceylon.  The  wood  is  very  heavy, 
hard,  and  fine-grained,  and  of  a  beautiful  garnet 
color,  as  any  one  may  see  who  has  ohsen'ed  the 
medicinal  preparation,  the  coniiiound  tincture  of 
lavender,  which  is  colored  by  the  wood  of  the  red 
sandal-tree.  Dr.  Lee  (Lex.  lleb.  s.  v.  "  Algum- 
mim") identifying  Ophir  with  some  seajwrt  of 
Oylon,  following  Bochart  (Cliannan,  i.  4(>)  herein, 
thinks  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  wood  in 
question  must  be  either  the  Kulanji  ud  of  Ceylon 
or  tlie  sandal-wood  {Pterocnrpus  sarti.  f)  of  India. 
The  Kiildvji  ml,  which  apparently  is  some  species 
of  I'iej'ocnrpiis,  was  particularly  esteemed  and 
sought  after  tor  the  manufacture  of  lyres  and  mu- 
sical instrinnents,  as  Dr.  Lee  has  proved  by  quota- 
tions from  Arabic  and  Persian  works.  In  fact  he 
says  that  the  Eastern  IjTe  is  termed  the  Od,  perhaps 
because  made  of  this  sort  of  wood.  As  to  the  de- 
rivation of  the  word  nothing  certain  can  be  learnt. 
Hiller  {Ilierophyt.  p.  i.  lOti)  derives  it  from  two 
words  meaning  "drops  of  gum."''  as  if  some  res- 
inous wood  was  intended.  There  is  no  objection 
to  this  derivation.  The  various  kinds  of  pines  are 
for  the  most  part  trees  of  a  resinous  nature;  but 
the  value  of  the  timber  for  building  is  great.  Nor 
would  this  derivation  be  unsuitable  to  the  Ptero- 
carpidce  generally,  several  species  of  which  emit 
re-sins  when  the  stem  is  wounded.  Josephus  (Ant 
viii.  7,  §  1 )  makes  special  mention  of  a  tree  not  im- 
like  pine,  but  which  he  is  careful  to  warn  us  not  to 
confuse  with  the  pine-trees  known  to  the  merchants 
of  his  time.  "  Those  we  are  speaking  of,"  he  says, 
"  were  in  appearance  like  the  wood  of  the  fig-tree, 
but  were  whiter  and  more  shining."  This  descrip- 
tion is  too  vague  to  allow  us  even  to  conjecture  what 
he  means.  And  it  is  quite  imjiossible  to  arrive  at 
any  certain  conclusion  in  the  attempt  to  identify 
the  algum  or  almug-tree.  The  argimients,  how- 
ever, are  more  in  favor  of  the  red  sandal-wood  than 
of  any  other  tree.  W.  H. 

ALI'AH.     [Alvah.] 

ALI'AN.     [Alvan.] 


c  [»iLl,  lignum  arboris  magnte,  foliis  amygdalinU, 

cujus  decocto  tingitur  color  rubicundus  seu  pseudo- 
purpureus  —  lignum  bresillum  —  eiiam,  color  ^us  tinc- 
turam  rcferens  (Golius,  Arab.  Lex.  s.  v.  bakkam). 

d  For  the  various  etymologies  that  have  been  given 
to  the  Hebrew  word  see  Celsius,  Hierob.  i.  172,  sq. 
Sahnasius,  Hyl.  latr.  p.  120,  B. ;  Castell.  Lex.  Hepl 

a.  V.  OS  -  K.  I«e  says  "  the  word  is  apparently  for- 
eign." Qesenius  gives  no  derivation.  Fiirst  refers  th# 
words  to  D^I^T,  fluere,  manare.  It  is,  he  says,  th« 
red  sandal<pood.  He  compares  the  Sanskrit  ttuxha 
mochSta. 


ALIEN 

•  AlilEN.     [Strangek.] 

*  ALL  TO.  On  the  expression  (Judg.  ix.  53) 
'  all  to  brake  his  scull,"  see  note  to  the  art.  Abim- 

CLECH.  A. 

ALLEGORY,  a  figure  of  speech,  which  has 
been  defined  by  Bishop  Marsh,  in  accordance  with 
Its  etymology,  as  "  a  representation  of  one  thing 
which  is  intended  to  excite  the  representation  of 
another  thing;  "  the  first  representation  being  con- 
sistent with  itself,  but  requiring,  or  being  cajjable 
of  admitting,  a  moral  and  spiritual  interpretation 
over  and  above  its  literal  sense.  An  allegory  has 
been  incorrectly  considered  by  some  as  a  lengthened 
or  sustained  metaphor,  or  a  continuation  of  meta- 
phors, as  by  Cicero,  thus  standing  in  the  same  rela- 
tion to  metaphor  as  parable  to  simile.  But  the 
two  figures  are  quite  distinct;  no  sustained  meta- 
phor, or  succession  of  metapliors,  can  constitute  an 
allegory,  and  the  interpretation  of  allegory  diflTers 
from  that  of  metaphor,  in  having  to  do  not  with 
words  but  things.  In  every  allegory  there  is  a 
twofold  sense ;  the  immediate  or  historic,  which  is 
understood  from  the  words,  and  the  ultimate,  which 
is  concerned  with  the  things  signified  by  the  words. 
The  allegorical  interpretation  is  not  of  the  words 
but  of  the  things  signified  \>y  them;  and  not  only 
may,  but  actually  does,  coexist  with  the  literal  in- 
terpretation in  every  allegory,  whether  the  narrative 
in  which  it  is  conveyed  be  of  things  possible  or 
real.  An  illustration  of  this  may  be  seen  in  Gal. 
iv.  24,  where  the  ajxjstle  gives  an  allegorical  inter- 
pretation to  the  historical  narrative  of  Hagar  and 
Sarah ;  not  treating  that  narrative  as  an  allegory 
in  itself,  as  our  A.  V^.  woidd  lead  us  to  suppose,  but 
ilr  iwing  from  It  a  de^iiiT  sense  than  is  conveyed  by 
tlie  immediate  reprt^if.iation. 

In  pure  allegory  uo  direct  rererence  is  made  to 
the  principal  object.  Of  this  kind  the  parable  of 
the  prodigal  son  is  an  example  (Luke  xv.  11-32). 
In  mixed  allegory  the  allegorical  narrative  either 
contains  some  liint  of  its  application,  as  Ps.  Ixxx., 
or  the  allegory  and  its  interpretation  are  combined, 
as  in  John  xv.  1-8 ;  but  this  last  passage  is,  strictly 
speaking,  an  example  of  a  metaphor. 

The  distinction  between  the  parable  and  the 
allegory  is  laid  down  by  Dean  Trench  {On  the 
Parables,  chap,  i.)  as  one  of  form  rather  than  of 
essence.  "  In  the  allegory,"  he  says,  "  there  is  an 
intei-pretation  of  tlie  thing  signifying  and  the  thing 
signified,  the  quahties  and  properties  of  the  first 
being  attributed  to  the  last,  and  the  two  thus 
blended  together,  instead  of  being  kept  quite  dis- 
tinct and  placed  side  by  side,  as  is  the  case  in  the 
parable."  According  to  this,  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  pure  allegory  as  above  defined. 

W.  A.  W. 
I      ALLELU'IA     {' A\\ri\oma'-     Alleluia),    so 
[written  iu  Kev.  xix.  1  ff.   [and  Tob.  xiii.  18],  or 

raore  properly  Hallelujah  (H^  ^^/H),  "praise 
ye  Jehovah,"  as  it  is  found  in  the  margin  of  Ps.  civ. 
35,  cv.  45,  cvi.  1,  cxi.  1,  cxii.  1,  cxiii.  1  (comp.  Ps. 
cxiii.  9,  cxv.  18,  cxvi.  19,  cxvii.  2).  The  Psalms 
from  cxiii.  to  cxviii.  were  called  by  the  Jews  the 
Hallel,  and  were  sung  on  the  first  of  the  month,  at 
the  ffeast  of  Dedication,  and  the  feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, the  feast  of  Weeks,  and  the  feast  of  the 
Passover.  [IIosanna.]  On  the  last  occasion, 
Pss.  cxiii.  and  cxiv.,  according  to  the  school  of 
Hillcl  (tlifi  fonner  only  according  to  the  school  of 
Sliammai),  were  sung  before  the  feast,  and  the  le- 
niuuder  at  its  termination,  after  drinking  the  last 


ALLIANCES  G7 

cup  The  hymn  (Matt.  xxvi.  30),  sung  by  Christ 
and  his  disciples  after  the  last  supper,  is  supposed 
to  have  been  the  great  I  lallel,  which  seems  to  ha\  e 
varied  according  to  the  feast.  The  literal  meaning 
of  "  Hallelujah  "  sufficiently  indicates  the  chamcter 
of  the  Psalms  in  which  it  occurs,  as  hymns  of 
praise  and  thanksgiving.  They  are  all  found  in  the 
last  book  of  the  collection,  and  bear  marks  of  be- 
ing intended  for  use  in  the  temple-service;  the 
words  "  praise  ye  Jehovali "  being  taken  up  by  the 
full  chorus  of  Ixvites.  In  the  great  hymn  of  tri- 
umph in  heaven  over  the  destruction  of  Babylon, 
the  apostle  in  vision  heard  the  multitude  in  chorus 
like  the  voice  of  mighty  tlmnderings  burst  forth, 
"Alleluia,  for  the  Lord  God  onuiipotent  reigneth," 
responding  to  the  voice  which  came  out  of  the 
throne  saying  "  Praise  our  God,  all  ye  his  servants, 
and  ye  that  fear  him,  both  small  and  great "  (Kev. 
xix.  1-0).  In  this,  as  in  the  offering  of  incense 
(Kev.  viii.),  there  is  evident  allusion  to  the  service 
of  the  tem])le,  as  the  apostle  had  often  witnessed  it 
in  its  fading  grandeur.  W.  A.  W. 

ALLIANCES.  On  the  first  establishment  of 
the  Jews  in  Palestine,  no  connections  were  fonned 
between  tlieni  and  tlie  surrounding  nations.  The 
geographical  position  of  their  country,  the  pecu- 
liarity of  their  institutions,  and  the  prohibitions 
against  intercourse  with  the  Canaanites  and  other 
heathen  nations,  alike  tended  to  promote  an  exclu- 
sive and  isolated  state.  But  with  the  extension  of 
their  power  under  the  kings,  the  Jews  were  brought 
more  into  contact  with  foreigners,  and  aUianees 
became  essential  to  the  security  of  their  commerce. 
Solomon  concluded  two  important  treaties  exclu- 
sively for  commercial  purposes:  the  first  with 
Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  originally  with  the  view  of 
obtaining  materials  and  workmen  for  the  erection 
of  the  Temple,  and  afterwards  for  the  supply  of 
ship-builders  and  sailors  (1  K.  v.  2-12,  ix.  27);  the 
second  with  a  Pharaoh,  king  of  Egypt,  which  wna 
cemented  by  his  marriage  with  a  princess  of  the 
royal  family ;  by  this  he  secured  a  monopoly  of  the 
trade  in  horses  and  other  products  of  that  country 
(1  K.  X.  28,  29).  After  the  division  of  the  king- 
dom, the  alliances  were  of  an  offensive  and  defen- 
sive nature.  They  had  their  origin  partly  in  the 
internal  disputes  of  the  kingdoms  of  Judah  and 
Israel,  and  partly  in  the  position  which  these 
countries  held  relatively  to  Egypt  on  the  one  side, 
and  the  great  eastern  monarchies  of  Assyria  and 
Babylonia  on  the  other.  The  scantiness  of  the 
historical  records  at  our  command  makes  it  prob- 
able that  the  key  to  many  of  the  events  that  oc- 
curred is  to  be  found  in  the  alliances  and  counter- 
alliances  formed  between  these  peoples,  of  which  n<> 
mention  is  made.  Thus  the  invasion  of  Shishak  in 
Kehoboam's  reign  was  not  improbably  the  result 
of  an  alliance  made  with  Jeroboam,  who  had  pre- 
viously found  an  asylum  in  Egypt  (IK.  xii.  2,  xiv. 
25).  Each  of  these  monarchs  sought  a  connection 
with  the  neighlwring  kingdom  of  Syria,  on  which 
side  Israel  was  particularly  assailable  (1  K.  xv.  19); 
but  Asa  ultimately  succeeded  in  securing  the  active 
cociperation  of  Benhadad  against  Baasha  (1  K.  xv. 
16-20).  Aiiother  policy,  induced  probably  by  the 
encroaching  spirit  of  Syria,  led  to  the  formation  of 
an  alliance  between  the  two  kingdoms  under  Ahab 
and  Jehoshaphat.  which  was  maintained  until  tha 
end  of  Ahab's  dynasty.  It  occasionally  extended 
to  commercial  operations  (2  Chr.  xx.  36).  The 
alliance  ceased  in   Jehu's   reigrn:    war  broke  out 


l>8 


AliLIANOES 


ihortly  after  between  Aniaziah  and  Jeroboam  II. : 
(uch  nation  louked  for  forei^;^!  aid,  and  a  coalition 
was  formed  between  Kezin,  iiing  of  Syria,  and  I'e- 
kali  on  the  one  side,  and  Ahaz  and  Tiglatli-l'Ueser, 
kinn;  of  Assyria,  on  the  other  (2  K.  xvi.  5-0). 
i{y  tills  means  an  o{)eninj;  wa.s  afforded  to  the  ad- 
ranees  of  the  Assyrian  power;  and  the  kingdoms 
af  Israel  and  .Iiidah,  as  they  were  successively  at- 
lacke<l.  soiijjht  the  alliance  of  the  Egyptians,  who 
were  s'rouirlv  interested  in  maintaining  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Jews  as  a  bairier  against  the 
encroachments  of  the  Assjxiiui  jwwer.  Thus 
llosliea  made  a  treaty  with  So  (Sabaco  or  Se- 
vei^hus),  and  leuelletl  against  Shahiianeser  (2  K. 
Kvii.  4):  llezeUiah  adoptwl  the  same  policy  in  op- 
position to  Sennacherib  (Is.  xxx.  2).  In  neither 
case  was  the  alliance  productive  of  much  good :  the 
Israelites  were  abandoned  by  So.  It  apjiears 
probable  that  his  successor  Sethos,  who  had  of- 
fended the  military  caste,  was  unable  to  render 
He/ekiah  any  assistance;  and  it  was  on»y  when  the 
indeiiendenee  of  I%gyi)t  itself  was  threatened,  that 
the  Assyrians  were  defeiite<l  by  the  joint  forces  of 
Sethos  and  Tirhakah,  and  a  temporary  relief  af- 
fordetl  thereby  to  Judah  (2  K.  xix.  9,  30;  Herod, 
ii.  141).  The  weak  condition  of  l^gjiit  at  the  be- 
j^nniug  of  the  2llth  dynasty  left  Judah  entirely  at 
the  mercy  of  the  Assyrians,  who  under  Esarhaddon 
subdued  the  country,  and  by  a  conciliatory  jjolicy 
secured  the  adhesion  of  jSIanasseh  and  his  succes- 
sors to  his  side  against  Egyi)t  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  1 1- 
13).  It  was  apparently  as  an  ally  of  the  Ass}Tians 
that  Josiah  resisted  the  advance  of  Necho  (2  (Jhr. 
XXXV.  20).  His  defeat,  however,  and  the  downfall 
of  the  Assyrian  empire  again  changed  the  ixilicy 
of  the  .lews,  and  made  them  the  subjects  of  l'-g>7)t. 
Nebuchadnezzar's  first  expedition  against  Jerusalem 
was  contemporaneous  with  and  probably  in  conse- 
quence of  the  expediticm  of  Necho  against  the 
Babylonians  (2  K.  xxiv.  1;  Jer.  xlvi.  2);  and  lastly, 
Zedekiah's  rebellion  was  accompanied  with  a  re- 
newal of  the  alliance  with  Egji)t  (Ez.  xvii.  15). 
A  temix>rary  relief  appeiu's  to  have  been  afforded 
by  the  a^lvance  of  Hophrali  (Jer.  xxxvii.  11),  but  it 
was  of  no  a\'ail  to  prevent  the  extinction  of  Jewish 
independence. 

On  the  restoration  of  indejiendence,  Judas  IMac- 
cabseus  sought  an  alliance  with  the  Homans,  who 
were  then  gaining  an  ascendency  in  the  I'^st,  as  a 
counteqwise  to  the  neighboring  state  of  Syria  (1 
Mace,  viii.;  Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  10,  §  G).  This  alli- 
ance was  renewed  by  Jonathan  (1  Mace.  xii.  1;  AtU. 
xiii.  5,  §  8),  and  by  Simon  (1  Mace.  xv.  17;  Ant. 
xiii.  7,  §  3).  On  the  last  occasion  the  indepen- 
dence of  tlie  Jews  was  recognized  and  formally 
notified  to  the  neighlna-ing  nations  n.  c.  140  (1 
Mace.  XV.  22,  23).  Trtsaties  of  a  fi-iendly  nature 
were  at  the  same  period  concluded  with  the  Lace- 
dajnioTiians  under  an  im])ression  that  they  came  of 
a  common  stock  (1  Mace.  xii.  2,  xiv.  20;  Ant.  xii. 
4,  §  10,  xiii.  5,  §  8).  The  Itoman  alliance  was 
again  renewed  by  Hyrcanus,  n.  c.  128  {Ant.  xiii. 
3,  §  2),  after  his  defeat  by  Antiochus  Sidetes,  and 


a  •Though  thw  rxuHge  happens  to  be  mentioned 
only  in  the  transaction  between  Jacob  and  Liiban(Ocn. 
«xxi.  52),  it  was  evidently  not  unconmion  anions  the 
wstern  races.  Sir  Henry  C.  Kiiwlinson  mentions  the 
nteresfing  and  illustmtive  fiu-t  tliat  he  him  foimd  in 
■he  Assyrian  iiisoriptions  fre(|uent  examples  of  this 
lanie  practice  of  raisinji  a  tumulus  for  the  purpose  of 
tommenioratint,'  and  ratifying  a  compact.  See  Atlt- 
nunun,  April  19,  18(>2      The  eivctioa  of  a  etone  as  a 


ALLON 

the  losses  he  had  sustained  were  repaired.  Thii 
alliance,  however,  ultimately  proved  fatal  to  th« 
indejjendence  of  the  Jews.  The  rival  claims  of 
Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus  having  been  referred  U 
Pompey,  n.  c.  03,  he  availed  himself  of  the  opjwrtu- 
nity  of  placing  the  country  under  tribute  (Ant.  xiv. 
4,  §  4).  Finally,  Herod  was  raised  to  the  sov- 
ereignty by  the  Koman  Senate,  acting  under  the 
advice  of  M.  Antony  {Ant.  xiv.  14,  §  5). 

The  fonnation  of  an  alliance  was  attendetl  with 
various  religious  rites.  A  victim  was  slain  and 
divided  into  two  parts,  between  which  the  contract- 
ing parties  passed,  involving  imprecations  of  a  sim- 
ilar destniction  ujton  him  who  sliould  lireak  tlie 
terms  of  the  alliance  ((Jen.  xv.  10;  cf.  Li  v.  i.  24); 

hence  the  expression  ^^^3  •'"''??  (=opKia 
Tejxveiv,  foRilus  icere)  to  make  (lit.  to  cut)  a 
treaty ;  hence  also  the  use  of  the  term  H  S  (lit. 
imprecation)  for  a  covenant.  That  this  custom 
was  maintained  to  a  late  period  apj)ears  from  ,Jer. 
xxxiv.  18-20.  Genendly  sjjeaking,  the  oath  alone 
is  mentioned  in  the  contracting  of  alliances,  either 
between  nations  (.losh.  ix.  15)  or  individuals  (Gen. 
xxvi.  28,  xxxi.  53;  1  Sam.  xv.  17;  2  K.  xi.  4). 
The  event  was  celebrated  by  a  feast  (Gen.  /.  c. ; 
Ex.  xxiv.  11;  2  Sam.  iii.  12,  20).  Salt,  as  sym- 
bolical of  fidelity,  was  used  on  these  occasions ;  it 
was  applied  to  the  s;ierificc3  (\a:v.  ii.  13),  and  prob- 
ably use<l,  as  among  the  Arabs,  at  hosi>itable  enter- 
tainments; hence  the  expression  "covenant  of  salt" 
(Num.  xviii.  10;  2  Chr.  xiii.  5).  Occasionally  a 
pillar  or  a  heap  of  stones  was  set  up  as  a  memorial 
of  the  alliance  (Gen.  xxxi.  52)."  Presents  were 
also  sent  by  the  jiarty  soliciting  the  alliance  (1  K. 
XV.  18;  Is.  xxx.  0;  1  Mace.  xv.  18).  The  fidelity 
of  the  Jews  to  their  engagements  was  coiis|)icuous 
at  all  [leriods  of  their  history  (.Josh.  ix.  18),  and 
any  breach  of  covenant  was  visited  with  very  se- 
vere punishment  (2  Sam.  xxi.  1;  Ez.  xvii.  10). 

W.  L.  B. 

AL'LOM  CAWdfi;  [Vat.  JI.  AKKwv:]  Alex. 
AS\wv:  Midnuin).  The  same  as  A.MI  or  Amo> 
(1  Esdr.  V.  34;  comp.  Ezr.  ii.  57;  Neh.  vii.  59). 

W.  A.  W. 

AL'LON  0^"  ^or  1*^  -S),  a  large  stnjng  tree 
of  some  description,  pr-ibably  an  oak  (see  ( Jes.  Thes. 
51,  103;  Stanley,  A])]).  §  70).  The  word  is  found 
in  two  names  in  the  topography  of  Palestine. 

1.     Allox,    niore   accurately   Elon     ("JI  <-W 

(n^3^]7y2)  :  M«\a;  [Alex.  MrjXco^:]  I'.Um),  a 
])lace  named  among  the  cities  of  Naplitali  (.Tosh, 
xix.  33).  Probably  the  more  correct  construction 
is  to  take  it  with  the  following  word,  i.  e.  "  the  oak 
by  Zaanannim,"  or  "the  oak  of  the  loading  of 
tents"  ["tents  of  the  wanderers,"  according  to 
Fiirst],  as  if  deriving  its  name  from  some  nomad 
tribe  frequenting  the  spot.  Such  a  tribe  were  the 
Kenites,  and  in  connection  with  them  the  place  in 
again  named  in  Judg.  iv.  11,''  with  the  additional 


religious  memorial  or  as  the  sijrn  of  a  covenant  Iwtwoea 
Ood  and  man  (e.  g.  by  .liu-'>b  at  Bethel,  Uen.  xxviii 
18)  was  a  siuiilar  proceeding,  but  not  altogether  ana^ 

OgOUB.  li- 

fe y*lbS,   Allan,  is  the  reading  of  V.  d.  llooght,  and 

of  Walton's  I'olyglott;  but  nios"  MSS.  have  as  abovf 

(Davidson's  Hebr.  Tr-ri,  p.  40). 

c  It  must  l>»  -^marked  that  the  Targuni  Jouatha» 


ALMODAD 

Jefinition  of  »  by  Kedesh  (Naphtali)."  Here,  now  - 
8ver,  the  A.  V.,  I'ollowiug  the  Vulgate,  renders  the 
words  "  the  plain  of  ZaaxNAIm."  [Elou.]  (See 
Stanley,  p.  340,  note.) 

2.  Al'lon-ba'chuth  (n^02  ^Iv  W  «  =  oak 
of  Keepirnj;  and  so  ^dKauos  irivdov^:  quercus 
jletus),  the  tree  under  which  liebekah's  nurse.  Deb- 
orah, was  buried  (Gen.  xxxv.  8).  Ewald  {Gesch. 
m.  29)  believes  the  "oak  of  Tabor"  (1  Sara.  x.  3, 
A.  V.  "pLiin  of  T.")  to  be  the  same  as,  or  the 
successor  of,  this  tree,  "Tabor"  being  possibly  a 
merely  dialectical  change  from  "  Deborah,"  and  he 
would  further  identify  it  with  the  "  palm-tree  of 
Deborah "  (Judg.  iv.  5).  See  also  Stanley,  pp. 
143, 220.<>  G. 

3.  Al'lon  CJIvS  [nnoak]:  'AKcliV,  [Vat.  M. 
Aficov,  H.  AniMwy;]  Alex.  AWcay-  Alkm).  A 
Simeonite,  ancestor  of  Zirza,  a  i)rince  of  his  tribe  in 
the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  37).    W.  A.  W. 

ALMODAD  (in'lJ^W  \^9sMy=the pro- 
genitor, Fiirst] :  'EAjucoSaS :  Elmodad),  the  first, 
in  order,  of  the  descendants  of  .loktan  (Gen.  x.  2(i ; 
1  Chr.  i.  2!)),  and  the  progenitor  of  an  Arab  tribe. 
His  settlements  must  be  looked  for,  in  common  with 
those  of  the  other  descendants  of  Joktan,  in  the 
Arabian  peninsula;  and  his  name  appears  to  be 
preserved  in  that  of  Mudiid  (or  lil-Mud.ui,  the 
word  being  one  of  those  proj^er  names  that  admits 
»f  the  article  being  prefixed),  a  famous  personage 
to  Arabian  history,  the  reputed  father  of  Ishmael's 
Arab  wife  (Mir-cit  ez-Zeindn,  &c.),  and  tlie  chief 
♦f  the  Joktanite  tribe  Jurhum  (not  to  be  confounded 
irith  the  older,  or  first,  Jurhum),  that,  coming  from 
»he  Yemen,  settled  in  the  neighborhood  of  JNIek- 
teh,  and  intermarried  with  the  Ishmaelites.  The 
lame  of  Mud.id  was  j)ecuUar  to  Jurhum,  and 
wrne  by  several  of  its  chiefs  ((^aussin  de  Perceval, 
Essai  sui- 1'  Hist,  des  Arndes  avant  t  Idamisme,  cfc, 
I.  33  ff.,  168,  and  19-1  ff.).  Gesenius  {Lex.  ed. 
Tregelles,  in  toe. )  says,  "  If  there  were  an  ancient 

error  in  reading  (for  "T"n!2  /S),  we  might  com- 
pare Morad,  ;>  1^/0  or  t^\yjO  ^ki,  the  name  of  a 

tribe  living  in  a  mountainous  region  of  Arabia 
Felix,  near  Zabid."  (For  this  tribe  see  AbulfediE 
Hist.  Anteislumica,  ed.  F'leischer,  p.  lUO.)     Others 

have  suggested   y*i£L/0,  but  the  well-known  tribes 

of  this  stock  are  of  Ishmaelite  descent.  Bochart 
{Phrtler/,  ii.  16)  thinks  that  Almodad  may  be  traced 
In  the  name  of  the  'AWou/xaidiTai  of  Ptolemy  (vi. 


renders  this  passage  by  words  meaning  "  the  plain  of 
IJie  swamp  "  (see  Schwarz,  p.  181).  This  is  Ewald's  ex- 
planation also  {Gesch.  ii.  492,  note).  For  other  inter- 
pretivtions  see  Furst  (Haniiwb.  p.  91). 

«  The   Sam.  Version,  according   to  its  customary 

rendering  of  Alien,  has  here  rTiT^D^  ~n{i7i2,  "  the 
p/am  (if  Bakith."  See  this  subject  more  fully  ex- 
amined under  Klon. 

b  *  The  place  of  the  first  Deborah's  "  oak  "  and  that 
of  the  second  Deborah's  "  pulm-tree,"  may  po.ssibly 
aave  been  the  same ;  but  in  order  to  identify  the  one 
kree  with  the  other,  E  .vald  has  to  assume  that  the  text 
lias  miscalled  the  tree  intended  in  one  of  the  passages 
Gesch.  iii.  29,  note).  In  Oen.  xxxv.  8,  we  are  to  read 
'  under  the  oak,-'  ;.  e.  the  original  one  or  it.a  representa^ 
ire  as  still  well  known,  and  not  "an  oak  "  (A.  V.).  II. 

c   0'^'Tr^W',"'jPj   Pual  part,   pi.,  from  denom.  verb 


ALMOND  69 

7,  §  24),  a  people  of  the  interior  of  Ai-abi»  Fdix, 
near  the  sources  of  the  river  Lar  [Arabia]. 

E.  S.  P. 

AL'MON  (V"1^^^  {hiddeny.  viiioKa;  [Alex. 

A\ntav\  Comp. 'EA^ucSv;  Aid. 'AA/icS:]  Ahmn\». 
city  within  the  tribe  of  llenjamin,  with  "  suburbs" 
given  to  the  priests  (Josh.  xxi.  18).  Its  name  does 
not  occur  in  the  list  of  the  towns  of  Benjamin  in 
Josh,  xviii.  In  the  parallel  list  in  1  Chr.  vi.  it  is 
found  as  Alemeth  —  probably  a  later  fonn,  and  that 
by  which  it  would  appear  to  have  descended  to  us. 
[Ale.mkth.]  G. 

AL'MON-DIBLATHA'IM  (accurately  Dib- 
lathamah,  np'^n^n'^-'lb^^  =  TiXixhv  A(0- 
\tt6alfi-  Ilebrum-dibtathaim),  one  of  the  latest 
stations  of  the  Israelites,  between  Dibon-gad  and 
the  mountains  of  Abarini  (Num.  xxxiii.  46,  47). 
Dibon-gad  is  doubtless  the  present  Dhibdn,  just  to 
the  north  of  the  Amon ;  and  there  is  thus  every 
probability  that  Ahnon-diblathaim  was  identical 
with  IJeth-tliblathaim,  a  lloabite  city  mentioned  by 
Jeremiah  (xlviii.  22)  in  company  with  both  Dibon 
and  Nebo,  and  that  its  traces  will  be  discovered  on 
further  exploration.  [For  the  etymology  see  Dib- 
lathaim.]  G. 

ALMOND  ("TP^^',  shdked  (T^b) :  d/x^Sa- 
Kov,  Kapvov,  Kapvivos,  Kapvana.'  amyrjdnliu, 
(imy<jd(da,  in  nucis  modum,  hutar  nucis,  virga 
vi(/ilans).  This  word  is  found  in  Gen.  xliii.  11; 
Ex.  XXV.  33,  34,  xxxvii.  19,  20;  Num.  xvii.  8; 
Eccles.  xii.  5;  Jer.  i.  11,  in  the  text  of  the  A.  V. 
It  is  itivariably  represented  by  the  same  Hebrew 
word  (shdked),  which  sometimes  stands  for  the 
whole  tree,  sometimes  for  the  fruit  or  nut ;  for  in- 
stance, in  Gen.  xUii.  11,  Jacob  commands  his  sons 
to  take  as  a  present  to  Joseph  "  a  little  honey, 
spices  and  myrrh,  nuts  and  almonds;"  here  the 
fniit  is  clearly  meant.  In  the  passages  out  of  the 
book  of  Exodus  the  "  bowls  made  like  unto  al- 
monds," "  which  were  to  adorn  the  golden  candle- 
stick, seem  to  allude  to  the  nut  also.''  Aaron's  rod, 
that  so  miraculously  budded,  yielded  alimnul  nuts. 
In  the  two  passages  from  Ecclesiastes  and  Jere 
miah,  shaked  is  translated  alirumd  tree,  which  from 
the  context  it  certainly  represents.  It  is  clearly 
then  a  mistake  to  sui)pose,  with  some  writers,  that 
:>h('iktid  stands  exclusively  for  "  almond-nuts,"  and 
that  Wz  signifies  the  "tree."*  Kosenmiiller  con- 
jectures that  the  latter  word  designates  the  loild, 
the  former  the  cultivated  tree.  This  may  be  so, 
but  it  appears  more  probal)le  that  this  tree,  con- 
spicuous as  it  was  for  its  early  flowering  and  useful 
fruit,  was  known  by  these   tivo  different   names. 


^l?^*'  always  used  in  Ileb.  text  in  reference  to  the 
golden  candlestick :  LXX.  c/cTerun-wjaeVot  KapvtcrKovi, 
al.  KapuicTKOis  ;   Aquila,  efr)/iuy5aA(on.eVr)>'. 

(I  np^^',  "  est  amy^dcUus  et  amygdcdum,  arbor  et 
fructus  ;  hie  autem  fructus  potius  quam  arboris  form,i 
designari  videtur "  (RosenmiilL  Schol.  in  Kxud.  xxv. 
33).      That  shikid  =  tree  and  /mil,  see  also  Fiirst, 

Concord.  TpW,  "  amygdala  et  arnysdcdum,  de  arbor« 

et  fructu  ;  "  and  Buxtorf,  Lex.  C/iald.,  IViJ,  "  sig 
nificat  arborem  ct  fructum."  Michaelis  {Supft.  8.  ▼. 
17*^.22)  understands  the  almond-shaped  bowls  to  refer 
to  the  Hu.:iom,  i.  e.  the  calyr  and  the  corolla. 

e  Harris,  Nal.  Hist,  of  the  Bible,  art.  "  Almond,"  and 
Dr.  Ro-'b  in  Kitto,  art.  "Shaked." 


rO  ALMOND 

The  etymology  of  the  Hebrew  Uiz  is  uhcertain ;  and 
although  the  word  occurs  only  in  Gen.  xxx.  37, 
where  it  is  translated  liaztl  in  the  text  of  the  A. 
v.,  yet  there  can  be  little  or  no  doubt  that  it  is  an- 
other word  for  the  almond,  for  in  the  Arabic  this 
identical  word,  liiz,  denotes  the  alniond.  [Hazkl.] 
llie  early  appearance  of  the  blossoms  on  the  almond- 
tree  {Aviytidalus  communis)  was  no  doul;'*  regarded 
by  the  Jews  of  old  as  a  welcome  harbinger  of 
spring,  reminding  them  that  the  winter  was  pass- 
ing away  —  that  the  flowers  would  soon  aiijieiir  on 
the  earth  —  and  that  the  time  of  the  singing  of 
birds  and  the  voice  of  the  tuille  would  soon  be 
heard  in  the  land  (Song  of  Sol.  ii.  11,  12).  The 
word  shakUd,  therefore,  or  the  tree  which  liosfened 
to  put  forth  its  blossoms,  was  a  very  beautiful  and 
fitting  sjTionym  for  the  h'tz,  or  almond-tree,  in  the 
language  of  a  i)eople  so  fond  of  imagery  and  poetry 
as  were  the  Jews.  We  have  in  our  own  language 
instances  of  plants  being  naiia^d  from  the  season  of 
the  year  when  they  are  flowering  —  may  for  liaio- 
Ihoni ;  pasf/ue  Jloicer  for  anemone  ;  lent  lily  for 
daffodil;  vrinter  cress  for  hedije  mustard.  But 
perhaps  the  best  and  most  exact  illustration  of 
the  Hebrew  shdked  is  to  be  found  in  the  Knglish 
word  apricot,  or  npricock;  as  it  was  formerly  and 
more  correctly  calletl,  which  is  derived  from  the  I.Atin 
p]'a;cof/ua,  prcecocin  ;  this  tree  was  so  called  by  the 
Komans,  who  considered  it  a  kind  of  peach  which 
ripened  earlier  than  the  common  one;  hence  its 
name,  the  f>recocioiis  tree  (comp.  I'lin.  xv.  11 ;  Mar- 
tial, xiii.  46).  Shuked,  therefore,  was  in  all  prob- 
abiUty  only  another  name  with  the  Jews  for  luz. 

iSlidkiid  is  derived  from  a  root  which  signifies 
"to  be  wakeful,"  "to  hasten,""  for  the  ahnond- 
tree  blossoms  very  early  in  the  season,  the  flowers 
appearing  before  the  leaves.  Two  species  of  Amyg- 
dalus  —  A.  persica,  the  peach-tree,  and  A.  com- 
munis, the  slittkvd — appear  to  be  common  in  Pal- 
estine. They  are  both,  according  to  Dr.  Kitto 
{Phys.  Hist.  Palfsl.  p.  211),  in  blossom  in  every 
part  of  Palestine  in  .January.  The  almond-tree 
has  been  notice<l  in  Hovvcr  as  early  as  the  9th  of 
that  month:  the  I'Jth,  2;id,  and  25th  are  also  re- 
corded dates.  The  knowledge  of  this  interesting 
fact  will  explain  tliat  otherwise  uninttUigil  le  pas- 
sage in  Jeremiah  (i.  11,  12),  "The  word  of  the 
Lord  came  unto  me,  saying,  .Jeremiali,  what  seest 
thou  ?  And  I  said,  I  see  the  rod  of  an  almond- 
tree  (shdked).  Then  said  the  Lord  unto  me,  'i'hou 
hast  well  seen,  for  I  will  hasten  (shuked)  my  word 
to  perform  it." 

In  that  well-known  poetical  representation  of  old 
age  in  Eccles.  xii.  it  is  said,  "  the  almond-tree  shall 
flourish."  This  expression  is  generally  understood 
as  emblematic  of  the  hoary  locks  of  old  age  thinly 
icattei-ed  on  the  bald  head,  just  as  the  white  blos- 


a  "Tptrj  (1)  decubuit,  (2)  vigilavit=  Arab.  (\^AMi 

'-r  ',, 

6       '' 

»Xa*w:  insmmxii.  The  Chaldee  is  ^"^l^tt',  ^''1^?'' ' 

"TUtt?  'y  S"f  3  W  ;  2  and  n  being  Interchanged.    The 

-  :  T ;  •  ' 

lyriac  word  is  similar. 

6  The  general  color  of  the  almond  blassom  is  pinlc, 
\nt  the  flowers  do  rary  from  deep  pink  to  nearly 
•hile. 

e  ^p^^'    VSS"*.        Gteeenius    makes     the    verb 


ALMOND 

soms  appear  on  the  yet  leafless  Iwughs  of  this  tree 
Gesenius,  however,  does  not  allow  such  an  inter- 
pretation, for  he  says,  with  some  truth,''  that  th* 
almond  flowers  are  pink  or  rose-colored,  not  white,. 
This  pa.s.sage,  therefore,  is  rendered  by  him  —  "  the 
almond  is  rejected." «  Though  a  delicious  fruit, 
yet  the  old  man,  having  no  teeth,  would  be  obliged 
to  refuse  it.''  If,  however,  the  reatling  of  the  A. 
V.  is  retained,  then  the  allusion  to  the  almond-tree 
is  intended  to  refer  to  the  hasteniny  of  old  age  in 
the  case  of  him  who  remembei-eth  not  "  his  Creator 
in  the  days  of  his  youth."  As  the  almond-tree 
ushers  in  spring,  so  do  the  signs  mentioned  in  the 
context  foretell  the  approach  of  old  age  and  death. 
It  has  always  been  regarded  by  the  Jews  with  rev- 
erence, and  even  to  tliis  day  the  English  Jews  on 
their  great  feast-days  carry  a  bough  of  flowering 
almond  to  the  s}Tiagogue,  just  as  in  old  time  they 
u.sed  to  present  palm-branches  in  the  Temple,  to 
remind  them  perhaps,  as  Lady  Callcott  has  observed 
(Script.  Herb.  p.  10),  that  in  the  great  famine  in 
the  time  of  Joseph  the  almond  did  not  fail  them, 
and  that,  as  it  "  failed  not  to  their  patriarchs  in  the 
days  of  dearth,  it  cometh  to  their  hand  in  this  day 
of  worse  and  more  bitter  privation,  as  a  token  that 
God  forgetteth  not  his  people  in  their  distress,  nor 
the  children  of  Israel,  though  scattered  in  a  foreign 
land,  though  their  honje  is  the  prey  of  the  spoiler, 
and  tlieir  temple  is  become  an  high  place  for  the 
heathen." 

A  modem  traveller  in  Palestine  records  that,  at 
the  passover,  the  Jews  prepM-e  a  comijomid  of 
almonds  and  apples  in  the  form  of  a  brick,  and 
havhig  the  appearance  of  lime  or  mortar  to  remind 
the  people  of  their  hard  senice  in  the  land  of 
I^gypt  and  houFe  of  bondage  (Anderson's  Wander- 
inys  in  ilie  Land  of  Israel,  p.  250). 

The  aimond-tree,  whose  scientific  name  is  Amyg- 
dalus  communis,  belongs  to  the  natural  order  Rosa- 
cea;, and  sub-order  Amyydalce.  This  order  is  a 
large  and  important  one,  for  it  contains  more  than 
1000  species,  many  of  which  produce  excellent 
fruit.  Apricots,  peaches,  nectarines,  plums,  cher- 
ries, apples,  pears,  strawberries,  &c.,  Ac,  are  all  m- 
cluded  under  this  order.  It  should  be  remembered, 
however,  that  the  see<ls,  flowers,  bark,  and  leaves, 
of  many  plants  in  the  order  liosacem  contain  a 
deadly  poison,  namely,  pnissic  or  hydrocyanic  acid. 
The  almond-tree  is  a  native  of  Asia  and  North 
Africiv,  but  it  is  cultivated  in  the  milder  parts  of 
luirope.  In  England  it  is  grown  sim])ly  on  ac- 
count of  its  beautiful  vernal  flowers,  for  the  fruit 
scarcely  ever  comes  to  n«turity.  The  height  of 
the  tree  is  about  12  or  14  feet;  the  flowers  are 
pink,  and  arranged  for  the  most  i)art  in  pairs;  the 
leaves  are  long,  ovate,  with  a  serrated  margin,  and 
an  acute  point.    The  covering  of  the  fruit  is  downj 


\^S3"*  to  be  Uiphil  future,  from  \^S3,  to  deride,  to 
despise  ;  VS^"*  would  then  be  after  the  Syriac  form, 

instead  of  \^W3^.  But  all  the  old  versioms  agree  with 
the  translation  of  the  A.  V.,  the  verb  being  formed  reg 
ularly  from  the  root  ^^'^,  Jlorere. 

<l  "  When  the  grinders  cease  because  they  are  few' 
(Eccles.  xii.  3).  For  some  other  curioui"  interprets 
tions  of  this  passage,  see  that  of  K.  Salomon,  quotet 

by  Santes  I'agninus  in  his  Thesaurus,  sub  voce  y^'i 
and  Vatiblus,  Annolala  ad  Ecdesiaslen,  xii.  'i  (OriX 
Stu.  iii.  230). 


ALMS 

Mid  succulent,  enclosing  the  hard  shell  which  con- 
tains the  kernel.     The  bitter  almond  is  only  a 


Almond-tree  and  blossom. 

»-ariety  of  this  siiecies.  The  English  Almond, 
Spanish  Alnien/ra,  the  I'rovenpal  Amirulola,  the 
I'rench  Aniinle,  are  all  apparently  derived  from 
the  (ireek  au7-y5a\rj,  Latin  Ain>/(/dala.  It  is 
curious  to  oltserve,  in  connection  with  the  almond- 
bowls  of  the  golden  candlestick,  that  pieces  of  rock- 
crystal  used  in  adorning  branch-candlesticks  are 
still  denominated  by  the  lapidaries  "Almonds." 

W.  H. 

ALMS  (Chald.  Si^^V)'  beneficence  towards 
the  poor,  from  .\nglo-Sax.  celmesse,  probably,  as 
well  a.s  Germ,  (ilmnsvn,  from  e'AfTj^uocruj'rj;  eltenio- 
tyna,  Vulg.  (but  see  Hosworth,  A.  S.  Did.).  The 
word  "alms"  is  not  found  in  our  version  of  the 
canonical  hooks  of  O.  T.,  but  it  occurs  repeatetUy 
in  N.  T.,  and  in  the  Apocryphal  Iwoks  of  Tobit 

and  I'xclesiasticas.  The  Heb.  HP"'-^.  rujhteou$- 
nestn,  the  usual  equivalent  for  alms  in  O.  T.,  is  ren- 
dered by  LXX.  in  Dcut.  xxiv.  13,  Dan.  iv.  24,  and 
elsewhere,  (\sr]fj.o(jwr),  whilst  some  MSS.,  with 
Vulg.  and  Khem.  Test.,  read  in  Matt.  vi.  1,  3i- 
KOLioffvvr).  [This  reading  is  adopted  by  Griesb., 
lAchni.,  Tisch.,  Tregelles,  and  Alford.  —  .\.] 

The  duty  of  almsgiving,  especially  in  kind,  con- 
sisting chiefly  in  portions  to  be  left  designedly  from 
produce  of  the  field,  the  vineyard,  and  the  olive- 
yard  (I.ev.  xix.  9,  10,  xxiii.  22;  Deut.  xv.  11,  xxiv. 
19,  xxvi.  2-1-3;  Ruth  ii.  2),  is  strictly  enjoined  by 
the  Law.  .\fter  his  entrance  into  the  land  of 
promise,  the  Israelite  was  ordered  to  present  yearly 
the  first-fruits  of  the  land  before  the  I^rd,  in  a 
manner  significant  of  his  own  previously  destitute 
condition.  Every  third  year  also  (Deut.  xiv.  28) 
each  proprietor  was  directed  to  share  the  tithes  of 
his  produce  with  "  the  Invite,  the  stranger,  the 
fatherless,  and  the  widow."  Tlie  theological  esti- 
mate of  almsgiving  among  the  .Jews  is  indicated  by 
the  following  passages  :  —  Job  xxxi.  17 ;  Prov.  x.  2, 
xi.  4;  Esth.  ix.  22;  I's.  exii.  9;  Acts  ix.  30,  the 
ea.se  of  Dorciis;  x.  2,  of  Cornelius:  to  which  may  be 
vdded.  Tob.  iv.  10,  11,  xiv.  10,  11;  and  Ecclus.  iii. 
30,  xl.  24.  And  the  Talmudists  went  so  far  as  lo 
nterjiret  rif/hfeoiinnesi  by  almsgiving  in  such  pas- 
lages  as  (Jen.  xviii.  19;  Is.  liv.  14,  ?s.  xvii.  15. 

In  the  women's  court  of  the  Temple  there  were 
^3  receptacles  for  voluntary  offermgs  (ilark  xii. 
11),  one  of  which  was  devot<xl  to  alms  for  education 
if  poor  children  of  good  fainily.     IJefore  the  Cap- 


ALOES  71 

tivity  there  is  no  trace  of  permission  of  niendiiiincyi 
!>ut  it  was  evidently  allowed  in  later  times  (Matt 
XX.  30 ;  Mark  x.  46 ;  Actn  iii.  2). 

After  the  Captivity,  but  at  what  time  it  cannot 
be  known  certainly,  a  definite  systein  of  almsgiving 
was  introduce<l,  and  even  enforced  under  penalties. 
In  every  city  there  were  three  collectors.  Tlie  col- 
lections were  of  two  kinds:  (1.)  Of  money  for  the 
poor  of  the  city  only,  made  by  two  collectors,  re- 

ceivwl  in  a  chest  or  box  (HQip)  in  the  synagogue 
on  the  Sabl)ath,  and  distriliuted  by  the  three  in  the 
evening;  (2.)  For  the  poor  in  general,  of  food  and 
money,  collected  every  day  from  house  to  house,  re- 
ceived in  a  dish  (^IHttn),  and  distributed  by 
the  three  collectors.  The  two  collections  obtained 
the  names  respectively  of  "  alms  of  the  chest,"  and 
"  alms  of  the  dish."  Special  collections  and  dia- 
tribntions  were  also  made  on  fa-st-days. 

The  Pharisees  were  zealous  in  ahnsgiving,  but 
too  ostentatious  in  their  mode  of  perfonnance,  for 
which  our  Lord  finds  fault  with  them  (Matt.  vi.  2). 
But  there  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  the  ex- 
pression /IT)  ffa\iri(rris  is  more  than  a  mode  of 
denouncing  their  display,  by  a  figure  drawn  from 
the  frequent  and  well-known  use  of  trumpets  in  re- 
ligious and  other  celebrations,  Jewish  as  well  as 
heathen.  Winer,  s.  v.  Carpzov.  Jileem.  Jiul.  32. 
Vitringa,  De  Syn.  Vet.  iii.  1, 13.  Elsley,  On  Gos- 
pi'k.  Slaimonides,  De  Jure  Pauperis,  vii.  10; 
ix.  1,  6;  X.  (Prideaux.)  Jahn,  Arch.  Bihl.  iv. 
371.  (Upham.)  Lightfoot, //o/'ce //c/>»r.,  on  Matt. 
vi.  2,  and  Descr.  Temjjli,  p.  19.  Diet,  of  Antiq. 
s.  V.  "  Tuba."  [See  Offekixgs;  Poor;  Tithes; 
Temtlk.] 

The  duty  of  relieving  the  poor  wa.s  not  neglected 
by  the  Christians  (Matt.  vi.  1-4;  Luke  xiv.  13; 
Acts  XX.  35;  Gal.  ii.  10.)  Every  Christian  was 
exiiorted  to  Lay  by  on  the  Sunday  in  each  week 
some  iwrtion  of  his  profits,  to  be  applied  to  tho 
wants  of  the  needy  (Acts  xi.  30;  Hom.  xv.  2-5-27; 
1  (>)r.  xn.  1-4).  It  was  also  considered  a  duty 
specially  incumbent  on  widows  to  devote  them- 
selves to  such  muiistrations  (1  Tim.  v.  10). 

H.  W.  P. 

ALMUG-TREE.     [Algum.] 

AL'NATHAN  CAKuaOdu;  [Vat.  EuaaTW,] 
Alex.  EKvaOai':  Knn(ithnv).  Ei.NATii.w  2  (1 
lisdr.  viii.  44;  comp.  I^zr.  viii.  10).     W.  A.  W. 

ALOES,  LIGN  ALOES  (□''^nW,  Malim, 

"T^^nS:   AhaUith:    (TKi\vai   (in  Num.  xxiv.   6), 

ffraKrii  (in  Ps.  .».lv.  8);  oAcifl,  Aquila  and  Aid. 
a.\'ji-fi;  Comp.  a.\6d;  Sym.  eu/xiaixa  (in  Cant.  iv. 
14):  liberri'iciiht,  fjuttii,  aloe:  in  N.  T.  aAii?/,  "foe), 
the  name  of  some  costly  and  sweet-snielling  wood 
mentioned  in  Num.  xxiv.  0,  where  Balaam  com- 
pares the  condition  of  the  Israelites  to  "  trees  of 
lign-aloes  which  the  Lord  hath  planted ; "  in  Ps. 
xiv.  8,  "All  thy  garments  smell  of  m\Trh,  and 
aloes,  and  cassia;"  in  Prov.  vii.  17,  "I  have  per- 
fumed my  l)ed  with  myrrh,  aloes,  and  ciimamon." 
In  (,"ant.  iv.  14,  Solomon  speaks  of  "  m^Trh  and 
aloes,  with  all  the  chief  sjjices."  The  word  occurs 
once  in  the  N.  T.  (-lohn  xix.  39),  where  mention 
is  made  of  Nicodemus  brinfring  "a  mixture  of 
ray-h  and  aloes,  about  an  hundred  pound  weight," 
for  the  purpose  of  anointing  the  liody  of  our  lx)rd. 
Writers  generally,  following  Celsius  (Hierob.  i. 
135),  who  devotes  thirty-five  pages  to  this  subject, 
suppose  that  the  Aquilaria  agallochum  is  the  tres 


T2  ALOES 

11  question.  Tlie  trees  which  helonsj  to  the  natii- 
lal  order  Afjuilnriiime,  apetalous  dicotyledonous 
Iloweriii;;  phints,  are  for  the  most  part  natives  of 
tropical  Asia.  The  species  yly.  (i;/<il/ticlium,  which 
supplies  the  aloes-wiHwI  of  eoninierce,  is  much  valued 
in  India  on  account  of  its  aromatic  ipialities  for 
fumi<!;ati(jns  and  incense.  It  was  well  known  to 
the  Anil)ic  jjliysicians.  Il)n  Sii:a  "  (Avicenna),  in 
the  Ijitin  translation,  s])eaks  of  this  wood  under  the 
names  of  A<i<dli:cl,aiii,  Xi/lnloe,  or  Llynvm-Alvvs. 
In  the  Andiic  orij;inal  a  description  is  given  of  it 
under  the  names  of  Aijil'ijwii,  Ayhnlixtkhi,  Oodf> 
(Dr.  Iloyle,  in  f '//c  Bih.  J.it.  s.  v.  "  Ahalim  ").  Dr. 
Hoyle  ( / //h.s7.  iif  Huiniuiliy'in  B(  tony, p.  171 )  men- 
tions three  varieties  of  this  wood  as  being  obtained 
in  the  luizaars  of  Nonliein  India. 

The  Af/iii/'iri'i  Mciirulnrhi  of  (  hina  has  the  char- 
acter of  lieing  the  most  highly  scented.  But  it  is 
a  singular  fact  that  this  fragrancy  does  not  exist  in 
any  of  this  family  of  trees  when  in  a  healthy  and 
growing  condition:  it  is  only  when  the  tree  is  dis- 
eased that  it  has  this  aromatic  projierty.  On  this 
account  the  tinil;er  is  often  buried  for  a  short  time 
in  the  ground,  which  accelerates  the  decay,  when 
the  «//<-/■  or  fragrant  oil,  is  secreted.  The  best 
aloe-Wood  is  called  rut'iiii/ific,  and  is  the  pnjduce 
of  A'/iilliiii'i  iKjiiHirliiuii,  a  native  of  Silhet,  in 
NortluTii  India.  This  is  a  magnificent  tree,  and 
grows  to  t'le  Iiei<;Iit  of  12(1  feet,  being  12  feet  in 
girtli:  "  The  bark  of  the  trunk  is  smooth  and  ash- 


Aquilnria  Agallochum. 

Boloretl;  that   of  the   branches  gray  and   lightly 
itriped  with  brown.     The  wood  is  white,  and  very 


o  Ahdallali  ibn  Sinn,  n  relebmted   Arabian  physi- 
lian  and    nntunl   philosopher,   born  a.  d.  980.     The 
lews  abbreviafoit  tho  name  into  Abcnsiua,  whence  the 
■Christians  call  it  Avicenna. 
»   -  t 

6      >^     II  g.  (.  ayaKXoxov ,  Aquilaria  oea/a,  Spren- 

fcl,  Hist.  lUi  Ilerb.  i.  p.  2U1  S. ;  Avicenna,  1.  ii.  p.  132 ; 


ALOES 

light  and  soft.  It  is  totally  without  s.nell;  .ii  d  tht 
leaves,  bark,  and  Howers  are  equally  mo<U>rous  *' 
{Script.  Jkrb.  p.  2;i8).  The  JuTftairin  nijalh-t- 
chuvi,  with  which  some  writers  have  confused  the 
Aq.  (I  (/all.,  is  an  entirely  dificreiit  plant,  being  a 
small  crooked  tree,  containing  an  acrid  milky  poi- 
son, in  common  with  the  rest  of  the  hv/ilnu  blnceae. 
Persons  have  lost  their  sight  from  this  juice  getting 
into  their  eyes,  whence  the  plant's  generic  name, 
KxcoBCdvin.  It  is  ditticidt  to  account  for  the  spe- 
cific name  of  this  pl.-mt,  for  the  aijidluchum  is  cer- 
tainly not  the  pnxlnce  of  it. 

It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that,  notwith- 
standing all  tluit  has  been  written  to  prove  tlie 
identity  of  the  j-l/.(}/?/H-trecs  with  the  a loc a- in )(xl  of 
commerce,  and  notwithstar.ding  the  apparent  con- 
nection of  the  Ilel  rew  word  with  the  .Andiic  Af,hla- 
joon  and  the  (Jreek  AijnUoclum.  the  opinion  is  not 
clear  of  difficulties.  In  the  first  place  tlie  passage 
in  Num.  xxiv.  fi,  "as  the  AIkiI'iiii.  which  .leho- 
vah  hath  planted,  is  an  argimient  against  the 
identification  with  the  A'/tiilaiia  iif/'illccl,vm.  The 
LXX.  read  aKf)vai  (tents);  and  they  are  followed 
by  the  Vulg.,  the  Syriac,  the  Arabic,  and  some 
other  versions.  If  OI,('dhn  (tents)  is  not  the  true 
reading  —  and  the  context  is  against  it — then  if 
Alidliiii  =  Aq.  ai/idlorliiiin,  we  must  suppose  that 
Balaam  is  s[)e;vking  of  trees  concerning  which  in 
their  growing  state  he  could  have  known  nothing 
at  all.  Kosenmi.ller  (ScIkiI.  hi  ]'.  T.  ad  \um. 
xxiv.  6)  allows  that  this  tree  is  not  found  in  Ara- 
bia, but  thinks  that  Halaani  miffht  have  become 
acquainted  with  it  from  the  merchants.  Perhaps 
the  prophet  might  ha\e  seen  the  wood.  Hut  the 
passage  in  Numbers  manifestly  implies  that  he  had 
seen  tlie  Alidlim  (/loiiiiif/,  and  that  in  all  probabil- 
ity they  were  some  kind  of  tree  sufficiently  known 
to  the  Israelites  to  c'.;)able  them  to  understand  the 
aUusion  in  its  full  force.  But  if  the  Al.dlhn  =  the 
Af/all(icliiim,  then  much  of  the  illustration  wouiu 
have  been  lost  to  the  |>coi)le  who  were  the  subject 
of  the  prophecy;  for  the  Aq.  'if/'dlar/iuni  is  found 
neither  on  the  banks  of  the  F,ui)hratcs,  where  Ba- 
laam lived,  nor  ui  Moab,  where  the  blesshig  was 
enunciated. 

IMichaclis  (Supp.  pp.  34,  35)  believes  the  LXX. 
reading  to  be  the  correct  one,  though  he  sees  no 
difficulty,  but  nither  a  beauty,  in  suj.jxjsing  that 
Balitam  was  drawing  a  similitude  from  a  trt-e  of  for- 
eign growlh.  lie  confesses  that  the  )iarallelism  of 
the  verse  is  more  in  favor  of  the  ticf  than  the  /ent ; 
but  he  objects  that  the  lign-aloes  should  lie  men- 
tioned before  the  cedars,  the  parallelism  retpiiring, 
he  thinks,  the  inverse  order.  But  this  is  hardly  a 
valid  objection ;  for  what  tree  was  held  in  greater 
estimation  than  the  cedar V  And  even  if  Al.alim 
=  Aq.  aqfdl.,  yet  the  latter  clause  of  the  verse 
does  no  violence  to  the  law  of  i»rallclism,  for  of  the 
two  trees  the  cedar  "/»'_/<«•  iKt  ft  niii/v.tlior.'" 
Again,  the  jjassage  in  Ps.  xlv.  8  would  perhaps  be 
more  correctly  translatevi  tlius:  "The  myiTh,  aloas, 
and  cassia,  perfinning  ^11  thy  parment.s,  brought 
from  the  ivory  palaces  of  the  .Minui,  shall  make 
thee  glad."  '    The  MiurJ,  or  Minwi,  were  inhab- 


^wILcf,       '''•     (Fl«'*''8«>     ^'^-    8-     v.).       t>^, 

Lignum  AtnK<:,  Knm.  T4.  A\\c.  Can.  b  ii.  p.  2.31 ;  conl 
Sprcngel,   Hist.  Jiei   yierb.  t.  l.  p.  2.1   (Freytag,    Lex 

8.  v.). 

c  See  Rosemniiller's  note  rw  *!••*  pawage  (Scl  {.  w 


ALOTH 

itaiits  of  spicy  Arabia,  and  carried  on  a  great  trade 
.n  the  exjxjrtation  of  spices  and  i)erfuine3  (Plin.  xii. 
U,  10;  liocbart,  Phalerj,  ii.  22,  135.  As  the 
myrr/i  and  cassia  are  mentioned  as  coming  from 
the  jMinni,  and  were  doubtless  natunil  productions 
of  their  country,  the  inference  is  that  abes,  being 
named  with  them,  was  also  a  production  of  the 
same  country. 

The  Scri[>tui"al  use  of  the  Hebrew  word  applies 
botli  to  the  tree  and  to  its  produce;  and  although 
some  weight  must  be  allowed  to  the  opinion  which 
identifies  the  Ahdliiii  with  the  A'jalbchum,  sup- 
ported as  it  is  by  the  authority  of  so  eminent  a 
l)otanist  as  the  late  Dr.  Eoyle,  yet  it  must  be  con- 
ceded that  the  matter  is  by  no  means  proved. 
Ililler  {inerophyt.  i.  3!}4)  derives  the  word  from  a 
root  which  signifies  "  to  shine,"  "  to  be  splendid," 
and  believes  the  tree  to  be  some  species  of  cedar; 
probably,  he  says,  the  Ctdrus  maynt,  or  Cedrelate. 
What  the  C.  mnynii  may  be,  modern  botanical  sci- 
ence woidd  be  at  a  loss  to  conjecture,  but  it  Is  quite 
possible  that  some  kind  of  odoriferous  cedar  may 
be  the  tree  denoted  by  the  term  Ahal'iin  or  Ahaloth. 

W.  H. 

A'LOTH  (n'lbr  :  BaaXdiQ;  [.Mex.  Mc»a\- 
wt:]  Bnlvtii),  a  place  or  district,  forming  with 
Ashe.r  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ninth  of  Solomon's 
commissariat  officers  (1  K.  iv.  16).  It  is  read  by 
the  LXX.  and  later  scholars  as  Bealoth,  though  the 

A.  Y.  treats  the  J.  as  a  prefix."  In  the  former 
case  see  Ukai.otii.  .losephus  has  t^j/  vfpl  'Ap- 
(cV  irapaKlav,  'ApK-fj  being  the  name  which  he 
elsewhere  gives  to  Ecdippa  (Achzib)  on  the  sea- 
coast  in  Asher.  G. 

AL'PH  A.  the  first  letter  of  the  Greek  alphabet, 
as  Omega  is  the  last.  Its  significance  is  plainly 
indicated  in  the  context,  "  I  am  Alpha  and  Omega, 
the  beginning  and  the  end,  tlie  first  and  the  last  " 
(Rev.  xxii.  13;  comp.  i.  8,  11  [rec.  text],  xxi.  0), 
which  may  be  compared  with  Is.  xli.  4,  xUv.  G,  "  I 
am  the  first  and  I  am  the  last,  and  beside  me 
there  is  no  God."  So  I'rudentius  {Cathemer. 
hymn.  ix.  11)  explains  it: 

"Alpha  et  0  cognoiiiinatur  :  ipse  fons  et  clausula 
Omuium  qufc  sunt,  fuerunt,  qujeque  post  futura  sunt." 

The  expression  "I  am  Alpha  and  Omega"  is 
illustrated  by  the  usage  in  Rabbinical  writers  of 
Aleph  and  Tau,  the  first  and  last  letters  of  the  He- 
l)rew  alphabet.  Schocttgen  {/for.  Hehr.  i.  1086) 
quotes  from  Jrdkut  Jiubvui,  fol.    17,  4,   "Adam 

transgresse<l  the  whole  law  from  S  to  i~l,"  that  is, 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end.  It  is  not  neces- 
sary to  inquire  whether  in  the  latter  usage  the 
meaning  is  so  full  as  in  the  Revelation :  that  must 
be  determined  by  separate  considerations.  As  an 
illustration  merely,  the  reference  is  valuable.  Both 
Greeks  and  Helirews  employed  the  letters  of  the 
alphabet  as  numends.  In  the  early  times  of  the 
Christian  Church  the  letters  A  and  fl  were  com- 
bined with  the  cross  or  with  the  monogram  of 
Christ  (Maitland,  Church  hi  the  Catacombs,  pp. 
166-8).  One  of  the  oldest  monuments  on  which 
ihis  occurs  is  a  marble  tablet  founc  in  the  cata- 
combs at  Melos,  which  belongs,  if  not  to  the  first 
«entury,  to  the  l^jst  half  of  the  second.     [Cross.] 

W.  A.  W. 


.    T.  ad  Ps.  zIt.  9),   and  Tree's  Hei.   Lex.  (8.  y. 


ALPH^US  73 

*  The  declaration  "  I  am  Alpha  and  Omega,  tha 
beghming  and  the  end,"  taken  in  its  most  general 
sense,  appears  to  represent  God  as  the  being  J'rom 
whom  all  things  proceed  and  lu  whom  they  tend, 
—  the  creator  and  ruler  of  the  universe,  directing 
all  events  to  the  accomplishment  of  his  purposes 
In  special  reference  to  the  subject  of  the  Apocalypse, 
it  gives  assurance  that  he  will  carry  on  to  its  con- 
summation the  work  which  he  has  begun ;  "  the 
kingdoms  of  this  world  shall  become  tlie  kingdom 
of  our  Lord  and  of  his  Christ"  (Rev.  xi.  15).  As 
Ilengstenberg  remarks  (on  Rev. i.  8),  "hi  this  dec- 
laration the  Omega  is  to  be  regaixled  as  eni|)hatic 
It  is  equivalent  to  sajing.  As  I  am  the  Alpha,  sc 
am  I  also  the  Omega.  The  beginning  is  surety 
for  the  end."  See  also  Bengel's  note.  Comp.  2 
Esdr.  vi.  G;  Rom.  xi.  36.  .Joseph,  c.  Apion.  ii. 
22,  6  deh?  .  .  .  avrhs  eavrw  Kal  iraaiv  aurdp- 
Kr)s,  apx^  xal  /xeVa  Kal  reKos  irivToiv.  Ant. 
viii.  11,  §  2,  apxh  xaX  re\os  rwv  awavrcDV. 
Plato,  J)e  Le;j(j.  iv.  7,  p.  715  e,  <5  ee6s,  wcrirfp  koI 
6  iraKatbs  \6yos,  a.pxv"  ^e  koX  reKfUT^jv  Kal  fi4- 
ara  Twv  airdiTwi/  t^'^v  k.  t.  A.  I'ra'dicatio  Petri 
ap.  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vi.  5,  fly  6e6s  iuTiv,  &s 
o.px))v  iravrwv  iiroi-qcrev,  Kol  T€\ovi  f^ouffiav 
iX'^v-  ^''""  other  examples  and  illustrations  of 
this  phraseology,  see  Lobeck's  Ar/laoph.  pp.  529- 
531.  A. 

ALPHABET.     [Writing.] 

ALPH^'US  [or  Alphe'us,  A.  V.  1611,  and 
most  eds.]  ('A\(pa7os-  "^??n  Q)erh.  exchange]), 
the  father  of  the  lesser  St.  James  the  Apostle  (Matt. 
X.  3;  Mark  iii.  18;  Luke  \i.  15;  Acts  i.  13),  and 
husband  of  that  Mary  (calle<l  in  Mark  xv.  40, 
mother  of  James  the  less  and  of  Joses)  who,  with 
the  mother  of  Jesus  and  others,  was  standing  by 
the  cross  during  the  crucifixion  (John  xix.  25). 
[jNIary.]  In  this  latter  place  he  is  called  (.'lopaa 
(not,  as  in  the  A.  V.,  Cleophas);  a  \ariation  aris- 
ing from  the  double  pronunciation  of  the  letter  H  : 
and  found  also  in  the  LXX.  rendering  of  Hebrew 

names.  Winer  compares  'AY/a^os  from  "^SH, 
'Efide   from  Pi^V^,  cpaaeK   from  IIDQ  (2  Chr. 

XXX.  1),  Ta$eK  from  HiTO  (Gen.  xxii.  24),  and 
says  that  although  no  reliable  example  appears  iu 
the  LXX.  of  the  hardening  of  H  at  the  beginning 
of  a  word,  yet  such  are  found,  as  in  KtXiKia  from 
T[7n.  Whether  the  fact  of  this  variety  existing 
gives  us  a  further  right  to  identify  Alphieus  mth 
the  Cleopas  of  Luke  xxiv.  18,  can  never  he  satisfac- 
torily determined.  If,  as  commonly,  the  ellipsis  in 
'loiiSas  'loKco/Sou  in  Luke  vi.  15,  Acts  i.  13,  is  to 
be  filled  up  by  inserting  d5eA<t)(^s,  then  the  apostle 
St.  Jude  was  another  son  of  Alphwus.  And  ii; 
Mark  ii.  14,  Levi  (or  Matthew)  is  also  said  to  have 
been  the  son  of  Alphaus.  Nor  can  any  satisfac- 
tory reason  be  given  why  we  should  suppose  this  to 
have  been  a  different  person,  as  is  usually  done. 
For  further  particulars,  see  Jasiks  thk  Less,  and 
Brkthren  of  Jesus.  II.  A. 

*  The  Alphaeus  who  was  the  father  of  Levi  or 
Matthew  (JIark  ii.  14),  and  the  Alphaus  who  was 
the  father  of  James  the  I.«ss  (Matt.  x.  3),  in  aL 
probability,  were  different  persons.       In  the  lists 


a  *  It  does  so  in  1  K.  iv.  16,  but  not  it  Josh,  xt 
24.  H. 


74 


ALTANEUS 


»f  the  apostles  (Matt.  x.  3 ;  Mark  iii.  18 ;  Luke  vi. 
15;  Acts  i.  13),  those  of  them  known  to  be  related 
to  each  other  are  usually  mentioned  in  pairs,  whereas 
Matthew  (or  I^vi)  and  James  the  younger  are 
never  placed  thus  together.  Alphseus  was  a  com- 
mon name  among  the  Jews  (see  Lightfoot  or  Acts 
i.  13),  and  need  not  be  appropriated  to  one  person. 
Fritzsche,  Winer,  De  Wette,  Olshausen,  Meyer, 
Lange,  and  most  of  the  leading  critics,  recognize 
two  men  of  this  name  in  the  Gospels.  Bleek  re- 
marks {Syno])t.  Evnmielien,  i.  380)  that  it  is  only 
on  the  supjrosition  that  Levi  and  Matthew  were  dif- 
ferent i)ersons,  and  that  Levi  was  a  disciple  only  and 
not  an  apostle,  ihat  he  could  be  the  son  of  the  Al- 
phseus wlio  was  the  father  of  the  younger  James. 

H. 
ALTANE'US   {'kXravatos;   [Vat.  MaAroi/- 
j/atoj;]     Alex.     KATavvoios'     Carianeus).      The 
game  a.s  Mattknai  (Ezr.  x.  33),  one  of  the  sons  of 
Hashum  (I  Esdr.  ix.  33).  \V.  A.  W. 

ALTAR  (n3|D  :  evcrLoarT-fiptov,  Pccfids'-  nl- 
tare).  (A.)  The  first  altar  of  which  we  have  any 
account  is  that  built  by  Noah  when  he  left  the  ark 
(Gen.  viii.  20).  The  Targumists  indeed  assert 
that  Adam  built  an  altar  alter  he  was  driven  out 
of  the  garden  of  lixlen,  and  that  on  this  Cain  and 
Abel,  and  afterwards  Noah  and  Abraham,  offered 
sacrifice  (Pseudo-Jonath.  Gen.  viii.  20,  xxii.  9). 
According  to  the  tradition  the  First  Man  was  made 
upon  an  altar  which  God  himself  had  prepared  for 
the  puq)ose,  and  on  the  site  of  this  altar  were 
reared  lx)th  tliose  of  the  I'atriarchs  and  that  in  the 
Temple  of  Solomon.  Tills  tradition,  if  no  other 
way  valuable,  at  least  shows  the  great  importance 
which  the  Jews  attached  to  the  altar  as  the  central 
point  of  their  religious  worship  (Biihr,  Symbol,  ii. 
350). 

In  the  early  times  altars  were  usually  built  in 
certain  spots  hallowed  by  religious  associations, 
e.  ff.  where  God  ai)|>eared  ((jlen.  xii.  7,  xiii.  18, 
xxvi.  25,  XXXV.  1).  Generally  of  course  they  were 
erected  for  the  offering  of  sacrifice ;  but  in  some  in- 
stances they  appear  to  ha\e  been  only  memorial. 
Such  was  the  altar  built  by  Moses  and  called  Jeho- 
vah Nissi,  as  a  sign  that  the  Ix)rd  would  have  war 
with  Amalek  from  generation  to  generation  (Fx. 
xvii.  15,  16).  Such  too  was  the  altar  which  was 
built  by  the  Ileiibenites,  Gadites,  and  half-tribe  of 
Manasseh,  "  in  the  borders  of  Jordan,"  and  wliicli 
was  erected  '>  not  for  burnt-oflering  nor  for  sacri- 
fice," but  that  it  might  be  "a  witness"  between 
them  and  the  rest  of  the  tribes  (Josh.  xxii.  10-29). 
Altars  were  most  probably  originally  made  of  earth. 
The  Law  of  Moses  allowed  them  to  be  made  either 
of  earth  or  unhewn  stones  (Ex.  xx.  2G):  any  iron 
tool  would  have  profaned  the  altar  —  but  this  could 
only  refer  to  the  body  of  the  alt^r  and  that  part  on 
which  the  victim  was  laid,  as  directions  were  given 
to  make  a  casing  of  shittim-wood  overlaid  with 
brijss  for  the  altar  of  burnt-offering.     (See  below). 

In  later  times  they  were  frequently  built  on  high 
Dlaces,  especially  in  idolatrous  worship  (Deut.  xii. 
2 ;  for  the  pagan  notions  on  this  subject,  see  Tac. 
.Inn.  xiii.  57).     The  altars  so  erected  were  them- 

lelves  sometimes  called  "high  places"  (n"103, 
2  K.  xxiii.  8 ;  2  Chr.  xiv.  3,  &c.).  By  the  Law  of 
Moses  all  altars  were  forbidden  except  those  first 

a  Knobel  {in  Inc.)  is  of  opinion  that  the  object  of 
'Jie  net-work  was  to  protect  the  altar  from  being  in- 
iured  by  the  feet  and  knees  of  the  officiating  priests. 


ALTAR 

in  the  Tabernacle  and  afterwards  in  the  Tompte 
(Lev.  xvii.  8,  9;  Deut.  xii.  13,  &c.).  This  prohi- 
bition, however,  was  not  strictly  obsened,  at  least 
tUl  after  the  building  of  the  Temple,  even  by  piou! 
Israelites.  Tlius  Gideon  built  an  altar  fJudg.  vi. 
24).  So  likewise  did  Samuel  (1  Sam.  vii.  9,  10), 
David  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  25),  and  Solomon  (1  K.  iii 
4). 

The  sanctity  attaching  to  the  altar  led  to  its  be- 
ing regardeii  as  a  place  of  refuge  or  asylum  (Ex. 
xxi.  14;  IK.  i.  50). 

(B.)  The  I^w  of  Moses  directed  that  two  altai-s 
should  be  made,  the  one  the  Altar  of  Burnt -offer- 
ing (called  also  the  Altar  Kar  iiox'fl",  see  Haver- 
nick  in  Ez.  xhii.  13  ff.)  and  the  other  the  Altar  of 
Incense. 

L    The    Altar    of    Burnt -offering      (n^TD 

nVirn),  called  in  Mai.  i.  7,  12,  "  the  table  of 
the  Lord,"  perhaps  also  in  Ez.  xliv.  16.  This  dif- 
fered in  construction  at  difierent  times.  (1.)  In 
the  Tabernacle  (ICx.  xxvii.  1  ff.,  xxxviii.  Iff.)  it 
was  com[)aratively  small  and  portable.  In  shape  it 
was  square.  It  was  five  cubits  in  length,  the  same 
in  breadth,  and  three  cubits  high.  It  was  made 
of  planks  of  shittim  (or  acacia)  wood  overlaid  with 
brass.     (Josephus  says  f/old  instead  of  brasg,  Ant. 

iii.  G,  §  8.)  The  interior  was  hollow  (."n/  i^'l— 3, 
Ex.  xxvii.  8).  But  as  nothing  is  said  about  a  cov- 
ering to  the  altar  on  which  the  victims  might  be 
placed,  Jarchi  is  probably  correct  in  supposing  that 
whenever  the  tabernacle  for  a  time  became  station- 
ary, the  hollow  case  of  the  altar  was  fille<l  up  with 
earth.  In  support  of  this  view  l.o  refers  to  Ex.  xx. 
24,  where  the  command  is  given,  "  make  me  an 
altar  of  earth,"  &c.,  and  observes:  "  Altare  terreum 
est  hoc  ipsum  a;neum  altare  cujus  concavuin  terra 
implebatur,  cum  castra  metarentur." 

At  the  four  corners  were  four  projections  called 
horns,  made,  like  the  altar  itself,  of  shittim-wood 
overlaid  with  brass.     It  is  not  quite  certain  how 

the  words  in  Ex.  xxvii.  2,  "1^7l^~lL  JV.r^l  ''-??'?» 
should  1)6  explained.  According  to  Mendelssohn 
they  mean  that  these  horns  were  of  one  piece  with 
the  altar.  So  also  Knobel  (Connii.  in  loc).  And 
this  is  probably  right.  By  others  they  are  undei-- 
stood  to  describe  only  the  projection  of  the  honis 
from  the  altar.  Tliese  probably  projected  upwards ; 
and  to  them  the  victim  was  bound  when  about  to 
be  sacrificed  (Ps.  cxviii.  27).  On  the  occasion  of 
the  consecration  of  the  priests  (Ex.  xxix.  12)  and 
the  offering  of  the  sin-offering  (Lev.  iv.  7  ff.)  the 
blood  of  the  victim  was  sjirinkled  on  the  horns  of 
the  altar.  (See  the  symboUsm  explained  by  Bauni- 
garten,  Commentar  zuvi  PenUiteuch,  ii.  63.) 
Round  the  altar  midway  between  the  top  and  bot- 
tom (or,  as  others  suppose,  at  the  top)  ran  a  pro- 
jecting ledge  (33"^!?,  A.  V.  "Compass")  on 
which  perhaps  the  priests  stood  when  they  officiated. 
To  the  outer  edge  of  this,  again,  a  grating  or  net- 
work of  brass  {r\r':P2  nr;;-;)  nbrn  ^s?!?) 

was  affixed,  and  reached  to  the  bottom  of  the  altar, 
which  thus  presented  the  appearance  of  being  larger 
below  than  above."  Others  have  supposed  thie 
grating  to  adhere  closely  to  the  boards  of  whicl 


The  23'^7',  he  thinks,  was  menely  an  ornament  1) 
way  of  finish  at  the  top  of  this. 


ALTAR 

Jie  altar  was  composed,  or  even  to  hare  been  sub- 
itituted  for  them  half-way  up  from  the  bottom. 

At  any  rate  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  tlie 
grathig  was  perpendicular,  not  horizontal  as  Jona- 
than supposes  (Targum  on  Ex.  xxvii.  5).  Accord- 
in"  to  him  it  was  intended  to  catch  portions  of  the 
sacrifice  or  coals  which  fell  from  the  aJtar,  and 
which  might  thus  be  easily  replaced.  But  it  seems 
improbable  that  a  net  work  or  grating  should  have 
been  constructed  for  such  a  purpose  (cf.  Joseph. 
Ant.  Hi.  6,  §  8).  At  the  four  corners  of  the  net- 
work were  four  brazen  rings  into  which  were  in- 
serted the  staves  by  which  the  altar  was  carried. 
These  staves  were  of  the  same  materials  as  the  altar 
itself.  As  the  priests  were  forbidden  to  ascend  the 
altar  by  st«ps  (Ex.  xx.  2G),  it  has  been  conjectured 
that   a   slope   of  earth   led   gratlually  up  to  the 

nb"l3,  or  ledge  from  which  they  ofliciated.  This 
must  have  been  either  on  the  north  or  south  side ; 
for  on  the  east  was  "  the  place  of  the  ashes  "  (Lev. 
i.  16),  and  on  the  west  at  no  great  distance  stood 
the  laver  of  brass.  According  to  the  Jewish  tra- 
dition it  was  on  the  south  side.  The  place  of  the 
altar  was  at  "  the  door  of  the  tabernacle  of  the  tent 
of  the  congregation"  (Ex.  xl.  29).  The  various 
utensils  for  the  service  of  the  altar  (Ex.  xxvii.  3) 
were :   (a)    HI  I'^O,  pans  to  clear  away  the  fat 

(S3K7"T  v)  and  ashes  with :  elsewhere  tlie  word  is 
used'  of  the  pots  in  which  the  flesh  of  the  sacrifices 
was  put  to  seethe  (cf.  Zech.  xiv.  20,  21,  and  2  Chr. 

XXXV.  13,  with  1  Sam.  ii.  14).  (6)  2'"?'^,  shovels, 
Vnlg.  fffrcipes,  Gesen.  pake  cineii  rtmaveivki. 
((•)  nSp'JT^,  6«.i"/*.<,  LXX.  (piaKal,  vessels  in 
which  the  blood  of  the  victims  was  received,  and 
from   which   it   was   sprinkled   (r.     p~lT).        {d) 

nhbt^S,  flesh-hooks,  LXX.  Kpeiypat,  by  means 
of  which  the  flesh  was  removed  from  the  caldron  or 
pot.  (See  1  Sam.  ii.  13,  14,  where  they  are  de- 
scribed as  having  three  prongs.)  (e)  Hnn^, 
fire-pans,  or  perhaps  censers.  ITiese  might  either 
be  used  for  taking  coals  from  the  fire  on  the  altar 
(Lev.  xvi.  12),  or  for  burning  incense  (Num.  xvi. 
6,  7).  There  is  no  reason  to  give  the  word  a  dif- 
ferent meaning  in  Ex.  xxv.  38,  where  our  version, 
following  the  V'^ulgate,  translates  it  "  snufMishes." 
All  these  utensils  were  of  brass. 

(2.)  In  Solomon's  Temple  the  altar  was  consider- 
ably larger  m  its  dimensions,  as  might  have  been 
expected  from  the  much  greater  size  of  the  building 
in  which  it  was  placed.  Like  the  former  it  was 
square;  but  the  length  and  breadth  were  now 
twenty  cubits,  and  the  height  ten  (2  Chr.  iv.  1). 
(t  differed,  too,  in  the  material  of  which  it  was 
jaade,  being  entirely  of  brass  (1  K.  viii.  64;  2 
Ohr.  vii.  7).  It  had  no  grating;  and  instead  of  a 
gincle  gradual  slope,  the  ascent  to  it  was  probably 
made  by  three  successive  pLatforms,  to  each  of  which 
it  has  been  supposed  that  steps  led  (Surenhus. 
Mishna,  vol.  ii.  p.  261,  as  in  the  figure  annexed). 
Against  this  may  be  urged  the  fact  that  the  Law 
Df  Moses  positively  forbade  the  use  of  steps  (Ex.  xx. 
26)  and  the  assertion  of  Josephus  that  in  Herod's 
temple  the  ascent  was  by  an  inclined  plane.  On 
«he  other  hand  steps  are  introduced  in  the  ideal,  or 
ijTnboUcal,  temple  of  Ezekiel  (xliii.  17),  and  the 
jii ohibition  in  Ex.  xx.  has  been  interpreted  as  ap- 
»lying  to  a  coiitimious  flight  of  stairs  and  not  to  a 


ALTAR 


75 


broken  ascent.     But  the  bibUcal  account  is  so  brief 
that  we  are  necessarily  unable  to  determiue  the 


Altar  of  Burnt  Offering,  from  Surenhusiu8"s  Mishna. 

question.  Asa,  we  read,  renewed  (tT'^np)  this 
altar  (2  Chr.  xv.  8).  This  may  either  mean  that 
he  repaired  it,  or  more  probably  perhaps  that  he 
reconsecrated  it,  after  it  had  been  polluted  by  idol- 
worship  {iuiKcdviae,  LXX.).  Subsequently  Ahaz 
had  it  removed  from  its  place  to  the  north  side  of 
the  new-altar  which  Urijali  the  priest  had  made  in 
accordance  with  his  direction  (2  K.  xvi.  14). 
It    was    "cleansed"    by   command   of   Hezekiah 

(^D"int2,  2  Chr.  xxix.  18),  and  Manasseh,  after 
renouncing  his  idolatry,  either  repaired  (Chetib, 
p"*"))  OT  rebuilt  it  (Keri,  p"*")).  It  may  finally 
have  been  broken  up  and  the  brass  carried  to  Baby- 
lon, but  this  is  not  mentioned  (Jer.  lii.  17  AT.). 
According  to  the  Rabbinical  tradition,  this  altar 
stood  on  the  very  spot  on  which  man  was  originiUly 
created. 

(3.)  The  Altar  of  Bumt-ofifering  in  the  second 
(Zerubbabel's)  temple.  Of  this  no  description  is 
given  m  the  Bible.  We  are  only  told  (Ezr.  iii.  2 
that  it  was  built  before  the  foundations  of  the  Teiii 
pie  were  laid.  According  to  Josephus  {ArU.  xi.  4, 
§  1)  it  was  placed  on  the  same  spot  on  which  that 
of  Solomon  had  originally  stood.  It  was  con- 
structed, as  we  may  infer  from  1  Mace.  iv.  47,  of 
unliewn  stones  {\iOovs  6\oK\-{tpovs).  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  desecrated  it  [wKoSifxricrav  fiSe\vyij.a 
fprifMciffecos  M  rh  OvaiaffTTjpiov,  1  ^lacc.  i.  54) 
and  according  to  Josephus  {Ant.  xii.  5,  §  4)  re- 
moved it  altogether.  In  the  restoration  by  Judas 
Maccabseus  a  new  altar  was  built  of  unhewn  stone 
m  conformity  with  the  Mosaic  Law  (1  Mace.  iv. 
-17). 

(4.)  The  altar  erected  by  Herod  which  is  thus 
described  by  Josephus  {B.  J.  v.  5,  §  6) :  "  In  front 
of  the  Temple  stood  the  altar,  15  cubits  in  height, 
and  in  breadth  and  length  of  equal  dimensions,  a  iz. 
50  cubits:  it  was  built  foursquare,  with  horn-like 
comers  projecting  from  it;  and  on  the  south  side  a 
gentle  acchvity  led  up  to  it.  Moreover  it  was  made 
without  any  iron  tool,  neither  did  iron  ever  touch 
it  at  any  time."  Rufin.  has  40  cubits  square  in- 
stead of  50.  The  dimensions  given  in  the  Mishna 
are  different.  It  is  there  said  (Middoth,  3, 1)  that 
tae  altar  was  at  the  base  32  cubits  square ;  at  the 
height  of  a  cubit  from  the  ground  30  cubits  square ; 

at  5  cubits  higher  (where  was  the  circuit,  SD31D) 
it  was  reduced  to  28  cubits  square,  and  at  the 


76  ALTAR 

boms  still  further  to  2f(.  A  space  of  a  cubit  each 
way  was  liere  allowed  for  the  officiating  priests  to 
walk,  so  that  24  culjits  square  were  left  for  the  fire 

on  the  altar  (HD^IVSn).-  This  description  is 
not  very  clear.  But  the  Rabbinical  and  other  in- 
terpreters consider  the  altar  from  the  S25^D 
tipwards  to  have  Ixtm  28  cubits  square,  allowhig  at 
the  top,  however,  a  cubit  each  way  for  the  homs, 
and  another  cubit  for  the  passage  of  the  priests. 
()thers,  however  (as  L'Knipereur  in  ioc),  supiwse 
the  ledge  on  which  the  priests  walked  to  have  been 
2  cubits  lower  than  the  surface  of  the  altar  on 
p.hich  the  fire  was  placed. 

The  Mishna  further  states,  in  accordance  with 
Jcsephus  (see  above),  and  with  reference  to  the  law 
alrea<ly  mentioned  (I'Lx.  xx.  25),  that  the  stcnes  of 
which  the  altar  was  made  were  unhewn ;  at  i  that 
twice  in  the  yeai',  viz.  at  the  Feast  of  the  Passover 
and  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  they  were  whitewashed 

afresh.     The  way  up  (U'n~)  was  on  the  south 

side,  32  cubits  long  and  16  broad,  constructed  also 
of  unhewn  stones..  In  connection  ;»ith  the  horn  on 
the  south-west  was  a  pipe  intended  to  receive  the 
blood  of  the  victims  which  was  sprinkled  on  the 
left  side  of  the  altar :  the  blood  was  afterwards  car- 
ried by  means  of  a  suljterranean  passage  into  the 
brook  Kidron.  Under  the  altar  was  a  cavity  into 
which  the  drink-offerings  passed.  It  was  covered 
over  with  a  slab  of  marble,  and  emptied  from  time 
to  time.  On  the  north  side  of  the  altar  were  a 
number  of  brazen  rings,  to  secure  the  animals 
which  were  brought  for  sacrifice.     Lastly,  round 

the  middle  of  the  altar  ran  a  scarlet  thread  (T^^H 
M"13^3    't^')  to  mark  where  the  blood  was  to  be 

T  ;      • 

sprinkled,  whether  above  or  below  it. 

According  to  I>ev.  vi.  12,  13,  a  perpetual  fire  was 
to  be  kept  burning  on  the  altar.  This,  as  liiihr 
{Symbol,  ii.  350)  remarks,  was  the  sjinbol  and  to- 
ken of  the  perjietual  worship  of  Jehovah.  For  in- 
asmuch as  the  whole  religion  of  Israel  was  concen- 
trated in  the  sacrifices  which  were  offered,  the  ex- 
tinguishing of  the  fire  would  have  looked  like  the 
extinguishuig  of  the  religion  itself.  It  was  there- 
fore, as  he  observes,  essentially  different  from  tlie 
perpetual  fire  of  the  Persians  (Curt.  iii.  3;  Anun. 
Marc,  xxiii.  0;  Hyde,  Jiel.  Vet.  Pets.  viii.  148),  or 
the  fire  of  Vesta  to  which  it  has  been  compared. 
These  were  not  sacrificial  fires  at  all,  but  were  sym- 
bols of  the  Deity,  or  were  connected  with  the  beUef 
which  regarded  fire  as  one  of  the  primal  elements 
of  the  world.  This  fire,  according  to  the  Jews, 
was  the  same  as  that  which  came  down  from 
heaven  {itvp  oipavoirfTts)  "and  consumed  upon 
thj  altar  the  burnt-offering  and  the  fat"  (Lev.  ix. 
iij.  It  couched  uj^n  the  altar,  they  say,  like  a 
Hon ;  it  was  bright  as  the  sun ;  the  fiame  thereof 
was  fcolid  and  pure :  it  consumed  things  wet  and 
Iry  alike;  and  finally,  it  emitted  no  smoke.  This 
was  one  of  the  five  things  existing  in  the  first  tem- 
ple which  tradition  declares  to  have  been  wanting 
m  the  second  ( Tract,  ,/oma,  c.  i.  sub  fin.  fob  21, 
wl.  b.).  The  fire  which  consumed  the  sacrifices 
iras  kindled  from  this :  and  besides  these  there  was 
ihe  fire  from  which  the  coals  were  tali  en  to  bum 
incense  with.  (See  Carpzov.  Apparat.  Ilist.  Ciit. 
innot.  p.  286.) 
n.  The  Altar  of  Incense  (riT?*I^nn  H??)?  and 


ALTAR 

n~!bn  "l^ptt,  Fjc.  XXX.  1 ;  Ovo-iaffrfipioy  dv/it 
dfiuTos,  LXX.),  called  also  the  golden  altai 
(nn-Tn  n3T!2,  Ex.  xxxlx.  38;  Num.  iv.  11)  tc 
distinguish  it  from  the  ^ytar  of  Bumt-offering 
which  was  called  the  brazen  altar  (Ex.  xxxviii.  30). 
Probably  this  is  meant  by  the  '•  altar  of  wood  " 
spoken  of  l'>.ek.  xU.  22,  which  is  further  described 
as  the  "table  that  is  before  Ihe  Lwd^'^  precisely 
the  expresidon  used  of  the  altar  of  incense.  (See 
DeUtz.scli,  Brief'  an  die  Iltbr.  p.  678.)     The  name 

nSTC,  "  altar,"  was  not  strictly  appropriate,  as 
no  sacrifices  were  offered  upon  it;  but  once  in  the 
year  on  the  great  day  of  atonement,  the  high-priest 
sprinkled  upon  the  homs  of  it  the  blood  of  the  sin- 
oflering  (Ex.  xxx.  10). 

(a.)  That  in  the  Tabernacle  was  made  of  acacia- 
wood,  overlaid  with  pure  gold.  In  shape  it  was 
square,  being  a  cubit  in  length  and  breadth,  and  2 
cubits  in  height.  Like  the  Altar  of  Bumt-oflering 
it  had  homs  at  the  four  comers,  which  were  of  one 
piece  with  the  rest  of  the  altar.  So  Kabb.  I^vi 
ben  Gerson :  "  Discimus  inde  quod  non  conveniat 
facere  cornua  separatim,  et  altari  deinde  apponere, 
sed  quod  cornua  debeant  esse  ex  corpore  altaris." 
( Comment,  in  Leg.  fol.  109,  col.  4). 

It  had  also  a  top  or  roof  (23  :  icr^dpa,  LXX.), 
on  which  the  incense  was  laid  and  lighted.  Many, 
followuig  the  interj)retation  of  the  Vulgate  cratic- 
ulam  ejus,  have  sujiposed  a  kind  of  gratmg  to  be 
meant ;  but  for  this  there  is  no  authority.     Round 

the  altar  was  a  border  or  wreath  ("^.^  :  jTrpeirr^v 
<m<pdvi)v  xpvo-riv,  LXX.).  Josephus  says:  iirrip 
ia-xd-poi  XP^'^^"'  ^Trepoceo'Tcuo'a,  exoutro  Karh 
ytiiviav  kKa(TTi]v  (Trl<pavov  {Ant.  iii.  G,  §  8).  "Erat 
itaque  cinctorium,  ex  solido  conflatum  auro,  quod 
tccto  ita  adhrerebat,  ut  in  extremitate  illud  cingeret, 
et  prohiberet,  ne  quid  facile  ab  altari  in  terram  de- 
volveretur."  (Cari)zov.  Appnr.  Hist.  Crit.  An7ioi 
p.  273.)  Below  this  were  two  golden  rings  which 
were  to  be  "  for  pl.-vces  for  the  staves  to  bear  it 
withal."  The  sta;es  were  of  acacia-wood  overlaid 
with  gold.  Its  appearance  may  be  illustrated  bj 
the  following  figure :  — 


.^ 


Supposed  form  of  the  Altar  of  Incense. 


This  altar  stood  in  the  Holy  Place,  "  before  th# 
vail  that  is  by  the  ark  of  the  testimony  "  (I'-x.  xxi 
6,  xl.  5).     Philo  too  speaks  of  it  as  i<roi  tov  irpori- 


ALTAR 

tov  KaraireTdcTfiaTOS,  and  as  standing  between  the 
sandlestick  and  the  table  of  shew  bread.  In  ap- 
parent contradiction  to  this,  the  author  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  enumerates  it  among  the 
objects  which  were  within  the  second  vail  (^ero  rb 
Sdrepov  KaTaireraa/xa),  i-  e.  in  the  Holy  of  Holies. 
It  is  true  that  by  dufjL'.aTr}pioy  in  this  passage  may 
be  meant  "a  censer,"  in  accordance  with  the  usage 
of  the  LXX.,  but  it  is  better  understood  of  the 
Altar  of  Incense  which  by  Thilo  and  other  Hel- 
lenists is  called  dufiiaT-fipiov.  It  is  remarkable  also 
that  in  1  K.  vi.  21,  22,  this  same  altar  is  said  to 

belong  to  "the  oracle"  ("I'^^'^b  -lt?^Si  nSTSn) 
or  most  Holy  Place.  This  may  perhaps  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  great  typical  and  symbolical 
importance  attached  to  this  altar,  so  that  it  might 
be  considered  to  belony  to  the  Sevrepa  (Tktjv^. 
(See  Bleek  on  Heb.  ix.  4,  and  Delitzsch  in  he.) 

{b.)  The  Altar  in  Solomon's  Temple  was  similar 
(1  K.  vii.  48;  1  Chr.  xxviii.  18),  but  was  made 
of  cedar  overlaid  with  gold.  The  altar  mentioned 
in  Is.  vi.  0,  is  clearly  the  Altar  of  Incense,  not  the 
Altar  of   Burnt-oftering.      From   this   passage  it 

would  seem  that  heated  stones  (n?3!'"1)  were  laid 
upon  the  altar,  by  means  of  which  the  incense  was 
kindled.  Although  it  is  the  heavenly  altar  which 
is  there  described,  we  may  presume  that  the  earthly 
corresponded  to  it. 

(c.)  The  Altar  of  Incense  is  mentioned  as  having 
been  removed  from  the  Temple  of  Zerubbabel  by 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  (1  Mace.  i.  21).  Judas 
Maccabneus  restored  it,  together  with  the  holy 
vessels,  &c.  (1  INIacc.  iv.  49).  On  the  arch  of  Titus 
no  Altar  of  Incense  appears.  But  that  it  existed 
in  the  la.st  Temple,  and  was  richly  overlaid,  we  learn 
ftx)m  the  Jlishna  {Chagign,  iii.  8).  From  the  cir- 
cumstance that  the  sweet  incense  was  burnt  upon 
it  every  day,  morning  and  evenuig  (Ex.  xxx.  7,  8), 
as  well  as  that  the  blood  of  atonement  was  sprinkled 
upon  it  (v.  10),  this  altar  had  a  special  importance 
attached  to  it.  It  is  the  oidy  altar  which  appears 
in  the  Heaveidy  Temple  (Is.  vi.  6;  Rev.  viil.  3, 
4). 

(C.)  Other  Alta-s.  (1.)  Altars  of  brick.  There 
leems  to  be  an  aUusion  to  such  in  Is.  Ixv.  3.     The 

Rrovdsare-  ri^ZllyT}  b^  C'ltSf^Xi,  "ofifering  in- 


Various  Altars. 

),  Q.  Egyptian,  from  bas-reliefs.     (Roselunl.) 
a    Assyri;i'j,  found  at  Khorsabad.     (\&ya.T>}  ^ 

4.  Babylonian,  Bibtioth'^que  Nationale.     (la'ard.) 

5.  Assyiian,  from  Khorsabad.     (Layard.) 

•cn^e  on  (he  brickn,'''  generally  explained  as  referring 
iro  altars  made  of  this  material,  and  probably  sit- 


ALTAR  77 

uated  in  the  "gardens"  mentioned  just  before 
liosenmiiller  suggests,  however,  that  the  allusion  ia 
to  some  Babylonish  custom  of  burning  incense  on 
bricks  covered  over  with  magic  formulae  or  cunei- 
form inscriptions.  This  is  also  the  view  of  Gesen- 
ius  and  Maurer. 

(2.)  An  Altar  to  an  Unknown  God  (' Ay fda-rif 
0€(j5,  Acts  xvii.  23).  What  altar  this  was  has  been 
the  subject  of  much  discussion.  St.  Paul  merely 
mentions  in  his  speech  on  the  Areopagus  that  he 
had  himself  seen  such  an  altar  in  Athens.  His  as- 
sertion, as  it  happens,  is  confirmed  by  other  writers, 
Pausanias  says  (i.  §  4),  ivravda  Kal  fioofiol  Qewu 
T€  ovofia^oiJLivosv  ayvuxTTdiv  KoX  ripiiiwv  KoX  irai- 
Swv  Tuv  ©Tjcreais  Kal  ^a\T]pov.  And  Philostratu* 
(  V'U.  Apolhm.  vi.  3),  aai<ppov4<nfpov  rb  irepl 
iravTdiv  Qiwv  eS  Keynv,  koI  ravra  'Ad-fjirpffnf 
ou  Kal  ayvdaTCDV  Saifj,6va>i/  fiai/jLol  'iSpvyrai.  This 
as  Winer  observes,  need  not  be  mterpreted  as  if 
the  several  altars  were  dedicated  to  a  number  of 
ayyaxTTOi  Beol,  but  rather  that  each  altar  had  the 
inscription  'AyycixTTo)  Qeqi.  It  is  not  at  all  prob- 
able that  such  inscription  referred  to  thu  God 
of  the  Jews,  as  One  whose  Name  it  was  unlawful 
to  utter  (as  Woif  and  others  have  supposed).  As 
to  the  origin  of  these  altars,  Eichhorn  suggests  that 
they  may  have  been  built  before  the  art  of  writing 
was  known  {fici> fiol  aycivvfiot),  and  subsequently 
inscribed  ayy.  6ew.  Neander's  view,  however,  is 
probably  "more  con-ect.  He  quotes  Diog.  I^aertius, 
who,  in  his  Life  of  Epimenides,  says  that  in  the 
time  of  a  plague,  when  they  knew  not  what  God  to 
propitiate  in  order  to  avert  it,  he  caused  black  and 
wliite  sheep  to  be  let  loose  from  the  Areopagus, 
and  wherever  they  lay  dovni  to  be  offered  to  the 
respective  divinities  (t(^  irpoaiiKovri  dey).  "Odfy, 
adds  Diogenes,  ert  koI  yvy  ((TTiy  €upe7y  Kara  robs 
5-fii.iovs  Twy  'Ad.  0wfi,obs  ayooyvfious.  On  which 
Neander  remarks  that  on  this  or  similar  occasions 
altars  might  be  dedicated  to  an  Unknown  God, 
since  they  knew  not  what  God  was  offended  and 
required  to  be  propitiated.  J.  J.  S.  P. 

*  If  the  import  of  the  inscription  on  the  Athen- 
ian altar  (ayycIxXTCji  dew)  was  simply  that  the  wor- 
shippers knew  not  any  longer  to  what  particular 
heathen  god  the  altars  were  originally  dedicated,  it 
is  not  easy  to  see  what  proper  point  of  connection 
the  apostle  could  have  found  for  his  remark  (Acts 
xvii.  23)  with  such  a  reUc  of  sheer  idolatry.  In 
that  case  their  ignorance  related  merely  to  the 
identity  of  the  god  whom  they  should  conciliate, 
and  implied  no  recognition  of  any  power  additional 
to  that  of  their  heathen  deities.  A  more  satisfac- 
tory view  would  seem  to  be  that  these  altars  had 
their  origin  in  the  feeling  of  uncertainty,  which  was 
inherent  after  all  in  the  minds  of  the  heathen, 
whether  their  acknowledgment  of  the  superior  power? 
was  sufficiently  fuU  and  comprehensive;  in  theii 
distinct  consciousness  of  the  limitation  and  imper 
fection  of  their  religious  views,  and  their  consequent 
desire  to  avoid  the  anger  of  any  stiU  unacknowl- 
edged god  who  might  be  unknown  to  them.  That 
no  deity  might  punish  them  for  neglecting  his  wor- 
ship, or  remain  uninvoked  in  asking  for  blessings, 
they  not  only  erected  altars  to  all  the  gods  named 
or  knovm  among  them,  but  distrustful  still  lest 
they  might  not  comprehend  fully  the  extent  of  their 
subjection  and  dependence,  they  erected  them  also  tb 
any  other  god  or  power  that  might  exist,  althougn 
as  j'et  unrevealed  to  them.  It  is  not  to  be  objected 
th^t  this  explanation  ascribes  too  much  discernment 
to  ^2ie  heathen.     (See  Psalm  six.  1-4,  and  liom. 


78 


AL-TASCHITH 


.  13-21.)  Not  to  insist  on  other  proofs  furnished 
by  confession  of  the  heathen  tJiemselves,  such  ex- 
pressions as  the  comprehensive  address,  —  At  o  de- 
■>rum  quicqu'ul  in  <xelo  re<jit  (Horat.  KjxmI.  v.  1); 
the  oft-used  fonnula  in  the  prayers  of  the  Greeks 
and  Komans,  Hi  deo,  si  dece ;  and  the  superstitious 
dread,  which  they  manifested  in  so  many  ways,  of 
omitting  any  deity  in  their  invocations,  prove  the 
existence  of  the  feeling  to  which  reference  has  been 
made.  For  ample  proof  of  this  more  enlightened 
consciousness  among  the  heathen,  see  especially 
I'iamier,  Systemn  Theohyim  Gentilis  Purioris  (Cap. 
ii.  and  viii.).  Out  of  this  feeling,  therefore,  the.se 
altars  may  have  sprung,  because  the  supposition  is 
80  entirely  consistent  with  the  genius  of  jwlytheistic 
heathenism;  because  the  many-sided  religiousness 
of  the  Athenians  would  be  so  apt  to  exhibit  itself 
in  some  sucli  demonstration;  and  esijecially  be- 
cause Paid  could  then  appeal  with  so  much  eflect 
to  such  an  avowal  of  the  insufficiency  of  heathen- 
ism, and  to  such  a  testimony  so  borne,  indirect, 
yet  significant,  to  the  existence  of  the  one  true 
God.  Under  these  circumst'uices  an  allusion  to 
one  of  thase  altars  by  tlie  apostle  would  be  equiv- 
alent to  his  sajing  to  the  Athenians  thus: — "  You 
are  correct  in  acknowledging  a  divine  existence  be- 
yond any  which  the  ordinary  rites  of  your  worship 
recognize;  there  is  such  an  existence.  You  are 
con-ect  in  confessing  that  this  Being  is  unknovra  to 
you;  you  have  no  just  conceptions  of  his  nature 
and  perfections."  lie  could  add  then  with  truth, 
Ov  olv  ....  KaTayyiWw  vfi7i/.  Whom,  there- 
fore, not  hwu'inij  (where  wyvoovvres  points  back 
evidently  to  a.yvu)aTtp),  ye,  vy:4-sJtij>,  this  one  I  an- 
ttounce  to  you. 

'ITie  modern  Greeks  point  out  some  niches  in  tlie 
rocks  at  Phaleron  as  remains  of  the  sanctuary  and 
altar  of  the  "  Unknown  God";  but  these,  though 
ancient,  cannot  be  shown  to  have  any  claim  to  this 
distinction.  It  may  be  added  that  if  the  so-called 
Brifia  at  Athens,  which  is  in  sight  from  the  Are- 
opagus, be  in  fact  not  the  famous  platform  from 
which  the  orat/)rs  s])()kc,  l)ut  a  /Soi/ids,  an  altar  of 
sacrifice,  as  many  archwologists  now  maintain,"  it 
then  was  unquestionably  one  of  the  objects  of  re- 
ligious veneration  (tA  crffiicfiaTa)  which  I'aul  so 
carefully  scrutinized  (avaOfufwy)  as  he  wandered 
through  the  city.  H. 

AL-TAS'CHITH  (nn^'jH  bS,  Al  Tash- 
cheih),  found  in  the  introductory  verse  to  the  four 
following  Psalms:  —  Ivii.,  Iviii.,  lix.,  Ixxv.  Liter- 
ally rendered,  the  imiwrt  of  the  words  is  "  destroy 
not";  and  hence  some  Jewish  commentators,  in- 
cluding Kashi  C"  W  "l)  and  Kimchi  (p  1  "l),  have 
regarded  Hntt'ri  -M  as  a  compendium  of  the 
argument  treated  in  the  above-mentioned  Psalms. 
Modem  ex])ositors,  however,  have  generally  adopted 
ihe  view  of  Aben-PJsra  {Comment,  on  Psalm  Ivii.), 
ngreeably  to  which  "  Al  Tashcheth  "  is  the  begin- 
ning of  some  song  or  poem  to  the  tune  of  which 
those  psalms  were  to  be  chanted.         D.  W.  M. 


a  ♦  The  question  is  argued  with  that  result  by  E. 
Ourtius  in  his  Auische  Studien  (Gottingen,  1862).  He 
h.'\d  excavations  made,  under  his  personal  8upervi.sion, 
»round  the  "  bcma  of  tl>e  Pnyx,"  as  it  has  been 
thought  to  be,  and  concludes  that  it  must  have  been 
not  the  bema  "  but  an  altar  sacred  to  Jupiter,  and,  as 
Indicated  ly  the  style  of  the  work,  dating  fhjm  the 
jarllegt  Athenian  antiquity."     It  would  be  premature 


AMALEKITES 

A'LUSH   (C^bS  [perh.  laild  place,  Flint 

or  turba  hominum,  Gea.],  Sam.  li)^^S  :  AlKovs-. 
[Vat.  AiXei/x:]  Alus),  one  of  the  stations  of  the  Is- 
rachtes  on  their  journey  to  Sinai,  the  last  before 
Kephidira  (Num.  xxxiii.  13,  14).  No  trace  of  it 
has  yet  been  fomid.  In  the  Seder  01am  (Kitto, 
Cyc.  8.  V.)  it  is  stated  to  have  been  8  miles  from 
Hephidim.  G. 

AL'VAH  (HTb^?  [unckedness,  Hos.  x.  9]  : 
r&)A(£ :  Aha),  a  duke  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  40), 
WTitten  Aliah  (H^?^  [Rom.  rwKaSd;  Vat.  Alex. 
rcoAo;  Comp.  Aid.  'A\ovi'])  in  1  Chr.  i.  51. 

* 'ITie  "duke"  in  this  and  other  passages  is 
from  the  Vulg.  "dux  " ;  in  the  Sept.  i,ye^(i)v.  Al- 
vah  is  the  name  of  a  place  as  well  as  of  a  chief,  like 
the  other  associated  names  in  the  above  passage. 
See  Tuch,  Uebtr  die  Genesis,  p.  492.  11. 

AL'VAN  ilX^V  [tall,  thick,  Ges.]:  Tw\iyi: 
[Alex.  TwAa';/:]  Alvnn),  a  Horite,  son  of  Shobal 
(Gen.  xxxvi.  23),  written  Allan  (]^7^  i'kKwV, 
Vat.  2a)Ao/x;  Alex,  \u\an',  Comp.  ^ Woviv- 
Alian'])  in  1  Chr.  i.  40. 

A'MAD  (l^PP  [perh.pos/;,s<a/;on]:'Ajuj^A; 
[Aid.  AJex.  'AjueCS;  Comp.  'A/taiS:]  Amaad),9a 
unknown  place  in  Asher  between  Alanunelech  and 
Misheal  (Josh.  xix.  26  only).* 

AMADA'THA  (Esth.  xvi.  10,  17);  and 
AMADA'THUS  (Esth.  xii.  6).      [Hammeu- 

ATIIA.] 

A'MAL  P^^  {labor,  sorrowy.  'Afidw 
[Vat.  M.  A/xao,  H.  A;uXa:]  Amal),  name  of  a 
man  (1  Chr.  ni.  35)  [who  is  unknown  except  as 
one  of  the  descendants  of  Ashur,  the  son  of  Jacob, 
and  as  one  of  the  heads  of  his  tribe.] 

AM'ALEK  in'^.^'S. :  'AhoK^k  :  Amalech, 
[Amalec]),  son  of  Eliphaz  by  his  concubine  Tim- 
nah,  grandscjn  of  ICsau,  and  one  of  the  chieftains 
("dukes"  A.  V.)  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  12,  16;  1 
Chr.  i.  30).  His  mother  came  of  the  Horite  race, 
whose  territory  the  descendants  of  Esau  had  seized ; 
and,  although  Amalek  himself  is  represented  as  of 
equal  rank  with  the  other  sons  of  Eliphaz,  yet  his 
jMsterity  ap{)ear  to  have  shared  the  fate  of  the  Horite 
population,  a  "  renmant"  only  being  mentioned  aa 
existing  in  Edom  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah,  when 
they  were  dispersed  by  a  band  of  the  tribe  of 
Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  43).  W.  L,  B. 

AM'ALEKITES  (C^^tt^ :  'Afxa\vic7Tai: 
[Vat.  -Kft-:]  Amakcil(e),  a  nomadic  tribe,  which 
occupied  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  ajid  the  wilderness 
intervening  between  the  southern  hill-ranges  of  Pal- 
estine and  the  border  of  Egypt  (Num.  xiii.  29 ;  1 
Sam.  XV.  7,  xxvii.  8).  Arabian  historians  represent 
them  as  originally  dwelling  on  the  shores  of  the 
Persian  Gulf,  whence  they  were  pressed  westward  by 
the  growth  of  the  AssjTian  empire,  and  spread  over 
a  portion  of  Arabia  at  a  period  antecedent  to  its 


to  adopt  this  conclusion  at  present.  Snch  Oreek  ar- 
chceologists  at  Athens  as  Rangabes  and  such  Hellenisti< 
as  Finlay  (as  the  writer  has  learned  by  corrvspondeiice 
still  adhere  to  the  old  opinion.  U 

6  *  Knobel  (Josua,  p.  463)  thinks  that  Haifa.  th« 
claimant  for  so  many  biblical  places  (see  Acushapb 
may  be  the  present  site.  Keil  (Josita.  v.  140)  refutoi 
that  opinion.  U. 


AMAM 

occupation  by  the  descendants  of  Joktan.  This 
account  of  their  origin  harmonizes  with  Gen  xiv.  7, 
where  the  "  country  "  ("  princes "'  according  to  the 
reading  adopted  by  the  LXX.)  of  the  Amalekites 
is  mentioned  several  generations  before  the  birth 
of  the  Edomite  Amalek:  it  throws  light  on  the 
traces  of  a  permanent  occupation  of  central  Pales- 
tme  in  their  passage  westward,  as  mdicated  by  the 
names  Amalek  and  Mount  of  the  Amalekites  (Judg. 
V.  14,  xii.  15):  and  it  accounts  for  the  silence  of 
Scripture  as  to  any  relationship  between  the  Am- 
alekites on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Edomites  or  the 
Israelites  on  the  other.  I'hat  a  mixture  of  the  t\yo 
former  races  occurred  at  a  later  period,  would  in 
this  case  be  tlie  only  inference  from  Gen.  xxxvi. 
10,  though  many  writers  have  considered  that  pas- 
sage to  refer  to  the  origin  of  the  whole  nation,  ex- 
plaining Gen.  xiv.  7  as  a  case  of  prolcpsis.  The 
physical  chaa-acter  of  the  district  which  the  Amal- 
ekites occupied  [Akahia],  necessitated  a  nomadic 
life,  which  they  adopted  to  its  fullest  extent,  taking 
their  families  with  them,  even  on  their  miUtary 
expeditions  (Judg.  vi.  5).  Their  wealth  consisted 
in  flocks  and  herds.  INIention  is  made  of  a  "  town  " 
(1  Sara.  XV.  5),  and  Josephus  gives  an  exaggerated 
account  of  the  capture  of  several  towns  by  Saul 
{Ant.  vi.  7,  §  2);  but  the  towns  could  have  been 
little  more  than  stations  or  nomadic  enclosures. 
The  kings  or  chieftains  were  perhaps  distuiguished 
by  the  hereditary  title  Agag  (Num.  xxiv.  7;  1 
Sam.  XV.  8).  Two  important  routes  led  through 
the  Amalekite  district,  namely,  from  Palestine  to 
Egypt  by  the  Islhmus  of  Suez,  and  to  southern 
Asia  and  Africa  by  the  iElanitic  arm  of  the  Red 
Sea.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  expedition 
of  the  four  kings  (Gen.  xiv.)  had  for  its  object  the 
opemng  of  the  latter  route ;  and  it  is  in  connection 
with  the  former  that  the  Amalekites  first  came  in 
contact  with  the  Israelites,  whose  progress  they  at- 
tempted to  stop,  adopting  a  fjuerilla  style  of  war- 
fare (Deut.  XXV.  18),  but  were  signally  defeated  at 
Rephidim  (lix.  xvii.).  In  union  with  the  Ca- 
oaanites  they  again  attacked  the  Israelites  on  the 
borders  of  Palestine,  and  defeated  them  near  Hor- 
mah  (Num.  xiv.  45).  Thenceforward  we  hear  of 
them  only  a.s  a  secondary  power,  at  one  time  in 
league,  with  the  Moabites  (Judg.  iii.  13),  when  they 
were  defeated  by  Ehud  near  Jericho;  at  another 
time  in  league  with  the  Midianites  (Judg.  vi.  3) 
when  they  penetrated  into  the  plain  of  Esdra^lon, 
and  were  defeated  by  Gideon.  Saul  undertook  an 
expedition  against  them,  overrunning  their  whole 
district  "from  Havilah  to  Shur,"  and  inflicting  an 
immense  loss  upon  them  (1  Sam.  xv.).  Their 
power  was  thenceforth  broken,  and  they  degenerated 
into  a  horde  of  banditti,  whose  style  of  warfare 

is   well   expressed    in    the    Hebrew   term    ^^^^ 

(Gesen.  Lex.)  frequently  applied  to  them  in  the 
description  of  their  contests  with  David  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Ziklag,  when  then:  destruction 
was  completed  (1  Sam.  xxvii.,  xxx. ;  comp.  Num. 
xxiv.  20).  W.  L.  B. 

A'MAM  (nT3W  [()athering-place'\  :  2t?«';  [Aid. 

CJomp.  'And/x'.]  Aniam),  a  city  in  the  south  of 
Jndah,  named  with  Shema  and  Moladah  (el-Milh) 
In  Josh.  XV.  26  only.  In  the  Alex.  LXX.  the  name 
is  joined  to  the  precedmg  —  ourcapafidn.  Nothing 
!s  known  of  it.  G. 

ATMAN  {'Afidy;    [in  Tobit,  Vat.  ASaw;  Sin. 


AMARIAH 


79 


Na8aj3:J  Aniait).  Hamas  (Tob.  xiv.  10;  Eath. 
X.  7,  xii.  6,  xiii.  3,  12,  xv.  17,  xvi.  10,  17). 

AM' AN  A  (n3!2S  [perennial}),  apparentlj 
a  mountain  in  or  near  Lebanon,  —  "  from  the  head 
of  Amana  "  (Cant.  iv.  8).  It  is  commonly  assumed 
that  this  is  the  mountain  in  which  the  river  Abana 
(2  K.  V.  12 ;  Keri,  Targum  Jonathan,  and  margin 
of  A.  y.  "Amana")  has  its  source,  but  in  the 
absence  of  further  research  in  tlie  Ixbanon  this  is 
mere  iissumption.  ITie  LXX.  translate  owrb  apxn^ 
Triarews,  "• 

*  If  Amana  and  Abana  be  the  same  (Abaxa), 
and  consequently  the  name  of  a  river,  the  moun- 
tain so  called,  as  the  etymology  shows  (see  above), 
must  have  taken  its  name  from  the  stream;  and 
furtlier,  if  this  river  be  the  Banuhi,  which  has  its 
sources  in  a  part  of  Anti-Lebanon  near  Hermon, 
that  part  of  Anti-Lebanon  near  Hermon  must  be 
the  part  that  was  anciently  called  Amana.  See 
Bibl.  Sacra,  vi.  371 ;  and  IlaruH.  for  Syria,  ii. 
558.  There  is  no  proof  that  Amana  stUl  exists  as 
the  n  ime  of  any  part  of  this  range."  If,  as  above 
suggested,  the  name  of  the  mountaui  was  derived 
from  the  river,  and  not  the  teverse,  it  is  less  sur- 
prising that  the  name  of  the  region  should  fade 
away  as  in  the  lapse  of  time  Amana,  the  river-name, 
gave  place  to  Barada.  H. 

AMARFAH  (H;"!^^  and  ^^H^naS. :  'A/.- 
apiaand  [Alex.]  'Afiaplas'-  Amnnas;  whuiii  God 
promised,  Sim.,  Gesen.,  t.  q.  Qe6<ppatTTus)- 
Father  of  Ahitub,  according  to  1  Chr.  vi.  7,  52, 
and  son  of  JNIeraioth,  in  the  hue  of  the  high-priests. 
In  Josephus's  Hist.  {Ant.  viii.  1,  §  3)  he  is  trans- 
formed into  'Apo(pa7os. 

2.  The  high-priest  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat 
(2  Chr.  xix.  11).  He  was  the  son  of  Azarioh,  and 
the  fifth  high-priest  who  succeeded  Zadok  (1  Chr. 
vi.  11).  Nothing  is  known  of  him  beyond  his 
name,  but  from  the  way  ui  which  Jehoshaphat 
mentions  him  he  seems  to  have  seconded  that  pious 
king  in  his  endeavors  to  work  a  reformation  in  Is- 
rael and  Judah  (see  2  Chr.  xvii.  xix.).  Josephus, 
who  calls  him  ''Afj.acriav  rhv  Upea,  "  Amaziah  the 
priest,"  unaccountably  says  of  him  that  he  was  of 
the  tribe  of  Judah,  as  well  as  Zebadiah,'as  the 
text  now  stands.  But  if  eKarfpovs  is  struck  out, 
this  absurd  statement  will  disappear  {Ant.  ix.  1, 
§  1 ).  It  is  not  easy  to  recognize  liim  in  the  won- 
derfully corrupt  list  of  high-priests  given  in  the 
Ant.  X.  8,  §  G.  But  he  seems  to  be  concealed  un- 
der the  strange  form  AHinPAMOS,  Axioramus 
The  syllable  AH  is  corrupted  from  AS,  the  termi- 
nation of  the  preceding  name,  Azarias,  which  has 
accidentally  adhered  to  the  beginning  of  Amariah, 
as  the  final  2  has  to  the  very  same  name  in  the 
text  of  Nicephorus  (ap.  Seld.  de  Success,  p.  103), 
producing  the  form  -Xafiapias.  The  remaining 
'Icopa/Aos  is  not  far  removed  from  'Ajuapios.  The 
successor  of  Amariah  in  the  high-priesthood  must 
have  been  Jehoiada.  In  Josephus  ^iSeas,  which  is 
a  comiption  of  'IccSe'as,  follows  Axioramus.  There 
is  not  the  slightest  support  in  the  sacred  history 
for  the  ivwaes  Ahitub  and  Zadok,  who  are  made  to 
follow  Amariah  in  the  genealogy,  1  Chr.  vi.  11, 12. 

3.  [In  1  Chr.  xxiv.  23,  Rom.  Aid.  'A/xaSla.] 
The  head  of  a  Levitical  house  of  the  Kohathites  in 
the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  19,  xxiv.  23). 

4.  ['Afiaplas,  -la;  in  2  Chr.,  Vat.  Alex.  Mapias'- 


a  *  Dr.  Robinson's  remark  (iii.  447)  is  understood  tc 
be  an  inference  from  Cant.  iv.  8.  U 


80 


AMARIAS 


Amnrias,  -ia.]  The  head  of  one  of  the  tweiity-foui 
courses  of  prit«ta,  wliich  was  named  after  him,  in 
the  time  of  J)a\-id,  of  Hezekiali,  and  of  Nehemiah 
(1  Chr.  xxiv.  14;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  15;  Neh.  x.  3,  xii. 
2,  13).     In  the  first  passage  the  name  is  written 

~1^S,   Immer,  but  it  seems  to  be  the  same  name. 

Another  fonn  of  the  name  is  ''n^W,  Imri  (1 
Chr.  ix.  4),  a  man  of  <J;idah,  of  the  sons  of  Bani. 
Of  the  same  family  we  find, 

5.  [In  ]S'eh.,  2o/uopfa,  Vat.  -pti-;  in  Ezr.,  Rom. 
'Afiapiia,  Vat.  Mapta;  Alex.  FA.  Comp.  Aid. 
'Afiupias-  Aiiuiri'i.]  ^Vmariah  in  the  time  of  Ezra 
(Essr.  X.  42;  Neh.  xi.  4). 

6.  ['Af^oplas,  Alex,  -fias]  Aid.  'Aynopias.] 
An  ancestor  of  Zepluiniali  the  prophet  (Zeph.  i.  1). 

A.  C.  II. 

7.  ('Sa/xapla  [Vat.  -pe*-].)  A  descendant  of 
Pharez,  tiie  son  of  Judah  (Neh.  xi.  4).  Probably 
the  »uiie  as  1m  in  hi  1  Chr.  ix.  4.       W.  A.  W. 

AMAlil'AS  {'Afiapla^;  [Vat.  AfxapOftas-] 
Ameri,  Jintrias).  Amakiaii  1  (1  Fjsdr.  viii.  2;  2 
Esdr.  i.  2).  \V.  A.  W. 

AM'ASA  (SIC"^??,  a  burden:  'Afieaffat, 
[etc.;  Vat.  Alex.  A/A«(r(7ae£,  etc. :]  Amasa).  1.  Son 
of  Ithra  or  Jether,  by  Abigail,  David's  sister  (2  Sam. 
xvii.  25).  He  joined  Absalom  in  his  rebellion,  and 
was  by  him  ap|)oiiited  commander-in-chief  in  the 
place  of  Joab,  by  whom  he  was  totally  defeated  in 
the  forest  of  Ei)ln'aim  (2  Sam.  xviii.  (i).  ^Vhen 
Joab  iiicurre<l  the  disjdeasure  of  Uavid  for  killing 
Absalom,  David  forga\e  the  treason  of  Amasa,  rec- 
ognized him  as  bis  nephew,  and  appointed  him  Joal)'s 
successor  (xix.  13).  .loab  afterwards,  when  they 
were  both  in  pureuit  of  the  rebel  Sheba,  pretended 
to  salute  Amasa,  an<l  stabbed  him  with  his  sword 
(xx.  10),  which  he  held  concealed  in  his  left  hand. 

AVhether  Amasa  be  identical  with  ''ti7fi27  who  is 

-   T  -; 

mentioned  among  David's  commanders  (1  Chr.  xii. 
18),  is  uncertiun  (I'^wald,  O'esch.  Israel,  ii.  544). 

2.  \_Aixaa-ias\  N'nt.  Ayiiao-eiaj.]  A  prince  of 
Ephraim,  son  of  lladlai,  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (2 
Chr.  xxviii.  12).  Ii.  W.  li. 

AMA'SAI  [3  syl.]  C^tt?^??,  m  pause  ^WTZ'^ 
[burikiisonw]:  'Afifcrffl,  'AjuaflV;  [A'at.  A/xeo-crej, 
A/xaOfias:]  -Mex.  A/xav  in  1  Chr.  vi.  25:  Amasa'i). 
I.  A  Kohathite,  father  of  Mahath  and  ancestor  of 
Samuel  and  Ethan  the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  25,  35). 

2.  ('A/xatrai;  F.\.  A/ttao-e.)  Chief  of  the  cap- 
tauis  (LXX.  "thirty")  of  Judah  and  I5enjamin, 
who  deserted  to  David  while  an  outlaw  at  Ziklag 
(1  Chr.  xii.  18).  Whether  he  was  the  same  as 
Amasa,  David's  nephew,  is  uncertain. 

3.  ('A/xoffat;  FA.  A/uacre.)  One  of  the  priests 
who  blew  trumpets  i*elore  the  Ark,  when  David 
brought  it  from  the  house  of  Obed*dom  (1  Chr. 
XV.  21). 

4.  CAfjMcrl;  [Vat.  Mao-i.])  Another  Kohath- 
ite, fiither  of  another  Mahath,  in  the  reign  of  Ilcze- 
kiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12),  unless  the  name  is  that  of  a 
family.  W.  A.  W. 

AMA'SHAI  [3  syl.]  (^P^'^2? :  'AfLuala; 
[Vat.  -acta:]  -Mex.  A/xfffaX  '■  Amtssni).  Son  of 
Azareel,  a  priest  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  xi. 
13);  apparently  the  same  as  Maasiai  (1  Chr.  ix. 
12).     The  name  is  projierly  "  Ama.shsai." 

AV.  A.  W. 

AMASI'AH  (n; v»^;  iFhrni  Jelwvah  bears] : 


AMAZIAH 

A/xavlas;  [A^at.  Motraias;]  Alex.  Macraiias'-  Ama 
tun).  Son  of  Zicliri,  and  captain  of  200,00')  war- 
riors of  Judah,  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshapbat  (2  Chr. 
xvii.  16).  W.  A.  W. 

A'MATH.     [IlAMATn.] 

AM'ATHEIS  [3  syl.]  CA/iaelar,  [Vat.  Efxa9 
0is;  Aid.  Alex.  'E/jmOus;  \\'echel  'AfM0els-i 
Emeus),  1  I^dr.  ix.  29.     [Atiiu,vi.] 

AM'ATHIS  (in  some  copies  Amatiias) 
"THE  LAND  uv  "  {i)  'AfiaOlTis  x'^P«)''  '^  district 
to  tlie  north  of  Palestine,  in  which  .loiiathan  Macca- 
baeus  met  the  forces  of  Demetrius  (1  Mace.  xii.  25). 
From  the  context  it  is  evidently  Haxiatii.      G. 

AMAZI'AH  (n^V^-b*  or  -in^'/IlS,  strengtl, 
of  Jehovah:  ^ Afifffaias  [Vat.  -trei-],  'Auaaias. 
Amasids),  son  of  Joasb,  and  eighth  king  of  Judaii 
succeeded  to  the  throne  at  the  age  of  25,  on  the  mtir- 
der  of  his  father,  and  ])unisbed  (he  nmnierers;  spar- 
ing, however,  their  children,  in  accordance  with 
Dent.  xxiv.  1(5,  as  the  2d  book  of  Kings  (xiv.  6; 
exjjressly  informs  us,  thereby  imi)lying  that  the  pre- 
cept bad  not  been  generally  oliserved.  In  order  to 
restore  his  kingdom  to  the  greatness  of  Jehosha- 
phat's  days,  he  made  war  on  the  lulonutes,  defeated 
them  in  the  valley  of  Salt,  south  of  the  Dead  Sea 
(the  scene  of  a  great  vict(jry  in  David's  time,  2  Sam. 
viii.  13;  1  Chr.  xviii.  12;  Ps.  Ix.  title),  and  took 
their  capital,  Selah  or  Petra,  to  which  he  gave  the 
n.ime  of  Jokteel,  i.  e.  pramiium  Ihi  ((Jeseniug  in 
roce),  which  WiLs  also  borne  by  one  of  his  own  Jew- 
ish cities  (Josh.  xv.  38).  A\'e  read  in  2  Chr.  xxv. 
12-14,  that  the  victorious  Jews  threw  10,000 
Edoniites  from  the  difts,  and  that  Amaziah  per- 
formed religious  ceremonies  in  honor  of  the  goda 
of  the  country ;  an  exception  to  the  gcnei-al  charac- 
ter of  his  reign  (cf.  2  K.  xiv.  3,  with  2  ( 'br.  xxv. 
2).  In  conseiiuence  of  this  he  was  overtaken  by 
misfortune.  Having  already  ofieiided  the  Hebrews 
of  the  northern  kingdom  by  sending  back,  in  obedi- 
ence to  a  pr()])liet"s  direction,  some  mercenary 
troops  whom  he  had  liire<l  from  it,  he  had  the  fool- 
ish arrogance  to  challenge  Joash  king  of  Israel  to 
battle,  despising  probal:ly  a  sovereign  whose  strength 
had  been  exhausted  by  Syrian  wars,  and  who  had 
not  yet  made  himself  resjiected  by  the  great  suc- 
cesses recorded  in  2  K.  xiii.  25.  Put  Judah  was 
completely  deleate<l,  and  Am.aziah  himself  was 
taken  prisoner,  and  conveyed  by  .loash  to  .lerusa- 
lem,  which,  according  to  Josephus  (Ant.  ix.  !),  3), 
opened  its  gates  to  the  con<|neror  under  a  threat 
that  otherwise  he  would  jmt  Amaziah  to  death. 
We  do  not  know  the  historian's  authority  (br  this 
statement,  but  it  ex))lains  the  fapt  that  the  city 
was  taken  apparently  without  resistance  (2  K.  xiv. 
13).  A  portion  of  the  wall  of  .lerusalem  on  the 
side  towards  tiie  Israelitish  frontier  was  bioken 
down,  and  treasures  and  hostages  were  carried  off 
to  Samaria.  Amaziah  lived  15  years  alter  the 
death  of  Joash ;  and  in  the  2!)th  year  of  bis  reigs 
was  murdered  by  conspirators  at  Lachish,  whither 
he  had  retired  lor  salety  from  Jerusalem.  The 
chronicler  seems  to  regard  this  as  a  punishment  for 
his  idolatry  in  I'xloni,  though  his  language  is  not 
very  clear  on  the  jjoint  (2  Chr.  xxv.  27);  and  doubt- 
less it  is  very  pro!  able  that  the  consjjiracy  was  a 
consequence  of  the  low  state  to  which  Judali  must 
have  been  reduced  in  the  latter  i)art  of  his  reign 
after  the  Edomitish  war  and  humiliation  inflictef 
by  .Toash  king  of  Isniel.  His  reitrn  lasted  from  B 
C.  837  to  8()i).     (Clinton,  Fasti  lldkvki.  i   326. 


AMBASSADOR 

2  ['AwMT^as.]  Priest  of  the  golden  calf  at 
Bethel,  who  endeavored  to  drive  the  prophet  Amos 
from  Israel  into  Judah,  and  complained  of  him  to 
king  Jeroboam  II.  (Am.  vii.  10). 

3.  I'Afxcurla,  Vat.  -a-eia.]  A  descendant  of 
Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  34). 

4.  ['Ajutiro-ia,  Vat.  -aeia  ^  Alex.  Maevffia  ; 
Comp.  Aid.  Auaot'o.]     A  l^evite  (1  Chr.  vi.  45). 

G.  E.  L.  C. 

AMBASSADOR.       Sometimes    'T'V     and 

sometimes  TjS/t^  is  thus  rendered,  and  the  oc- 
currence of  both  terms  in  the  parallel  clauses  of 
I'rov.  xiii.  17  seems  to  show  that  they  approximate 
to  synonyms.  The  othce,  like  its  designation,  was 
not  definite  nor  permanent,  but  pro  re  natd  merely. 
The  precept  given  Deut.  xx.  10,  seems  to  imply 
some  such  agency ;  rather,  however,  that  of  a  mere 
nuncio,  often  bearing  a  letter  (2  K.  v.  5,  xix.  14) 
than  of  a  legate  em]>owered  to  treat.  The  inviola- 
bility of  such  an  officer's  person  may  perhaps  be  in- 
ferred from  the  only  recorded  infraction  of  it  being 
followed  with  unusual  severities  towards  the  van- 
quished, probably  designed  as  a  condign  chastise- 
ment of  that  ofl'ense  (-2  Sam.  x.  2-5;  cf.  xii.  2G- 
31).  The  earliest  examples  of  ambassadors  em- 
ployed occur  ui  the  cases  of  Edom,  Moab,  and  the 
Amorites  (Num.  xx.  14,  xxi.  21;  Judg.  xi.  17-19), 
afterwards  in  that  of  the  fraudulent  Gibeonites 
(Josh.  ix.  4,  Ac),  and  hi  the  instances  of  civil  strife 
mentioned  Judg.  xi.  12,  and  xx.  12.  (See  Cunse- 
us  de  Rep.  Ilehr.  ii.  20,  with  notes  by  J.  Nico- 
laus.  Ugol.  ill.  771-4.)  They  are  mentionetl 
more  frequently  during  and  after  the  contact  of  the 
great  adjacent  monarchies  of  Syria,  Babylon,  &c., 
with  those  of  Judah  and  Israel,  e.  f/.  in  the  inva- 
sion of  Sennacherib.  They  were  usually  men  of 
high  rank ;  as  in  that  case  the  chief  captain,  the 
chief  cupbearer,  and  chief  of  the  eunuchs  were 
deputed,  and  were  met  by  delegates  of  similar  dig- 
nity from  Hezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  17,  18;  see  also 
Is.  XXX.  4).  Ambassadors  are  found  to  have  been 
employed,  not  only  on  occasions  of  hostile  challenge 
or  insolent  menace  (2  K.  xiv.  8;  1  K.  xx.  2,  G), 
but  of  friendly  compliment,  of  request  for  alliance 
or  other  aid,  of  submissive  deprecation,  and  of  curi- 
ous inquiry  (2  K.  xiv.  8,  xvi.  7,  xviii.  14;  2  Chr. 
xxxii.  31).  The  dispatch  of  ambassatlors  with  ur- 
gent haste  is  introduced  a.s  a  token  of  national  gran- 
deur in  the  obscure  prophecy  Is.  xviii.  2.    II.  H. 

AMBER  (b^tpn,  chnshmal;  n'^ptTn, 
chashmtlah  :  fjKfKTpoi/'  electrum)  occurs  only  in 
liz.  i.  4,  27,  viii.  2.  In  the  first  passage  the 
prophet  compares  it  with  the  brightness  in  which 
he  beheld  the  lieaveidy  apparition  who  gave  him 
the  divine  commands.  In  the  second,  "the  glory 
of  the  (}()d  of  Israel"  is  represented  as  having, 
"  from  the  appearance  of  his  loins  even  downwai'd, 
fire;  and  from  his  loins  even  upward  as  the  appear- 
ance of  brightness,  as  the  color  of  amber."  It  is 
by  no  means  a  matter  of  certainty,  notwithstand- 
ing l}t)chart's  dissertation  and  the  conclusion  he 
comes  to  {Ilieroz.  iii.  870,  ed.  Kosenmiill.),  that 
the  Ileb'-cw  word  chnshniil  denotes  a  metal,  and 
not  the  f.pssil  resin  called  tanhcr,  althougli  perhaps 
the  probabiUties  are  more  in  favor  of  the  metal. 
Dr.  Harris  {iVni.  Hist.  Bib.  art.  "Amber")  asserts 
that  the  translators  of  the  A.  V.  could  aot  mean 
unber,  "  for  that  being  a  bituminous  substance, 
becomes  dim  as  soon  as  it  feels  the  fire,  and  soon 
dissolves  and  consumes."     But  this  is  foimded  on 


AMBER  81 

a  misconstruction  of  the  words  of  the  prophet,  whc 
does  not  say  that  what  he  saw  was  amber,  but  of 
the  color  of  amber  {Pict.  Bib.  note  on  Ez.  viii.  2). 
The  context  cf  the  pa.ssage3  referred  to  above  in 
clearly  as  nnich  in  favor  of  amber  as  of  metal. 
Neither  do  the  LXX.  and  Vnlg.  afford  any  certain 
clew  to  identification,  for  the  word  electron  was 
used  by  the  Greeks  to  express  both  amber  and  a 
certain  metal,  composed  of  gold  and  silver,  and  held 
in  very  high  estimation  by  the  ancients  (I'lin.  //. 
A'',  xxxiii.  4).  It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  in  the  con- 
text of  all  the  passages  where  mention  of  electron 
is  made  in  the  works  of  (ireek  authors  (Horn,  see 
below;  Hes.  Sc.  Here.  142;  Soph.  Anti;/.  1038; 
Aristoph.  Jiij.  532;  Ac),  no  evidence  is  afforded  to 
help  us  to  determine  what  the  electron  was.  In 
the  Odyssey  (iv.  73)  it  is  mentioned  as  enriching 
Menelaus's  palace,  together  with  copjxjr,  gold,  sil- 
ver, and  ivory.  In  Od.  xv.  400,  xviii.  230,  a  neck- 
lace of  gold  is  said  to  be  fitted  with  electron. 
Pliny,  in  the  chapter  quoted  above,  understands 
the  electron  in  llenelaus's  i)alace  to  be  the  metal. 
Hut  with  respect  to  the  golden  necklace,  it  is  worthy 
of  note  that  amber  necklaces  have  been  long  used, 
as  they  were  deemed  an  amulet  against  throat  dis- 
eases. Beads  of  amber  are  frequently  found  in 
British  barrows  with  entire  necklaces  (Fosbr.  An- 
tiq.  i.  280).  Theophrastus  (ix.  18,  §  2;  and  Fr. 
ii.  29,  ed.  Schneider),  it  is  certain,  uses  the  term 
electron  1o  denote  ain/jer,  for  he  speaks  of  its  at- 
tracting properties.  On  the  other  hand,  that  elec- 
tron was  understood  by  the  Greeks  to  denote  a 
metal  composal  of  one  part  of  silver  to  every  four 
of  gold,  we  have  the  testimony  of  Pliny  to  show; 
but  whether  the  early  Greeks  intended  the  metal  or 
the  amber,  or  sometimes  one  and  sometimes  the 
other,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  with  certainty. 
Passow  believes  that  the  metal  was  always  denoted 
by  electron  in  the  WTitings  of  Homer  and  Hesiul, 
and  that  amber  was  not  kno\vn  till  its  introduction 
by  the  Phoenicians ;  to  which  circumstance,  as  he 
thinks,  Herodotus  (iii.  115,  who  seems  to  speak  of 
the  resin,  and  not  the  metal)  refers.  Others  again, 
with  Buttmann  (Afyt/iol.  ii.  337),  maintain  that  the 
electron  denoted  amber,  and  they  very  reasonably 
refer  to  the  ancient  mjlh  of  the  origin  of  amber. 
Pliny  (//.  N.  xxxvii.  cap.  2)  ridicules  the  (ireek 
writers  for  their  creduhty  in  the  fabulous  origin  of 
this  substance;  and  esi)ecially  finds  fault  with 
Sophocles,  who,  in  some  lost  play,  appears  to  have 
believed  in  it. 

From  these  considerations  it  will  be  seen  that  it 
is  not  possible  to  identify  the  chashmal  by  the  help 
of  the  LXX.,  or  to  say  whether  we  are  to  under- 
stand the  metal  or  the  fossil  resin  by  the  word. 
There  is,  however,  one  reason  to  be  adduced  in 
favor  of  the  chashmal  denoting  the  metal  rather 
than  the  resin,  and  this  is  to  be  sought  in  tlie  ety- 
mology of  the  Hebrew  name,  which,  according  to 
Gesenius,  seems  to  be  compounded  of  two  words 
which  together  =  jwlished  copper.  Bochart  (Hie- 
roz.  iii.  i885)  conjectures  that  chashmal  is  com- 
pounded of  two  Chaldee  words  meaning  copper  — 
f/old-ore,  to  which  he  refers  the  aurichulcum.  But 
aurichalcum  is  in  aU  probability  only  the  Latin 
form  of  the  Greek  onchalcon  {mountain  copper). 
(See  %m\ih.' s  Lat.-En(jl.  Did.  s.  v.  "  Orichalo<!m." ) 
Isidorus,  however  {Oiifj.  xvi.  19),  sanctions  the 
etymology  which  Bochart  adopts.  But  the  electron, 
according  to  Pliny,  Pausanias  (v.  12,  §  G),  and  the 
numerous  authorities  quoted  by  Bochart,  was  com- 
posed of  gold  aitd  silcer,  not  of  yokl  and  copj-'^ 


82  AMEDATHA 

The  Hebrew  word  may  denote  either  the  metal 
tlectron  or  amber;  but  it  must  still  be  left  as  a 
question  which  of  the  two  substances  is  really  in- 
tended. W.  H. 

•  AMEDA'THA,  Esth.  iu.  1,  A.  V.  ed.  IGll, 
for  Hammedatha.  A. 

A'MEN  O^HI),  literally,  "firm,  true;"  and, 
used  as  a  substantive,  "  that  which  is  true," 
"ti-uth"  (Is.  Ixv.  16);  a  word  used  in  strong  aa- 
geverations,  fixing  as  it  were  the  stamp  of  truth 
upon  the  assertion  which  it  accompanied,  and  mak- 
ing it  binding  as  an  oath  (comp.  Num.  v.  22). 
In  the  LXX.  of  1  Chr.  xvi.  36,  Neh.  v.  13,  viii.  6, 
the  word  appears  in  the  form  ^A/x-fiv,  which  is  used 
throughout  the  N.  T.  In  other  passages  the  Heb. 
is  rendered  by  ytvoiTO,  except  in  Is.  Ixv.  16.  The 
^'ulgate  adopts  the  Hebrew  word  in  all  cases  ex- 
ce[)t  in  the  Psalms,  where  it  is  translated  ^«<.  In 
Deut.  xxvii.  15-26,  the  people  were  to  say  "  Amen," 
as  the  Invites  pronounced  each  of  the  curses  upon 
Mount  I'^bal,  signifying  by  this  their  assent  to  the 
conditions  under  which  the  curses  would  be  in- 
Bicted.  In  accordance  with  this  usage  we  find 
that,  among  the  Kabbins,  "  Amen  "  involves  the 
ideas  of  swearing,  acceptance,  and  truthfulness. 
The  first  two  are  illustrated  by  the  passages  already 
quot«d;  the  last  by  1  K.  i.  36;  John  iii.  3,  5,  11 
(A.  V.  "  verily  "),  in  which  the  assertions  are  made 
with  the  solenmity  of  an  oath,  and  then  strength- 
ened by  the  repetition  of  "  Amen."  "  .:\jnen  " 
was  the  proper  response  of  the  person  to  whom  an 
oath  was  adniuiistered  (Neh.  v.  13,  viii.  G ;  1  Chr. 
xvi.  36;  Jer.  xi.  5,  marg.);  and  the  Deity,  to  whom 
appeal  is  made  on  such  occasions,  is  called  "  the 
God  of  Amen'''  (Is.  Ixv.  16),  as  being  a  witness  to 
the  sincerity  of  the  imphed  compact.  With  a  sim- 
ilar significance  Christ  is  called  "  the  Amen,  the 
faithful  and  true  witness"  (l!ev.  iii.  14;  comp. 
John  i.  14,  xiv.  6 ;  2  Cor.  i.  20).  It  is  matter  of 
tradition  that  in  the  Temple  the  "Amen"  was 
not  uttered  by  the  people,  but  that,  instead,  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  priest's  prayers,  tliey  responded, 
"  Blessed  be  the  name  of  the  glory  of  his  kingdom 
for  ever  and  ever."  Of  this  a  trace  is  supposed  to 
remain  in  the  concludhig  sentence  of  the  Lord's 
Prayer  (comp.  Koni.  xi.  36).  But  in  the  syna- 
gogues and  private  houses  it  was  customary  for  the 
people  or  members  of  the  family  who  were  present 
to  say  "  Amen  "  to  the  prayers  which  were  ofi'ered 
by  the  minister  or  the  master  of  the  house,  and 
tlie  custom  remained  in  the  early  Christian  church 
(Matt.  vi.  13;  1  Cor.  xiv.  16).  And  not  only  pub- 
Uc  prayers,  but  those  offered  in  private,  and  doxol- 
ogies,  were  appropriately  concluded  with  "  Amen  " 
(Horn.  ix.  5,  xi.  36,  xv.  33,  xn.  27;  2  Cor.  xiii.  14 
(13),  &c.).  W.  A.  W. 

*  The  ^Kfi^jv  of  the  received  text  at  the  end  of 
most  of  the  books  of  the  N.  T.,  is  probably  genuine 
only  m  Rom.,  Gal.,  Heb.  (?),  2  Pet.  ('0,  and 
Jude.  A. 

AMETHYST  (ntt^ni:^,    achldmdh:  hfii- 

OvffTos'-  amethystus).  Mention  is  made  of  this 
precious  stone,  which  formed  the  third  in  the  third 
row  of  the  high-priest's  breastplate,  in  Ex.  xxviii. 
19,  xxxLx.  12,  "  And  the  third  row  a  ligure,  an 
agate,  and  an  amethyst."  It  occurs  also  in  the  N. 
T.  (Ilev.  xxi.  20)  as  the  twelfth  stone  which  gar- 
lished  the  foundations  of  the  wall  of  the  heavenly 
Jerusalem.  Commentators  generally  are  agreed 
that  the  amethyst  is  the  stone  indicated  by  the 


AMMAH 

Hebrew  word,  an  opinion  wliich  is  abmidautiy  sup 
ported  by  the  ancient  versions.  The  Targum  of 
Jerusalem  indeed  reads  smaragdin  (smarat/dus) , 
those  of  Jonathan  and  Onkelos  have  two  word* 
which  signify  "  calf 's-eyc  "  {oculus  viluli),  wliich 
Braunius  {de  Vestit.  Sacerd.  Heb.  ii.  711)  coiyect- 
ures  may  be  identical  with  the  Belt  oculus  of  the 
Assyrians  (Plin.  H.  iV'.  xxxvii.  10),  the  Cat's  eye 
Chalcedony,  according  to  Ajasson  and  Desfoutaines; 
but  as  Braunius  has  observed,  the  word  achldmah 
according  to  the  best  and  most  ancient  authorities 
signifies  amethyst. 

Modem  mineralogists  by  the  term  amethyst  usu- 
ally understimd  the  amethystine  variety  of  quartz, 
which  is  crystalline  and  highly  transparent:  it  is 
sometimes  called  Rose  quartz,  and  contains  alumina 
and  oxide  of  manganese.  There  is,  however,  an- 
other nuneral  to  which  the  name  of  Oriental  ame- 
thytit  is  usually  appUed,  and  which  is  far  more  val- 
uable than  the  quartz  kind.  This  is  a  crystalline 
variety  of  Corundum,  being  found  more  especially 
in  the  E.  and  W.  Indies.  It  is  extremely  hard  and 
bright,  and  generally  of  a  purjjle  color,  which,  how- 
ever, it  may  readily  be  made  to  lose  by  subjecting 
it  to  fire.  In  all  probability  the  common  Amethys- 
tine quartz  is  the  mineral  denoted  by  achtamdii ; 
for  Pliny  speaks  of  the  amethyst  being  easily  cut 
(scnlpturis  facilis,  II.  N.  xxx\-ii.  9),  whereas  the 
Oriental  amethyst  is  inferior  only  to  the  diamond  in 
hardness,  and  is  moreover  a  comparatively  rare  gem. 

The  Greek  word  amethuslos,  the  origin  of  the 
EngUsh  amethyst,  is  usually  derived  from  a,  "  not," 
and  ixeOvw,  "  to  be  intoxicated,"  this  stone  having 
been  beheved  to  have  the  power  of  dispelling  drunk- 
enness in  those  who  wore  it.  (Dionys.  Perieg. 
1122;  Anthol.  Palat.  9,  752;  Martini,  Excurs.  158.) 
Pliny,  however  (//.  N.  xxxvii.  9),  says,  "  The  name 
which  these  stones  have  is  to  be  traced  to  their  pe- 
culiar tint,  which,  after  approximating  to  the  color 
of  wine  shades  off  into  a  violet."  'llieophrastus 
also  alludes  to  its  wine-hke  color."  W.  II. 

A'MI  C'CS  [architect,  Furst]:  'H/uet:  Ami), 
name  of  one  of  "  Solomon's  servants"  (Ezr.  ii.  57)i 

caUed  Amon  CjlttW  ["Hm^/x;  ^^'^-  ^'^^^  *'-^- 
H^6</i;  Comp.  'Anitiv:  Anuml)  in  Neh.  vii.  59 
Ami  is  probably  a  corrupted  fonu  of  Amon. 

AMIN'ADAB  {'AfjuuaUfi:  Aminadab).  Am- 
MIXAUAB  1  (Matt.  i.  4;  Luke  iii.  33). 

W.  A.  W. 

AMITTAI  [3  syl.]  C^ril^S*  [ti-ue,fait],ful]: 
'AfiaOi;  [Vat.  Sin.  -eetO  Amathi),  father  of  the 
propliet  Jonah  (2  K.  xiv.  25;  Jon.  i.  1). 

*  AMIZ'ABAD,  1  air.  xxvii.  6.  So  the  A. 
V.  ed.  1611,  ete.  followmg  the  Vulgate,  the  Gene- 
van version,  and  the  Bishops'  Bible,  for  the  correct 
form  Ammizabad.  A. 

AM'MAH,  the  hill  of  (H^S  HV^}  [mother 

cubit ;  but  here,  accordmg  to  Fiirst,  aqueducts,  aftei 
an  Aramrean  and  Talmudic  usage] :  6  fiowhs  'A/u 
fidVj  [Alex.  Comp.  'Afi/xd;  Aid.  'Efxixdr:]  collii 
aqwB  ductus),  a  hill  "  facuig  "  Giah  by  the  way  of 
the  wilderness  of  Gibeon,  named  as  tlie  point  te 
which  Joab's  pursuit  of  Abner  after  the  death  of 
Asahel  extended  (2  Sam.  ii.  24).  Josephus  {Ani 
vii.  1,  §  3)  T<Jiroj  tis,  hv  'AjU/xdrai'  KoKovai  (comp 


o  To  5"  a)xi9v(TOV  oivamov  rfj  xpo?-      """^    U    31,  e4 
Schneid.l 


AMMEDATHA 


AMMISHADDAI 


83 


Tunr.  Jon.  SiH^SS).  Both  Symmachua  (ydTrn), 
iiid  Theodotion  (iiSpayaiyis),  agree  with  the  Vul- 
gate ill  an  allusion  to  some  watercourse  here.  Can 
this  pouit  to  the  "excavated  fountain,"  "under  the 
high  rock,"  described  as  near  Gibeon  {El~Jib)  by 
Robinson  (i.  455)?  G. 

*AMMEDA'THA,  Esth.  iu.  IC,  A.  V.  ed. 
1611,  for  Hammedatha.  A. 

AM'MI  C*^l?:  \a6s  fiov.  ix^ulus  mem),  i.  e., 
as  explained  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.,  "my 
people  " ;  a  figurative  name  applied  to  the  kmgdom 
of  Isriel  in  token  of  God's  reconciliation  with  them, 
and  their  position  as  "  sons  of  the  livuig  God,"  in 
contrast  with  the  equally  significant  name  Lo-am- 
mi,  given  by  the  prophet  Hosea  to  his  second  son 
by  Gomer,  the  daughter  of  Diblaim  (Hos.  ii.  1). 
In  the  same  manner  Kuhamah  contrasts  with  Lo- 
Ruhamah.  W.  A.  W. 

AM'MIDOI,  in  some  copies  [e.  (/.  ed.  1611] 
Amjuu'ioi  ("AfifiiSoi  or  'AfinlSioi),  named  in  1 
Esdr.  V.  20  among  those  who  came  up  from  Baby- 
lon with  Zorobabel.  The  three  names  Pira,  Cha- 
dias,  and  A.  are  inserted  between  Beeroth  and 
Ramah,  without  any  corresponding  words  in  the 
parallel  lists  of  Ezra  or  Nehemiali. 

*  Fritzsche  {in  loc.)  identifies  'AfifxiSioi  with  the 
inhabitants  of  llumtah,  Josh.  xv.  54.  There  ap- 
pears to  be  no  authority  for  the  form  "AfifiiSoi, 

A. 

AM'MIEL  (VS"'aV  [people  of  God]: 
A/ui^A.;  [Vat.  Afieir]\-]  Ammiel).  1.  The  spy 
selected  by  Moses  from  the  tribe  of  Dan  (Num. 
xiu.  12). 

2.  (Alex.  A/xiTjp,  Vulg.  Ammihel  in  2  Sam. 
xvii.  27;  [Vat.  in  2  Sam.  ix.,  A/xarjp,  A/xejrjA.].) 
The  father  of  Machir  of  Lodebar  (2  Sam.  ix.  i,  5, 
xvii.  27). 

3.  The  father  of  Bathshua,  or  Bathsheba,  the 
<nfe  of  David  (1  Chr.  iii.  5),  called  Eli  am  in  2 
Sam.  xi.  3;  the  Hebrew  letters,  which  are  the  same 
in  the  two  names,  being  transposed.  He  was  the 
Bon  of  Ahithophel,  David's  prime  minister. 

4.  [Vat.  Afj.eir]\.}  The  sixth  son  of  Obed-edom 
(1  Chr.  xxvi.  5),  and  one  of  the  doorkeepers  of  the 
Temple.  W.  A.  W. 

AMMI'HUD  ("r^n''!2^  [people  of  Judah]: 
'EfiwvS  in  Num.,  'A/tJouS  [Vat.  AatoveiS]  in  1 
Chr. :  Ammiiul).  1.  An  Ephraimite,  father  of 
Elishama,  the  chief  of  the  tribe  at  the  time  of  the 
Exodus  (Num.  i.  10,  ii.  18,  vii.  48,  hi,  x.  22),  and 
through  him  ancestor  of  Joshua  (1  Chr.  vii.  26). 

2.  (2s^iou5;  Alex.  E^uiovS.)  A  Simeonite, 
Father  of  Shemuel,  chief  of  the  tribe  at  the  time  of 
Lhc  division  of  Canaan  (Num.  xxxiv.  20). 

3.  ('Io/ijou5;  [Vat.  Biviap.uov^\\  Alex.  A^i- 
auS.)  The  father  of  Pedahel,  chief  of  the  tribe 
3f  Naphtali  at  the  same  time  (Num.  xxxiv.  28). 

4.  (-^n^^V,  Ken  inn^ffiP :  'E;U£0.55.) 
A.mmihud,  or  "  Ammichur,"  as  the  written  text 
'las  it,  was  the  father  of  Talmai,  king  of  Geshur 
(2  Sam.  xiii.  37). 

5.  (5a,uiou5;  [Vat.  'S.aixfuov  or  -ay;]  Alex. 
IL/itouS.)  A  descendant  of  Pharez,  son  o'  Judah 
1  Chr.  ix.  4).  W.  A  \V. 

AMMIN'ADAB  (ll^^'^aV '  'Afjuva^i.^ 
[\'^at.  -fieiv-]  '•  Aminadab ;  one  of  the  people,  i.  e. 
iunily,  of  the  prince  (famulus  principis),  Geaen. ; 


man  of  generosity,  Fiirst,  who  ascribes  to  D^ 
the  sense  of  "homo"  as  its  primitive  meauiug. 
The  passages,  Ps.  ex.  3,  Cant.  vi.  12,  margin,  seem 
however  rather  to  suggest  the  sense  my  people  i» 
wiUiny).  1.  Son  of  liam  or  Aram,  and  father  of 
Nahshon,  or  Naasson  (as  it  is  written.  Matt.  i.  4; 
Luke  iii.  33),  who  was  the  prince  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah,  at  the  first  numbering  of  Israel  in  the  second 
year  of  the  Exodus  (Num.  1.  7,  ii.  3 ;  Ruth  iv.  19, 
20;  1  Chr.  ii.  10).  We  gather  hence  that  Am- 
minadab  died  in  Egj-pt  before  the  Exodus,  which  ac- 
cords with  the  mention  of  him  in  Ex.  vi.  23,  wliere 
we  read  that  "  Aaron  took  him  Elisheba  daughter 
of  Amminadab,  sister  of  Nahshon,  to  wife,  and  she 
bare  liim  Nadab  and  Abihu,  Eleazar  and  Ithamar." 
This  also  indicates  that  Amminadab  must  have 
lived  in  the  time  of  the  most  grievous  oppression 
of  the  Israelites  in  Egypt.  He  is  the  fourth  gen- 
eration after  Judah  the  patriarch  of  his  tribe,  and 
one  of  the  ancestors  of  Jesus  Chuist.  Nothing 
more  is  recorded  of  him ;  but  the  marriage  of  his 
daughter  to  Aaron  may  be  marked  as  the  earliest 
instance  of  alliance  between  the  royal  line  of  Judah 
and  the  priestly  line  of  Aaron.  And  the  name  of 
his  grandson  Nadab  may  be  noted  as  probably  given 
in  honor  of  Ammi-nadab  his  grandfather. 

2.  The  chief  of  the  112  sons  of  Uzziel,  a  junior 
Levitical  house  of  the  family  of  the  Kohathites 
(Ex.  vL  18),  in  the  days  of  David,  whom  that  king 
sent  for,  together  with  Uriel,  Asaiah,  Joel,  Shem- 
aiah,  and  Eliel,  other  chief  fathers  of  Levitical 
houses,  and  Zadok  and  Abiathar  the  priests,  to 
bring  the  ark  of  God  to  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xv.  10- 
12),  to  the  tent  which  he  had  pitched  for  it.  The 
passage  last  quoted  is  instructive  as  to  the  mode  of 
naming  the  houses ;  for  besides  the  sons  of  Kohath, 
120,  at  V.  5,  we  have  the  sons  of  Elizaphan,  200, 
at  V.  8,  of  Hebron,  80,  at  v.  9,  and  of  Uzziel,  112, 
at  V.  10,  all  of  them  Kohathites  (Num.  iii.  27,  30). 

3.  [Alex.  Iffaaap.']  At  1  Chr.  vi.  22  (7,  Heb. 
B. )  Izhar,  the  son  of  Kohath,  and  father  of  Korah, 
is  called  Amminadab,  and  the  Vatican  LXX.  has 
the  same  reading.  (The  Alexandrine  has  Izhar.) 
But  it  is  probably  only  a  clerical  error. 

4.  In  Cant.  vi.  12  it  is  uncertain  whether  we 

ought  to  read  ^"'^^^^^j  Amminadib,  with  the 
A.  v.,  or  3^"r^  ^i??)    'iny  mlling  peqjAe,  as  in 

the  margin.  If  Amminadib  is  a  proper  name,  it 
is  thought  to  be  either  the  name  of  some  one  famous 

for  his  swift  chariots,  n"12^~)^,  or  that  there  is 
an  allusion  to  Abinadab,  and  to  the  new  cart  on 
which  they  made  to  ride  (^3^3^^)  the  ark  of 
God  (2  Sam.  vi.  3).  But  this  last,  though  per- 
haps intended  by  the  LXX.  version  of  Cant.,  which 
has  'A;uij'o5oi3,  is  scarcely  probable.     In  vii.  2  (1 

A.  V.)  the  LXX.  also  render  n^'irn?,  "oh! 
prince's  daughter,"  by  Oiyarep  tiaSdfi,  and  m  the 
Cod.  Alex.  Ovyarep  'AfiivaSafi.  A.  C.  II. 

AMMIN'ADIB  (Cant.  vi.  12).     [Ammlna- 

DAB  4.] 

AMMISHAD'DAI  [4  syl.]  {'"'^W^'IpV 
[people  of  the  Almightrj] :  ' AfiiffaSat;  [\'at. 
-jxei-,  exc.  in  Num.  x.  25;]  Alex.  A/uiiraSat,  exc. 
Num.  ii.  25,  'S.ajxKTaSai,  and  Num  x.  25,  Mio-aSai: 
Amisaclditi,  Ammisaddul).  The  father  of  Ahiezer, 
chief  of  the  tribe  of  Dan  at  the  time  of  the  Exo<ius 
(Num.  i.  lit  n.  2.5,  vii.  06,  71,  x.  25).     His  naiui 


84  AMMIZA.BAD 

18  one  of  trie  few  which  we  find  at  this  period  com- 
pounded with  tiie  ancient  name  of  God,  Shaddai ; 
Ziirishaddai,  and  possibly  Shedeur,  are  the  only 
other  iiisUmc&s,  and  both  belong  to  this  early  time. 

W.  A.  W. 

AMMIZ'ABAD  ("rnr^S?  {people  of  tlie 
Giver,  i.  e.  God:  Horn.  Aid.]  Za$dS;  [Vat. 
hai0a(ad;  Alex.  Antoa^ad;  Cowp. 'Afiet(aPa\:] 
Amizubad).  Tlie  sou  of  Itenaiah,  who  apparently 
acted  as  his  fatlier's  lieutenant,  and  conunanded 
the  third  division  of  David's  army,  which  was  on 
duty  for  the  third  month  (i  Chr.  xxvii.  6).  [Am- 
I2AHAD.]  W.  A.  W. 

AM'MON,  AMMONITES,  CHIL- 
DREN  OF    AMMON  «    "l^'S?  (0%   twice), 

••aSffiV,  C^3h»^:  V^aV  \3S:  'A/x/ua.',  'Am- 
fjMv~Tai,  LXX.  in  Pent. ;  elsewhere  'A/Xjuciv,  mo\ 
^AfA-ixiov;  .loseph.  'Anfiav^Tai:  Ammon  [^Ammon- 
ite],  ^'ulJ!.),  a  })eople  descended  from  Ben-Ammi, 
the  son  of  Ix)t  by  his  younfjer  daughter  (Gen.  xix. 
38;  comi).  I's.  Ixxxiii.  7,  8),  as  Moab  was  by  the 
elder;  and  dating  fi-om  the  destruction  of  Sodom. 

The  nejir  relation  between  the  two  peoples  indi- 
cated ill  the  story  of  their  origin  continued  through- 
out their  existence:  from  their  earliest  mention 
(Deut.  ii.)  to  their  disapjiearance  from  the  biblical 
history  (Jud.  v.  2),  the  brother-tribes  are  named 
together  (comp.  Judg.  x.  10;  2  Chr.  xx.  1;  Zeph. 
ii.  8,  &c.).  Indeed,  so  close  was  their  union,  and 
80  near  their  identity,  that  each  would  appear  to  be 
occasionally  spoken  of  under  the  name  of  the  other. 
Thus  the  "  land  of  the  children  of  Ammon"  is  said 
to  have  been  given  to  the  "  children  of  Lot,"  i.  e. 
to  both  Amnion  and  jNIoab  (Deut.  ii.  19).  They 
are  both  said  to  hH\e  liired  Balaam  to  curse  Israel 
(Deut.  xxiii.  4),  wliei-cas  the  detailed  narrative  of 
that  event  omits  all  mention  of  Ammon  (Num. 
xxii.,  xxiii.).  In  the  answer  of  Jephthah  to  the 
king  of  Ammon  the  allusions  are  continually  to 
Moab  (Judg.  xi.  15,  18,  2.5),  while  Chemosh,  the 
pecidiar  deity  of  Jloab  (Num.  xxi.  29),  is  called 
«' thy  god"  (24).  The  land  from  Amon  to  Jab- 
bok,  which  the  king  of  Amnion  calls  "my  land" 
(13),  is  elsewhere  distinctly  sbited  to  have  once  be- 
longed to  a  "  king  of  Moab  "  (Num.  xxi.  26). 

Unlike  Moab  the  precise  position  of  the  territory 
of  the  Ammonites  is  not  iuscertainaMe.  In  the  ear- 
liest mention  of  them  (Deut.  ii.  20)  they  are  said 
to  have  destroyed  those  Kephaim,  whom  they  called 
the  Zanizunimim,  and  to  have  dwelt  in  their  place, 
Jablxik  lieing  their  bonier  *>  (Num.  xxi.  24 ;  Deut. 
lii.  16,  ii.  37).  "  I>and  "  or  "country"  is,  how- 
ever, but  rarely  ascribed  to  them,  nor  is  there  any 
reference  to  those  habits  and  circumstances  of  civ- 
ilization—  the  "plentiful  fields,"  the  "hay,"  the 
"summer-fruits,"  the  "vineyards,"  the  "presses," 
and  the  "songs  of  the  grape- treaders"  —  which  so 
constantly  recur  in  the  allusions  to  Moab  (Is.  xv., 
xvi. ;  Jer.  xlviii.);  but  on  the  contrary  we  find 
everywhere  traces  of  the  fierce  habits  of  marauders 
in  their  incursions  —  thrusting  out  the  right  eyes 
of  whole  cities  (1  Sam.  xi.  2),  ripping  up  the 
women  with  child  (Am.  i,  13),  and  displaying  a 
rery  high  degree  of  crafty  cniclty  (Jer.  xli.  6,  7; 


"  The  expresMon  most  commonly  employed  for  thi« 
B.Htion  Is  "  IJeiie- .Amnion  "  :  next  in  frequency  comes 
"  Amnioui  "  or  "  Animoniiii  "  ;  ami  least  often  "Am- 
niiii.''  The  tninslatora  of  tlio  Aiitli.  Version  have,  as 
wual,  neglncCed   these  uiiuute   differences,  and  have 


AMMON 

Jud.  vii.  11,  12)  to  their  enemies,  as  well  as  a  sub- 
picious  discourtesy  to  their  allies,  which  on  on« 
occasion  (2  Sam.  x.  1-5)  brought  all  but  extei mi- 
nation  on  the  tribe  (xii.  31).  Nor  is  the  contnwt 
less  obser\able  between  the  one  city  of  Ammon,  the 
fortified  hold  of  Kabbah  (2  Sam.  xi.  1 ;  F^.  xxv.  5 : 
Am.  i.  13),  and  the  "  streets,"  the  "  house-tops," 
and  the  "  high-places,"  of  the  numerous  and  busj 
towns  of  the  rich  plains  of  Moab  (Jer.  xlviii.;  Is 
XV.,  xvi.).  Takuig  the  above  into  account  it  ia 
hard  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that,  while  Moab  was 
the  settled  and  civilized  half  of  the  nation  of  Lot. 
the  Bene-Ammon  formed  its  predatory  and  Itedouin 
section.  A  remarkable  confirmation  of  this  opin- 
ion occurs  in  the  fact  that  the  special  deity  of  the 
tribe  was  worshipped,  not  in  a  house  or  on  a  high 
place,  but  in  a  Ixioth  or  tent  designated  by  the  very 
word  which  most  keenly  expressed  to  the  Israelites 
the  contrast  between  a  nomadic  and  a  settled  life 
(Am.  v.  26 ;  Acts  vii.  43)  [Succoxn].  (See  Stan- 
ley, App.  §  89.) 

On  the  west  of  Jordan  they  never  obtained  a 
footing.  Among  the  confusions  of  the  times  of  the 
Judges  we  find  them  twice  passing  over ;  once  with 
Moab  and  Amalek  seizing  Jericho,  the  "  city  of 
palm-trees  "  (Judg.  iii.  13),  and  a  second  time  "  to 
fight  against  Judah  and  Benjamin,  and  the  house 
of  Ephraim;"  but  they  quickly  returned  to  the 
freer  pastures  of  Gilead,  leaving  but  one  trace  of 
their  presence  in  the  name  of  Cliephar  ha-Ammo- 
nai,  "The  hamlet  of  the  Ammonites"  (Josh,  xviii. 
24),  situated  in  the  portion  of  Benjamin  somewhere 
at  the  head  of  the  pa.sses  which  lead  up  from  the 
Jordan-valley,  and  fonii  the  natural  access  to  the 
table-land  of  the  west  country. 

The  hatred  ui  which  the  Ammonites  were  held 
by  Isnuil,  and  which  possibly  was  connected  with 
the  story  of  their  incestuous  origin,  is  stated  to 
have  arisen  partly  from  their  ojiposition,  or,  rather, 
their  wtmt  of  assistance  (Deut.  xxiii.  4),  to  the  Is- 
raelites on  their  approach  to  Canaan.  But  it  evi- 
dently sprang  mainly  from  their  share  hi  the  affair 
of  Balaam  (Deut.  xxiii.  4;  Neh.  xiii.  1).  At  the 
period  of  Isra<J's  first  approach  to  the  south  of  Pal- 
estuie  the  feeUiig  towards  Ammon  is  one  of  regard. 
The  command  is  then  "  distress  not  the  Moabites 

distress  not  the  children  of  Ammon,  nor 

meddle  with  them"  (Deut.  ii.  9,  19;  and  comp 
37);  and  it  is  only  from  the  subsequent  transaction 
that  we  can  account  for  the  fact  that  Edom,  who 
hatl  also  refused  p.assage  through  his  land  but  had 
taken  no  part  with  Balaam,  is  punished  with  the 
ban  of  exclusion  from  the  congregation  for  three 
generations,  while  Moab  and  Ammon  is  to  be  kept 
out  for  ten  generations  (Deut.  xxiii.  3),  a  sentence 
which  acquires  peculiar  significance  from  its  lieuig 
the  same  pronounced  on  "  bastards  "  ui  the  preced- 
ing verse,  from  its  collocation  amongst  those  pro- 
nounced in  reference  to  the  most  loathsome  physi- 
cal defonnities,  and  also  from  the  emphatic  recapit- 
ulation (ver.  6),  "  thou  shalt  not  seek  their  peace  or 
their  prosiierity  all  thy  days  forever." 

But  whatever  its  origin  it  is  certain  that  the  an- 
imosity continual  in  force  to  the  latest  date.  Sub- 
dued by  Jephthah  (Judg.  xi.  33)  and  scattered 
with  great  slaughter  by  Saul  (1  Sam.  xi.  11)  — 
and  that  not  once  only,  for  he  "vexed"  them 


employed  the  three  terms.  Children  of  Ammon,  Am 
monites.  Amnion,  indiscriminately. 

ft  Joscphus  says  in  two  places  (Ant.  i.  11,  §  5,  an* 
xi.  5,  §  8),  that  Moab  and  Ainmon  were  in  Caele-8>ria 


AMMON 

whithersoever  he  turned"  (xiv.  47)  —  they  en- 
joyed under  his  successor  a  short  respite^  probably 
;he  result  of  the  connection  of  Moab  with  David 
(I  Sam.  xxii.  3)  and  David's  town,  liethlehem  — 
where  the  memory  of  Ruth  must  have  been  still 
fresh.  But  this  was  soon  brought  to  a  close  by  the 
shameful  treatment  to  whicli  their  king  subjected 
the  friendly  messengers  of  David  (2  Sam.  x.  1 ;  1 
(Jhr.  xix.  1 ),  and  for  which  he  destroyed  theh"  city 
and  inflicted  on  them  the  severest  blows  (2  Sam. 
xii. :  1  Chr.  xx.).     [Kabbah.] 

In  the  days  of  Jehoshaphat  tliey  made  an  incur- 
sion into  Judah  with  the  iMoabites  and  the  ^laon- 
ites,"  but  were  signally  repulsed,  and  so  many  killed 
that  three  days  were  occupied  in  spoiUiig  the 
IxMlies  (2  Chr.  xx.  1-25).  In  Uzziah's  reign  they 
nj.ade  incursions  and  committed  atrocities  in  Gilead 
(Am.  i.  13);  Jotham  had  wars  with  them,  and  ex- 
acted fiom  them  a  heavy  tribute  of  "silver  (comp. 
"jewels,"  2  Chr.  xx.  25),  wheat,  and  barley"  (2 
Chr.  xxvii.  5).  In  the  time  of  .Jeremiah  we  find 
them  in  possession  of  the  cities  of  (iad  from  which 
the  Jews  had  been  removed  by  Tiglath-l'ileser  (.Jer. 
xlix.  1-6);  and  other  incursions  are  elsewhere  al- 
luded to  (Zeph.  ii.  8,  !)•).  At  the  time  of  the  cap- 
tivity many  Jews  took  refuge  among  the  Ammon- 
ites from  the  Assyrians  (.ler.  xl.  11),  l)ut  no  better 
feeliug  appears  to  have  arisen,  and  on  the  return 
from  Babylon,  Tobiah  the  Ammonite  and  Sanbal- 
lat  a  Jtoabite  (of  Choronaim,  Jer.  xhx.),  were 
foremost  among  the  opponents  of  Nehemiah's 
restoration. 

Amongst  the  wives  of  Solomon's  harem  are  in- 
cluded Ammonite  women  (1  K.  xi.  1),  one  of 
whom,  Naamah,  was  the  mother  of  Kehoboam  (1 
K.  xiv.  31 ;  2  Chr.  xii.  13),  and  henceforward  traces 
of  the  presence  of  Ammonite  women  in  Judah  are 
not  wanting  (2  Chr.  xxiv.  26 ;  Neh.  xiii.  23 ;  lizr. 
ix.  1;  see  Geiger,  Ursdirlft,  &c.,  pp.  47,  49,  290). 
The  la-st  appearances  of  the  Ammonites  in  the 
biblical  narrative  are  in  the  books  of  Judith  (v.,  vi., 
vii.)  and  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  v.  6,  30-43), 
and  it  has  been  already  remarked  that  their  chief 
characteristics  —  close  alliance  with  Moab,  hatred 
of  Isrjicl  and  cunning  cruelty  —  are  maintained  to 
the  end.  By  Justin  Martyr  {Dial.  c.  Tn/ph.)  they 
are  spoken  of  as  still  numerous  ((/Ov  iroKv  ttA^- 
0oj);  but,  notwithstandmg  this  they  do  not  appear 
again. 

The  tribe  was  governed  by  a  king  (Judg.  xi.  12, 
&c.;  1  Sam.  xii.  12;  2  Sam.  x.  1;  Jer.  xl.  14)  and 

by  "princes,"  ^"^W  (2  Sam.  x.  3;  1  Chr.  xix.  3). 
It  has  been  conjectured  that  Nahash  (1  Sam.  xi.  1; 
2  Sam.  T.  2)  was  the  official  title  of  the  king,  as 
I'huraoh  was  of  the  Egyptian  monarchs ;  but  this 
Is  without  any  clear  foundation. 

The  divinity  of  the  tribe  was  Molech,  generally 
named  in  the  0.  T.  under  the  altered  form  of  Mil- 
£om  — '  the  abomination  of  the  children  of  Ani- 
tnon;"  and  occasionally  as  Malcham.  In  more 
Lhan  one  passage  under  the  word  rendered  "  their 
ting  "  in  the  A.  V.,  an  allusion  is  intended  to  this 

dol.        [MOLI'XH.] 

The  Ammonite  names  preserved  in  the  sacred 
■ext  are  as  follow.  It  is  open  to  inquiry  whether 
Ihese  words  have  reached  us  in  their  original  form 
(Certainly  those  in  Greek  havj  not),  or  whether 


AMOMUM 


85 


they  have  been  altered  in  transference  to  tho  lift- 
brew  records. 


n  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  instead  of  "  Ammjn- 
tes  "  in  2  Chr.  xx.  1,  and  xxvi.  8,  we  should  read, 
rith  tl'.e  LXX.,  "  Maonites "  or  'Mehuniin."  The 
nasoDs  for  this  will  be  given  under  SlEHnnM. 


Achior,  'Ax^'^P*  1"^  "'"^'^  ^i?^*  brother  of 
lif/ht,  Jud.  V.  5,  &c. 

Baalis,  D^'bv'^,  Joiiful,  Jer.  xl.  14. 
Ilanun,  ^-I^H,  jntiable,  2  Sam.  x.  1,  &c. 
Molech,  Tf^D,  king. 

Naamah,  TM2yi_1,  pleasant,  1  K.  xiv.  21,  &c. 
Nachash,  J^'H^,  serpent,  1  Sam.  xi.  1,  Ac. 

Shohi,  '^^^7,  return,  2  Sam.  xvii.  27. 
Timotheus,  TiixSQeos,  1  Mace.  v.  6,  &c. 
Tdbijah,  H^SIt:,  good,  Neh.  ii.  10,  &c. 

Zelek,  PV.'t*)  scar,>>  2  Sam.  xxiii.  37. 

The  name  Zamzummim,  applied  by  the  Ammon- 
ites to  the  Kephaim  whom  they  dispossessal,  should 
not  be  omitted.  G. 

AM'MONITESS  (n"'3b3?n:  f, 'Afiiuoy:ri$ 
in  1  K.,  T)  kfifxavlris,  2  Chr.  xii.  13,  6  A/xixay 
irTjs,  2  Chr.  xxiv.  26;  Alex.  Afj-aviris  in  1  K. ; 
[Vat.  7)  Afi/jLaveiTis,  o  A/j-fiaveiTtis:]  Ammanitis). 
A  woman  of  Ammonite  I'ace.  Such  were  Naamah, 
the  mother  of  Kehoboam,  one  of  Solomon's  foreign 
wives  (1  K.  xiv.  21,  31;  2  Chr.  xii.  13),  and  Shi- 
meath,  whose  son  Zaijad  or  Jozachar  was  one  of 
the  murderers  of  king  Jo.ish  (2  Chr.  xxiv.  26). 
For  allusions  to  these  mixed  marriages  see  1  K.  xi. 
1,  and  Neh.  xiii.  25.  In  the  Hebrew  the  word  has 
always  the  definite  article,  and  therefore  in  all 
cases  should  be  rendered  "  the  Ammonitess." 

W.  A.  W. 

AM'NON  CJ^^XIS,  once  "|''^3''PS  [faithful] : 
'A/iJ/eiy,  [Alex,  sometimes  A/x/xoi':]  Annum).  1. 
Eldest  son  of  David  by  Ahinoam  the  Jezreelitess, 
born  in  Hebron  while  his  father's  royalty  was  only 
acknowledged  in  Judah.  He  dishonored  his  half- 
sister  Taraar,  and  was  in  consequence  murdered  by 
her  brother  (2  Sam.  xiii.  1-2:J).  [Ab.sai.om.] 
[See  also  2  Sam.  iii.  2,  xiii.  32,  3.3,  39;  1  Chr.  iii. 

1-] 

2.  Son  of  Shimon  (1  Chr.  iv.  20).   G.  E.  L.  C. 

AltfOK  (p^X21^  [(leep  or  incomin-ehensible'] : 
'Aft^K;  [Vat.  om. ;  Comp.  'AfxavK']  Avioc).  A 
priest,  whose  family  returned  with  Zerubbabel,  and 
were  represented  by  Eber  in  the  daj-s  of  Joiakim 
(Neh.  xii.  7,  20).  W.  A.  W. 

*  AMOMUM  i&fjLWfjLov-  amomum).  In  the 
description  of  the  merchandise  of  Babylon  (Kome) 
in  Kev.  xviii.  13,  the  best  critical  editions  read 
Kivvifiwfiov  Ka\  ifjiufiov,  "cinnamon  and 
amomum,^''  for  the  Kivafxwfiou  of  the  received  text. 
Under  the  name  &fx<u/iov  or  amomum  Dioscorides 
and  Pliny  describe  an  aromatic  plant  growing  in 
India,  Armenia,  Media,  and  I'ontus,  which  modem 
botanists  have  found  it  difficult  to  identify  with  any 
known  species.  (See  Dioscor.  i.  14;  I'hn.  //.  N. 
xii.  13,  xiii.  1,  2,  xvi.  32;  Theophr.  I/ist.  Plant. 
ix.  7;  Fr.  iv.  32.)  Fi^e  {Flore  de  \1rgik,  pp.  16, 
17)  supposes  it  to  be  the  Amomiun  racenuisum, 
Lam.,  Am.  cardamomum,  Lin.;  Billerbeck  {Flora 
Claasica,  p.  2)  makes  it  the  Amomum  grnna  Par- 
odist; Sprengel  {Hist.  Rti  Herb.  i.  140  ff.,  247 
f.),  Fraas,  a::d  others  identify  it  with  the  Cis.*us 


6  Compare  the  sobriquet  of  "Le  B;ilafn5 ' 


S6 


AMON 


TitigimM  of  Linnaeus.  See  also  Salmasios,  Homon. 
Uyl.  lair.  Q.  91;  Plin.  Exerc.  i.  284  flf.  From 
Mie  h-uit  of  the  amomum  a  precious  oil  or  balsam 
was  obtained,  which  was  used  in  funeral  rites  (Pers. 
iii.  104;  Ovid.  Pant.  i.  9,  51;  see  also  Trist.  iii. 
3,  69,  where  we  have  amomi  pulvis),  aiid  especially 
M  a  fHiffume  for  the  hair  (Ovid.  I/tr.  xxi.  1G6; 

Jican,  X.  164  tf.;  Mart.  v.  64,  3,  viii.  77,  3;  Sil. 

tal.  xi.  403).     See  Wetstein's  note  on  Kev.  xviii. 

a.  A. 

A'MON(pS:S:    'Afifidy,    [Sin.i  in  Xah., 
Apfiuav]).     1.  An  Egyptian  divinity,  whose  name 

occurs  in  that  of  PX2S  N3  (Nah.  iii.  8),  or  Thebes, 

also  called  N3  [No].  It  has  been  supposed  that 
Amon  is  mentioned  in  Jer.  xlvi.  25,  but  the  A.  V. 

is  most  probably  correct  in  rendering  S3!p  l"^^^ 
"  the  multitude  of  No,"  as  m  the  parallel  passage, 
l'2z.  XXX.  15,  where  the  equivalent  ^I^H  is  em- 
ployed. Comp.  also  Ez.  xxx.  4,  10,  for  the  use  of 
the  latter  word  with  reference  to  Egypt.  These 
ca.ses,  or  at  least  the  two  former,  seem  therefore  to 
be  instances  of  paronomasia  (comp.  Is.  xxx.  7,  Ixv. 
11,  12).  The  Greeks  called  this  divinity  "Afi/xaiv, 
whence  the  l.atin  Anunon  and  Hammon;  but  their 
writers  give  the  l^gyptian  pronunciation  as  'Aju- 
fiovv  (Herod,  ii.  42),  'A/j-ovv  (I'lut.  de  Isiil.  et  Osir. 
9),  or  'AfjLuu  (Iambi,  de  Jfijs^t.  viii.  3).  The  an- 
cient Egyptian  name  is  Amen,  which  must  signify 
"the  hidden,"  from  the  verb  amen,  "to  enwrap, 
eonceal"  (Cliampollion,  JMctUmnaire  ]Sf/yj>iien,  p. 

197),  Copt.  ^JULO  nS.  This  mtcri>retation 
agrees  with  that  given  by  Plutarch,  on  the  authority 
Df  a  su[)position  of  Manetho.  (MavfOils  /xii'  6 
2€)3«i/i'UTrjs  rh  KeKpvfifxfvoi'  oUrai  Kol  tV  Kpvi^iv 
imh  Tat(TT}s  STjAoCaCat  t^s  <paivr)S,  <le  ]»id.  el 
Osir.  I.  c.)  Amen  wa-s  one  of  the  eight  gods  of 
Ihe  first  order,  and  chief  of  the  triad  of  Thebes. 
lie  was  worshipped  at  that  city  as  Amen-lia,  or 
■'Amen  the  sun,"  represented  as  a  man  wearing  a 


The  god  Amon.    (Wilkinson.) 

fAp  wiih  two  high  plumes,  and  Amen-Ra  ka  mutrof, 
''  Amen-Ha.  who  is  both  male  and  female,"  repre- 
cnted  as  the  generative  principle.  In  the  latter 
ibrm  he  is  accompanied  by  the  figures  of  trees  or 
»ther  vegetable  products,  like  the  "grov&s"  men- 
ioncd  in  the  Bible  [Egyit],  and  is  thus  c  )nnccted 


AMORITE 

with  Baal.  In  the  Great  Oasis,  and  the  famous  on* 
named  after  him,  he  was  worshipped  in  the  form  of 
the  ram-headed  god  Num,  and  called  either  Amen. 
Amen-Ra,  or  Amen-Num,  and  thus  the  Greek* 
came  to  sitppose  him  to  be  always  ram-beatled, 
whereas  this  was  the  proper  characteristic  of  Num 
(Wilkinson,  Modei-n  Egypt  and  Thebes,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  367,  375 ).  The  worship  of  Amen  spread  from 
the  Oases  along  the  north  coast  of  Africa,  and  even 
penetrated  into  Greece.  The  Greeks  identified 
Amen  with  Zeus,  and  he  was  therefore  called  Zeug 
Ammon  and  Jupiter  Amnion.  ]{.  S.  P. 

A'MON  (]1!2S     [multitude,    or    arckitect] . 

'A/tc6s,  Kmgs  [Jer.,  and  so  I.achm.,  Tisch.,  Tr^., 
in  Matt.] ;  'Afi<iv,  Chr.,  [Zeph.,  where  Sin.  readi 
A/x/iwi/;  Vat.i  in  1  Chr.  Afivaiv,  A' at.  in  2  Chr. 
A/icos;  Alex.  A/xjucov  in  1  K.,  elsewhere  Afues'-] 
Joseph.  "A/xuaos-  Armm).  1.  King  of  Judali,  son 
and  successor  of  Manasseh.     The  name  may  mean 

skillful  in  his  art,  or  chill  (verbal  from  I^S,  to 
nurse).  Yet  it  sounds  Egyptian,  as  if  connected 
with  the  Theban  god,  and  possibly  may  have  been 
given  by  Manasseli  to  his  son  in  an  idolatrous  spirit. 
Following  his  father's  example,  Amon  devoted  him- 
self wholly  to  the  service  of  false  gods,  but  was  killed 
in  a  conspiracy  after  a  reign  of  two  years.  Prob- 
ably by  ins<jlence  or  tyranny  he  had  alienated  his 
owii  senants,  and  fell  a  victim  to  their  hostihty,  for 
the  people  a\enged  him  by  jjutting  ail  the  conspir- 
ators to  death,  and  secured  the  succession  to  his  son 
Josiah.  To  Anion's  reign  we  must  refer  the  terrible 
picture  which  tlie  prophet  Zephaniah  gives  of  the 
moral  and  religious  state  of  Jerusalem:  idolatry 
supported  by  priests  and  prophets  (i.  4,  iii.  4),  the 
poor  ruthlessly  oppressed  (iii.  3),  and  shameless  in- 
difference to  evil  (iii.  11).  According  to  Chnton 
{F.  11.  i.  328),  the  date  of  his  accession  is  b.  c. 
042;  of  his  death,  n.  r.  640  (2  K.  xxi.  19;  2  Chr. 
xxxiii.  20).  [Occurs  2  K.  xxi.  18-25;  1  Chr.  iii. 
14;  2  Chr.  xxxiii.  20-25;  Jer.  i.  2,  xxv.  3;  Zeph. 
i.  1;  Matt.  i.  10.]  G.  E.  L.  C. 

2.  (7bS,   ('"1^^?:    26/xV,    'EMp;    Alex.    A^- 

fucv,  :S,e/jLti.T]p;  [Md.  ^Afifjuiv,  'E/iyuT^p;  Comp. 
'Afiiiv,  'Afifidy']  Aman).  Prince  or  governor  of 
Samaria  ui  the  reign  of  Ahab  (1  K.  xxii.  26;  2 
Chr.  xviii.  25).  What  was  the  precise  nature  of 
his  office  is  not  known.  Perhaps  the  prophet  Jli- 
caiah  was  intrusted  to  his  care  as  capt^iin  of  the 
citadel.  The  Vat.  MS.  of  the  LXX.  has  rhv 
0a(ri\fa  tijs  -rrdXews  in  1  K.,  but  &pxoirra  in  2 
Chr.  Josephus  (Ant.  viii.  15,  §  4)  calls  him  'Ax- 
d/xa)v  W.  A.  W. 

3.  See  Ami. 

AMORITE,  THE  AM'ORITES  ("'ib.S, 

^"^.^.^n  (always  in  the  singular),  accurately  "  the 

Emorite  "  —  the  dwellers  on  the  summits  —  moun- 
tmneers:  'Afiop^a7oi-  Amvrrhcei),  one  of  the  chM 
nations  who  possessed  the  land  of  Canaan  before  ita 
conquest  by  the  Israelites. 

In  the  genealogical  table  of  Gen.  x.  "  the  Amo 
rite"  is  given  as  the  fourth  son  of  Canaan,  with 
"Zidon,  Ileth  [Hittite],  the  Jebusite,"  &c.  The 
interpretation  of  the  name  as  "  mountaineeri  "  or 
"highlandcrs  "  —  due  to  Simonis  (see  his  Onomas- 
ticon),  though  commonly  ascribed  to  Ewald  —  i« 
quite  in  accordance  with  the  notices  of  the  text 
which,  except  in  a  few  instances,  speak  of  the  Am- 
orites  as  dwelUng  on  the  elevated  portions  of  tht 


AMORITE 

lounttry.     In  this  resiiect  they  are  contrasted  with 
the  Canaanites,  who  were  the  dwellers  in  the  low- 
tods;  and  the  two  thus  formed  the  main  broad 
divisions  of  the  Holy  Land.     "  The  Hittite,  and 
the  Jebusite,  and  the  Amorite,  dwell  in  the  moun- 
tain [of  Judah  and  Ephraim],  and  the  Canaanite 
dwells  by  the  sea  [the  lowlands  of  Philistia  and 
Sharon]   and  by  the   '  side '  of  Jordan "   [in  the 
valley  of  the  Arabah], — was  the  report  of  the 
first  Israelites  who  entered  the  country  (Num.  xiii. 
29;  and  see  Josh.  v.  1,  x.  6,  xi.  3;  Deut.  i.  7,  20; 
"Mountain  of  the  A.,"  ver.  44).    This  we  shall  find 
tome  out  by  other  notices.     In  the  very  earliest 
times  (Gen.  xiv.  7)  they  ai"e  occupying  the  barren 
heights  west  of  the  Dead  Sea,  at  the  place  which 
afterwards  bore  the  name  of  En-gedi ;  hills  in  whose 
festnesses,  the  "rocks  of  the  wUd  goats,"  David 
afterwards  took  refuge  from  the  pursuit  of  Saul  (1 
Sam.  xxiii.  29;    xxiv.   2).      [Hazezon-Tamah]. 
From  this  point  they  stretched  west  to  Hebron, 
where  Abram  was  then  dwelling  under  the  "  oak- 
grove"  of  the  three  brothers,  Aner,  Eshcol,  and 
Mamre  (Gen.  xiv.  13;  comp.  xiii.  18).     From  this, 
their  ancient  seat,  they  may  have  crossed  tlie  valley 
of  the  Jordan,  tempted  by  the  high  table-lands  on 
the  east,  for  there  we  next  meet  them  at  the  date 
of  the  invasion  of  the  country.     Sihon,  their  then 
king,  had  taken  the  rich  pasture-land  south  of  the 
Jabbok,  and  had  driven  the  Moabites,  its  former 
possessoi-s,  across  the   wide  chasm  of  the  ^Vnion 
(Num.  xsi.  20;  13),  which  thenceforward  formed 
the    boundary   between   the   two    hostile   peoples 
(Num.   xxi.   13).     The   Israelites   apparently   ap- 
proached  from  the   south-east,  keeping  "  on   the 
other  side"  (that  is,  on  the  east)  of  tlie  upper  part 
of  the  Arnon,  which  there  bends  southwards,  so  as 
to  form  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  country  of 
Moab.     Their  request  to  pass  through  his  land  to 
the  fords  of  Jordan  was  refused  by  Sihon  (Num. 
xxi.  21;  Deut.  ii.  2G);  he  "went  out"   against 
them  (xxi.  23;  ii.  32),  was  killed  with  his  sons  and 
his  people  (ii.  33),  and  his  land,  cattle,  and  cities 
taken  possession  of  by  Israel  (xxi.  24,  25,  31,  ii. 
34-6).     This  rich  tract,  bounded  by  the  Jabbok  on 
the  north,  the  Arnon  on  the  south,  Jordan  on  the 
west,  and  "the  wilderness"  on  the  east  (Judg.  xi. 
XL,  22)  —  in  the  words  of  Josephus  "  a  land  lying 
etween  three  rivers  after  the  manner  of  an  island" 
{Ant.  iv.  5,  §  2)  —  was,  perhaps,  in  the  most  sjiecial 
sense  the  "land  of  the  Amorites"  (Num.  xxi.  31; 
Josh.  xii.  2,  3,  xiii.  9;  Judg.  xi.  21,  22);  but  their 
possessions  are  distinctly  stilted  to  have  extended 
to  the  very  feet  of  Hermon  (Deut.  iii.  8,  iv.  48), 
embracing  "all  Gilead  and  all  Bashan"  (iii.  10), 
with  the  Jordan  valley  on  the  east  of  the  river  (iv. 
49),  and  forming  together  the  land  of  the  "two 
kings  of  the  Amorites,"  Sihon  and  Og  (Deut.  xxsi. 
4;  Josh.  ii.  10,  Lx.  10,  xxiv.  12). 

After  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  we  again  meet 
with  Amorites  disputing  with  Joshua  the  conquest 
of  the  west  country.  But  although  the  name 
generally  denotes  the  mountain  tribes  of  the  centre 
of  the  country,  yet  this  definition  is  not  always 
strictly  maintained,  varying  probably  with  the  au- 
thor of  the  particular  part  of  the  history,  and  the 
time  at  which  it  was  written.  Nor  ought  we  to  ex- 
pect that  the  Israelites  could  have  possessed  very  ac- 
curate knowledge  of  a  set  of  small  tribes  whom  they 
were  called  upon  to  exterminate  —  with  whom  they 
were  forbidden  to  hold  any  intercourse — and,  more- 
3ver,  of  whose  general  similarity  to  each  other  we 
«ave  convincing  proof  in  the  confusion  in  question. 


AMOS  87 

Some  of  these  differences  are  as  follows :  —  Ilo' 
bron  is  "Amorite"  in  Gen.  xiii.  18,  xiv.  13, 
though  "Hittite"  in  xxiii.  and  "Canaanite"  in 
Judg.  i.  10.  The  "  Ilivites  "  of  Gen.  xxxiv.  2,  are 
"Amorites"  in  xlviii.  22;  and  so  also  in  Josh.  ix. 
7,  xi.  19,  as  compared  with  2  Sam.  xxi.  2.  Jeru- 
salem is  "Amorite"  in  .Josh.  x.  5,  G,"  but  in  xv. 
63,  xviii.  28:  Judg.  i.  21,  xix.  11;  2  Sam.  v.  6, 
Ac,  it  is  "Jebusite."  The  "Canaanites"  of  Num. 
xiv.  45  (comp.  Judg.  i.  17),  are  "Amorites"  in 
Deut.  i.  44.  Jarmuth,  Lachish,  and  I'iglon,  were 
in  the  low  country  of  the  Shtftlah  (Josh.  xv.  35, 
39),  but  in  Josh.  x.  5,  6,  they  are  "Amorites  that 
dwell  in  the  mountains;  "  and  it  would  appear  as 
if  the  "  Amorites  "  who  forced  the  Danites  into  the 
mountain  (Judg.  i.  34,  35)  must  have  themselves 
remained  on  the  plam. 

Notwithstanding  these  few  differences,  however, 
from  a  comparison  of  the  passages  previously  quoted 
it  appears  plain  that  "  Amorite  "  was  a  local  term, 
and  not  the  name  of  a  distinct  tribe.  This  is  con- 
firmed by  the  following  facts.  (1.)  The  wide  area 
over  which  the  name  was  spread.  (2.)  The  want 
of  connection  between  those  on  the  east  and  tliose 
on  the  west  of  Jordan  —  which  is  only  once  hinteil 
at  (Josh.  ii.  10).  (3.)  The  existence  of  kings  like 
Sihon  and  Og,  whose  territories  were  sepai-ate  and 
independent,  but  who  are  yet  called  "  the  two  kings 
of  the  Amorites,"  a  state  of  things  quite  at  vari- 
ance with  the  habits  of  Semitic  tribes.  (4.)  Be- 
yond the  three  confederates  of  Abram,  and  these 
two  kings,  no  individual  Amorites  appear  in  the 
history  (unless  Araunah  or  Oman  the  Jebusite  be 
one).  (5.)  There  are  no  traces  of  any  peculiar  gov- 
ernment, worship,  or  customs,  different  from  those 
of  the  other  "nations  of  Canaan." 

One  word  of  the  -'Amorite"  language  has  sur- 
vived —  the  name  Senir  (not  "  Shenir  ")  for  Mount 
Hermon  (Deut.  iii.  9);  but  may  not  this  be  the 
Canaiinite  name  as  opposed  to  the  Phoenician 
(Sirion)  on  the  one  side  and  the  Hebrew  on  the 
other? 

All  mountaineers  are  warlike;  and,  from  the 
three  confederate  brothers  who  at  a  moment's  no- 
tice accompanied  "  Abram  the  Hebrew "  in  his 
pursuit  of  the  five  kings,  down  to  those  who,  not 
depressed  Ijy  the  slaughter  inflicted  by  Joshua  and 
the  terror  of  the  name  of  Israel,  persisted  in  driv- 
ing the  children  of  Dan  into  the  mountaui,  the 
Amorites  fully  maintained  this  character. 

After  the  conquest  of  Canaan  nothing  is  heard 
in  the  Bible  of  the  Amorites,  except  the  occasional 
mention  of  their  name  in  the  usual  formula  for 
designating  the  earlv  uJiabitants  of  the  country 

G. 

A'MOS  (3'1'2'y,  a  burden:  'Kjxis-  Arms), 
a  native  of  Tekoah  in  Judah,  about  six  miles  S. 
of  Bethlehem,  originally  a  shepherd  and  dresser  of 
sycamore-trees,  was  called  by  God's  Spirit  to  be  a 
prophet,  although  not  trained  in  any  of  the  regular 
prophetic  schools  (i.  1,  vii.  ]4,  15).  He  travelled 
from  Judah  into  the  northern  kingdom  of  Israel  or 
Ephraim,  and  there  exercised  his  ministry,  appar- 
ently not  for  any  long  time.  His  date  cannot  be 
later  man  the  15th  year  of  Uzziah's  reign  (b.  c. 
808,  according  to  CUnton,  F.  H.  i.  325);  for  he 
tells  us  that  he  prophesied  "  in  the  reigns  of  Uzziah 
king  </  Judah,  and  Jeroboam  the  son  of  Joash 
Ling  of  Israel,  i*o  years  before  the  earthquake-" 


a  Ttie  LXX.  has  hera  rue  'leiSovj-aiwi  - 


88 


AMOS 


rhis  earthquake  (also  mentioned  Zech.  xiv.  5)  can- 
not have  occurred  after  the  17th  year  of  Uzziah, 
liiice  Jerolwain  11.  died  in  tlie  15th  of  that  king's 
reign,  which  therefore  is  the  latest  year  fulfilling 
the  three  chronological  indications  furnished  hy 
the  prophet  himself.  But  his  ministry  prohably 
took  place  at  an  earlier  period  of  Jerolwam's  reign, 
perhaps  alwut  the  middle  of  it;  for  on  the  one  hand 
Amos  sjjeaks  of  the  conquests  of  this  warlike  king 
as  completed  (vi.  13,  cf.  2  K.  xiv.  25),  on  the 
other  the  Assyrians,  wlio  towards  the  end  of  his 
reign  were  approaching  Palestine  (Hos.  x.  G,  xi. 
5),  do  not  seem  as  yet  to  have  caused  any  alarm  in 
tl;e  country.  Amos  predicts  indeed  that  Israel  and 
other  neighbormg  nations  will  Ije  punislied  by  cer- 
tain wild  conquerors  from  the  Nortli  (i.  5,  v.  27, 
vi.  14),  but  does  not  name  them,  as  if  they  were 
still  unknown  or  unlictxled.  In  this  prophefs  time 
Israel  was  at  the  height  of  power,  weakli,  and 
security,  but  infected  by  the  crimes  to  wliich  such 
a  state  is  liable.  The  |>oor  were  oppressed  (viii.  4), 
the  ordinances  of  religion  thought  burdensome 
(viii.  5),  and  idleness,  luxury,  and  extravagance 
were  general  (iii.  15).  Tlie  source  of  these  evils 
was  idolatry,  of  course  that  of  the  golden  calves, 
not  of  l{a;d,  since  Jelm's  dynasty  occupied  the 
throne,  though  it  seems  prol)able  from  2  K.  xiii.  C, 
which  passage  must  refer  to  Jeroboam's  reign 
[Benhauad  III.],  that  tlie  rites  even  of  Astarte 
were  tolerated  in  Samaria,  though  not  encouraged. 
Calf-worship  was  sijecially  practiced  at  Betliel,  where 
was  a  pruicipal  temple  and  summer  palace  for  the 
king  (vii.  1-5;  cf.  iii.  15),  also  at  Gilgal,  Dan,  and 
Beersheba  in  Judah  (iv.  4,  v.  5,  viii.  14),  and  was 
offensively  united  with  the  true  worship  of  the  Ix)rd 
(v.  14,  21-23;  cf.  2  K.  xvii.  33).  Amos  went  to 
rebuke  tliis  at  l>ethel  itself,  but  was  compelled  to 
return  to  Judah  by  the  high-priest  Amaziali,  who 
procured  from  Jeroboam  an  order  for  his  expulsion 
from  the  northern  kingdom." 

The  l)ook  of  the  jirophecies  of  Amos  seems  di- 
vided into  four  princiital  portions  closely  connected 
together.  (1)  From  i.  1  to  ii.  3  lie  denounces  tlie 
sias  of  the  nations  Iwrdering  on  Israel  and  Judah, 
as  a  pre])aration  for  (2),  in  which,  from  ii.  4  to  vi. 
14,  he  describes  the  state  of  those  two  kingdoms, 
especially  tlie  former.  This  is  followed  by  (3),  vii. 
]-ix.  10,  in  which,  after  reflecting  on  the  previous 
prophecy,  he  relates  liis  visit  to  Bethel,  and  sketches 
the  huiK'iidiiig  punislimeiit  of  Israel  which  he  pre- 
dicted to  Amaziah.  After  this,  in  (4),  lie  rises  to 
I  loftier  and  more  evangelical  strain,  looking  for- 
ward  to  the  time  when  the  hope  of  the  ^Messiali's 
Kingdom  will  \>e  fulfilled,  and  His  peo])le  forgiven 
and  established  in  the  enjoyment  of  (Jod's  blessings 
to  all  eternity.  The  cliief  peculiarity  of  the  style 
consists  in  the  ninnber  of  allusions  to  natural  ob- 
jects and  agricultural  occupations,  as  might  be 
•jcpected  from  the  early  life  of  tlie  author.  See  i 
3,  ii.  13,  iii.  4,  5,  iv.  2,  7,  9,  v.  8, 19,  vi.  12,  vii.  1,  ix. 
3,  9,  13,  14.  The  Umk  jiresupjioses  a  popular  ac- 
quauitance  with  the  Pentateuch  (see  llengstenberg, 
linU-uye  ziir  KhikiturKj  ins  Alte  Tesiitmeiit,  I 
83-125),  and  implies  that  the  ceremonies  of  religion, 
except  where  coiTu[>te(l  l)y  Jeroboam  I.,  were  in 
jccordance  with  the  law  of  ISIoses.  The  rOTtences 
jo  it  m  the  New  Testament  are  two :  v.  25,  20,  27 


AMPHIPOLIS 

is  quoted  by  St.  Stephen  hi  Acts  vii.  42,  and  ix.  II 
by  St.  James  in  Acts  xv.  IG.  As  the  book  is  evi- 
dently not  a  series  of  detached  propiiecies,  but  log- 
ically and  artistically  coimected  in  its  several  parts, 
it  wiis  probably  written  by  Amos  as  we  now  hav« 
it  after  his  return  to  Tekoah  from  his  mission  to 
Betliel.  (See  Ewald,  P-uj>htttu  dcs  Alien  JJuiides, 
i.  84  ft.)  G.  E.  L.  C. 

*  Among  the  later  commentators  ou  Amos  may 
be  mentioned  J.  A.  Iheiner,  Klein.  J'ropheten, 
1828;  Ilitzig,  Kltin.  Piojih.  erUuii,  1838,  3e  Aufl. 
18G3;  Maurer,  Com.  Gram.  J/iM.  Ciit.  in  Prop/. 
Minot-esf,  1840;  Ewald,  Proph.  J.  Allen  Bundt*. 
1840;  Umbreit,  Prakt.  Com.  iiber  die  Pioph.  IV. 
i.,  1844;  Henderson,  Minor  Prophets,  Ix)nd.  184oy 
Amer.  ed.  18G0;  Baur,  Der  Proplt.  Amos  erkldrt_ 
1847;  and  Pusey,  Miiwr  Prophets,  18G1.  There 
is  a  rapid  but  grapliic  sketch  of  the  contents  of  the 
prophecy,  as  well  as  of  the  career  of  the  prophrt, 
by  Staidey  {Jewish  Church,  ii.  396  fl'.  Aiiier.  ed.). 
I'or  a  list  of  the  older  writers  and  their  character- 
istics, the  reader  is  referred  to  Baur's  Kinleitung 
to  his  commentary  named  above  (pp.  149-1G2). 

H. 
2.  QAfiws'-  Amos.)     Son  of  Xaum,  in  the  gen- 
ealogy of  Jesus  Christ  (Luke  iii.  25).    W.  A.  W. 

A'MOZ  (V"1^K:  'AyucSs:  ^7»os),  father  of  the 
prophet  Isaiah  (2  K.  xix.  2,  20,  xx.  1 ;  2  Chr.  xxvi. 
22,  xxxii.  20,  32;  Is.  i.  1,  ii.  1,  xiii.  1,  xx.  2 
[xxxvii.  2,  21,  xxxviii.  1.] 

AMPHIP'OLIS  ('A/x<pliro\ii:  AmphijMlis),  a 
city  of  Macedonia,  througii  wliich  Paul  and  Silas 
passed  in  their  way  fi-oin  Pliili])pi  to  Thessalonica 
(.\cts  xvii.  1).  It  was  distant  33  llomau  miles  from 
Philippi  {I tin.  Anton,  p.  320).  It  was  called  Am- 
phijx>lis,  because  the  river  Sfrymoii  flowed  almost 
round  the  town  (Time.  iv.  192).  It  stood  upon  an 
eminence  on  the  left  or  eastcrti  bank  of  this  river, 
just  below  its  egress  from  the  lake  Cercinitis,  and 
at  the  distance  of  aiwut  three  miles  friim  the  sea. 
It  was  a  colony  of  the  Athenians,  and  was  memor- 
able in  the  PeloiK>iinesiau  war  for  the  battle  fought 
under  its  walls,  in  wliich  both  Brasidas  and  Cleon 
were  killed  (Thuc.  v.  G-11).  Its  site  is  now  occu- 
pied by  a  village  called  Neokhdrio,  in  Turkish  Jeni- 
Keui.  or  "  New-Town." 

*  The  reader  will  notice  from  the  wood-cut  (taken 
from  CousLncry)  the  singular  position  of  this  apos- 
tolic place.  Neokhorio  is  tlie  modern  Creek  N«a- 
Xtipioy.  Though  tlie  name  is  changed,  the  identi- 
fication is  undoubted,  since  tlie  position  answers  so 
perfectly  to  the  ancient  name  and  to  the  notices 
of  ancient  writers  (eV  afj.<p6T€pa  veptp'itovros  tou 
'SrpvfiSvos,  Thuc.  iv.  102).  Cousmt'ry  inserts  a 
plan   of  the  ruins  still  found  on  the   sjiot  in  his 

Voyage  dans  Macedoine  (i.  134),  among  which  are 
parts  of  the  city  wall,  snubolic  figures,  inscriptions, 
tumuli,  &c.  See  also  Leake's  Northern  (ireece,  iii. 
181  ff.  At  the  jxiuit  here  where  Paul  crossed  the 
Strynion  on  his  missi<jn  of  philanthropy  (r;  <pi\av- 
dpuiria  Tov  crcoTrjpos  ijfiaiy  Ofov,  Tit.  iii.  4),  Xerxes, 
on  his  invasion  of  tircece,  "ofl'ered  a  sacrifice  of 
white  horses  to  the  river,  and  buried  alive  nine 
youths  and  maidens."  See  Herod,  vii.  113,  114 
and  I^whnson's  note  there.  It  was  not  till  after 
the  great  sacrifice  on  Golgotha  that  hmnan  sacri- 


<»  *  There  vrns  a  later  .Tewiah  tradition,  says  Stanley, 
"  that  he  wa.s  iKiiiten  and  wounded  by  the  indignant 
Hierarchy  of  Uethel  and  carried  back  half  dead  to  his 


preacher  would  naturally  invite ;  and  it  would  almost 
Bc«m  as  if  &int  allusiuns  to  it  tnmxpire  in  more  that 
one  place  in  the  N.  T."  (comp.  IK-b.  xi  35;  Matt  xn 


utive  placK— tlie  fate  wliii-h  such  a  rough,  plaiu-ppeken  |  35).     See  Jewish  Oiurch,  ii.  400,  Auiei    ed. 


II 


AMPLIA3 


AMULETS 


S9 


AmphipoUa. 


Bcc8  erased  jrenerally,  even  among  the  Greeks  and 
Koraans.  See  Lasauk's  interesting  monograph  en- 
titled SiUiHopfer  der  Grieclien  u.  Bonier  u.  ihr 
Verhaltniss  zu  dem  Einem  aiif  Golgotha  (tr.  in  tlie 
Bibl.  Sacra,  i.  303—408).  For  the  classical  interest 
of  Amphiiwlis,  the  reader  is  referred  to  Grote's 
History  of  Greece,  vi.  G25  ff.,  and  Arnold's  Thu- 
eydides,  ii.  (at  the  end).     [Apolloxia.]         II. 

AM'PLIAS  {'AfiirKias,  [Lachm.  marg.  Sin. 
AFG,  'AjXTrKiaTOS'-  Anipllntug]),  a  Christian  at 
Rome  [whom  Paul  salutes  and  tenns  his  "  beloved 
in  the  Lord  "]  (Rom.  xvi.  8). 

AM'RAM  {2'y2V  [people  of  the  exalted,  i. 
e.  God]:  'A/x,8pa/i,  ['A/xpct^;  Vat.  in  Ex.  vi.  20, 
A.fj.Ppaf '■]  Anirnm).  1.  A  I>evite,  father  of  Moses, 
Aaron,  and  Miriam  (l'2x.  vi.  18,  20;  Num.  iii.  19, 
[xxvi.  .58,  59 ;  1  Chr.  vi.  2,  3,  18,  xxiii.  12,  13, 
xxiv.  20J).  R.  W.  B. 

2.(17^'?:  '^.iiepdiv,  Alex.  AjtiaSa ;  [Aid. 
'AyUoSci^;  Comp.  'Ayua5ai':]  Ilnmram.)  Projierly 
Ilamran  or  Chaniraii ;  son  of  Dislion  and  descend- 
ant of  I-evi  (1  Clir.  i.  41).  In  Gen.  xxxvi.  26  he 
is  called  H  km  dan,  and  this  is  the  reading  in  1 
Chr.  in  many  of  Kennicott's  MSS. 

3.  {•Zyi'^S:  'Afipd^L-,  [Vat.  A/jLapn;']  Alex. 
Afjifipafj.-  Aiiirnm.)  One  of  the  sons  of  Bani,  in 
the  time  of  I'^ra,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife 
(Ezr.  x.  3-1).     Called  O.makkus  iu  1  Esdr.  ix.  34. 

AM'RAMITES,  THE  {^'2'l^V:  6  'A/x- 
pc£/x,  6  'Aij.0pa.fj,;  Alex,  o  Afidpaafi,  o  AiJ.pafu'- 
Amr(nii!t,n).  A  branch  of  the  great  Kohatliite 
family  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  (Num.  iii.  27 ;  1  Chr. 
sxvi.  2i);  descended  from  Amraii.,  the  father  of 
Moses.  W.  A.  v. 

AM'llAPHEL  (^::"^^S  :  A^ap^cfA:  Am- 
raphel),  perhaps  a  Ilamite  king  of  Shinar  or  Iiaby- 
onia,  who  joined  the  victorious  incursion  of  the 
blLimite  (,'hedorlaomer  against  the  kings  of  Sodom 
uid  Gomorrah  and  the  cities  of  the  plain  ((ien. 
lit.  1,  9).    The  meaniuK  of  the  name  is  uncertain; 


some  have  connected  it  with  the  Sanskrit  nmarOf 
pul't,  "the  guardian  of  the  inmiortals."  (Comp. 
RawUnson's  Ilerodotm,  i.  440.)  S.  L. 

AMULETS  were  ornaments,  gems,  scrolls, 
&c.,  worn  as  preservatives  against  tlie  power  of  en- 
chantments, and  generally  inscriliefl  witli  mystic 
forms  or  characters.      The  "ear-rings"  in   Gen. 

XXXV.  4  (2^^*3:  iviria.'-  inaures)  were  obvi- 
ously connected  with  idolatrous  worship,  and  were 
probably  amulets  taken  from  tlie  l)odies  of  the  shiin 
Shechemites.  They  are  subsequently  mentioned 
among  the  spoils  of  Midian  (-ludg.  viii.  24),  and 
perliaps  their  objectionable  chantcter  was  the  reason 
why  (iideon  asked  for  them.  Again,  in  IIos.  ii. 
13,  "decking  herself  with  ear-rings"  is  mentioned 
as  one  of  tlie   signs   of  the   "  days   of   Biialira." 

Hence  in  Chaldee  an  ear-ring  is  called  StJ^"'"7'2' 

But  amulets  were  more  often  worn  round  the 
neck,  like  tlie  golden  bulla  or  leather  lonim  of  the 
Roman  boys.  Sometimes  tliey  were  precious  stones, 
sui)posed  to  be  endowed  with  peculiar  virtues.  In 
the  "  Mirror  of  stones  "  the  strangest  properties  are 
attril)uted  to  the  amethyst,  Kinocetiis,  Alectoria, 
Ceraunium,  &c. ;  and  Pliny,  talking  of  succina,  says 
"  Infantibus  alligari  amuleti  ratione  proflest " 
(xxxvii.  12,  s.  37).  They  were  generally  suspended 
a-s  the  centre-piece  of  a  necklace,  and  among  the 
Kgytians  often  consisted  of  the  emblems  of  va>- 
rious  deities,  or  tlie  syml)ol  of  truth  and  justice 
("  Thmei  ").  A  gem  of  this  kind,  formed  of  sap- 
phires, was  worn  l)y  tlie  chief  judge  of  F-gypt  (Diod. 
i.  48,  75),  and  a  similar  one  is  represented  as  worn 
by  the  youthful  deity  HaqwTates  (Wilkinson,  An. 
/■'f/lipf.  iii.  304).  Tlie  Arabs  hang  round  their 
children's  necks  the  figure  of  an  open  liand ;  a  cus- 
tom which,  according  to  Shaw,  arises  from  the  un~ 
luckinesa  of  the  number  5.  This  principle  is  often 
found  in  tiie  use  of  amulets.  Thus  the  basilisk  is 
constantly  eneraved  on  tlie  talisnianic  scarabcei  of 
I  1-gypt,  and  according  to  Jahn  (Arch.  Bibl.  §  131 

\  Engl,  tr.),  the  D'^^^nb  of  Is.  iii.  21,  were  "  tig- 


90 


AMULETS 


ores  of  serpents  carried  in  the  liar.d"  (more  prob- 
ibly  worn  in  the  ears)  "by  Hebrew  women."    The 

word  is  derived  from  t^n/,  slbilavit,  and  means 
lioth  "enchantments"  (cf.  Is.  iii.  3), and  the  mag- 
ical gems  and  fornmlaries  used  to  avert  them  (Gesen. 
t.  r.).  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  LXX.  intends 
iTfpiSe^ia  !is  a  translation  of  this  word ;  "  pro  voce 
vepiS.  nihil  est  in  textu  llebraico"  (Schleusner's 
Tiiesiiunis).  l-'or  a  like  reason  the  phallus  was 
wnong  the  sacred  emblems  of  the  Vestals  {Diet,  if 
Anl.,  art.  '•  l''a.scinuin  "). 

The  commonest  amulets  were  sacred  words  (the 
tetrai;i-aiiimnton,  Ac.)  or  sentences,  written  hi  a  \)C- 
cuiiar  maimer,  or  inscribetl  in  some  cabalistic  figure 
like  the  sliield  of  David,  called  also  Solomon's  Seal. 
Another  form  of  this  figure  is  the  periiarnile  (or 
lientacle,  v.  Scott's  An/u/icnry),  which  "cm.Msi!.  of 
three  triangles  intersectefi,  and  made  of  five  lines, 
wliicli  may  l*  so  set  fortli  with  the  body  of  man  as 
to  touch  Aud  iwint  out  the  places  where  our  Saviour 
was  wouiidetl "  (Sir  TIios.  Hrown's  I'uli/.  Jiii-ors, 
i.  10).  Under  this  head  fall  tlie  'E<p€(Tia  ypafifiara 
(Acts  xix.  1'.)).  and  in  later  times  the  Abraxic  gems 
of  the  Hasilidians;  and  the  use  of  the  word  "  Ab- 
racad-ibra,"  reconnnended  by  the  physician  Serenus 
Samonicus  as  a  cure  of  the  hemitritajus.  ITie  same 
physician  prescribes  for  quartan  ague 

"  Ma!onia3  lliaUos  quartum  suppone  timenti." 

Charms  "  consisting  of  words  written  on  folds 
of  papyrus  tightly  rolled  up  and  sewed  in  linen," 
have  been  found  at  Thebes  (Wilkinson,  /.  c),  and 
our  Knglish  translators  jwssibly  intended  something 
of  the  kind  wiien  they  rendered  the  curious  phrase 

(in  Is.  iii.)  tt"23n  '^Fi'3.  by  "tablets."  It  was 
the  danger  of  idolatrous  practices  arising  from  a 


5SSSS8SS 

Amulet.     Modem  Egj'ptian.     (From  Lane's  Modern 
Kgiptians.) 

knowledge  of  this  custom  that  probably  induced 
the  sanction  of  the  use  of  phylacteries  (Deut.  vi. 

8;  xi.  18,  ~l1~^^1^').  Tlie  modern  Arabs  use 
gcraps  of  the  Koran  (which  they  call  "telesmes" 
or  ■'  alakakirs  ")  in  tlie  same  way. 

A  very  large  class  of  amulets  depended  for  their 
value  on  their  being  constructed  under  certain  as- 
tronomical cotiditious.  Their  most  general  use  was 
to  avert  ill-luck,  &c.,  especially  to  nullify  tlie  effect 
of  the  6(t>ea\ixhs  fid.<TKavos,  a  belief  in  which  is 
found  among  all  nations.  The  .lews  were  partic- 
ularly axldicted  to  them,  and  the  only  restriction 
placed  by  the  ltai)bis  on  their  use  wius,  that  none 
but  approftd  amulets  («.  e.  such  as  were  hnmcn  to 
have  cured  three  persons)  were  to  be  woni  on  the 
Sabliath  (Lightfixit's  llor.  Ihbv.  in  ]Matt.  xxiv.  24). 
It  was  thought  that  they  kept  off  the  evil  spirits 
who  caused  disease.  Some  animal  substances  were 
toiisidered  to  possess  such  properties,  as  we  see  from 
Tobit.  I'liny  (xxviii.  47)  mentions  a  fox's  tongue 
irom  on  an  amulet  as  a  charm  against  blear  eyes, 


AN  AH 

and  says  (xxx.  15)  "  Scarabawrum  comua  alligat* 
amuleti  naturam  obtiuent;"  perhaps  an  I-^yptian 
fancy.  In  the  same  way  one  of  the  Roman  em- 
{lerors  wore  a  seal-skin  as  a  charm  ajiainst  tliunder 
Among  plants,  the  white  bryony  and  the  Hyjiericon, 
or  Iniga  DaiUK'niun,  are  mentioned  as  useiid  (Sii 
T.  Brown,  VuUj.  A'n-07.%  i.  10.  He  attributes  th« 
whole  doctrine  of  amulets  to  the  devil,  but  still 
throws  out  a  hmt  that  they  maj  work  by  "im- 
ponderous  and  invisible  emissions"). 

Aniulets  are  still  common.  On  the  IMod.  Egyp- 
tian "Hegab"  see  l^ane.  Mod.  Kfiypt,  c.  11,  and 
on  the  African  "piece.s  of  medicine,"  a  belief  in 
which  constitutes  half  tlie  religion  of  the  Africans, 
see  Livingstone's  Trnvch,  p.  285,  et  pnswn. 
[ Terai'iii.m  ;  Talisman.]  F.  W.  F. 

AM'ZI  ("V^^  [strofifj]:  'Afittrala;  [Vat. 
-fffi-]  Alex,  yiafaata'  Ariwsid).  1.  A  I.evitc  of 
the  family  of  Merari,  and  ancestor  of  Ethan  the 
minstrel  (1  Chr.  vi.  40). 

2.  ('Ayuao-t  [^'at.  -o-ei]  :  Amsi.)  A  priest,  whose 
descendant  Adaiah  with  his  brethren  did  the  ser- 
vice for  the  Temple  in  the  time  of  Neheniiali  (Neh. 
xi.  12).  W.  A.  W. 

A'NAB  (3^^  [ffrnpe-knm,  Gesen.]  :  'Ava$^e, 
'hv<Siv;  Alex.  Ai/a>/3:  [.<4n«6]),  a  town  in  the 
mountains  of  Judali  (.losh.  xv.  50),  named,  with 
Debir  and  Hebron,  as  once  belonging  to  the  Ana- 
kim  (.Josh.  xi.  21).  It  has  retained  its  ancient 
name  ['ylnai],  and  lies  among  the  hills  about  10 
miles  S.  S.  W.  of  Hebron,  close  to  Shoco  and 
Eshtemoa  (Rob.  i.  494).  The  conjecture  of  Eus. 
and  .lerome  ( Onom.  Anob,  Aniib)  is  evidently  inad- 
missible. G. 

AN'AEL  i'Aya-liK).  The  brother  of  Tobit 
(Tob.  1.  21). 

A'NAH  (n^y  [perh.  onstca-ing,  i.  e.  a  re- 
quest] ;  'Avd'i  [Gen.  xxxvi.  24,  Alex.  Clvas;  1  Chr.  i. 
40,  41,  Rom.  ■Zwvdv,  Alex.  Clvafj.,  Aya'-]  Awi),  the 
son  of  Zibeon,  the  son  of  Seir,  the  Horite  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  20.  24),  and  father  of  Aholibamah,  one  of  the 
wives  of  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  2,  14).  We  are  no  doubt 
thus  to  understand  tlie  text  with  AV'iner,  Ileng- 
stenberg,  Tuch,  Knolicl,  and  many  others,  though 
the  Hei)rew  reads  "  Aholibamah,  daughter  of  Anah, 

daughter  of  Zibeon  (V"ir?y-nil  mV-P2);" 
nor  is  there  any  necessity  to  correct  the  reading  in 
accordance  with  the  Sam.,  which  has  "J2  instead 
of  the  second  DS ;  it  is  better  to  refer  the  second 

nS  to  Aholibamah  instead  of  to  its  imme<liate 
anteceflent  Anah.  Tlie  word  is  thus  used  in  the 
wider  sense  of  descendant  (here  granddaughter),  as 
it  is  apparently  again  in  this  chapter,  v.  39.  We 
may  further  conclude  with  Hengstenberg  (Pent.  ii. 
280;  Eng.  transl.  ii.  221))  that  the  Anah  mentioned 
amongst  the  sons  of  Seir  in  v.  20  in  connection 
with  Zibeon,  is  the  same  jierson  as  is  here  referred 
to,  and  is  therefore  the  grandson  of  Seir.  The  ui- 
tention  of  the  genealogy  jilainly  is  not  so  much  to 
give  the  lineal  descent  of  the  Seirites  as  to  enum- 
erate those  descendants  who,  being  lie.ods  of  tribes, 
came  into  connection  with  the  Edomites.  It  wo"dd 
thus  appear  that  Anah,  from  whom  Es.au's  wife 
sprang,  was  the  liead  of  a  triiie  independent  of  lu» 
father,  and  ranking  on  an  etiuality  witli  that  tribe. 
Several  difficulties  occur  in  regard  to  the  race  an« 
name  of  Anah      By  his  descent  from  Seir  be  is 


r 


ANAHARATH 

Horite  [which  see]  (Gen.  xxxvi.  20),  whilst  in  T.  2 
he  is  callefl  a  Hivite,  and  iij;jain  in  the  narrative 
(Gen.  xxvi.  .34)  he  is  eallfd  I5ceri  the  H'juite. 
Hent;stenl)eri;"s  explanation  of  the  first  of  these 
difficulties  is  far-fetched;  and  it  is  more  probable 

that  the  word  Hivite  (^'I'/L')  is  a  mistake  of  tran- 
scribers for  Ilorite  {'^~}^'i^).  AVith  regard  to  the 
identifieati<jii  of  Anah  the  Ilorite  with  Beeri  the 
llittite,  see  ni:KHi.  F.  W.  G. 

*  In  Gen.  xxxvi.  24  (A.  V.),  we  read:  "This 
was  that  Anah  that  found  the  mules  in  the  wilder- 
ness, as  he  fed  the  asses  of  Zibeon  his  father." 

The  word  "^^  -*  is  here  rendered  mules,  according 
to  the  .lewisli  explanation  ( Targ.  of  Jonathan,  the 
Talmud,  Saiidias,  Rabbinic  commentators),  followed 
in  Luther's  and  other  modern  versions.    With  this 

rendering  of  ^^p.^,  the  statement  is  altogether  in- 
significant, unless  W^^  is  taken  (as  by  the  Tal- 
mudist)  in  the  sense  of  invent,  as  in  Luther's  ver- 
sion ;  meaning  that  Anah  found  out  the  way  of 
producing  mules,  by  coupling  animals  of  different 
species.  But  this  sense  the  Hel)rew  word  will  not 
bear.  The  explanation  is  evidently  drawn  from  the 
connection  merely,  without  any  support  from  ety- 
mology. I'>]ually  baseless  is  the  interpretation  in 
the  Targ.  of  Onkelos,  and  the  Samaritan  Codex, 

taking  — ^P.^    in   the   sense   of   giants    (as  if  = 

C"'i:2S,  Deut.  ii.  11). 

Another  and  probably  older  exegetical  tradition, 
transmitted  through  Jerome  and  the  Vulgate,  ren- 
ders 2^p^  by  vnr7n  sprinr/s  (Vulgate  cujuas  cnli- 
das).  This  has  the  support  of  etymology  (Gesenius, 
TTies.,  C*),  as  well  as  of  the  ancient  tradition, 
and  is  corroborated  by  the  frequent  occurrence  of 
warm  springs  in  the  region  referred  to,  as  obsen-ed 
both  by  ancient  writers  and  by  modern  travellers." 

T.  J.  C. 

ANAHA'RATH  (n^'^lS'  [hollow  way  or 
pass,  Fiirst]:  'AvaxfpfO;  [Alex.  AppaveO:  Ann- 
harnth]).  a  place  within  tlie  i)order  of  Issachar, 
named  with  Shichon  and  Habbith  (Josh.  xis.  19). 
Nothing  is  yet  known  of  it.  G. 

*  Some  think  it  may  l)e  the  present  Ardneh,  near 
the  foot  of  Gillx)a,  about  2  miles  east  of  Jenin  (Kn- 
gannim).  See  Zeller's  Bibl.  Worferb.  p.  60,  2te 
Aufl.  Robinson  mentions  the  jilace  twice  (ii.  -310, 
319),  but  does  not  suggest  the  identification.    H. 

ANA'IAH  [3  syl]  (H^r^ :  'AmW«;  [Vat. 
M-  Avavta'-]  Ani-i).  1.  Proliably  a  priest;  one 
of  those  who  stood  on  Ezra's  right  hand  as  he  read 
the  Law  to  the  people  (Neh.  viii.  4).  He  is  called 
Ananias  in  1  Esdr.  ix.  43. 

2.  ('Avdta'-  [V.it.  Avavata',  Aid.  'Avavia'] 
Anain.)  One  of  the  "heads"  (t  the  people,  who 
jgned  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  22). 

W.  A.  W. 

A'NAK.     [Anakim.] 

AN'AKIM  (2Vr7:  'e^ki'm,  [Vat.  -kci/x, 
■id  so  Alex,  in  Deut. :]  Enncitn),  a  race  of  giants  (so 


ANAMMELECH 


91 


«  •  It  may  have  been  from  the  discovery  of  these 
iprings,  as  Hengstenberg  suggests,  that  Anah  received 
the  other  name  which  he  bore,  namely,  Beeri,  ''  of 
rells,"  i.  e.  a  man  concerned  with  tUem.  See  ajL> 
Baumgarten  (Pentateuch,  i.  300).  II. 


called  either  from  their  stature  {hmfficolll\  (iesen.), 
or  their  strength  (Fiirst),  (the  root  r?3  '^  being 
identical  with  our  word  nvrk),  descendants  of  Aria 
(.losh.  XV.  13,  xxi.  11),  dwelling  in  tlie  southern  p;irt 
of  Canaan,  and  particularly  at  Hebron,  which  from 

their  progenitor  received  the  name  of  172  'iS  D^  *ip, 
city  of  Arba.     Besides  the  general  designation  .\n- 

akim,  the^  are  variously  called  pJ^  ''JS,  sons  of 

Anak  (Num.  xiii.  33),  P^^'H  "'"1"'^*',  descendanta 

of  Anak  (Num.  xiii.  22),  and  Cp^JV  ".^S,  sons 
of  Anakim  [LXX.  viol  yi-ya.VTWv]  (Deut.  i.  28). 
'Hiese  designations  serve  to  show  tli.at  we  nnist  re- 
gard Anak  as  the  name  of  the  race  ratiier  tli.m  that 
of  an  individual,  and  this  is  confirmed  by  vhat  is 
said  of  Arba,  their  progenitor,  that  he  "  was  a 
great  man  among  the  Anakhn"  (.Io.sh.  xiv.  \f>). 
The  race  appears  to  have  'ueen  divided  into  three 
tribes  or  families,  bearing  the  names  Sheshai,  Alii- 
man,  and  Tahnai.  Though  the  warlike  apj)eanuice 
of  the  Anakim  had  struck  the  Israelites  with  ter- 
ror in  the  time  of  Jloses  (Num.  xiii.  28;  Deut.  ix. 
2),  they  were  nevertheless  dispossessed  by  Joshua, 
and  utterly  driven  from  the  land,  except  a  small 
remnant  that  found  refuge  in  the  Philistine  cities, 
(jiaza,  Gath,  and  Ashdod  (.losh.  xi.  21).  Tiieir 
chief  cjty,  IIel)ron,  became  the  possession  of  Caleb, 
who  is  said  to  have  driven  out  from  it  the  three 
sons  of  Anak  mentioned  above,  th.at  is,  the  three 
families  or  tribes  of  the  Anakim  (Josh.  xv.  14; 
.Judg.  i.  20).  After  this  time  they  vanish  from 
history.''  F.  \V.  G. 

AN'AMIM  (2''K3;5?  :  'Evefifnifi;  [Alex,  in 
Gen.  Aice/i6T(€iju,  in  1  Chr.  Ava/jiieifi;  Comp.  in 
1  Chr.  Alfo/xin'i  7  MSS.  'Ava/xifj.-]  Aniinuiu),  a 
Mizraite  people  or  tribe,  respecting  the  settlements 
of  which  nothing  certain  is  known  ((ien.  x.  1-3;  1 
Chr.  i.  II).  Judging  from  the  ix)sitiou  of  the 
other  Jlizraite  peoples,  as  far  as  it  has  been  deter- 
mined, tliis  one  probalJy  occupied  some  part  of 
Ivgypt,  or  of  the  adjoining  region  of  .-Vl'rica,  or  pos- 
sibly of  the  soutli-west  of  Palestine.  No  name 
l)earing  any  strong  resemblance  to  Ananiiin  haj 
been  ])ointed  out  in  the  geographical  lists  of  the 
I'^gyptian  moninnents,  or  in  classical  or  modem 
geognipliy.  [The  name  may  lie  Egyptian  and  refer 
to  the  region  of  the  tribe.   Ges.,  Fiirst.]   K.  S.  l". 

ANAM'MELECH    {[lebrew  Anannnelech] 

("n  V  V-?  •  ' ^V7}ni\ix'-'  [Alex.  AixTfiiiiXcx;  xVld. 
*A«'eM*^*X '1  Annmelenh),  one  of  the  idols  wor- 
shipped by  the  colonists  introduced  into  Samaria 
from  Sepharvainj  (2  K.  xvii.  31).  He  wa?  wor- 
shipped with  rites  resemljling  those  of  Molecli, 
children  being  burnt  in  his  honor,  and  is  the  com- 
panion-god to  Adhammklkch.  As  Adramirelech 
is  the  male  power  of  the  sun,  so  Anamnu'lech  is 
the  female  power  of  the  sun  (Uawlinson's  Herodo- 
tus, i.  Oil).  The  etymology  of  tlie  word  is  un- 
certain, llawlinson  connects  it  with  the  name 
Anunit.  Gesenius  derives  the  name  from  words 
meaning  idol  and  kint/,  but  Ueland  (fie  vet.  (inrj. 
Pers.  ix.)  deduces  the  first  part  of  it  from  the 
Persian  word  for  >/rief.  Winer  advocates  a  deriva- 
tion connecting  the  idol  with  the  constellation  Ce 


6  ^The  A.  V.  adds  s  to  this  name,  and  tlius  makeal 
It  (Anakims)  doubly  plural,  as  in  the  case  of  Knum, 
Cherubim,  ani  similiir  terms.  II. 


92  ANAN 

pheus,  some  of  Uie  stars  in  which  are  called  by  the 
Arabs  "  the  shepherd  and  the  sheep." 

G.  E.  L.  C. 

A'NAN  (133^  [a  clouil]:  'H^dfi,  Akx. 
[Coinp.]  'Hiiv-  Anan).  1.  One  of  the  "heads" 
of  tht;  people,  who  signed  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
Qiiah  (Neh.  x.  '26). 

2.  {'Ai/df,  Alex.  Avvav.  Anani.)  IIanan  4 
(1  Esdr.  V.  30;  conip.  ICzr.  ii.  40).      W.  A.  W. 

ANA'NI  C'ZZV  [Jtliovah  protects]:  'Aj'aj'; 
[\'at  MareCj  .-.ex.  Avaui'-  Anani).  The  sev- 
enlh  son  of  Klioenai,  descended  thron<:;h  Zerub- 
babel  from  ths  line  royal  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iii.  24). 

W.  A.  W. 

ANANFAH  (n''??^  [whom  Jehovah  pro- 
tcct!i\:  'Ai'avia'-  Antniins).  Probably  a  pri&st; 
ancestor  of  Azariah,  who  assisted  in  rebuilding  the 
city  wall  after  the  return  from  Babylon  (Neh.  iii. 
23).  W.  A.  W. 

ANANI'AH  (^^':yj.  [whom  Jehovah  pro- 
tects] ),  a  place,  named  between  Nob  and  Ilazor,  in 
which  the  lierijaniites  li\ed  after  their  return  from 
captivity  (Neh.  xi.  32).  The  LXX.  [in  most  MSS.] 
omits  all  mention  of  this  and  the  accompanying 
names  [but  Comp.  has  'Avla,  and  FA.'*  Avavia]. 

G. 

ANANI'AS  C^C"???'  o'"  -^T^^n  [Jehacah 
is  f/racious] :  'Avavias)-  1.  A  high-priest  in  Acts 
xxiii.  2  tt".  xxiv.  1,  [before  whom  I'aul  attempted 
to  defend  himself,  in  the  .lewish  Council  at  Jenisa- 
lem,  but  was  silenced  with  a  blow  on  the  mouth 
for  asserting  that  he  had  always  "  lived  in  aU  good 
conscience  liefore  God."  See,  in  regard  to  that 
Incident,  1'al'i,].  lie  was  the  son  of  Nebedseus 
(Joseph.  Aid.  xx.  5,  §  2),  succeeded  Joseph  son  of 
Camydus  (Ant.  xx.  I,  §  3,  5,  §  2),  and  preceded 
Isniael  son  of  Thabi  (Ant.  xx.  8,  §§  8,  11).  He 
was  nominated  to  the  office  by  I  lerod  king  of  Chal- 
cis,  in  A.  1).  48  (Ant.  xx.  5,  §  2);  and  in  a.  d.  62 
Bent  to  Kome  by  the  [)refect  Unnnidius  Quadratus 
to  answer  before  the  l-jnperor  Claudius  a  charge  of 
oppression  brought  by  tlie  Samaritans  (Ant.  xx.  6, 
§  2).  Me  appears,  liowever,  not  to  have  lost  his 
office,  but  to  liave  resumed  it  on  his  return.  This 
has  been  doubtefl;  l)nt  W'ieseler  {Chroiud.  d.  Aj)os- 
tol.  Zeildllerg,  j).  70,  note)  has  shown  that  it  was 
BO  in  all  prol)ability,  seeing  that  the  procurator  Cu- 
manus,  who  went  to  Kome  with  him  as  his  adver- 
sary, w.as  unsuccessful,  and  was  condemned  to  ban- 
ishment, lie  was  deix)sed  from  his  office  shortly 
before  Kehx  left  the  province  (Ant.  xx.  8,  §  8;  but 
Btill  had  great  power,  which  he  used  violently  and 
lawlessly  (Ant.  xx.  9,  §  2).  He  was  at  last  assas- 
Binatefl  by  the  Sicarii  (/i.  J.  ii.  17,  §  9)  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  last  Jewish  war. 

2.  A  disci[)le  at  .lerusidem,  husband  of  Sapphira 
(Acts  V.  1  tt'.).  Having  sold  his  goods  for  the 
benefit  of  the  church,  he  kept  back  a  j)art  of  the 
price,  bringing  to  the  aj^stles  the  remainder,  as  if 
it  were  the  whole,  his  wife  also  being  privy  to  the 
Bcheme.  St.  I'eter,  being  enabled  by  the  power  of 
tlie  ."Spirit  to  see  through  the  fraud,  denounced  him 
as  havhig  lied  to  the  Holy  Ghost,  /.  e.  having  at- 
temi)ted  to  pass  upon  the  Spirit  resident  in  the 
ipostlas  an  act  of  deli))erate  deceit.  On  hearing 
this:.  Ananias  fell  down  and  expired.  That  this 
hici<lpnt  wiLs  no  mere  physical  consequence  of  St. 
ret»T"s  severity  of  tone,  as  some  of  the  German 
Kilters  have  maintained,  distinctly  appears  by  the 


ANATHEMA 

direct  sentence  of  a  similar  death  pronour.ced  bj 
the  same  ajwstle  uix)n  his  wife  Sapphira  a  few  houn 
after.  [Sai-imiiua.]  It  is  of  course  jx)ssil>le  thai 
Ananias's  death  may  have  been  an  act  of  divine 
justice  unlooked  for  by  the  apoiitle,  as  there  is  no 
mention  of  such  an  intended  result  in  his  speech ; 
but  in  the  case  of  the  wife,  such  an  idea  is  out  of 
the  question.  Niemeyer  ( Cliarakterlstik  der  Bibel, 
i.  074)  has  well  stated  the  case  as  regards  the  blame 
which  some  have  endeavored  to  cast  on  St.  I'eter 
in  this  matter,  when  he  says  that  not  man,  but 
God,  is  thus  animadverted  on.  The  apostle  is  but 
the  organ  and  amiouncer  of  the  divine  justice, 
which  was  pleased  by  this  act  of  desened  severity 
to  protect  the  morahty  of  the  infant  church,  and 
strengthen  its  power  for  good. 

3.  A  Jewish  disciple  at  Damascus  (Acts  ix.  10 
ff.),  of  high  repute,  "a  devout  man  according  to 
the  law,  having  a  good  rejwrt  of  all  the  Jews  which 
dwelt  there"  (Acts  xxii.  12).  lieing  ordered  by 
the  Ix)rd  in  a  vision,  he  sought  out  Saul  during  the 
jjcriod  of  bhndness  and  dejection  which  followed  his 
conversion,  and  aimounced  to  him  his  future  com- 
mission as  a  preacher  of  the  (lospel,  conveying  to 
him  at  the  same  time,  by  the  hiying  on  of  his 
hands,  the  restoration  of  sight,  and  commanding 
him  to  arise,  and  be  baptized,  and  wash  away  his 
sins,  calling  on  the  name  of  the  Lord.  Tradition 
makes  him  to  have  been  afterwards  bishop  of 
Damascus,  and  to  have  died  by  maiiyrdom  (Men- 
ohrj.  (Jrmcorum,  i.  70  f.).  II.  A. 

ANANI'AS  CAvvj's;  [VatAweis;]  Alex.AK- 
vtas\]  Aid.  'Avauiaz'-]  Ananias).  1.  'ITie  sons  of 
Ananias  to  the  number  of  101  (Vulg.  130)  enu- 
merated in  1  Esdr.  v.  16  as  having  returned  witli 
Zorol)abel.  No  such  name  exists  in  the  parallel 
lists  of  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah. 

2.  ('Avayias-  om.  in  Vidg.)  Hanani  3  (1 
Esdr.  ix.  21 ;  comp.  l-lzr.  x.  20). 

3.  (Amaiiias.)  Haxa:>;iau  9  (1  Esdr.  ix.  29 ; 
comp.  I'ir.  X.  28). 

4.  (Ananias.)  Anaiaii  1  (1  Esdr.  ix.  43; 
comp.  Neh.  viii.  4). 

5.  I'Ayavlas;  Vat.  Avvias]  IIanan  5  (1 
Esdr.  ix.  48;  comp.  Neh.  viii.  7). 

6.  Father  of  Azarias,  whose  name  was  assumed 
by  the  angel  Raphael  (Tob.  v.  12,  13).  In  the 
LXX.  he  appears  to  be  the  eldest  brother  of  Tobit. 

7.  (Jamiwr.)  Ancestor  of  Judith  (J ud.  viii.  1). 
The  Cod.  Sin.  [with  Alex.]  gives  Avavias,  though 
the  Vat.  MS.  omits  the  name. 

8.  ('Aj/ov/aj:  Ananias.)  Shadrach  (Song  of 
3  Ch.  G6;  1  Mace.  ii.  59).     [Ha^-aniah  7.] 

\7.  A.  W. 
ANAN1EL  ('Ayoi/i^A.;  Anaf'^M,,  forelather 
of  Tobias  (Tob.  i  1]. 

A'NATH  (^23?  [am^r,  i.  e.  to  prayer]: 
£itvdx,  'Acad;  [Vat.  ^d^ax,  AvaOfV,  Alex.  AcaO, 
Kevadi]  Anatli),  father  of  Sliamgar  (Judg.  iii.  31, 
V.  6). 

ANATH'EMA  (wdeffia,  in  IJCX.,  theequiv 
alent  for  C"|^n,  a  thing  or  person  derated:  ui  Is. 
T.  generally  translated  accursed.  The  more  .isual 
form  is  aydOrifia  (avarlOriixt),  with  the  sense  of  an 
offerinrj  suspended  in  a  temple  (Luke  xxi.  5;  3 
Mace.  ix.  16).  The  Alexandrine  writers  preferred 
the  short  penultimate  in  this  and  other  kindred 
words  (e.  g.  iiriOtfia,  avvdfixa)'-,  but  occpsionall* 
both  forms  occur  in  the  MSS.,  as  in  Jud.  xvi  19 
2  Mace.  xiii.  15;  I  uke  xxi.  5:  uo  dlftinctv   '  ier^ 


ANATHEMA 

Ibie  existed  originally  in  the  meanings  of  the  words, 
U  has  been  supposetl  by  many  early  writers.     The 
Hebrew  W^U  is  derived  from  a  verb  signifying 
primarily  to  dttU  up,  and  hence  to  (1)  rormcrate  or 
ikvote,  and  (2)  exlerminalt.     Any  object  so  de- 
voted to  the  Lord  was  iiTedeemable :  if  an  inanimate 
olyect,  it  was  to  be  given  to  the  priests  (Nuni. 
xviii.  14);  if  a  Uving  creature  or  even  a  man,  it 
was  to  be  slain  (Lev.  xxvii.  28,  2J);    hence  the 
idea  of  extermination  as  connected  with  devoting/. 
(lenerally  speaking,  a  vow  of  this  description  was 
taken  only  with  respect  to  the  idolatrous  nations 
who  were  marked  out  for  destruction  by  the  special 
decree  of  Jehovah,  as  in  Num.  xxi.  2;  Josh.  vi.  17; 
but  occasionally  the  vow  was  made  indefinitely,  and 
involved  the  death  of  the  innocent,  as  is  illustrated 
in  the  cases  of   Jephtliah's    daugliter  (.ludg.  xi. 
31),  and  Jonathan  (1  Sam.  xiv.  24)  who  wa^  only 
saved  by  the  interposition  of  the   people.      The 
breach  of  such  a  vow  on  the  part  of  any  one  di- 
rectly or  indirectly  participating  in  it  was  punished 
with  death  (Josh.  vii.  25).     In  addition  to  these 
cases  of  spontaneous  devotion  on  the  part  of  indi- 
viduals, the  word  D"^n  ia  frequently  applied  to  the 
extermination  of  idolatrous  nations :  in  such  cases 
the  idea  of  a  w««  appears  to  be  dropped,  and  the 
word  assumes  a  purely  secondary  sense  {4^o\o6pevo}, 
LXX.):  or,  if  the  original  meaning  is  still  to  be 
retained,  it  may  be  in  the  sense  of  Jehovah  (Is. 
xxxiv.  2)  shutting  up,  i.  q.  placing  under  a  ban, 
and  so  necessitating  the  destruction  of  them,   in 
order  to  prevent  all  contact.     The  externunation 
being  the  result  of  a  positive  command  (l'>x.  xxii. 
20),'the  idea  of  a  vow  is  excluded,  altliough  doubt- 
less the  instances  already  referred  to  (Num.  xxi.  2 ; 
Josh.  vi.   17)  show  how  a  vow  w;is  occasionally 
superadded  to  the  command.     It  may  be  further 
noticed  that  the  degree  to  which  the  work  of  de- 
struction was  carried  out,  varied.     Thus  it  applied 
to  the  destruction  of  (1)  men  alone  (Ueut.  xx.  13); 
(2)  men,  women,  and  children  (Ueut.  ii.  34);  (3) 
virgins  excepted  (Num.  xxxi.  17;  Judg.  xxi.  11); 
(4)  all  living  creatures  (Deut.  xx.  16;  1  Sam.  xv. 
3);  the  spoil  in  the  former  cases  was  resen'ed  for 
the  use  of  the  army  (Ueut.  ii.  35,  xx.  14;  Josh, 
xxii.  8),  instead  of  being  given  over  to  the  priest- 
hood, as  was  the  case  in  the  recorded  vow  of  .Joshua 
(Josh.  vi.   19.)     Occasionally  the  town  itself  was 
utterly  destroyed,  the  site  rendered  desolate  (Josh. 
vi.  2  i),  ft'id  the  name  llonnah  {'Avddeixa,  LXX.) 
applied  to  it  (Num.  xxi.  3). 

We  pass  on  to  the  Rabbinical  sense  of  D^n 
as  referring  to  excommunication,  premising  that  an 
approximation  to  that  sense  is  found  in  Ezr.  x.  8, 
vThere  forfeiture  of  goods  is  coupled  with  separation 
from  the  congregation.  Three  degrees  of  excom- 
munication are  enumerated  (1)  *''n3,  involving  va- 
rious restrictions  in  civil  and  ecclesiastical  matters 
for  the  space  of  30  days :  to  this  it  is  supiwsed  that 
the  terms  apopiCeiu  (Luke  vi.  22)  and  awoffwd- 

ywyos  (John  is.  22)  refer.  (2)  Q'^n»  ^  ^^^  Pub- 
lic and  formal  sentence,  accompanied  with  curses, 
tad  involving  severer  restrictions  for  an  indefmite 


ANATHOTH 


93 


period.  (3)  MH^StT,  rarely,  if  ever,  used  —  com- 
plete and  irrevocable  excomnmnication.  C~]n 
was  occasionally  usetl  in  a  generic  sense  for  any  of 
the  three  (Carp/ov.  Appnr.  p.  557).  Some  expos- 
itors refer  the  terms  oveibi^fiv  koI  iK^aKKeiv  (Luke 
vi.  22)  to  the  second  species,  but  a  comparison  of 
John  ix.  22  with  34  shows  tliat  iK0i\Ketv  is  synon- 
ymous with  anoa-uvdywyoy  iroiftv,  -and  there  ap- 
pears no  reason  for  supposing  the  latter  to  be  ot  a 
severe  character. 

The  word  kvaQeixa.  frequently  occurs  in  St.  Paura 
writings  [five  times],  and  many  expositors  have  re- 
garded his  use  of  it  as  a  technical  term  for  judicial 
excommunication.  That  the  word  was  so  used  in 
the  early  Church,  there  can  be  no  doul)t  (l]iiigham, 
Antiq.  xvi.  2,  §  10);  but  an  examination  of  the 
passages  in  which  it  occurs  shows  that,  bke  the 
cognale  word  avaeefiaTi^ta  (Matt.  xxvi.  74;  -Mark 
xiv.  71 ;  Acts  xxiii.  12,  21),  it  had  acquired  a  more 
1  general  sense  as  expressive  either  of  strong  feeling 
I  (Rom.  ix.  3;  cf.  Ex.  x.xxii.  32),  or  of  dislike  and 
condemnation  (1  Cor.  xii.  3,  xvi.  22;  Gal.  i.  8,  9). 

W.  L.  U. 

AN'ATHOTH  (n"in^]7  [see  bchwy.  'A»^ 
aeie;  Annthoth).  1.  Son  of  Itecher,  a  son  of 
IJenjamin  (1  Chr.  vii.  8),  prob.ably  the  founder  of 
the  place  of  the  same  name. 

2.  One  of  the  lie:ids  of  the  people,  who  signed 
the  covenant  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Xeh.  x.  19); 
unless,  as  is  not  unlikely,  the  name  stands  for  "the 
men  of  Anathoth"  enumerated  in  Neh.  vii.  27. 

W.  A.  W. 

AN'ATHOTH  (nSni^,  <»  possibly  = 
echoes  [or  inclinations,  declicily,  Dietr.] ;  plur.  of 
ni}?,  by  which  name  the  place  is  called  in  the 
Talmud,  Joma,  p.  10:  'KvaOdQ-  Anathoth),  a  city 
of  Benjamin,  omitted  from  the  list  in  .losh.  xviii., 
but  a  priests' city;  with  "suburbs"  (.losh.  xxi.  18: 
1  Chr.  vi.  GO  (4.5)).  Hither,  to  his  "  fields,"  Abi- 
athar  was  banished  by  Solomon  after  the  failure  of 
his  attempt  to  put  Adonijah  on  the  throne  (I  K. 
ii.  20).  Tins  was  the  native  place  of  Abiezer,  one 
of  Uavid's  30  captains  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  27 ;  1  Chr. 
xi.  28,  xxvii.  12),  and  of  Jehu,  another  of  the 
mighty  men  (1  Chr.  xii.  3);  and  here,  "of  the 
priests  that  were  in  Anathoth,"  Jeremiah  was  boru 
(Jer.  i.  1;  xL  21,  23;  xxix.  27;  xxxii.  7,  8,  9). 

ITie  "men"  0273^  not  ''J  3,  as  in  most  of  the 
other  cases;  comp.  however,  NetopUah,  INIichmash, 
&c.)  of  Anathoth  returned  from  the  captivity  with 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  u.  23;  Neh.  vii.  27;  1  Esdr.  v. 
18.) 

Anathoth  lay  on  or  near  the  great  road  from  the 
north  to  Jerusalem  (Is.  x.  30);  by  Eusebius  it  -b 
placed  at  three  miles  from  the  city  (O/www.),  and 
by  Jerome  {turris  Anathoth)  at  the  same  distance 
contra  septentrionem  Jerusalem  (adJerem.  cap.  i.). 
The  traditional  site  at  Kuriet  el-Enab  does  not  ful- 
fill these  conditions,  being  10  miles  distant  from  the 
citr,  and  nearer  W.  than  N.  Rut  the  real  position 
has  no  doubt  been  ct;-icovered  by  Robinson  at 
'Andtn,  on  a  broad  ridge  1  hour  N.N.E.  from 
Jerusalem.     The  cultivation  of  the  priests  survives 


"  There  are  some  Tariations  in  the  orthography 
Bf  this  name,  both  in  Hebrew  and  the  A.  V.,  which 
Ciist  be  noticed.     1 .  Hebrew  :  In  1  K.  ii.  26,  and  Jer. 

tzzU.  9,  it  is  nriTplj  *nd  similarly  in  2  Sam.  wiiii. 


27,  '^n"npl7n.  2.  English:  Anethothite,  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  27;  Anetothite,  1  Ohr.  xxvii.  12;  Autothite,  1 
Chr.  xi.  28,  xii.  3.  "  Jeremiah  of  A.,"  Jer.  xxix.  'SI 
should  be,  "J.  the  Anathotiute." 


94 


ANCHOR 


m  tilled  fields  of  grain,  with  figs  and  olives.  There 
we  the  remains  of  walls  and  strong  foundations, 
wid  the  qinirries  still  supply  Jerusalem  with  build- 
ing stone  (Kob.  i.  4;J7,  438).  G. 

*  The  present  Aruita  is  a  little  hamlet  of  12  or 
15  houses,  where,  as  of  old  on  roofs  of  this  humble 
class,  the  grass  still  grows  on  the  house-tops ;  the 
striking  image  of  the  Hebrew  writers  (Ps.  exxix. 
C,  7,  and  Is.  xxx\ii.  27)  of  man's  immaturity  and 
frailty.  The  100  Ifduser  in  15esser's  BM.  IVortb. 
p.  Gl,  should  certainly  be  100  inhabitants  (or  less), 
and  not  "  houses."  It  is  worth  remarking,  too,  that 
parts  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  its  dismal  scenery  are 
distinctly  visible  from  this  ancient  home  of  the 
pensive,  heart-burdened  Jeremiah.  Dr.  Wilson 
(Ltimls  of  the  Bibk,  i.  483)  represents  AnaUi  as 
within  sight  from  the  Jlouut  of  Olives.  II. 

ANCHOR.     [Snir.] 

AN'DREW,  St.  ('Avdpeas:  Andreis ;  the 
name  Andresis  occurs  in  Greek  WTiters;  e.  g.  Athen. 
vii.  312,  and  xv.  675;  it  u  found  in  Dion  Cass. 
Ixviii.  32,  as  the  name  of  a  Cyrenian  Jew,  in  the 
reign  of  Trajan),  one  among  the  first  called  of  the 
Aix)siles  of  our  l^rd  (John  i.  40,  41;  Matt  iv. 
18);  brother  (whether  elder  or  younger  is  uncer- 
tain) of  Simon  I'eter  (ibid.),  lie  was  of  Beth- 
saida,  and  had  Ijeen  a  disciple  of  John  the  Baptist." 
On  Iieariiig  .le.sus  a  second  time  designated  by  him 
as  the  Lamb  of  (jlod,  he  left  his  former  master,  and 
in  com])any  with  another  of  John's  disciples  at- 
tached himself  to  our  lx)rd.  By  his  means  his 
brother  Simon  was  brought  to  Jesus  (John  i.  41). 
The  apparent  discrepancy  in  Matt.  iv.  18  fF.  Mark 
iii.  10  ff.,  where  the  two  apiwar  to  have  been  called 
together,  is  no  real  one,  St.  John  relating  the  first 
introduction  of  the  brothers  to  Jesus,  the  other 
Evangelists  their  fonnal  call  to  follow  Him  in  his 
ministry.  In  the  catalogue  of  the  Apostles,  An- 
drew appears,  in  IMatt.  x.  2,  Luke  vi.  14,  second, 
next  after  his  brotlier  Peter;  but  in  Mark  iii.  10, 
Acts  i.  13,  fourth,  next  after  the  three,  Peter, 
James,  and  John,  and  in  company  with  I'hiUp. 
And  this  appears  to  have  been  his  real  place  of  dig- 
nity among  the  apostles;  for  in  Mark  xiii.  3,  we 
find  Peter,  James,  John,  and  Andrew,  inquiring 
privately  of  our  Lord  about  His  coming ;  and  in 
John  xii.  22,  when  certain  Greeks  wished  for  an 
interview  with  Jesus,  they  applied  through  Andrew, 
who  consulted  Philip,  and  in  company  with  him 
matle  the  request  kno^vn  to  our  Lord.  This  last 
iircumstance,  corgoined  with  the  Greek  character 
of  both  their  names,  may  perhaps  point  to  some 
slight  shade  of  Hellenistic  connection  on  the  part 
of  the  two  apostles ;  though  it  is  extremely  improb- 
able that  any  of  the  Twelve  were  Hellenists  in  the 
proi)er  sense.  On  the  occasion  of  the  five  thousand 
in  the  wilderness  wanting  nourishment,  it  is  An- 
drew who  points  out  the  little  lad  with  the  five 
barley  loaves  and  the  two  fishes.  Scripture  relates 
nothing  of  him  beyond  these  scattered  notices. 
Except  in  Uie  catalogue  (i.  13),  his  name  does  not 
occur  once  in  the  Acts.  'ITie  traditions  about  him 
are  various.  Eusebius  (iii.  1)  makes  him  preach 
in  Scjthia;  Jerome  (Ep.  148,  ad  Marc.)  and  The- 


o  •  It  is  evident  from  Marli  i.  29  ttiat  Andrew  as  well 
as  Peter  lived  at  Capernaum  at  the  time  of  Christ's 
healing  the  mother-in-law  of  the  latter.  At  that  time 
(according  to  the  best  scheme  of  harmony)  a  year  or 
more  had  elapsed  since  Jesus  had  railed  the  brothers 
to  be  his  disciples  at  Bethany  beyond  the  Jordan  (John 
I.  28,  41  a.).     It  is  to  be  inferred  that,  dnriog  this  in- 


ANDRONICU8 

odoret  {ad  Psalm,  cxvi.),  in  Achaia  (Greece);  Nl 
cephorus  (ii.  39),  in  Asia  Minor  and  Thrace.  He  it 
said  to  have  been  crucified  at  Patrae  in  Achaia,  on 
a  a-ux  dtcussata  (X);  but  this  is  doubted  by  lip- 
sius  (f/e  Oicce,  i.  7),  and  Sagittarius  {de  Ci-ucinti- 
bus  Mavtyi-um,  viii.  12).  Eusebius  (//.  E.  iii.  25; 
si)eaks  of  an  apocryphal  Acts  of  Andrew;  and 
Epiphanius  (//cer.  xlvi.  1)  states  that  the  Encra- 
tit«s  accounted  it  among  their  principal  Scriptures; 
and  (Ixiii.  2)  he  says  the  same  of  the  Origeniani. 
(See  P'abric.  Cod.  Apocr.  i.  450  ff.  [Tischendorf, 
Ada  Apost.  Apoc.  p.  xl.  ff.,  105  ff.]  Merwlog.  Gra- 
cot:  i.  221  f.;  Perion.   Vit.  Ajtostol.  i.  82  ff.) 

II.  A. 

ANDRONrCUS  CAySp6viKos  Imnn  of  vie- 
lot'y]).  1.  An  officer  left  as  viceroy  (SiaSix^ixevoi, 
2  jMacc.  iv.  31)  in  Antioch  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
during  his  absence  (ii.  c.  171).  Menelaus  availed 
himself  of  the  opportunity  to  secure  his  good  offices 
by  offering  him  some  golden  vessels  which  he  had 
taken  from  the  temple.  When  Onias  (OxiAs  III.) 
was  certainly  assured  that  the  sacrilege  had  been 
committed,  he  sharply  reproved  IMenelaus  for  the 
crime,  having  previously  tiken  refuge  in  the  sanc- 
tuary of  Apollo  and  Artemis  at  Daphne.  At  the 
instigation  of  Menelaus,  Aiidronicus  induced  Oniaa 
to  leave  the  sanctuary  and  immediately  put  him  to 
death  in  prison  {wap(K\€iafv,  2  Mace.  iv.  34?). 
This  murder  excited  general  indignation ;  and  oc 
the  return  of  Antiochus,  Andronicus  was  publiclj 
degraded  and  executed  (2  Mace.  iv.  30-38).  Jose- 
phus  places  the  death  of  Onias  before  the  high- 
priesthood  of  Jason  {Ant.  xii.  5,  1,)  and  omits  all 
mention  of  Andronicus ;  but  there  is  not  sufficient 
reason  to  doubt  the  truthfubiess  of  the  narrative, 
as  Wemsdorf  has  done  {De  Jide  libr.  Mace. 
pp.  90  f.) 

2.  Another  officer  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  who 
was  left  by  him  on  Garizim  {iy  rap-  2  Mace.  v. 
23),  probably  in  occupation  of  the  temple  there. 
As  the  name  was  common,  it  seems  unreasonable  to 
identify  this  general  with  the  former  one,  and  so  to 
introduce  a  contradiction  into  the  history  (Wems- 
dorf, /.  c. ;  ICwald,  Gesch.  d.  Volkes  Jsr  iv.  335  n. ; 
comp.  Grimm,  2  Mace.  iv.  38).  B.  F.  W. 

ANDRONI'CUS  CAySoSviKos-  Andronicus), 
a  Christian  at  Kome,  saluted  by  St.  Paul  (Rom. 
xvi.  7),  together  with  Junias.  The  two  are  called 
by  him  his  relations  {avY/ff^s)  and  fellow-cap- 
tives, and  of  note  among  the  apostles,  using  that 
term  probably  in  the  wider  sense;''  and  he  de- 
scribes them  as  having  been  converted  to  Christ 
before  himself.  According  to  Hippolytus  he  was 
bishop  of  Paimonia;  according  to  Dorotheus,  of 
Spain.  H.  A. 

*  Luke,  as  the  companion  of  Paul's  life  for  so 
many  years,  could  hardly  fail  to  have  met  with  An- 
dronicus and  Junias  (rather  than  Junia)  in  his 
travels,  and,  according  to  his  habit  (Luke  i.  1), 
could  have  learnt  much  from  them  as  personal  wit- 
nesses,  conceniing  the  earlier  events  of  Christianity, 
before  Paul  himself  had  been  brought  into  the 
ranks  of  Christ's  followers.     As  regards  the  means 


terval,  they  had  removed  to  the  neighboring  Capemann 
from  Bethsaida,  their  original  home  (John  i.  44).    H. 

b  *  The  sense  may  be  (as  Meyer,  Philippi,  De  Wett« 
Stuart,  prefer)  that  the  two  were  so  famous  {iiri<rriiioi 
as  to  have  become  well  known  among  the  apostles.  I 
is  uncertain  when  or  where  they  shared  Paul  i  ca^ 
tivlty.  H. 


ANEM 

(thus  illustrated )  of  the  early  Christians  for  obtain- 
ing and  diffusing  such  knowledge  among  themselves 
lee  Tholuck's  striking  remarks  in  his  OlaubwiiniKj. 
keit  des  eoany.  Gesch.,  p.  14S)  fF.  H. 

A'NEM  (-1^  [two  fountains]:  tV  AjVc(«  , 
Alex.  Avafj.'-  [Anern]),  a  city  of  Issachar,  with 
"suburbs,"  belonging  to  the  Gershonites,  1  Clir. 
ri.  73  (Ileb.  58).  It  is  omitted  in  the  lists  in  Josli. 
lix.  and  xxi.,  and  histead  of  it  we  find  En~ganniiii. 
Possibly  the  one  is  a  contraction  of  the  other,  as 
Kartan  of  Kirjathaim.  G. 

A'NER  (1?.V  [perh.  =  "1173,  boij,  Ges.]:  v 
'Avdp;  [Vat.  Afiap;  Aid.  Alex.  'Evrtp;  Comp. 
'Avrip-]  Aner),  a  city  of  Manasseh  west  of  Jor- 
dan, with  "suburbs"  given  to  the  Kohathites  (1 
Chr.  vi.  70  (55)).  13y  comparison  with  the  parallel 
list  in  Josh.  xxi.  25,  it  would  appear  to  be  a  cor- 
ruption of  Taanach  (l^i7  for  "7^17 H). 

*  Kaumer  distinguishes  Aner  from  Taanach, 
regarding  the  former  merely  as  omitted  in  Josh. 
xxi.  25  {Paldstina,  p.  120,  4te  Aufl.).  H. 

A'NER  (1.?^  [perh.  boy]:  Awdv,  [Comp.  in 
Gen.  xiv.  24,  'Aytp-]  Aner),  one  of  the  three  Ile- 
bronite  chiefs  who  aided  Abraham  in  the  pursuit 
after  the  four  uivadhig  kings  (Gen.  xiv.  13,  24). 

R.  W.  li. 

AN'ETHOTHITE,  THE  OnhaVH:    & 

'Aj/oidtTT/y  [Vat.  -9ei-];  Alex,  o  AvadcuBeirris:  de 
Analholh.)  An  inhabitant  of  Anathoth  of  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  27).  Called  also  An- 
ETOTniTE  and  Axtotiiite.  W.  A.  W. 

AN'ETOTHITE,  THE  OO'^n^^H  :  [Vat. 
om.]  b  €|  'Aua9J>0:  Anathothites).  An  inhab- 
itant of  Anathoth  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  12).  Called  also 
ANETrioriiiTK  and  Antotiiite.      W.  A.  W. 

ANGAREU'O  {'Ayyapevco:  Angaria,  Vulg., 
Matt.  V.  41,  Mark  xv.  21),  simply  translated 
"  compel "  in  the  A.  V.,  is  a  word  of  Persian,  or 
rather  of  Tatar,  origin,  signifying  to  compel  to 
serve  as  an  6.yya.pos  or  mounted  courier.  The 
words  ankirie  or  anr/harie,  in  Tatar,  mean  com- 
pulsory work  without  pay.  Herodotus  (\'iii.  08) 
describes  the  system  of  the  ayyapela-  Me  says 
that  the  Persians,  in  order  to  make  all  haste  in 
carrying  messages,  have  relays  of  men  and  horses 
stationed  at  intervals,  who  hand  the  despatch  from 
one  to  another  without  interruption  either  from 
weather  or  darkness,  in  the  same  way  as  the  Greeks 
in  their  Kauira^ripopia-  This  horse-post  the  Per- 
sians called  ayyaprt'Cov-  In  order  to  effect  the 
»bject,  license  was  given  to  the  couriers  by  the  gov- 
mment  to  press  into  the  service  men,  horses,  and 
t -en  vessels.  Hence  the  word  came  to  signify 
"  press,"  and  ayyapela  is  explained  by  Suidaa 
Srnxoala  Kal  ai/ayKaia  Sov\eia,  and  ayyapevetr- 
6at,  eh  <p3pTt]yiav  dyeffdai-  Persian  supremacy 
introduced  the  practice  and  the  name  into  Paies- 
nne;  and   Lightfoot  says  the  Talmudists  used  to 

lall  any  oppressive  service  W^~I33S.  Among  tnc 
proposals  made  by  Demetrius  Soter  to  Jonathan 
the  high-priest,  one  was  fxi)  ayyapeveaOai  to,  twv 
'loi'Soicov  biro^vyia-  The  system  was  also  adopted 
by  the  Romans,  and  thus  the  word  "angario" 
aune  into  use  in  later  Latin.  PUny  alludes  to  the 
i^nctice,  "  festinationem  tabellarii  diplomate  ad- 
juvi."  Sir  J.  Chardin  and  other  travellers  make 
oentior  of  it.     The  iyyapoi  were  also  called  oUr- 


ANGBLS 


5*5 


riv^ai-  (Liddell  and  Scott,  and  Stephens;  and 
Scheller,  Lex.  s.  vv. ;  Xen.  Cyrop.  viii.  (>,  §§  17, 
18;  Athen.  in.  94,  122;  ^Esch.  Ay.  282,  Pert. 
217  (Dind.);  Esth.  viii.  14;  Joseph.  A.  J.  xiii.  2, 
§  3;  PUny,  Ep.  x.  14,  121,  122;  Lightfoot,  On 
Matt.  V.  41 ;  Chardin,  Travels,  p.  257 ;  Plut.  Dt 
Alex.  Mag.  p.  326.)  li.  W.  P. 

ANGELS  (a'^DS^52  :  oliyjeXor,  often  witl 

the  addition  of  nirT*,  or   D^H  7S.     In  latei- 

books  the  word  D'*tt'7f7>  oi  ayioi,  is  used  us  an 

equivalent  term).  By  the  word  "angels"  (/.  e. 
"  messengers  "  of  God)  we  ordinarily  understand  a 
race  of  spiritual  beings,  of  a  nature  exalted  fai 
above  that  of  man,  although  infinitely  removed 
from  that  of  Gtod,  whose  oftice  is  "  to  do  Him  ser- 
vice in  heaven,  and  by  His  apix>intment  to  succor 
and  defend  men  on  eai-th."  The  object  of  the 
pr&sent  article  is  threefold:  1st,  to  refer  to  any 
other  Scriptural  uses  of  this  and  similar  words; 
2dly,  to  notice  the  revelations  of  the  nnfiire  of 
these  spiritual  beuigs  given  in  Scripture ;  and  3rd!y, 
to  derive  from  the  same  source  a  brief  description 
of  their  office  towards  man.  It  is  to  be  noticed 
that  its  scope  is  purely  Biblical,  and  that,  in  con- 
sequence, it  does  not  enter  into  any  extra-Scriptu- 
ral speculations  on  this  mysterious  subject. 

I.  In  the  first  place,  there  are  many  jjassages 
in  which-the  expression  the  "angel  of  God,"  "the 
angel  of  Jehovah,"  is  certaiidy  used  for  a  manites- 
tjition  of  God  himself.  This  is  especially  the  case 
in  the  earlier  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  may 
be  seen  at  once,  by  a  comparison  of  Gen.  xxii.  11 
with  12,  and  of  Ex.  iii.  2  with  6,  and  14;  where 
He,  who  is  called  the  "  angel  of  God  "  in  one  verse, 
is  called  "  God,"  and  even  "  Jehovali "  in  those  which 
follow,  and  accepts  the  worship  due  to  God  alone. 
(Contrast  Rev.  xix.  10,  xxi.  0.)  See  also  Gen.  xvi. 
7,  13,  xxxi.  11,  13,  xlviii.  15,  10;  Nuiu.  xxii.  22, 
32,  35,  and  comp.  Is.  Ixiii.  9  with  Ex.  xxiii.  14, 
Ac,  (fee.  The  same  expression  (it  seems)  is  used 
by  St.  Paul,  in  speaking  to  heathens.  See  Acta 
xxvii.  23  comp.  vrith  xxiii.  11. 

It  is  to  be  observed  also,  that,  side  by  side  with 
these  expressions,  we  read  of  God"s  being  manifested 
in  the  form  of  man;  as  to  Abraham  at  IMamre 
(Gen.  xviii.  2,  22  comp.  xix.  1),  to  .Jacob  at  Penuel 
(Gen.  xxxii.  24,  30),  to  Joshua  at  Gilgal  (.fosh.  v 
13,  15),  &c.  It  is  hardly  to  be  doubted,  that  both 
sets  of  passages  refer  to  the  same  kind  of  manifes- 
tation of  the  Divine  Presence. 

This  being  the  case,  since  we  know  that  "  no 
man  hath  seen  God  "  (the  Father)  "  at  any  lime," 
and  that  "  the  only-begotten  Son,  which  is  in  the 
bosom  of  the  Father,  He  hath  revesded  Him" 
(John  i.  18),  the  inevitable  inference  is  that  by  the 
"Angel  of  the  Ix)rd  "  in  such  passages  is  meant 
He,  who  is  from  the  beginning  the  "  Word,"  i.  e. 
the  Manifester  or  Revealer  of  (iod.  These  appear- 
ances are  evidently  "  foreshadowings  of  the  Incar- 
nation." By  these  (that  is)  God  the  Son  mani- 
fested Himself  from  time  to  time  in  that  human 
nature,  which  He  united  to  the  Godhead  forever 
in  the  Virgin's  womb. 

This  conclusion  is  corroborated  by  the  fact,  that 
the  phrases  used  as  equivalent  to  the  word  "  Angels  " 
in  Scripture,  viz.  the  "  sons  of  (Jod,"  or  even  in 
poetry,  the  "gods"  (Elohim),  the  "holy  ones," 
i&c,  are  names,  which  in  their  full  and  proper  sense 
are  apphcable  only  to  the  I»rd  Jesus  Christ.  Aj 
He  is  "  the  Son  of  God,"  so  also  is  He  tha  "  Angel," 


86  ANGELS 

or  "messenger"  of  the  I^rd.  Accordingly  it  is 
lu  HU  incarnation  that  all  angelic  ministration  is 
distinctly  releircd,  ijs  to  a  central  truth,  by  which 
alone  its  nature  and  meaning  can  be  understood. 
(.See  John  i.  51,  comparing  it  with  Gen.  xxviii.  11- 
]7,  and  especially  with  v.  Vi.) 

IJesides  this,  which  is  the  highest  application  of 
tJie  word  "  angel,"  we  find  the  phrase  used  of  any 
messengers  of  (Jod,  such  as  the  jirophets  (Is.  xlii. 
19;  llivg.  i.  Vi;  Mai.  iii.  1),  the  priests  (Mai.  ii. 
7),  and  the  rulers  of  the  C'hristian  churches  (IJev. 
i.  20);  nmch  a-s,  even  more  remarkably,  the  word 
"  IClohim  "  is  applied,  in  Vs.  Ixxxii.  C.  to  those  who 
judge  in  God's  name. 

Tliese  usages  of  the  word  are  not  only  interesting 
ill  themsolves,  but  will  serve  to  throw  light  on  the 
nature  and  the  metlKyl  of  the  ministration  of  those 
whom  we  more  esi)ecially  term  '•  the  angels." 

II.  In  passing  on  to  consider  what  is  revealed 
in  Scripture  as  to  the  anijelic  nature,  we  are  led  at 
once  to  notice,  that  the  IJible  deals  with  this  and 
with  kindred  subjects  exclusively  in  their  practical 
bearings,  only  so  far  (that  is)  as  they  conduce  to 
our  knowletlge  of  God  and  of  ourselves,  and  more 
particuliuly  as  they  are  connected  with  the  one 
great  subject  of  all  Scripture,  the  Inairnation  of 
the  Son  of  God.  Little  therefore  is  said  of  the  na- 
ture of  angels  as  distinct  from  their  otlice. 

They  are  termed  "sjiirits"  (as  e.  <j.  in  Heb.  i. 
14),  although  this  word  is  appUed  more  commonly, 
not  so  nmch  to  themselves,  as  to  their  power  dwelling 
in  man  (e.  <j.  1  Sam.  xviii.  10;  Matt.  viii.  IG,  Ac, 
&c.).  The  word  is  the  same  as  that  used  of  the 
Boul  of  man,  when  separate  from  the  body  (e.  //. 
Matt.  xiv.  21;;  Luke  xxiv.  37,  39;  1  Pet.  iii.  19); 
but,  since  it  properly  expresses  only  that  supersen- 
suous  and  nitiorial  element  of  man's  nature,  which 
is  in  him  the  image  of  God  (see  John  iv.  24),  and 
by  which  he  has  conununion  with  God  (IJom.  viii. 
16);  and  since  also  we  are  told  that  there  is  a 
"spiritual  bwly,"  as  well  as  a  "natural  {\^vxtK6v) 
body"  (1  Cor.  xv.  44),  it  does  not  assert  that  the 
angelic  nature  is  incor|xireal.  The  contrary  seems 
expressly  ini])lied  by  the  words  in  which  our  Lord 
declares  that,  ^/'Cc;-  the  Jtegurrectkm,  men  shall  l.-e 
"like  the  angels"  (IffdyyeKoi)  (Luke  xx.  3G);  be- 
cause (as  is  elsewhere  said,  I'hil.  iii.  21)  their 
IxKlies,  as  well  as  their  spirits,  shall  have  been 
made  entiix-ly  like  11 'is.  It  may  also  be  noticed 
that  the  glorious  apjtearance  ascribed  to  the  angels 
in  Scripture  (as  in  Dan.  x.  G)  is  the  same  as  that 
which  shone  out  in  our  Lord's  transfiguration,  and 
in  which  ."St.  .lohii  saw  Mini  clothed  in  heaven  (Rev. 
i.  14-lG);  and  moreover,  that,  whene\er  angels 
have  l)een  m.ade  manifest  to  man,  it  h;is  always 
been  in  human  form  (iis  e.  rj.  in  Gen.  xviii.,  xiy. ; 
Luke  xxiv.  4;  .Vets  i.  10,  Ac,  Ac),  'llie  very  fact 
that  the  titles  "  sons  of  (iod  "  (Job.  i.  6,  xxxviii.  7 ; 
Dan.  iii.  2o  conip.  with  28 "),  and  "gods"  (Ps. 
riii.  5;  xcvii.  7),  applied  to  them,  are  also  given  to 
nen  (see  Luke  iii.  38;  I's.  Uxxii.  6,  and  comp.  our 
>ord's  ap[)lication  of  this  hust  piissaye  in  John  x. 
J4-37),  jwints  in  the  same  way  to  a  difference  only 
of  degree,  and  an  identity  of  kuid,  between  the 
human  and  the  angelic  nature. 

The  angels  are  therefore  revealed  to  us  as  beings, 


a  Oen.  vi.  2,  5s  omitted  here  and  below,  as  being 
k  controvertoil  passage  ;  although  many  MSS.  of  the 
LXX.  have  o':  oyycAot  insteail  of  oi  vloC  here. 

b  The  inorliuatc  subjectivity  of  German  philosophy 
«n  thia  subjoct  (see,  e.  g.,  Winer's  RecUw.),  of  course. 


ANGELS 

such  as  man  might  be  aiid  will  be  wiieu  the  poiv» 
of  sin  and  death  is  removed,  partaking  in  theii 
measure  of  the  attributes  of  (Jod,  —  Truth,  Purity 
and  Ix)ve,  —  because  always  beholding  Ills  face 
(Matt,  xviii.  10),  and  therefore  being  "  made  like 
Him"  (1  John  iii.  2).  This,  of  course,  implies 
finiteness,  and  therefore  (in  the  strict  sense)  "im- 
[jerfection  "  of  nature,  and  consUiiit  progress,  both 
moral  and  intellectual,  through  all  eternity.  Sucb 
imperfection,  contra.sted  with  the  infinity  of  God, 
is  expressly  ascribed  to  them  in  Job  iv.  18;  Matt 
xxiv.  3G;  1  Pet.  i.  12;  and  it  is  this  which  empha*,- 
iciUly  jwints  them  out  to  us  as  creatures,  fellow- 
serA'ants  of  man,  and  therefore  incapable  of  usurp- 
ing the  place  of  gods. 

This  finiteness  of  nature  imiilies  capacity  of 
temptation  (see  IJutler's  Awil.  part  i.  eh.  5);  and 
accordingly  we  hear  of  "fallen  angels."  Of  the 
nature  of  their  temptation  and  the  circumstances 
of  their  fall,  we  know  absolutely  nothing.  All 
that  is  certain  is,  that  they  "  left  their  first  estate  " 
(rr)*'  iavrwv  apxh")'-'  and  that  tlicy  are  now  "an- 
gels of  the  devil"  (.Matt.  xxv.  41 ;  l!ev.  xii.  7,  9), 
partaking  therefore  of  the  falsehood,  undeanuess, 
and  hatred  which  are  his  peculiar  duu-aetcristics 
(John  viii.  44).  All  that  can  be  conjectured  must 
be  based  on  the  analogy  of  man's  own  temptation 
and  fall. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  title  especially  assigned 
to  the  angels  of  God,  that  of  the  "  holy  ones  "  (see 
e.  (J.  Dan.  iv.  13,  23,  viii.  13;  Matt.  xxv.  31),  is 
precisely  the  one  which  is  given  to  those  men  who 
are  renewal  in  Christ's  image,  but  which  belongs 
to  them  in  actuality  and  in  perfection  only  here- 
after. (Comp.  Heb.  ii.  10,  v.  '.),  xii.  23.)  its  use 
evidently  implies  that  the  angelic  probation  is  over, 
and  their  crown  of  glory  won. 

Thus  nmch,  then,  is  re\eale<l  of  the  angelic  na- 
ture as  may  make  it  to  us  an  ideal  of  human  good- 
ness (Matt.  vi.  10),  or  beacon  of  warning  :is  to  the 
tendency  of  sin.  It  is  obvious  to  remark,  that  in 
such  revelation  is  found  a  ]«trtial  satisfaction  of 
that  craving  for  the  knowledge  of  cre:itures,  higher 
than  ourselves  and  yet  fellow-,servants  .villi  us  of 
God,  which  in  its  diseased  form  becomes  Poly- 
theism.'' Its  full  satisfaction  is  to  be  sought  in 
the  Incarnation  alone,  and  it  is  to  I  e  noticed,  that 
after  the  Revelation  of  (iod  in  the  flesh,  the  angelic 
ministrations  recorded  are  indee<l  fewer,  but  the 
references  to  the  angels  are  far  more  fmpient  —  as 
though  the  danger  of  polytheistic  idolatry  bad, 
comparatively  s])eaking,  passed  away. 

III.  The  most  importJint  sulject,  and  tiat  on 
which  we  have  the  fullest  revelation,  is  the  ofiSce 
of  the  angels. 

Of  their  office  in  heaven,  we  have,  of  course, 
only  vague  prophetic  glimpses  (as  in  1  K.  xxii.  19; 
Is.  vi.  1-3;  Dan.vii.  9,  10:  l.'ev.  v.  II,  Ac),  which 
show  us  nothing  but  a  ne\ei'-feasiiig  adoration, 
proceeding  from  the  vision  of  (iod,  through  the 
"  perfect  love,  which  casteth  out  fear." 

Their  office  towards  man  is  far  more  fully  de- 
scribed to  us.  They  are  rejiresented  as  being,  in 
the  widest  sense,  agenfs  of  (iod's  Providence,  nat- 
ural and  sujMjrnatural,  to  the  body  and  to  the  soul. 
Thus  the  operations  of  nature  are  sjKjken  of  tm 


hastens  to  the  conclusion  that  the  belief  in  angels  if 
a  mere  consequence  of  this  eraviuj?,  never  (it  would 
!>eem)  so  entering  into  the  analogy  of  Ood's  provt 
dence  as  to  suppose  it  possible  that  this  inward  orat 
iug  should  correspond  to  souie  outward  reality. 


ANGELS 

under  angelic  guidance  fulfilling  the  will  of  God. 
Not  only  is  this  the  case  in  rjoetical  passages,  such 
as  I's.  civ.  4  (commented  upon  in  Ileb.  i.  7),  where 
the  powers  of  air  and  fire  are  referred  to  them,  but 
in  the  simplest  prose  history,  as  where  the  pesti- 
lences which  slew  the  firstborn  (Ex.  xii.  23;  Heb. 
xi.  28),  the  disobedient  people  bi  the  wilderness  (1 
Cor.  X.  10),  the  Israelites  in  the  days  of  David  (2 
Sam.  xxiv.  IG;  1  Chr.  xxi.  IG),  and  the  anny  of 
Sennacherib  (2  K.  xix.  35),  as  also  the  plague 
which  cut  off"  Uerod  (Acts  xii.  23)  are  plainly 
spoken  of  as  tlie  work  of  the  "  Angel  of  the  Lord." 
Nor  can  the  mysterious  declarations  of  the  Apoc- 
alypse, by  far  the  most  numerous  of  all,  be  resolved 
by  honest  interpretation  into  mere  poetical  imagery. 
(See  esjjeciiUly  Kev.  viii.  and  ix.)  It  is  evident 
that  angelic  agency,  like  tliat  of  man,  does  not  ex- 
elude  the  action  of  secondary,  or  (what  are  called) 
"  natural "  causes,  or  interfere  with  the  directness 
and  universality  of  the  Providence  of  God.  The 
personifications  of  poetry  and  legends  of  my- 
thology are  obscure  witnesses  of  its  truth,  which, 
however,  can  rest  only  on  the  revelations  of  Script- 
ure  itself. 

More  particularly,  however,  angels  are  spoken  of 
as  ministers  of  what  is  conunonly  called  the  "  su- 
pernatural," or  perhaps  more  correctly,  the  "spir- 
itual "  Providence  of  God;  as  agents  in  the  great 
scheme  of  the  spiritual  redemption  and  sanctifica- 
tion  of  man,  of  wliich  the  13ible  is  the  record.  The 
representations  of  them  are  different  in  different 
l)ooks  of  Scripture,  in  tlie  Old  Testament  and  in 
the  New ;  but  the  reasons  of  the  differences  are  to 
be  found  in  the  differences  of  scope  attributable  to 
the  books  themselves.  As  different  parts  of  God's 
Providence  are  brought  out,  so  also  arise  diflTerent 
views  of  His  angelic  ministers. 

In  the  Book  of  Job,  which  deals  with  "  Natural 
Religion,"  they  are  spoken  of  but  vaguely,  as  sur- 
rounding God's  tlirone  above,  and  rejoicing  in  the 
completion  of  His  creative  work  (Job  i.  G,  ii.  1, 
xxxviii.  7).  No  direct  and  visible  appearance  to 
man  is  even  hintal  at. 

In  the  book  of  Genesis,  there  is  no  notice  of  an- 
gelic ai)pearance  till  after  the  call  of  Abraham. 
Then,  as  the  book  is  tlie  history  of  the  chosen  fam- 
ily so  tl\e  angels  mingle  with  and  watch  over  its 
family  life,  entertained  by  Ai)raham  and  by  Lot 
(Gen.  xviii.,  xix.),  guiding  Abraham's  servant  to 
Padan-Aram  (xxiv.  7,  40),  seen  by  the  fugitive 
Jacob  at  l>ethel  (xxvii.  12),  and  welcoming  his 
return  at  Mahanaim  (xxxii.  1).  Their  ministry 
hallows  domestic  life,  in  its  trials  and  its  blessings 
alike,  a-id  is  closer,  more  familiar,  and  less  awful 
than  in  after  times.  (Contrast  Gen.  xviii.  with 
Ju<lg.  \1.  21,  22,  xiii.  IG,  22.) 

In  the  subsequent  history,  that  of  a  chosen  na- 
tion, the  angels  are  represented  more  as  ministers 
of  wrath  and  mercy,  messengers  of  a  King,  rather 
thjn  common  children  of  the  One  Father.  It  is, 
moreover,  to  be  observed,  that  the  records  of  their 
appearance  belong  esiiecially  to  two  periods,  that 
of  the  Judges  and  tliut  of  the  Captivity,  which  were 
transition  periods  in  Israelitish  history,  the  former  1 
ond  destitute  of  direct  revelation  or  p-ophetic  guid- 1 
auite,  the  latter  one  of  special  trial  and  unusual 
loitact  with  heathenism.      During  the  lives  of 


I'-  The  notion  of  special  guardian  angels,  watching 
over  individuals,  is  consistent  with  this  passage,  but 
not  necessarily  deduced  from  it.  The  belief  of  it 
among  the  oarly  Christians  is  shown  by  Acts  xii.  15. 

7 


ANGELS  97 

Moses  and  Joshua  there  is  no  record  of  the  appear 
ance  of  create<i  angels,  and  only  obscure  reference 
to  angels  at  all.  In  the  book  of  Judges  angels  ap- 
l)eiir  at  once  to  rebuke  idolatry  (ii.  1-4),  to  call 
Gideon  (vi.  11,  &c.),  and  consecrate  Samson  (xiii. 
3,  &c.)  to  the  work  of  dehverance. 

The  prophetic  office  begins  with  Samuel,  and 
immediately  angelic  guidance  is  withheld,  except 
when  needed  by  the  prophets  themselves  (1  K.  xix. 
5;  2  K.  vi.  17).  During  the  prophetic  and  kingly 
period,  angels  are  spoken  of  only  (as  noticed  above) 
as  ministers  of  God  in  the  operations  of  nature. 
But  in  the  captivity,  wlien  the  Jews  were  in  the 
presence  of  foreign  nations,  each  claiming  its  tute- 
lary deity,  then  to  the  projjhets  Daniel  and  Zcch- 
ariah  angels  are  revealed  in  a  Iresh  light,  as  watch- 
ing, not  only  over  Jerusalem,  but  also  over  heathen 
kingdoms,  under  the  Providence,  and  to  work  out 
the  designs,  of  the  Lord.  (See  Zech.  passim,  and 
Dan.  iv.  13,  23,  x.  10,  13,  20,  21,  &c.)  In  the 
whole  period,  they,  as  truly  as  the  prophets  and 
kings  themselves,  are  seen  as  God's  ministers, 
watching  over  the  national  life  of  the  subjects  of 
the  Great  King. 

The  Incarnation  marks  a  new  epoch  of  angelic 
ministration.  '■'■The  Angel  of  Jehovah,"  the  Lord 
of  all  created  angels,  having  now  descended  from 
heaven  to  earth,  it  was  natural  that  His  servants 
should  continue  to  do  Him  service  tliere.  Whether 
to  predict  and  glorify  His  birth  itself  (Matt.  i.  20; 
Luke  i.  ii.)  to  minister  to  Him  after  His  tempta- 
tion and  agony  (Matt.  iv.  11;  Luke  xxii.  43),  or  to 
declare  His  resurrection  and  triumphant  ascension 
(Matt,  xxviii.  2;  John  xx.  12;  Acts  i.  10,  11)  — 
they  seem  now  to  be  indeed  "  ascending  and  de- 
scending on  the  Son  of  Man,"  almost  as  though 
transferring  to  earth  tlie  ministrations  of  heaven. 
It  is  clearly  seen,  that  whatever  was  done  by  them 
for  men  in  earlier  days,  was  but  typical  of  and 
flowing  from  their  service  to  Ilim.  (See  I's.  xci. 
11,  comp.  Matt.  iv.  G.) 

The  New  Testament  is  the  history  of  the  Church 
of  Christ,  every  member  of  which  is  united  to 
Him.  Accordingly,  the  angels  are  revealed  now  as 
"  ministering  spirits  "  to  e.acli  imlicidaal  member 
of  Christ  for  his  spiritual  guidance  and  aid  (Heb. 
i.  14).  'llie  records  of  their  visible  appearance  are 
but  unfrequent  (Acts  v.  1!),  viii.  20,  x.  3,  xii.  7, 
xxvii.  23);  but  their  presence  and  tlieir  aid  are  re- 
ferred to  familiarly,  almost  as  things  of  course,  ever 
alter  the  Incarnation.  They  are  spoken  of  as  watch- 
ing over  Christ's  little  ones  (Matt,  xviii.  10),«  as 
rejoicing  over  a  penitent  sinner  (Luke  xv.  10),  as 
present  in  the  worship  of  Christians  (1  Cor.  xi 
10),*  and  (perhaps)  bringing  their  prayers  before 
God  (Kev.  viii.  3,  4),  and  as  bearing  the  souls  of 
the  redeemed  into  Paradise  (Luke  xvi.  22).  In  one 
word,  they  are  Christ's  ministers  of  grace  now,  as 
they  shall  be  of  judgment  hereafter  (Matt.  xiii.  39, 
41,  49,  xvi.  27,  xxiv.  31,  Ac).  By  what  method 
they  act  we  cannot  know  of  ourselves,  nor  are  we 
told,  perliaps  lest  we  should  worsliip  them,  instead 
of  Him,  whose  servants  they  are  (see  Col.  ii.  18; 
Kev.  xxii.  9);  but  of  course  tlieir  agency,  like  that 
of  human  ministers,  depends  for  its  efficacy  on  the 
aid  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 

Such  is  the  action  of  God's  angels  on  earth,  as 
disclo!wd  to  us  in  the  various  stages  of  llevelation; 


6  The  difficulty  of  the  passage  has  led  to  its  being 
questioned,  but  the  wording  of  the  original  and  tha 
usage  of  the  N.  T.  seem  almost  decisive  on  the  point. 


D8  ANGELS 

that  of  the  evil  angels  may  be  better  spoken  of 
elsewhere  [Satan]  :  here  it  is  enough  to  say  that 
tt  is  the  direct  opposite  of  their  true  original  office, 
but  permitted  under  (iod's  overruling  providence 
to  go  until  the  judgment  day. 

That  there  are  degrees  of  the  angelic  nature, 
fallen  and  unfallen,  and  special  titles  and  agencies 
belonging  to  each,  is  clearly  declared  by  St.  Paul 
(liph.  i.  21;  Kom.  viii.  38),  but  what  their  general 
nature  is,  it  is  needless  for  us  to  know,  and  there- 
fore useless  to  specukite.  For  what  little  is  known 
of  this  si)ecial  natui-e  see  Cherubim,  SEUAi-iiur, 
MicHAKL,  Gaukiki..  A.  15. 

*  On  angels  the  most  exhaustive  work  is  Ode, 
Jac.,  Commentanus  de  Anijelis,  Traj.  ad  Rhen. 
1739,  a  large  quaj-to  volume  of  more  than  1100 
pages.  See,  further,  Kr'Uik  iiber  die  Lehre  vim  den 
J-yHfjeln,  in  Ilenke's  Marjazin,  1795,  iii.  300-355, 
and  1790,  vi.  152-177;  Beck,  C.  U.,  Commentnni 
Itistorici,  etc.  Lips.  1801,  pp.  302-342;  Schmidt, 
F.,  Historia  Dof/m.  de  Amjdis  tutelaribus,  in  Ill- 
gen's  Dtnksclii-ift,  u.  s.  w.  No.  2,  Leipz.  1817, 
(valuable);  Ci  ram  berg,  Giimdziige  einer  Kngtllthre 
des  Alttn  Test.,  in  AViner's  Zeitschr.f.  wiss.  TheoL, 
1827,  ii.  157-210;  De  Wette,  Bill.  Dogmaiik,  3e 
Aufl.,  1831,  pp.  80  ff.,  143  ff.,  212  ff.,  235  ff.; 
Schulthess,  JiiKjehcelf,  u.  s.  w.  Zurich,  1833;  Von 
Colbi,  Bibl.  Tl'ieoL,  18;3G,  i.  187  ff.,  410  ff.,  ii.  06 
ff.,  222  ff. ;  Twesten,  Doffmatik,  1837,  ii.  305-383, 
trans,  in  BlbL  Sacra,  i.  768-793,  and  ii.  108-140; 
Bretschneider,  Do/jmadk,  4e  Aufl.,  1838,  i.  727- 
794;  Mayer,  Lewis,  Scriptural  Idea  of  Angels,  in 
Amer.  Blbl.  Jtejjos.  Oct.  1838,  xii.  356-388 ;  Stuart, 
Sketches  of  Anyelohgy  in  the  Old  and  New  Test, 
in  Ixobiiison's  Blbl.  Sacra,  1843,  pp.  88-154, 
abridged  in  his  Comrn.  on  llie  Apocahjpse,  ii.  397- 
409;  Timpson,  The  Angels  of  God,  their  Nature, 
Character,  Ranks,  etc.,  2d  ed.,  Lond.  1847; 
Whately,  Scripture  Revelations  concerning  Good 
and  Evil  Angels,  new  ed.,  Lond.  1851,  reprinted 
Phila.  1856 ;  IJawson,  .James,  Nature  and  Ministry 
of  the  Holy  Angels,  N.  Y.  1858 ;  Schmid,  C.  F., 
Bibl.  Thcol.  des  N.  T.,  2e  Aufl.  1859,  pp.  41,  272, 
413,  570;  Hase,  Kvang.-prot.  Dogmatik,  5c  Aufl., 
1860,  pp.  100-187,  and  Bilimer  m  Ilerzog's  Real- 
Encykl.  iv.  18-32. 

For  the  Jewish  notions,  see  Eisenmenger,  Entr- 
decktes  Judenthum,  ii.  370-408;  Allen,  Modern 
Judaism,  2d  ed.,  Lond.  1830,  pp.  149-172:  Gfni- 
rer,  Jakrh.  d.  lleils,  1838,  i.  352-424;  Nicolas, 
Doctrines  religieuses  des  Juifs,  etc.,  I'aris,  1800, 
pp.  210-205,  and  Kohut,  Utber  die  jiidische  An- 
(jelologie  tt.  JJdmonolugie  in  ihrer  Abhdngigkeit 
vom  Parsismus,  Leipz.  1806,  in  the  Abhandll.  f. 
d.  Kunde  d.  Morgenl.  Bd.  iv.  Nr.  3. 

For  the  opinions  of  the  Christian  fathers,  see 
Siiicer,  Thes.  art.  ayyi\os\  Petavius,  Theol. 
Dogm.,  Antv.  1700,  fol.,  iii.  1-116;  Cudworth's 
Intel.  System,  ch.  v.  sect.  iii.  (vol.  iii.  pp.  346-381 
jf  Harrison's  ed.),  with  Mosheim's  notes;  and 
Keil,  Opuscula,  ii.  531-618. 

On  their  representation  in  Christian  art,  see 
Piper,  Mythol.  u.  Symbolik  der  Christl.  Kunst, 
1847-51;  Menzel,  Christl.  Symlolik,  1854,  art. 
Engel;  and  Mrs.  Jameson,  Sacred  and  Legendary 
Art,  3d  ed.,  Lond.  1857,  i.  41-131. 

On  the  "  .\ngel  of  Jehovah,"  see  J.  P.  Smith's 
Scripture  Testimony  to  the  Messiah,  5th  ed.,  Edin. 


o  From  o,  not,  and  vLKaia,  to  conquer.     It  should  be 
aoted  that  Dioscorides  uses  avCieriTov  for  dill,  and  not 


ANISE 

1859,  i.  296  ff.;  Hengstenberg's  Ch:istokjy,\.  1« 
ff.  (Keith's  trans. ) ;  Noyes,  G.  K.  in  the  Chriai 
Examiner  for  May  ajid  July  1836,  xx.  207-240 
329-342  (in  opposition  to  Ilcngstenberg);  Kurtz 
Der  Engel  des  Herrn,  in  'l"holuck's  Ameiger,  1846, 
Nos.  11-14,  reproduced  essentially  in  his  Gesch. 
des  Alien  Bundes,  i.  144-159;  Trip,  C.  J.,  Die 
Theoj)hanien  in  den  Geschiclitsb.  des  A.  T.,  Leiden, 
1858,  a  prize  essay. 

On  the  literature  of  the  whole  subject,  one  maj 
consult  Bretschneider,  System.  Entwickelung,  u.  8 
w.  4e  Aufl.,  1841,  §§  81,  82,  and  Gnisse's  BiUi 
otheca  magica  et pneumatica,  Leipz.  1843. 

A. and  IL 

ANGLING.     [Fishing.] 

ANI'AM  (C^''3S  [sighing  of  the  pecpk] 
^Avidv,  [Vat.  AXiaKfifj.;]  Alex.  Aviafx-  Aniam) 
A  Manassite,  son  of  Shemidah  (1  Chr.  vii.  19). 

W.  A.  W. 

A'NIM  (D"^;3|'  Ifmmtains']:  Alffd/i;  [Alex. 
Ayfi/ii;  Comp.  'Avlfj.:]  Anim),  a  city  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Judah.  named  with  Eshtemoh  {Es-Semueh] 
and  Goshen  (Josh.  xv.  50).  Eusebius  and  Jerome 
(Onom.  'Aya-fip,  Anim)  mention  a  place  of  this 
name  in  Daroma,  9  miles  south  of  Hebron  (comp 
also  Aiiea,  s.  v.  Anab).  Q. 

*  Anim  is  a  contraction  for  Cp'^^?  and  might 
be  the  plural  form  of  Ayin  (which  see);  but  the 
fact  that  Ayin  was  "toward  the  coast  of  Edoo. 
southward"  (Josh.  xv.  31,  32)  while  Anim  was  in 
the  mountain  district  (Josh.  xv.  48,  50)  indicates 
that  they  were  difterent  places.  Dr.  Wilson  insists 
on  the  difference,  And  woidd  identify  Anim  with  the 
present  Ghuivein  (which  thougli  .singular  in  Arabic 
may  by  a  frequent  permutation  stand  for  a  Hebrew 
plural)  near  Amd^  and  Semu'a,  and  therefore  in  the 
territory  of  Judali  (Wilson's  Lands  of  the  Bible, 
i.  354).  Dr.  Robinson  adopts  this  suggestion  in 
the  second  edition  of  his  Bibl.  Res.  (ii.  204), 
though  he  had  previously  declared  himself  for  the 
other  view.  See  also  Raumer,  Paldstina,  p.  171 
(4th  ed.).  H. 

ANISE  (Sj'T)0o«':  anethum).  This  word  occurs 
only  in  Matt,  xxiii.  23,  "  Woe  unto  you,  scribes  and 
Pharisees,  hj7)ocritcs !  for  ye  pay  tithe  of  mint  and 
anise  and  cummin."  It  is  by  no  means  a  matte: 
of  certainty  whether  the  anise  (Pinipinella  ani- 
sum,  Lin.),  or  the  dill  {Anetlnim  graveolens)  is 
here  intended,  though  the  probability  is  certainly 
more  in  favor  of  the  latter  plant.  Both  the  dill 
and  the  anise  l;elong  to  the  natural  order  Umbel- 
lifera:,  and  are  much  alike  in  external  character; 
the  seeds  of  both,  moreover,  are  and  have  been  long 
employed  in  medicine  and  cookery,  as  condiments 
and  carminatives.  Celsius  {Hiertib.  i.  494,  ff. ) 
quotes  several  passages  from  ancient  writers  to  show 
that  the  dill  was  commonly  so  used.  Pliny  uses  th 
term  anisum,  to  express  the  Pimjnnella  anisum,  and 
anethum  to  represent  the  common  dill.  He  enu 
merates  as  many  as  sixty -one  remedies  [diseases "? 
that  the  a7iisum  is  able  tQ  cure,  and  says  tha' 
on  this  a«coimt  it  is  someRmes  called  anicetum. 
The  best  anise,  he  adds,  comes  from  Crete;  an( 
next  to  it  that  of  Egypt  is  preferred  (Plin.  7/.  N. 
XX.  17).  P'orskSl  (Descripl.  Plant,  p.  154)  include* 
the  anise  ( Yanisiin,  Arabic*)  in  the  Materia  Medic* 


V  7 

.ta-AA^Jw,  onisum,  y.  Gol.  Arab.  Lex.  e.  vi 


ANKLET 

»f  Egyj  t.  Dr.  Royle  is  decidedly  in  favor  of  the 
iill"  being  the  proper  translation,  and  says  that 
the  anethum  t'  is  more  especially  a  genus  of  Eastern 
cultivation  than  the  other  plant.  The  strongest 
argument  in  favor  of  the  dill,  is  the  fact  that  the 
Talnuuls  (Tract.  Maaseroth,  c.  iv.  §  5)  use  the  word 
skdbdlh  to  express  the  dill,  "  The  seeds,  the  leaves, 
and  the  stem  of  dill  are,  according  to  Eabbi 
Eliezer,  subject  to  tithe;"  and  in  connection  with 
this  it  should  be  stated,  that  Forskal  several  times 
dlludes  to  the  Anethum  (/raveo'.ens  as  growing  both 
in  a  cultivated  and  a  wild  state  in  Egypt,  and  he 
uses  the  Arabic  name  for  this  plant,  which  is  iden- 
tical with  the  Hebrew  word,  namely,  Sjoebet,  or 
Schibl  {Descr.  Plant.  65,  109). 
Celsius  remarks  upon  the  difference  of  opinion 


AKKLET 


99 


amongst  the  old  authors  who  have  noticed  this 
plant,  some  maintaining  that  it  has  an  agreeable 
taste  and  odor,  others  quite  the  opposite;  the  so- 
hition  of  the  difficulty  is  clearly  that  the  matter  is 
simply  one  of  opinion. 

There  is  another  plant  very  dissimilar  in  external 
character  to  the  two  named  above,  the  leaves  and 
capsules  of  which  are  powerfully  carminative.  This 
is  the  aniseed-tree  {lllicium  unisatum),  which  be- 
longs to  the  natural  order  Ma(jnoUace(t.  In  China 
this  is  frequently  used  for  seasoning  dishes,  &c. ; 
but  the  species  of  this  genus  are  not  natives  of  the 
Bible  lands,  and  must  not  be  confused  with  the 
uinbeUiJ'eroiis  plants  noticed  in  this  article. 

W.  H. 


Pimpiaella  Anisum. 

ANKLET  (irtptcTKeXiSes,  ireSai  ireptcripiptoty 
Clem.  Alex.).     This  word  only  occurs  in  Is.  iii.  18, 

D''pi337  (and  as  a  proper  name,  Josh.  xiii.  16); 

unless  such  ornaments  are  included  in  711171*^, 

T  T    :  V  ' 

Num.  xxxi.  50,  which  word  etymologically  would 
mean  rather  an  anklet  than  a  bracelet.  Indeed, 
the  same  word  is  used  in  Is.  iii.  20  (without  the 
Aleph  prosthetic)  for  the  "  stepping-chains  worn  by 
Oriental  women,  fastened  to  the  ankle-band  of  each 
leg,  so  that  they  were  forced  to  wallc  elegantly  with 
short  steps"  (Gesen.  s.  v.).  They  were  as  com- 
mon as  bracelets  and  armlets,  and  made  of  much 
the  same  materials;  the  pleasant  jingling  and  tink- 
ling which  they  made  as  they  knocked  against  each 
3ther,  was  no  doubt  one  of  the  reasons  why  they 
•eere  admired  (Is.  iii.  16,  18,  "  the  braver)'  of  their 


a  Dill,  so  called  from  the  old  Norse  word,  the 
nurse's  lullaby,  to  dill  =  to  snotke.  Ilence  the  name 
jf  the  carminative  plant,  the  diUing  or  soothing  herb 
'pee  Wedgw.  Diet.  Ennl.  Eiymol  ). 


Ciommon  Dill.     {Anethum  graveoUns.) 

tinkling  ornaments").  To  increase  this  pleasant 
sound  pebbles  were  sometimes  enclosed  in  them 
(Cahnet,  s.  v.  Periscelis  and  Bells).  The  Arabic 
name  "  khulkhdl "  seems  to  be  onomatopoean,  and 
Lane  {Mod.  Egypt.  App.  A.)  quotes  from  a  song,  in 
allusion  to  the  pleasure  caused  by  their  sound,  "  the 
ringing  of  thine  anklets  has  deprived  me  of  rea- 
son." Ilence  JMoharamed  forbade  them  in  public: 
"  let  them  not  make  a  noise  with  their  feet,  that 
their  ornaments  which  they  hide  may  [thereby]  be 
discovered"  {Koran,  xxiv.  31,  quoted  by  Lane). 
No  doubt  Tertullian  discountenances  them  for  sim- 
ilar reasons :  "  Nescio  an  crus  de  periscelio  in  ner- 
vum  se  patiatur  arctari.  .  .  .  Pedes  domi  figite  et 
plus  quam  in  auro  placebtmt"  {Be  adt.femin.  ii 
13). 

They  were  sometimes  of  great  value.  I>ane 
speaks  of  them  (although  they  are  getting  uncom- 
mon) as  "  made  of  solid  gold  or  silver  "    {Mod.. 


°  anfiov :  napa  to  avta  Oeiv,  Sia  ttjv  ev  rax* *  ow^ijffW 
lEtym.  Mag.  ed.  Gaisford). 


100  ANNA 

EffypL  1.  c);  but  he  sajs  that  the  poorer  village 
;hildreii  wear  tlicm  of  iron.  For  their  use  among 
tixe  ancient  Egyptians  see  Wilitinson,  iii.  374,  and 
among  the  ancient  Ij  reeks  and  Romans,  Diet,  of 
AtU.  art.  "  Periscelis."  Thr-v  do  not,  we  believe, 
occur  in  the  Nineveh  sculptures. 

Livuigstone  writes  of  the  favorite  wife  of  an 
African  chief,  "  she  wore  a  profusion  of  iron  rings 
on  her  anitles,  to  which  were  attached  Uttle  pieces 
of  sheet  iron  to  enable  her  to  make  a  tinkhng  as 
she  walked  in  her  mincing  Africaji  style"  (p.  273). 
On  the  weight  and  inconvenience  of  the  copper  rings 
worn  by  the  chiefs  themselves,  and  the  odd  walk  it 
causes  tliera  to  adopt,  see  id.  p.  276.     F.  W.  ¥. 

AN'NA  (nsn  [(/race  or  pr-ayei-']:  ''Avva- 
Anna).  The  name  occurs  in  Punic  as  the  sister 
of  Dido.  1.  The  mother  of  Samuel  (1  Sam.  i.  2 
ff.).     [Haxnah.] 

2.  The  wife  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  9  ff.). 

3.  The  wife  of  Kaguel  (Tob.  vii.  2  ff.)." 

.  4.  A  "  prophetess  "  in  Jerusalem  at  the  time 
of  our  Lord's  birth  (Luke  ii.  36).         13.  F.  W. 

AN'NAAS  (Sa^aaj;  [Vat.  So/w ;  Aid. 
'Afads']  Anaas),  1  I'lsdr.  v.  23.     [Sknaau.] 

AN'NAS  ("Away,  in  Josephus  "Avavos),  a 
Jewish  high-priest.  He  was  son  of  one  Seth,  and 
was  ap[iointed  high-priest  in  his  37th  year  (a.  d. 
7),  after  the  battle  of  Actium,  by  Quirinus,  the 
imperiiU  governor  of  Syria  (Joseph.  Ant.  xviii.  2,  § 
1);  but  was  obUged  to  give  way  to  Ismael,  son  of 
Phabi,  by  A'alerius  Gratus,  procurator  of  Judaea, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  A.  D. 
14  {ib.  x\iii.  2,  §  2).  But  soon  Ismael  was  suc- 
ceeded l)y  I'^leazar,  son  of  Annas;  then  followed, 
after  one  year,  Simon,  son  of  Caniithus,  and  then, 
after  another  year  (about  A.  i).  25),  Joseph  Caia- 
phas,  son-in-law  of  Annas  (John  xviii.  13;  Joseph. 
I.  c).  He  remained  till  the  passover,  A.  n.  37,  and 
is  mentioned  in  Luke  iii.  2,  as  officiating  high-priest, 
()ut  after  Annas,  who  seems  to  have  retained  the 
title,  and  somewhat  also  of  the  power  of  that  office. 
Our  Lord's  first  hearing  (John  xviii.  13)  was  before 
Annas,  who  then  sent  him  bound  to  Caiaphas.  In 
Acts  iv.  6,  he  is  plainly  called  the  high-priest,  and 
Caiaphas  merely  named  with  others  of  his  family. 
It  is  no  easy  matter  to  give  an  account  of  the 
seemingly  capricious  applications  of  this  title.  Wi- 
ner supiwses  that  Annas  retained  it  from  his  former 
eiyoynient  of  the  office;  but  to  this  idea  St.  Luke's 
expressions  seem  opposed,  in  which  he  clearly  ap- 
pears as  l)earing  the  high-priest's  dignity  at  the 
time  then  present  in  each  case.  'Wieseler,  in  his 
Ctirtmvlofjy,  and  more  recently  in  an  article  in 
Herzog's  Rtal-KncyklopMie,  maintains  that  the 
two,  Atnias  and  Caiaphas,  were  together  at  tiie 
head  of  the  .Jewish  people,  the  latter  as  actual  high- 
priest,  the  fonner  as  president  of  the  Sanhedrim 

'S''tt?'3) ;  and  so  also  Selden,  De  Synediiis  ct  prce- 
fectwis  juiidicis  veterum  J^braorwn,  ii.  655:  ex- 
oept  that  this  latter  supposes  Caiaphas  to  have  been 
the  second  prefect  of  the  Sanhedrim.     Some  agahi 

suppose  that  \nna8  held  the  office  of  ^SD,  or  sub- 
stitute of  the  high-priest,  mentioned  by  the  later 
Talniudists.  He  Uved  to  old  age,  having  had  five 
ions  high-priests  (Joseph.  Ant.  xx.  9,  §  1). 

H.  A. 
AN'NAS  CAviv;  [Aid.]  Alex.  "Awas:  A'«<m). 

•  •  Hora  the  I XX.  has  "E&va,  and  the  A.  V.  Edna. 

A. 


ANOINT 

A  corruption  of  Harih  (1  £sdr.  ix.  32;  comp.  En 
X.  31).  W.  A.  W. 

ANNU1JS     {"Avvovos ',     Alex.    Avvowos 
Amin),  1  Ksdr.  viii.  48.     Probably  a  corruption  of 

the  Hebrew  "II^W  (A.  V.  "with  him")  of  Ezr 

viii.  19.     The  translator  may  have  read  13^. 

W.  A.  W. 

ANOINT  (ntt?D:  xpi«=  ttnt/o).  Anointing 
in  Holy  Scripture  is  either  (I.)  Material,  with  oil 
[Oil],  or  (II.)  Spiritual,  with  the  Holy  Ghost. 

1.  Mateiual.  —  1.  Ordinai-y.  Ajiointing  the 
body  or  head  with  oil  was  a  common  practice  with 
the  Jews,  as  with  other  Oriental  nations  (Deut. 
xxviii.  40;  Kuth  iii.  3;  Mic.  vi.  15).  Abstinence 
from  it  was  a  sign  of  mourning  (2  Sam.  xiv.  2; 
Dan.  X.  3;  Matt.  vi.  17).  Anointing  the  head  with 
oil  or  ointment  seems  also  to  have  been  a  mark  of 
respect  sometimes  paid  by  a  host  to  his  guests 
(Luke  vii.  46  and  Ps.  xxiii.  5),  and  was  the  ancient 
Egyptian  custom   at   feasts.      Observe,   however, 

that  in  Ps.  xxiii.  the  Hebrew  is  D^IE"'!,  "thou 
hast  made  fat;"  LXX.,  i\i-navas\  Vulg.,  im~ 
pinffuasti;  and  in  Luke  vii.  iAelcpu  is  used  as  it  is 
in  the  similar  passages  (John  xi.  2,  xii.  3).  ITie 
word  "  anoint "  {a.\fi(pw)  also  occurs  in  the  sense 
of  preparing  a  body  with  spices  and  unguents  for 
burial  (Mark  xvi.  1.  Also  xiv.  8,  fxvplCw)-  From 
the  custom  of  discontinuing  the  use  of  oil  in  times 
of  sorrow  or  disaster,  to  be  anointed  with  oil  comes 
to  signify  metaphorically,  to  be  in  the  enjoyment 
of  success  or  prosperity  (Ps.  xcii.  10;  comp.  Eccl. 
ix.  8). 

2.  OJ/icicd.  Anointing  with  oil  was  a  rite  of 
inauguration  into  each  of  the  three  typical  offices 
of  the  Jewish  commonwealth,  whose  tenants,  aa 

anointed,  were  tyqies  of  the  Anointed  One  (H'^C'C', 
XptffrSs).  («•)  Prophets  were  occasionally  anointed 
to  their  office  (1  K.  xix.  16),  and  are  called  mes- 
siahs,  or  anointed  (1  Chr.  xvi.  22;  Ps.  cv.  15). 
(6.)  Pi-iests,  at  the  first  institution  of  the  Levitical 
priesthood,  were  all  anointed  to  their  offices,  the 
sons  of  Aaron  as  well  as  Aaron  himself  (Ex.  xl. 
15;  Num.  iii.  3);  but  afterwards  anointing  seems 
not  to  have  been  rejieated  at  the  consecration  of 
onlinary  priests,  but  to  have  been  especially  reserved 
for  the  high-priest  (Ex.  xxix.  2U;  Lev.  xvi.  32);  so 
that  "the  priest  that  is  anointed"  (I^v.  iv.  3)  is 
generally  thought  to  mean  the  high-priest,  and  ia 
rendered  by  the  LXX.  6  apxttpdii  ^  KtxpiO'l^'^i'os 
(n"^r?''l£rT  "|nbn).  See  also  w.  5,  16,  and  c. 
vi.  22  (vi.  15,  Heb.).  (c.)  Kings.  The  Jews  were 
familiar  with  the  idea  of  making  a  king  by  anoint- 
ing, before  the  establishment  of  their  own  mon- 
archy (Judg.  ix.  8,  15).  Anointing  was  the 
principal  and  divinely-appointed  ceremony  in  the 
inauguration  of  tlieir  own  kings  (1  Sam.  ix.  16,  x. 
1 ;  1  K.  i.  34,  39 ) ;  indeed,  so  preijminently  did 
it  belong  to  the  kingly  office,  that  "the  Lord's 
anointed  "  was  a  common  designation  of  the  theo- 
cratic king  (1  Sam.  xii.  3,  5;  2  Sam.  i.  14,  16) 
The  rite  was  sometimes  performed  more  than  once 
David  was  thrice  anointed  to  be  king:  first,  pri- 
vately by  Samuel,  before  the  death  of  Saul,  by  way 
of  conferring  on  him  a  right  to  the  throne  (1  Sani. 
xvi.  1,  13);  again  over  Judah  at  Hebron  (2  Sam. 
ii.  4),  and  finally  over  the  whole  nation  (2  Sam 
v.  3).  After  the  separation  into  two  kingdoms 
the  kings  both  of  Judah  and  of  Israel  seem  stil 


ANOS 

/)  have  been  anointed  (2  K.  ix.  3,  xi.  13).  So 
late  as  the  time  of  tlie  Captivity  the  king  is  called 
"the  anointed  of  tlie  Lord"  (Ps.  Ixxxix.  38,  51; 
I^m.  iv.  20).  Some  persons,  liowever,  think  that, 
ftfter  Da\id,  subsequent  kings  were  not  anointed 
except  when,  as  in  the  cases  of  Solomon,  Joash, 
and  Jehu,  the  right  of  succession  was  disputed  or 
transferred  (Jahn,  Archceol.  Blbl.  §  223).  Heside 
Jewish  kings,  we  read  that  Hazael  was  to  be 
anointed  king  over  Syria  (1  K.  xLx.  1.5).  Cyrus 
also  is  called  the  Lord's  anointed,  as  having  been 
raised  by  God  to  the  throne  for  the  special  purpose 
of  delivering  the  Jews  out  of  captivity  (Is.  xlv.  1). 
(</)  Inanimate  objects  also  were  anointed  with  oil  in 
token  of  their  being  set  apart  for  religious  service. 
Thus  Jacob  anointed  a  pillar  at  Bethel  (Gen.  xxxi. 
13);  and  at  the  introduction  of  the  Mosaic  econ- 
omy, the  tabernacle  and  all  its  furniture  were  con- 
secrated by  anointing  (Ex.  xxx.  26-28).  The 
expression  "  anoint  the  shield "  (Is.  xxi.  5) 
Uroifj-ia-aTe  OupeouSj  LXX.;  arripite  clypeum, 
Vulg.)  refers  to  the  custom  of  rubbing  oil  into  the 
hide,  which,  stretched  upon  a  frame,  formed  the 
shield,  in  order  to  make  it  supple  and  fit  for  use. 

3.  Ecclesiastical.  Anointing  with  oil  in  the 
lame  of  the  Lord  is  prescribed  by  St.  James  to  be 
used  together  with  prayer,  by  the  elders  of  the 
church,  for  the  recovery  of  the  sick  a.\(i^\iavTe^ 
(James  v.  14).  Analogous  to  this  is  the  anointing 
with  oil  practiced  by  the  twelve  (Mark  vi.  13),  and 
our  Lord's  anointing  the  eyes  of  a  blind  man  with 
clay  made  from  saliva,  in  restoring  him  miracu- 
lously to  sight  (^Tre'xp'ce,  John  ix.  6,  11). 

II.  Spiritual.  —  1.  In  the  O.  T.  a  Deliverer  is 
promised  under  the  title  of  Messiah,  or  Anointed 
(Ps.  ii.  2;  Dan.  ix.  25,  26);  and  the  nature  of  his 
anointing  is  described  to  be  spiritual,  with  the  Holy 
Ghost  (Is.  Ixi.  1;  see  Luke  iv.  18).  As  anointing 
with  oil  betokened  prosperity,  and  produced  a  cheer- 
ful aspect  (Ps.  civ.  15),  so  this  spiritual  unction  is 
figuratively  described  as  anointing  "  with  the  oil  of 
gladness"  (Ps.  xlv.  7;  Ileb.  i.  9).  In  the  N.  T. 
Jesus  of  Nazareth  is  shown  to  be  the  Messiah,  or 
Christ,  or  Anointed  of  the  Old  Testament  (John 
1.  41;  Acts  ix.  22,  xvii.  2,  3,  xviii.  5,  28);  and 
the  historical  fact  of  his  being  anointed  with  the 
Holy  Ghost  is  recorded  and  asserted  (John  i.  32, 
33;  Acts  iv.  27,  x.  38).  2.  Spiritual  anointing 
with  the  Holy  Ghost  is  conferred  also  upon  Chris- 
tians by  God  (2  Cor.  i.  21),  and  they  are  described 
as  having  an  unction  (xpitr/xa)  from  the  Holy  One, 
by  which  they  know  all  things  (1  John  ii.  20,  27). 
To  anoint  the  eyes  with  eye-salve  is  used  figuratively 
to  denote  the  process  of  obtaining  spiritual  percep- 
tion (Rev.  iii.  18).  T.  T.  P. 

A'NOS  CAi/ws:  Jonas),  1  Esdr.  ix.  34. 
_  Vaniah.] 


ANT 


101 


a  From    vT3^,   abscissus   (Simon.    Lex.   Heb.   ed. 
JViner).    The  derivation  of  the  word  is  uncertain.    Qe- 

^  ^  ^ 
wnius  is  inchned  to  derive  it  from  the  Arabic  \  |  < 
*  conscendit,  pee.  proreptando,  arborem."  Vid.  Gol. 
Arab.  Lex.  s.  v.  V.  coiy.  "moti  inter  sese  permistique 
ixaAforrnicarum.  reptantium  mor^."    Furst  says,  >"  For- 

litan  potius  diminutivum  est  n.   33,  unde    V^3,  f. 

n^r53,  Bicut  n*^3,  ad  bestiolam  pusibion  signifl- 
>audam  factum  esse  potest."  Cf.  Michaelis,  Sup.  Lex. 
Heb.  ii.  164-1,  and  RosenmliU.  not.  ad  Bochart,  iii.  480. 

JB  it  not  probable  that  the  name  nemalah  (from  7^2, 


ANT  (n^^2,  nemalah :  fiip/irii  •    formica'^ 

This  insect  is  mentioned  twice  in  the  O.  T. ;  ir 
Prov.  vi.  6,  "  Go  to  the  ant,  thou  sluggard  con- 
sider her  ways  and  be  wise;"  in  Prov.  xxx.  2^. 
"  'i'lie  ants  are  a  people  not  strong,  yet  they  pre- 
pare their  meat  in  the  summer."  In  the  former 
of  these  passages  the  dili'jence  of  this  insect  is  in- 
stanced by  tlie  wise  man  as  an  example  worthy  of 
imitation ;  in  the  second  passage  the  ant's  wisdom 
is  especially  alluded  to,  for  these  insects,  "  though 
they  be  little  on  the  earth,  are  exceeding  wise.' 
It  is  well  known  that  the  ancient  Greeks  and  lio- 
mans  believed  that  the  ant  stored  up  food,  which  it 
collected  in  the  summer,  ready  for  the  winter's  con- 
sumption. Bochart  {Ilieroz.  iii.  478)  has  cited 
numerous  passages  from  Greek  and  Latin  ■HTiters, 
as  well  as  from  Arabian  naturalists  and  Jewish 
rabbis,  in  support  of  this  opinion.  Such  wisdom 
was  this  little  insect  believed  to  possess,  that,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  corn  which  it  had  stored  from 
germinating,  it  took  care  to  bite  off  the  head  of 
each  grain ;  accordingly  some  have  sought  for  the 
derivation  of  the  Hebrew  word  for  ant,  nemalah,'^ 
in  this  supposed  fact.  Nor  is  the  belief  in  the 
ant's  biting  off  the  head  of  the  grains  unsupported 
by  some  modem  writers  Addison,  in  the  Guai-- 
dian  (No.  156, 157),  inserts  the  following  letter  "of 
undoubted  credit  and  authority,"  which  was  first 
published  by  the  French  Academy :  "  The  com 
which  is  laid  up  by  ants  would  shoot  under 
ground  if  these  insects  did  not  take  care  to  prevent 
it.  They  therefore  bite  off  all  the  germs  before 
they  lay  it  up,  and  therefore  the  com  that  has  lain 
in  their  cells  wUl  produce  nothing.  Any  one  may 
make  the  experiment,  and  even  see  that  there  is  no 
germ  in  their  corn."  N.  Pluche,  too  (Nature 
Displ.  i.  128),  says  of  these  insects,  "  Their  next 
passion  is  to  amass  a  store  of  corn  or  other  grain 
that  will  keep,  and  lest  the  humidity  of  the  celln 
should  make  the  com  shoot  up,  we  are  told  for  a 
certainty  that  they  gnaw  off  the  buds  which  grow 
at  the  point  of  the  grain." 

It  is  difficult  to  see  how  this  opinion  originated, 
for  it  is  entirely  without  foundation,  liqually  er- 
roneous appears  to  be  the  notion  that  ascribes  to 
the  ant  provident  foresight  in  laying  up  a  store  of 
com  for  the  winter's  use;*  though  it  is  an  easy 
matter  to  trace  it  to  its  source.  No  recorded  species 
of  ant  is  known  to  store  up  food  of  any  kind  for 
provision  in  the  cold  seasons,  and  certainly  not 
grains  of  com,  which  ants  do  not  use  for  food. 
The  European  species  of  ants  are  all  dormant  in 
the  winter,  and  consequently  require  no  food ;  and 
although  it  is  well  still  to  bear  in  mind  the  careful 
language  of  the  authors  of  Introduction  to  Ento- 
mology (ii.  46),  who  say,  "till  the  manners  of  exotio 


"  to  cut ")  was  given  to  the  ant  from  its  extreme  ten- 
uity at  the  junction  of  the  thorax  and  abdomen  ?  If 
the  term  insect  is  applicable  to  any  one  living  creature 
more  than  to  another,  it  certainly  is  to  the  ant.  Nema- 
lah is  the  exact  equivalent  to  insect.  [Since  the  above 
was  written  it  has  been  found  that  Parkhurst  —  s.  v. 

7J2  (iv.)  —  gives  a  similar  derivation.] 

b  "  Parvula  (nam  exemplo  est)  magni  formica  laborii 
Ore  trahit  quodcunque  potest,  at^jue  addit  acerv* 
Quern  struit,  baud  ignara  ac  uon  incauta  f\i> 
turi."  Hor.  Sat.  1. 1,  33. 

Cf.  also  Ovid,  Met.  vii.  624 ;  Virg.  Geor.  \.  186,  ASn 
U   4"3  •  PUn.  xi.  30 ;  .Lilian,  H  A.  u.  25,  vi.  43,  &o 


102 


ANT 


ants  are  more  accurately  explored,  it  would  be  rash 
to  afiSrm  tliat  no  ants  have  magazines  of  provis- 
ions: for  although  during  the  cold  of  our  winters 
in  this  country  they  remain  in  a  state  of  torpidity, 
and  have  no  need  of  food,  yet  in  warmer  regions 
during  the  rainy  seasons,  when  they  are  probably 
confined  to  their  nests,  a  store  of  provisions  may  be 
necessary  for  them,"  —  yet  the  obseiTations  of 
modern  naturalists  who  have  paid  considerable  at- 
tention to  this  disputed  point,  seem  almost  con- 
clusive that  ants  do  not  lay  up  food  for  future  con- 
sumption. It  is  true  that  Col.  Sykes  has  a  paper, 
vol.  ii.  of  TransactUms  of  Enlomol.  Soc.  p.  103,  on  a 
species  of  Indian  ant  which  he  calls  Aita  providens, 
BO  called  from  the  fact  of  his  having  found  a  large 
store  of  grass-seeds  in  its  nest ;  but  the  amount  of 
that  gentleman's  obsen'ations  merely  goes  to  show 
that  this  ant  carries  seeds  underground,  and  brings 
them  again  to  tlie  surface  after  they  have  got  wet 
during  the  monsoons,  apparently  to  dry.«  "  There 
is  not,"  writes  Mr.  F.  Smith,  the  author  of  the 
Catalogue  of  the  Frntniddce  in  the  British  Museum, 
in  a  letter  to  the  author  of  this  article,  "  any  evi- 
dence of  the  seeds  having  been  stored  for  food;" 
he  obsenes.  Catalogue  of  Fminicidce  (1858),  p.  180, 
that  the  processionary  ant  of  Brazil  (Qicodoma 
trphalotes)  carries  immense  quantities  of  portions 
of  leaves  into  its  underground  nests,  and  that  it 
was  supposed  that  these  leaves  were  for  food ;  but 
that  Mr.  Bates  quite  satisfied  himself  that  the  leaves 
were  for  the  purpose  of  Uning  the  channels  of  the 
nest,  and  not  for  food.  Ants  are  carnivorous  in 
their  habits  of  Uving,  and  although  they  are  fond 
of  saccharine  nuatter,  there  is  no  evidence  at  all  to 
prove  that  any  jwrtion  of  plants  ever  forms  an  article 
of  their  diet.  'I'he  fact  is,  that  ants  seem  to  de- 
light in  nmning  away  with  almost  any  thing  they 
find,  —  small  portions  of  sticks,  leaves,  Uttle  stones, 
—  as  any  one  can  testify  who  has  cared  to  watch 
the  habits  of  this  insect.  This  will  explain  the 
erroneous  opuiion  wliich  the  ancients  held  with 
respect  to  tliat  part  of  the  economy  of  tlie  ant  now 
under  consideration ;  nor  is  it,  we  think,  necessary 
to  conclude  that  the  error  originated  in  observers 
mistaking  the  cocoons  for  grains  of  corn,  to  which 
they  bear  mucli  resemblance.  It  is  scarcely  cred- 
ible that  Aristotle,  Virgil,  Horace,  <&c.,  who  all 
jpeak  of  this  insect  storing  up  grains  of  com,  should 
have  been  so  far  misled,  or  have  been  such  bad 
observers,  as  to  have  taken  the  cocoons  for  grains. 
Ants  do  carry  ofif  grains  of  com,  just  as  they  carry 
off  other  things  —  not,  however,  as  was  stated,  for 
food,  but  for  their  nests.  "They  are  great  rob- 
bers," says  Dr.  Thomson  {Land  and  Book,  p.  337), 
"  and  plunder  by  night  as  well  as  by  day,  and  the 
farmer  must  keep  a  sharp  eye  to  his  floor,  or  they 
will  abstract  a  large  quantity  of  grain  in  a  smgle 
iiight." 

It  is  right  to  state  that  a  well-known  entomol- 
ogist, the  Rev.  F.  W.  Hope,  in  a  paper  "  On  some 
doubts  respecting  the  economy  of  Ants"  {Trans. 
Fntom.  Soc.  ii.  211),  is  of  opinion  that  Col.  Sykes's 
observations  do  tend  to  show  that  there  are  species 
Df  exotic  ants  which  store  up  food  for  winter  con- 
sumption; but  it  must  be  remembered  that  Mr. 
Bates's  investigations  are  subsequent  to  the  pubh- 
sation  of  that  paper. 

A  further  point  in  the  exaniination  of  this  sub- 


ANTICflRIST 

ject  remains  to  be  considered,  which  is  tnis:  Doe« 
Scripture  assert  that  any  species  of  ant  stores  up 
food  for  future  use  ?  It  caimot,  we  thuik,  be  main- 
tained that  the  words  of  Solomon,  in  the  only  twc 
passages  where  mention  of  this  insect  is  made,  nec- 
essarily teach  this  doctrine ;  but  at  the  same  time 
it  must  be  allowed,  that  the  language  used,  anA 
more  especially  the  context  of  the  passage  in  Prov. 
XXX.  25,  do  seem  to  imply  that  such  an  opinion  was 
held  with  respect  to  the  economy  of  tliis  insect. 
"  There  are  four  things  which  are  httle  upon  thi 
earth,  but  they  are  exceedmg  wise;  the  ants  are  o 
people  not  strong,  yet  they  prepare  their  meat  in 
the  summer."  In  what  particular,  it  may  b< 
asked,  are  these  insects  so  esjjecially  noted  for  theii 
wisdom,  unless  some  allusion  is  made  to  their  sup- 
posed provident  foresight  in  "preparing  their  meal 
in  the  summer."  If  the  expression  here  usetl 
merely  has  reference  to  the  fact  that  ants  are  able 
to  provide  themselves  with  food,  how  is  their  wis- 
dom herein  more  excellent  than  the  countless  host 
of  other  minute  insects  whose  natui-al  instinct 
prompts  them  to  do  the  same  ?  If  this  question 
is  fairly  weighed  in  connection  with  the  acknowl- 
edged fact,  that  from  very  early  times  the  ancients 
attributed  storing  habits  to  the  ant,  it  will  appear 
at  least  probable  that  the  language  of  Solomon  im- 
pUes  a  similar  belief;  and  if  such  was  the  general 
opinion,  is  it  a  matter  of  surprise  that  the  wist 
man  should  select  the  ant  as  an  instance  whereon 
he  might  ground  a  lesson  of  prudence  and  fore- 
thought ? 

The  teaching  of  the  Bible  is  accommodated  tc 
the  knowledge  and  opinions  of  those  to  whom  iti 
language  is  addressed,  and  the  observations  of  nat- 
uralists, which,  as  far  as  they  go,  do  certainly  tend 
to  disprove  the  assertion  that  ants  store  up  food  foi 
future  use,  are  no  more  an  argument  against  tlie 
truth  of  the  Word  of  God  than  are  the  ascertained 
laws  of  astronomical  science,  or  the  facts  in  the 
mysteries  of  life  which  the  anatomist  or  physiolo- 
gist has  revealed. 

The  Arabians  held  the  wisdom  of  the  ant  in  such 
estimation,  that  they  used  to  place  one  of  tliese  in- 
sects in  the  hands  of  a  newly-born  infant,  repeat- 
ing these  words,  "  May  the  boy  turn  out  clever  and 
skillful."  Hence  in  Arabic,  with  the  noun  nem- 
le/i,  "an  ant,"  is  connected  the  adjective  nemil, 
"quick,"  "clever"  (Boclnirt,  Ilieroz.  Hi.  494). 
The  Talmudists,  too,  attributed  great  wisdom  to 
this  insect.  It  was,  say  they,  from  beholding  tht 
wonderful  ways  of  the  ant  tliat  the  lollowing  ex- 
pression originated :  "  Thy  justice,  O  God,  reache* 
to  the  heavens  "  ( CMin,  GS).*  Ants  live  togethei 
in  societies,  having  "  no  guide,  overseer,  or  ruler.' 
See  Latreihe's  Histaire  Naturelle  dcs  Fow-mia 
Paris,  1802;  Huber's  T7-aile  des  Mceurs  des  F 
Indig. ;  Encycl.  Brit.  8th  ed.  art.  "  Ant ;  "  Kirbj 
and  Spence,  Introd.  to  Enlom.  Ants  belong  to  th* 
family  Fwmicidoe,  and  order  Ilymtnnptera.  Tlier* 
is  not  in  the  British  Museum  a  single  specimen  of 
an  ant  from  Palestine.  W.  II. 

ANTICHRIST  (,5  oLvrlxpiffros).  The  word 
Antichrist  is  used  by  St.  John  in  his  first  and 
second  Epistles,  and  by  him  alone.  Elsewhere  it 
does  not  occur  in  Scripture.     Nevertheless,  by  an 


"  This  fact  corroborates  what  the  ancients  have 
rritten  on  this  particular  point,  who  have  recorded 
iiat  the  ant  brings  up  to  dry  in  the  sun  the  corn, 


&c.,  which  had  become  wet.     See  instances  in  L'o 
chart,  iii.  490. 

b  Our  English  word  nnt  appears  to  be  an  ubbreT" 
ation  of  the  form  emmet  (Sax.  cmimet) 


ANTICHRIST 

ilmost  universal  consent,  the  term  has  been  applied 
to  the  Man  of  Sin  of  whom  St.  Paul  speaks  in  the 
Second  i'^pistle  to  the  Thessalonians,  to  the  Little 
Horn  and  to  the  fierce-countenanced  King  of  whom 
Daniel  prophesies,  and  to  the  two  Beasts  of  the 
Apocalypse,  as  well  as  to  the  false  Christs  whose 
appearance  our  Lord  predicts  in  his  prophetic  dis- 
course on  the  Moimt  of  Olives.  Before  we  can 
arrive  at  any  clear  and  intelligent  view  of  what 
Scripture  teaclies  us  on  the  subject  of  Antichrist, 
we  must  decide  whether  this  extension  of  the  term 
is  properly  made;  whether  the  characteristics  of 
the  Antichrist  are  those  alone  with  which  St.  John 
makes  us  acquainted  in  his  Epistles,  or  whether  it 
is  his  portrait  which  is  drawn,  darker,  fuller,  and 
larger,  in  some  or  all  of  the  other  passages  to  which 
we  have  referred. 

(A. )  The  following  are  the  passages  in  Scripture 
which  ought  to  be  carefully  compared  for  the  elu- 
cidation of  our  subject:  —  I.  Matt.  xxiv.  3-31.  IL 
1  John  ii.  18-23;  iv.  1-3;  2  John  5,  7.  IIL  2 
Thess.  ii.  1-12;  1  Tun.  iv.  1-3;  2  Tim.  iii.  1-5. 
IV.  Dan.  viu.  8-25;  xi.  3G-39.  V.  Dan.  vii.  7- 
27.  VI.  Rev.  xiii.  1-8;  xvu.  1-18.  VII.  Rev. 
xiii.  11-18;  six.  11-21.  The  first  contains  the 
accomit  of  the  false  Christs  and  false  prophets  pre- 
dicted by  oiu:  Lord ;  the  second,  of  the  Antichrist 
as  depicted  by  St.  John;  the  third,  of  the  Adver- 
eaiy  of  God  as  portrayed  by  St.  Paul;  the  fourth 
and  fifth,  of  the  fierce-countenanced  Iving  and  of 
the  Little  Horn  foretold  by  Daniel;  the  sixth  and 
the  seventh,  of  the  Beast  and  the  False  Prophet  of 
the  Revelation. 

I.  The  False  Christs  and  False  Prophets  of 
Matt.  xxiv.  —  The  purpose  of  our  Lord  in  his  pro- 
phetic discourse  on  the  Mount  of  Olives  was  at 
once  to  predict  to  his  disciples  the  events  which 
would  take  place  before  the  capture  of  Jerusalem, 
and  those  which  would  precede  the  final  destruction 
of  the  world,  of  which  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  was 
the  type  and  symbol.  Accordingly,  his  teaching 
on  the  [wint  before  us  amounts  to  this,  that  (1)  in 
the  latter  days  of  Jerusalem  there  should  be  sore 
distress,  and  that  in  the  midst  of  it  there  should 
arise  impostors  who  would  claim  to  be  the  promised 
Messiah,  and  would  lead  away  many  of  their  coun- 
trymen after  them;  and  that  (2)  in  the  last  days 
of  the  world  there  should  be  a  great  tribulation 
and  persecution  of  the  saints,  and  that  there  should 
arise  at  the  same  time  false  Christs  and  false  proph- 
ets, with  an  imparalleled  power  of  leading  astray. 
In  type,  therefore,  our  I/)rd  predicted  the  rise  of 
the  several  impostors  who  excited  the  fanaticism  of 
the  Jews  before  their  fall.  In  antitype  He  predicted 
the  future  rise  of  impostors  in  the  last  days,  who 
should  beguile  all  but  the  elect  into  the  behef  of 
their  being  God's  prophets  or  even  his  Christs. 
We  find  no  direct  reference  here  to  the  Antichrist. 
Our  Ix)rd  is  not  speaking  of  any  one  individual 
'or  poUty),  but  rather  of  those  forerunners  of  the 
Antichrist  who  are  his  servants  and  actuated  by  his 
spirit.  They  are  \pev56xpt<TTOi,  and  can  deceive 
almost  the  elect,  but  they  are  not  6  avrlxpicTTos ; 
they  are  xpevdoTrpocpriTai,  and  can  show  great  signs 
»nd  wonders,  but  they  are  not  o  xl/evSoirpocpvrr). 
Rev.  xvi.  13).  However  valuable,  therefore,  the 
Urophecy  on  Mount  Olivet  is,  as  helping  us  tc  pict- 
ire  to  ourselves  the  events  of  the  Lost  days,  ix,  doei 
lot  elucidate  for  us  the  characteristics  of  the  Auti- 
ihrist,  *ud  must  not  be  allowed  to  mislead  us  as 
<hough  it  gave  information  which  it  does  not  pro- 
eea  to  give. 


ANTICHRIST  103 

II.  The  Antichrist  of  St.  .Tohn's  Epistles.  — 
The  first  teaching  with  regard  to  the  Antichrist 
and  to  the  antagonist  of  God  (whether  these  an 
the  same  or  different  we  leave  as  yet  uncertain) 
was  oral.  "Je  have  heurd  that  the  Antichrist- 
cometh,"  says  St.  John  (1  Ep.  ii.  18);  and  again, 
"  This  is  that  spirit  of  Antichrist  whereof  ye  nave 
heard  that  it  should  come"  (1  Ep.  iv.  3).  Simi- 
larly St.  Paul,  "  liemember  ye  not,  that  when  I 
was  yet  with  you  I  told  you  these  things  "  (2  Thess. 
ii.  5 )  ?  We  must  not  therefore  look  for  a  full  state- 
ment of  the  "doctrine  of  the  Antichrist"  in  the 
Apostolic  Epistles,  but  rather  for  allusions  to  some- 
thing already  known.  The  whole  of  the  teaching 
of  St.  John's  Epistle  with  regard  to  the  Antichrist 
himself  seems  to  be  confined  to  the  words  twice  re- 
peated, "  Ye  have  heard  that  the  Antichrist  shall 
come."  The  verb  ipxerai  here  employed  has  a 
special  reference,  as  used  in  Scripture,  to  the  first 
and  second  advents  of  our  Lord.  Those  whom  St. 
John  was  addressing  had  been  taught  that,  as 
Christ  was  to  come  {ipxfTai),  so  the  Antichrist  was 
to  come  likewise.  The  rest  of  the  passage  in  St. 
John  appears  to  be  rather  a  practical  application  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  Antichrist  than  a  formal  state- 
ment of  it.  He  warns  his  readers  that  the  spirit 
of  the  Antichrist  could  exist  even  then,  though  the 
coming  of  the  Antichrist  himself  was  future,  and 
that  all  who  denied  the  Messiahship  and  Sonship 
of  Jesus  were  Antichrists,  as  being  types  of  the 
final  Antichrist  who  was  to  come.  The  teaching 
of  St.  John's  Epistles  therefore  amounts  to  this, 
that  in  type,  Cerinthus,  Basilides,  Simon  Magus, 
and  those  Gnostics  who  denietl  Christ's  Sonship, 
and  all  subsequent  heretics  who  should  deny  it, 
were  Antichrists,  as  being  wanting  in  that  divine 
principle  of  love  which  with  him  is  the  essence  of 
Christianity;  and  he  points  on  to  the  final  appear- 
ance of  the  Antichrist  that  was  "  to  come  "  in  the 
last  times,  according  as  they  ha<:l  been  orally  taught, 
who  would  be  the  antitype  of  these  his  forerumiers 
and  servants. 

III.  The  Adversary  of  God  of  St.  PnuVs  Epis- 
tles. —  St.  Paul  does  not  employ  the  term  Anti- 
christ, but  there  can  be  no  hesitation  in  identifying 
his  Adversary  (5  ojrt/cefjuej'os)  of  God  with  the 
Antichrist  who  was  "  to  come."  Like  St.  John, 
he  refers  to  his  oral  teaching  on  the  subject,  but  as 
the  Thessalonians  appeared  to  have  forgotten  it, 
and  to  have  been  misled  by  some  passages  in  his 
previous  Epistle  to  them,  he  recapitulates  what  he 
had  taught  them.  Like  St.  John,  he  tells  them 
that  the  spirit  of  Antichrist  or  Antichristianism, 
called  by  him  "  the  mystery  of  iniquity,"  wa.'i 
already  working;  but  Antichrist  himself  lie  char- 
acterizes as  "the  Man  of  Sin,"  "the  Son  of  Per- 
dition," "  the  Adversary  to  all  that  is  called  God," 
"  the  one  who  lifts  himself  above  all  objects  of  wor- 
ship; "  and  assures  them  that  he  should  not  Im 
revealed  in  person  until  some  present  obstacle  to 
bis  appearance  should  have  been  taken  away,  and 
until  the  predicted  anoffracria,  should  have  oc- 
curred. 

Prom  St.  John  and  St.  Paul  together  we  leani 
(1)  that  the  Antichrist  should  come;  (2)  that  he 
should  not  come  until  a  certain  obstacle  to  his 
comuig  was  removed;  (3)  nor  till  the  time  of,  or 
rather  till  after  the  time  of  the  wwoaTaarioL'i  (4; 
that  his  characteristics  would  be  (a)  open  oppo- 
sition to  God  and  religion,  (/8)  a  claim  to  the  in- 
comnmnicable  attributes  of  God,  (-y)  iniquity,  sin, 
and  lawlessness,  (5)  a  power  of  working  lying  mil 


104  ANTICHRIST 

teles,  (f)  marvellous  capacity  of  beguiling  souls; 
(5)  tliat  he  would  be  actuated  by  Satan;  (G)  that 
his  spirit  was  already  at  work  manifesting  itself 
partially,  incompletely,  and  typically,  in  the  teach- 
ers of  infidelity  and  immorality  already  abounding 
In  the  Church. 

IV.  Th  e  Jierce-counfenanced  King  of  Daniel.  — 
This  passajte  is  universsally  acknowledged  to  be  pri- 
marily applicable  to  Antiochus  Epiphanea.  Anti- 
ochus  Epiplianes  is  recognized  as  tlie  chief  proto- 
type of  the  Antichrist.  The  prophecy  may  there- 
fore be  regarded  as  descriptive  of  the  Antichrist. 
The  point  is  fairly  argued  by  St.  Jerome:  — 
"Down  to  this  point  (Dan.  xi.  21)  the  historical 
order  is  preserved,  and  there  is  no  difference  be- 
tween l'oq)hyry  and  our  own  interpreters.  But 
all  that  ibllows  down  to  the  end  of  the  book  he 
applies  i>ersonally  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  brother 
of  Seleucus,  and  son  of  Antiochus  the  Great;  for, 
after  Seleucus,  he  reigned  eleven  years  in  Syria, 
and  possessed  Judasa;  and  in  his  reign  there  oc- 
cmred  the  i)ersecution  about  the  I^w  of  God,  and 
tlie  wars  of  the  Maccabees.  But  our  people  con- 
sider all  tliese  things  to  be  spoken  of  Antichrist, 

who  is  to  come  in  the  last  time It  is  the 

custom  of  Holy  Scripture  to  anticipate  in  tj-pes 
the  reality  of  things  to  come.  Eor  in  the  same 
way  our  Lord  and  Saviour  is  spoken  of  in  the  72d 
Psahii,  wliich  is  entitled  a  Tsalm  of  Solomon,  and 
yet  all  that  is  there  said  caiuiot  be  applied  to  Sol- 
omon. But  in  part,  and  as  in  a  shadow  and  image 
of  the  truth,  these  things  are  foretold  of  Solomon, 
to  be  more  perfectly  fulfiUetl  in  our  Lord  and  Sa- 
viour. As,  then,  in  Solomon  and  other  saints  the 
Saviour  has  types  of  His  coming,  so  Antichrist  is 
rightly  believed  to  ha\e  for  his  type  that  wicked 
king  Antiochus,  who  persecuted  the  saints  and  de- 
filed the  Temple."  (S.  I  Heron.  Op.  tom.  i.  p.  523, 
Col.  Agr.  IfJiG;  tom.  iii.  p.  1127,  Paris,  1704). 

V.  The  Little  Ihn-n  of  Daniel.  —  Hitherto  we 
have  I  een  dealing  with  a  person,  not  a  kingdom  or 
a  polity.  This  is  endent  from  St.  John's  words, 
and  still  more  evident  from  the  Epistle  to  the  Thes- 
salonians.  The  words  used  by  St.  Paul  could  not 
well  have  been  more  empiiatic,  had  he  studiously 
made  use  of  them  in  order  to  exclude  the  idea  of  a 
polity.  "  The  Man  of  Sin,"  "  the  Son  of  Perdi- 
tion," "  the  one  who  opposeth  himself  to  God,"  "  the 
one  who  exalteth  himself  above  God,"  "the  one 
who  represents  himself  as  God,"  "the  wicked  one 
who  was  to  come  with  Satanic  power  and  lying 
wonders:"  if  words  have  a  meaning,  these  words 
designate  an  individual.  But  when  we  come  to 
DaniePs  proi)hecy  of  the  Little  Horn  this  is  all 
changetl.  ^\'e  there  read  of  four  beasts,  which 
are  explained  as  four  kings,  by  which  expression  is 
meant  four  kingdoms  or  empires.  These  kingdoms 
represented  by  the  four  beasts  are  undoubtedly  the 
Assyrian  empire,  the  Persian  empire,  the  Grecian 
empire,  and  the  Homan  empire.  The  Koman  Em- 
pire is  described  a,s  breaking  up  into  ten  kingdoms, 
amongst  wliich  there  grows  up  another  kingdom 
which  gets  the  mastery  over  nearly  a  third  of  them 
(three  out  of  ten).  This  kingdom,  or  polity,  is 
the  little  horn  of  the  fourth  beast,  before  which 
three  of  the  first  ten  horns  are  plucked  up.  If  the 
four  "kin<;s"  (vii.  17)  represented  by  the  four 
feasts  are  really  empires,  if  the  ten  "  kings  "  (>'ii. 
J4)  are  monarchies  or  nationalities,  then  the  other 
"king"  wiio  rises  after  them  is,  in  like  manner, 
lot  an  individu:il  but  a  polity.     It  follows  that  the 

Little  Horn  "  of  Daniel  caimot  be  identified  with 


ANTICHRIST 

the  Antichrist  of  St.  Jonn  and  St.  Paul.  Th« 
former  is  a  polity,  the  latter  is  an  individual. 

VI.  The  Ajmcdlijptic  Beast  of  <S'<.  JoJiii  —  A 
further  consequence  Ibllows.  For  tlie  Beiist  c  f  th« 
Apocalypse  is  clearly  identical  with  the  Little  Hon: 
of  Daniel.  The  Beast  whose  power  is  alisorbed 
into  the  Little  Honi  luis  ton  horns  (Dan.  vii.  7J 
and  rises  from  the  sea  (Dan.  vii.  3):  the  Adota- 
lyptic  Beast  has  ten  horns  (Hev.  xiii.  1)  and  rises 
fh)m  the  sea  {ihU.).  The  little  Horn  has  a  mouth 
speaking  great  things  (Dan.  vii.  8,  11,  20);  the 
Apocalyptic  Beast  has  a  mouth  8|)eiiJ{ing  great 
things  (Kev.  xiii.  5).  The  Little  Horn  makes  war 
with  the  saints,  and  prevails  (Dan.  vii.  21):  tlie 
Apocalyptic  Beast  makes  war  mth  the  saints,  and 
overcomes  them  (Kev.  xiii.  7).  The  Little  Horn 
speaks  great  words  against  the  Jlost  High  (Dan. 
vii.  25):  the  Apocalyptic  Beast  oi)ens  his  mouth 
in  blasphemy  against  God  (IJev.  xiii.  G).  'I"he 
Little  Horn  wears  out  the  saints  of  the  Most  High 
(Dan.  vii.  25):  the  woman  who  rides  on,  i.  e.  di- 
rects, the  Apocalj-ptic  Beast,  is  drunken  with  the 
blood  of  saints  (Hev.  xvii.  6).  The  j)ersecution  of 
the  Little  Horn  is  to  last  a  time  and  times  and  a 
dividuig  of  times,  /.  e.  three  and  a  half  times 
(Dan.  vii.  25):  power  is  given  io  the  Apocalj-ptic 
Beast  for  forty-two  months,  i.  e.  tliree  and  a  half 
times  (Rev  xiii.  5).  These  and  other  parallelisms 
cannot  be  accidental.  Whatever  was  meant  by 
Daniel's  Little  Horn  must  be  also  meant  Iiy  St. 
John's  Beast.  Therefore  St.  John's  Beast  is  not 
the  Antichrist.  It  is  not  an  individual  like  the 
Antichrist  of  St.  John's  and  St.  Paul's  Epistles, 
but  a  polity  Uke  the  Little  Horn  of  Daniel. 

But,  though  not  identical,  it  is  quite  evident, 
and  it  has  been  always  recognizetl,  that  tlie  Anti- 
christ of  the  Epistles  and  the  Bea.st  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse have  some  relation  to  each  other.  A\'liat  is 
this  relation?  and  in  what  relation  to  both  does 
the  second  Apocalyptic  Beast  or  Ealse  Prophet 
stand  ?  To  answer  this  question  we  must  examine 
the  imagery  of  the  Apocalypse.  Shortly  stated, 
it  is,  so  far  as  concerns  ov.r  present  purpose,  as 
follows.  The  church  is  represented  (l>ev.  xii.)  as 
a  woman  bringing  forth  children  to  Christ,  perse- 
cuted by  Satan,  and  compelled  to  fly  from  him  into 
the  wilderness,  where  she  remains  for  12(i()  days, 
or  three  and  a  half  times.  Satan,  being  unable  to 
destroy  the  woman,  sets  himself  to  make  war  witJi 
her  seed  (xii.  17).  At  this  time  the  Beast  arises 
from  the  sea,  and  Satan  gives  to  him  his  power, 
and  his  seat,  and  great  authority.  The  length  of 
time  during  which  the  I5east  prevails  is  three  and 
a  half  times,  the  same  period  as  that  during  which 
the  suflferings  of  the  woman  last.  During  a  cer- 
tain part  of  tins  three  and  a  half  times  the  Beast 
takes  upon  its  back,  as  its  guide  and  rider,  a  liar- 
lot,  by  whom,  as  it  is  explained,  is  figured  "  that 
great  city  which  reigneth  over  the  kings  of  the 
earth"  (Rev.  xvii.  18)  from  her  seven  hills  (xvii. 
9).  After  a  time  Babylon  the  harlot-rider  falls 
(ch.  xviii.),  but  the  Beast  on  whom  slie  had  ridden 
still  survives,  and  is  finally  destroyed  at  the  glori- 
ous  coming  of  Christ  (xix.  20). 

Can  we  harmonize  this  picture  with  the  predic- 
tion of  St.  Paul,  always  recolliH-ting  that  his  Man 
of  Sin  is  an  indiridual,  and  that  the  Apooalj'ptic 
Beast  is  a  polity  ? 

As  we  have  here  reached  that  which  congtitutei 
the  great  difficulty  in  mastering  the  conception  of 
the  Antichrist  as  revealed  l)y  tlie  iiisjiircd  writfTs 
we  shall  now  turn  from  the  t^ext  >>i  Scriptuie  U 


ANTICHRIST 

,he  coniiiients  of  annotators  and  essayists  to  see 
what  assistance  we  can  derive  Iron;  them.  We 
ihall  then  resume  the  consideration  of  the  Script- 
ural passages  at  the  point  at  which  we  now  leave 
them.  We  shall  classify  the  opinions  which  have 
been  held  on  the  Antichrist  according  as  he  is  re- 
garded as  an  individual,  or  as  a  polity,  or  as  a 
principle.  The  individu  Jists,  again,  must  be  sub- 
divided, according  as  they  represent  him  as  one  to 
come  or  as  one  already  come.  We  have,  therefore, 
four  cla.sses  of  \vriters  on  the  Antichrist:  —  (1) 
tliose  who  regard  him  as  an  individual  yet  future ; 
(2)  those  who  regard  him  as  a  polity  now  present; 
(H)  those  who  regard  him  as  an  individual  already 
[Kist  away;  (4)  those  who  consider  that  nothing  is 
meant  beyond  antichristian  and  lawless  principle, 
not  embodied  either  m  an  hidividual  or  in  a  special 
pohty. 

1.  The  first  opinion  held  in  the  Church  was 
that  the  Antichrist  was  a  real  person  who  would 
appear  in  the  world  when  the  time  of  his  appear- 
ance was  come.  The  only  point  on  which  any 
question  arose  was,  whether  he  should  be  a  man 
armed  with  Satanic  powers  or  Satan  himself.  That 
he  would  be  a  man  armed  with  satanic  powers  is 
the  opinion  of  Justin  iMart^T,  a.  d.  103  (Dial. 
J71,  20,  21,  Thirlhii,  1722);  of  Irenseus,  A.  d. 
140  iOp.  V.  25,  «7,  Grabii,  1702);  of  Tertul- 
Uan,  A.  D.  150  {De  Res.  Cam.  c.  24;  Apol.  c. 
32);  of  Origen,  a.  ».  184  (Op.  i.  GG7,  Delarue, 
1733);  of  his  contemjwrary,  llippolytus  (De  Anti- 
christo,  57,  Fabricii,  Hamburgi,  1716);  of  Cyprian, 
A.  D.  250  (A>.  58;  Op.  120,  Oxon.  1G82);  of 
Victorinus,  a.  d.  270  (hiOl.  Pad:  Magna,  iii.  p. 
136,  Col.  Agrip.  1618);  of  Lactantius,  A.  v.  300 
{Div.  Inst.  vii.  17)  of  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  A.  d. 
315  {Catech.  xv.  4);  of  Jei-ome,  A.  d.  330  ((9,0.  iv. 
pars  i.  20:),  I'arisiis,  16iJ3);  of  Chrysostom,  a.  d. 
347  {Comm.  in  11.  Tln:.<s.);  of  Hilary  of  Poictiers 
A.  D.  350  (Comm.  in  Matt.);  of  Augustine,  A.  d. 
354  {De  Civit.  Dti,  xx.  19);  of  Ambrose,  A.  i). 
380  {Comm.  in  Luc.)."  The  authors  of  the  Sibyl- 
line Oracles,  A.  d.  150,  and  of  the  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions, Celsus  (see  Orif/.  c.  Cels.  lib.  vi.),  Eph- 
rem  Syrus,  A.  D.  370,  Theodoret,  A.  n.  430,  and  a 
few  other  writers  seem  to  have  regarded  the  Anti- 
christ as  the  Devil  himself  nither  than  as  bis  min- 
ister or  an  emanation  from  him.  But  they  may, 
perhaps,  have  meant  no  more  than  to  express  the 
identity  of  his  cliaracter  and  his  power  with  that 
of  Satan.  Each  of  the  writers  to  whom  we  have 
referred  gives  his  own  judgnjent  with  respect  to 
gome  particulars  which  may  be  expected  in  the  An- 
tichrist, whilst  they  all  agree  in  representing  him 
as  a  person  about  to  come  sliortly  before  the  glori- 
ous and  final  appearance  of  Christ,  and  to  be  de- 
stroyed by  His  presence.  Justin  Mart}T  speaks  of 
him  as  the  man  of  the  apostasy,  and  dwells  chiefly 
an  the  persecutions  which  he  would  cause.  Irenaeus 
describes  him  as  summing  up  the  apostasy  in  him- 
self; as  having  his  seat  at  Jerusalem ;  as  identical 
with  the  Ajwcal^-ptic  Beast  (e.  28);  as  foreshad- 
owed by  the  unjust  judge;  as  being  the  man  who 
should  come  in  his  own  name;  "  and  as  belonging 
o  the  tribe  of  Dan  (c.  30).  Tertullian  identifies 
\ua  with  the  Beast,  and  supposes  him  to  be  about 
A>  arise  on  the  fall  of  the  Homan  Empire  {De  Res. 


ANTICHRIST 


lOcl 


a  *  The  dates  here  friven  in  connection  witti  the 
.araes  of  many  of  the  Christian  fathers  are  likely  to 
•nisle-id  the  rejider.  In  the  case  of  Justin  Martyr, 
'rens'us,  Tertullian,  Orijjen,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Je- 


Carn.  c.  25).  Origen  describes  him  in  Eastern 
phrase  as  the  child  of  tihe  Devil  and  the  counterpart 
of  (.Christ,  llippolytus.  understands  the  Roman  em. 
pire  to  be  re])reseiitert  by  tJie  Apocalyi)tic  Iteast 
and  the  Antichrist  by  the  False  l^rophet  who  would 
restore  the  wounded  Beast  by  his  craft  and  by  the 
wisdom  of  his  laws.  Cyprian  sees  him  typified  in 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  {Ivxiiort.  ad  if  art.  c.  11). 
Victorinus,  with  several  others  —  misunderstanding 
St.  Paul's  expression  that  the  mystery  of  iniquity 
was  in  his  day  working  —  supposes  that  the  Anti- 
christ will  be  a  revivified  hero;  I^actantius  that  he 
will  be  a  king  of  Syria,  born  of  an  evil  spirit;  Cyril 
that  he  will  be  a  magician,  who  by  his  arts  v/ill  get 
the  mastery  of  the  Homan  enii)ire.  Jerome  de- 
scribes him  as  the  son  of  the  Devil  sitting  in  the 
Church  a.s  though  he  were  the  Son  of  God ;  Chrys- 
ostom as  a.vTidt6i  Tis  sitting  in  tiie  Temple  of 
God,  that  is,  in  all  the  churches,  not  merely  in  the 
Temple  at  Jerusalem;  St.  Augustine  as  the  adver- 
sary holding  power  for  thre«  and  a  half  years  — 
the  Beast,  perhaps,  representing  Satan's  empire. 
The  primitive  teUef  may  be  summed  up  m  the 
words  of  St.  Jerome.  In  his  Conunentary  on 
Daniel  he  writes  —  "  I^t  us  say  that  which  all 
ecclesiastical  writers  have  handed  down,  viz.,  that 
at  the  end  of  the  world,  when  the  Boman  empire 
is  to  be  destroyed,  there  will  be  ten  kings  who  will 
divide  the  Koman  world  amongst  them ;  and  there 
will  aris^  an  eleventh  little  king,  who  will  subdue 
three  of  the  ten  kings,  that  is,  the  king  of  Egypt, 
of  Africa,  and  of  Ethiopia,  as  we  shall  hereafter 
show.  And  on  these  having  been  slain,  the  seven 
other  kings  will  also  submit.  'And  behold,'  he 
says,  '  in  the  ram  were  the  eyes  of  a  man.'  This 
is  that  we  may  not  suppose  him  to  Ije  a  devil  or  a 
demon,  as  some  have  thought,  but  a  man  in  whom 
Satan  will  dwell  utterly  and  bodily.  '  And  a  mouth 
speaking  great  things,'  for  he  is  '  the  man  of  sin, 
the  son  of  perdition,  who  sitteth  in  the  temple 
of  God,  making  himself  as  Gotl '  "  ( Op.  vol.  iv.  p. 
511,  Col.  Agrip.  1616).  In  his  Comment,  on  Dan. 
xi.,  and  in  his  reply  to  Algasia's  eleventh  question, 
he  works  out  the  same  view  in  greater  detail.  The 
same  line  of  interpretation  continued.  Andreas  of 
Csesarea,  a.  d.  550,  explains  him  to  be  a  king  act- 
uated by  Satan,  who  will  reunite  the  old  Roman 
empire  and  reign  at  Jerusalem  ( In  A/x>c.  c.  xiii. ) ; 
Aretas,  a.  d.  650,  as  a  king  of  the  Romans  who 
will  reign  over  the  Saracens  in  Bagdad  ( /n  Apoc. 
c.  xiii.);  John  Dama.scene,  A.  v.  800  [fl.  730], 
repeats  the  primitive  belief  ( Oiih.  Fid.  1.  iv.  c.  26), 
Adso,  A.  i>.  950  [980],  says  that  a  Frank  king  will 
reunite  the  Roman  empire,  and  that  he  will  abdicate 
on  Mount  Olivet,  and  that,  on  tlie  dissolution  of  his 
kingdom,  the  Antichrist  will  be  revealed.  The 
same  writer  supposes  that  he  will  be  born  in  Baby- 
lon, that  he  will  be  educated  at  liethsaida  and  Cho- 
razin,  and  that  he  will  proclaim  himself  the  Sou 
of  God  at  Jerusalem  (Tract,  in  Antichr.  npud  Au- 
gust.  Opera,  tom.  ix.  p.  454,  Paris,  1637).  The- 
ophylact,  A.  D.  1070,  sjwaks  of  him  as  a  man  who 
will  carry  Satan  about  with  him.  All)ert  ihe  Great, 
Cardinal  Hugo,  and  Alexander  de  Hales  repeat  the 
received  tradition  in  the  thirteenth  century.  Sc 
also  Thomas  Aquinas,  A.  D.  1260,  who  recurs  to 
the  tradition  with  regard  to  the  birth  of  Antichrist 

rom«  Chrysostom,  and  Augustine,  they  denote  tha 
supposed  time  of  their  birth ;  in  the  case  of  the  other* 
mentioned  above  and  below,  they  represent  the  tims 
■vhsn  t\iey  flourished,  A. 


106 


ANTICHRIST 


tt  P.al)yloii.  saying  that  he  will  be  instructed  in 
the  Mai;i:ni  philosophy,  and  tliat  his  doctrine  and 
miracles  will  be  a  parody  of  those  of  the  Lamb. 
The  received  opiraon  of  the  twelftli  century  is 
brought  before  us  in  a  striking  and  dramatic  man- 
ner at  tlie  interview  between  King  Kichard  I.  and 
the  Abbot  Joachim  at  Messina,  as  the  king  was  on 
his  way  to  tlie  Holy  Land.  "  I  thought,"  said  the 
king,  "  that  Antichrist  would  be  l)Orn  in  Antioch 
or  in  liibylon,  and  of  the  tribe  of  Dan;  and  would 
reign  in  the  temple  of  the  Lord  in  Jerusalem;  and 
would  walk  in  that  land  in  which  Christ  w;ilked ; 
and  woidd  rciirii  in  it  for  tiiix-e  years  and  a  half; 
and  would  dis])ute  against  Llijah  and  Enoch,  and 
would  kill  them;  and  would  afterwards  die;  and 
that  after  his  de;ith  Gotl  would  give  sixty  days  of 
repentance,  in  which  those  might  repent  which 
Bhould  have  erred  from  the  way  of  truth,  and  have 
l)eeii  seduced  by  the  ])reac]ung  of  Antichrist  and 
his  false  prophets."  This  seems  to  have  been  the 
view  deleudetl  by  the  archbishops  of  Kouen  and 
Au.xen-e  and  by  the  bisliop  of  IJayonne,  who  were 
present  at  the  interview;  but  it  was  not  Joachim's 
opinion.  lie  n-auitained  the  seven  heads  of  the 
Heast  to  be  Herod,  Nero,  C'onstantius,  Mohammed, 
Melsenuit,  who  were  pa,st ;  Sahtdin,  who  was  then 
living;  and  Antichrist,  who  was  shortly  to  come, 
being  already  l)()rn  in  the  city  of  Kome,  and  about 
to  be  elcvatetl  to  the  .\])ostolic  See  (Hoger  dc  4o\e- 
den  iu  Rkhard  I.,  anno  J1'J0).«  In  his  own  wont 
on  the  Apocal_\-j)se  Joachim  sj>eaks  of  the  second 
Apocalyptic  beast  as  being  governed  by  "  .some 
great  prelate  who  will  be  like  iSimon  Magus,  and  as 
it  were  iniiversal  ])ontitf'  throughout  the  world,  and 
be  that  very  Antichrist  of  wliom  St.  Paul  speaks." 
These  are  ^•el•y  noticeable  words.  Gregory  L  had 
long  since  (a.  d.  590)  declaretl  that  any  man  who 
held  even  the  shadow  of  the  jwwer  which  the  popes 
of  Kome  soon  after  his  time  arrogated  to  themselves, 
would  be  the  precursor  of  Antichrist.  Arnulphus 
bishop  of  Orleans  (or  perhaps  Gerbert),  in  an  invec- 
tive against  John  XV.  at  the  Council  of  Kheims,  A. 
n.  991,  had  declared  tliat  if  the  Koman  pontiff  was 
destitute  of  charity  and  puffed  up  with  knowledge, 
he  was  Antichrist  —  if  destitute  both  of  charity  and 
of  knowledge,  that  he  was  a  lifeless  stone  (Mansi, 
torn.  ix.  p.  132,  Yen.  1774);  but  Joachim  is  the 
firet  to  suggest,  not  that  such  and  such  a  j)ontift" 
was  Anticlu'ist,  but  that  the  Antichrist  would  be  a 
Univers'dh  Pcmlifax,  and  that  he  would  occupy 
the  Aiwstolic  See.  Still,  however,  we  have  no  hint 
of  an  order  or  succession  of  men  being  the  Anti- 
christ. It  is  an  actual,  living,  individual  man  that 
Joachim  contemplates. 

The  master  had  said  that  a  Pope  would  be  the 
.\nticlirist;  his  followers  began  to  whisper  that  it 
was  the  Pope.  Amalric,  professor  of  logic  and 
theology  at  Paris  at  the  end  of  the  12th  century, 
api)ears  to  have  been  the  first  to  have  put  forth  the 
idea.  It  was  taken  up  by  three  different  classes ; 
by  the  moralists,  who  were  scandalized  at  the  laxity 
of  the  Pai)al  (Jourt;  by  the  Imperialists,  in  their 
temporal  straggle  with  the  Papacy;  and,  perhaps 
indei)endently,  by  the  Waldenses  and  their  followers 
in  their  spiritual  struggle.     Of  the  first  class  we 


«  The  Bollandista  reject  the  story  of  this  interview 
IS  an  invention.  ]t  has  also  been  suggested  (see 
U.  Stuart)  that  Joachim's  works  have  been  inter- 
oolated. 

O  "  K  esser  mot  avisa,  cant  Tcnre  1'  Antexrist, 
Que  uos  non  creau,  ui  a  son  fait,  ni  a  son  dit : 


ANTICHRIST 

may  find  ex.amples  in  the  Franciscan  enthus'iaatw 
Peter  John  of  Ohvi,  Telesphorus,  Ubeitinus,  and 
John  of  Paris,  wjio  saw  a  mystic  Antichrist  at 
Home,  and  looked  forward  to  a  real  Antichrist  in 
the  future;  and  again  in  such  men  as  Grostete 
whom  we  find  asking,  as  in  despair,  whether  the 
name  of  Antichrist  has  not  been  earned  by  the 
Pope  (Matt.  Par.  in  An.  12.53,  p.  875,  1C40).  Of 
the  second  cla.ss  we  may  take  Kberhard  archbishop 
of  Salzburg  as  a  specimen,  who  denounces  Ililde- 
brand  as  "  having,  iu  the  name  of  religion,  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  kuigdom  of  Antichrist  170 
j'ears  before  his  time."  He  can  even  name  the 
ten  bonis.  They  are  the  "  Turks,  Greeks,  Egyp- 
tians, Africans,  Spaniai-ds,  French,  I^nglish,  Ger- 
mans, Sicilians,  and  Italians,  who  now  occupy  the 
provinces  of  Pome;  and  a  little  horn  has  grown 
up  with  eyes  and  mouth,  speaking  great  thiug.'i, 
which  is  reducinir  three  of  these  kingdoms  —  f.  c. 
Sicily,  Italy,  and  Gennany  —  to  subserviency,  is 
persecuting  the  people  of  Christ  and  the  saints  of 
God  with  intolerable  o])position,  is  confb'inding 
things  human  and  divine,  and  attempting  things 
unutterable,  execrable"  (Aventinus,  Amuil.  lioi- 
oi-um,  p  051,  Lips.  1710).  The  Waldenses  eagerly 
grasped  at  the  s;ime  notion,  and  from  that  time  >t 
has  never  been  lost  sight  of.  Thus  we  slide  from 
the  individualist  view,  which  was  held  unanimously 
in  the  Church  for  upwards  of  a  thousand  years,  to 
the  notion  of  a  polity,  or  a  succession  of  rulers  of 
a  poUty,  that  polity  being  the  Church  of  liome. 
The  hitherto  received  opinion  now  vanishes,  and 
does  not  ap])ear  again  until  the  excesses  and  ex- 
travagances of  the  new  opinion  jiroduced  a  reaction 
against  itself. 

2.  The  A\'aldenses  also  at  lirst  regarded  the 
.\ntichrist  as  an  individual.  The  "  Noide  Lesson," 
written  in  the  12th  century,  teaches  the  expecta- 
tion of  a  future  and  personal  Antichrist;''  but  the 
Waldensian  treatise  of  Antichrist  in  the  Hth  cent- 
ury identifies  Antichrist,  Babylon,  the  Fourth 
Peast,  the  Harlot,  and  the  JIan  of  Sin,  with  tlie 
system  of  Popery.  Wickliffites  and  Hussites  held 
the  same  language.  Lord  Cobliam  declared  at  his 
trial  that  the  I'oyte  was  Antichrist's  head  (Hede's 
K'wA'.s-,  p.  38,  Cambridge,  1841)).  AValter  Prute, 
brought  before  the  Pishop's  Court  at  Hereford  at 
the  end  of  the  14th  century,  pronounced  the  Anti- 
christ to  be  "  the  high  Pishop  of  Pome  calling  him- 
self (jod's  servant  and  Christ's  chief  vicar  in  this 
world"  (Foxe,  iii.  131,  Lond.  1844).  Thus  we 
reach  the  L'eformation.  ^\'alte^  Bnite  (a.  d 
1393),  liulUnger  (1504),  Chytrwus  (1571),  Aretirs 
(1573),  Foxe  (1580),  Napier  (1593),  Mede  (1032; 
Jurieu  (1085),  Pp.  Newton  (1750),  Cunninghame 
(1813),  Faber,  (1814),  Woodhouse  (1828),  Ila- 
bershou  (1843).  identify  the  False  Prophet,  or 
Second  Apocalyptic  Peast,  with  Antichrist  and  with 
the  Papacy;  Miu-lonit  (a.  i>.  1574),  King  James  1. 
(1003),  Daubuz  (1720),  Galloway  (1802),  the 
First  Apocalyptic  Peist ;  Prightman  (a.  d.  1000), 
Parens  (1015),  Vitringa  (1705),  Gill  (1776), 
Bachmair  (1778),  Eraser  (1795),  Croly  (1828), 
Fysh  (1837),  EUiott  (1844),  both  the  Beasts. 
That  the  Pope  and  his  system  are  Antichrist,  wa» 


Car,  segont  I'escriptura,  son  ara  fait  niotl  Antexrist : 
Car  Antexrist  son  tuit  aquilli  que  contraatan  a  Xrist.'' 

La  Nob!a  Leyezoti,  1.  457.     See  Raynouard's  Choii 

des  Poesies  Originalea  rits  Troubadours,  ii.  100;  .\pp 
iii.  to  vol.  ili.  of  Elliott's  Hnr/r.  Apocaiyptkrr,  Ixini 
1846 ;  Hallam's  Lit.  Europe,  i.  28  (note),  LonU.  1856 


ANTICHRIST 

taught  by  Luther,  Calvin,  Zwingli,  Melancthon,  i 
Bucer,  Beza,  Calixtus,  Bengel,  Michaelis,  and  by  ' 
ilniost  all  I'lotesUint  writers  on  the  Continent. ! 
Nor  was  there  any  hesitation  on  the  part  of  Eng- 
lish theologians  to  seize  the  same  weapon  of  offense. 
Up.  Bale  (a.  d.  14'J1),  like  Luther,  Bucer,  and 
Melancthon,  pronounces  the  Pope  in  Europe  and 
Mohammed  hi  Africa  to  be  Antichrist.  The  Pope 
is  Antichrist,  say  Cranmer  ( Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  46, 
Camb.  1844),  Latimer  ( Works,  vol.  i.  p.  149, 
Camb.  1844),  Ridley  {Wwks,  p.  53,  Camb.  1841), 
Hooper  ( W(/rks,  vol.  ii.  p.  44,  Camb.  1852), 
Hutchinson  (  Works,  p.  304,  Camb.  1842),  Tyn- 
dale  (  Worh,  vol.  i.  p.  147,  Camb.  1848),  Sandys 
(  Works,  p.  11,  Camb.  1841),  PhUpot  ( Works,  p. 
152,  Camb.  1842),  Jewell  ( Works,  vol.  i.  p.  lOS), 
Camb.  1845),  Rogers  (  Works,  p.  182,  Camb.  1854), 
InUke  ( Works,  vol.  u.  p.  269,  Camb.  1848),  Brad- 
ford ( Works,  p.  435,  Camb.  1848).  Nor  is  the 
opuiion  confined  to  these  IGth  century  divines, 
who  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  specially  in- 
censed against  Popery.  King  James  held  it  {Apol. 
pro  Jurnm.  Fidel.  London,  1609),  as  strongly  as 
Queen  Elizabeth  (see  Jewell,  Letter  to  Bulling.  May 
22,  1559,  Zurich  Letters,  First  Series,  p.  33, 
Camb.  1842);  and  the  theologians  of  the  17th 
century  did  not  repudiate  it,  though  they  less  and 
less  dwelt  upon  it  as  their  struggle  came  to  be  with 
Puritanism  in  place  of  Popery.  Bp.  Andrewes 
maintains  it  as  a  probable  conclusion  from  the 
Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  (Resp.  ad  Bellarm.  p. 
304,  Oxon.  1851);  but  he  carefully  explains  that 
King  James,  whom  he  was  defending,  had  expressed 
his  private  opinion,  not  the  belief  of  the  Church, 
on  the  subject  {ilnd.  \>.  23).  BramhaU  introduces 
l.Miitations  and  distiintions  (  Works,  iii.  520,  Oxf. 
1S45);  significantly  suggests  that  there  are  marks 
of  Antichrist  which  apply  to  the  General  Assembly 
of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  iis  much  as  to  the  Pope  or 
to  the  Turk  {ib.  iii.  287) ;  and  declines  to  make  tlie 
Church  of  England  responsible  for  what  individual 
preachers  or  writers  had  said  on  the  subject  in 
moments  of  exasperation  (*Vj.  ii.  582).  From  tliis 
time  forward  the  Papal-Antichrist  theory  is  not  to 
be  found  in  any  theologians  of  name  in  the  Eng- 
lish Church,  nor  indeed  in  the  sixteenth  century 
does  it  seem  to  have  taken  root  in  England.  Hard 
names  were  bandied  about,  and  the  hardest  of  ail 
being  Antichrist,  it  was  not  neglected.  But  the 
idea  of  the  Pope  being  the  Antichrist  was  not  the 
idea  of  the  English  Reformation,  nor  was  it  ever 
applied  to  the  Pope  in  his  Patriarchal  or  Archi- 
episcopal,  but  solely  in  his  distmctively  Papal  char- 
acter. 15ut  the  more  that  the  sober  and  learned 
divines  of  the  seventeenth  century  gave  up  this 
application  of  the  term,  the  more  violently  it  was 
msisted  upon  by  men  of  httle  charity  and  con- 
iracted  views.  A  string  of  writers  followed  each 
Dther  in  succession,  who  added  nothing  to  the  inter- 
pretation of  prophecy,  but  found  each  the  creation 
of  his  own  brain  in  the  sacred  book  of  the  liev- 
dation,  grouping  history  in  any  arbitrary  niAnner 
that  they  chose  around  the  central  figure  of  the 
Papal  Antichrist. 

3.  A  reaction  followed.  Some  returned  to  the 
uicient  idea  of  a  future  individual  Antichrist,  as 
I>acmiza  or  Benezra  (a.  d.  1810),  Burgh,  Samufe 
Maitland.  Newman  (Tracts  for  the  Times,  No 
S3),  Charles  Maitland  {Prophetic  Interpretation). 
Others  prefeired  looking  upon  him  as  long  past. 
Mid  fixed  upon  one  or  another  persecutor  or  heresi- 
ircb  as  Ihe  man  ui  whom  the  predictions  as  to 


ANTICHRIST 


107 


Antichrist  found  their  fulfiUment.  There  seems  tc 
be  no  trace  of  this  idea  for  more  than  1600  yean 
in  the  Church.  But  it  ha.s  been  taken  up  by  two 
opposite  classes  of  expounders,  by  Romanists  who 
were  anxious  to  avert  the  application  of  the  Apoc- 
alyptic prophecies  from  the  i'apacy,  and  by  others, 
who  were  disposed,  not  indeed  to  deny  tjie  pro 
phetic  import  of  the  Apocalypse,  but  to  confine  the 
seer's  ken  within  the  closest  and  narrowest  limits 
that  were  possible.  Alcasar,  a  Spanish  Jesu-.t. 
taking  a  hint  from  Victorinus,  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  (a.  d.  1604)  to  have  suggested  that  the 
Apocalyptic  prophecies  did  not  extend  further  thai; 
to  the  overthrow  of  Paganism  by  Constantuie. 
This  view,  with  variations  by  Grotius,  is  taken  up 
and  expounded  by  Bossuet,  Calmet,  I)e  Sacy,  Eich- 
horn.  Hug,  Herder,  Ewald,  Moses  Stuart,  David- 
son. The  general  view  of  the  school  is  that  the 
Apocalypse  describes  the  triumph  of  Christianity 
over  Judaism  in  the  first,  and  over  Heathenism  in 
the  third  century.  Mariana  sees  Antichrist  in 
Nero;  Bossuet  in  Diocletian  and  in  JuUan;  Gro- 
tius in  Caligula ;  Wetstein  in  Titus ;  Hammond  in 
Simon  Magus  (  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  620,  I^nd.  1631); 
Whitby  in  the  Jews  (Comm.  vol.  ii.  p.  431,  Lond. 
1760);  Le  Clerc  in  Simon,  son  of  Giora,  a  leader 
of  the  rebel  Jews;  Schcittgen  in  the  Pharisees; 
NiJsselt  and  Krause  in  the  Jewish  zealots;  Harduin 
in  the  High  Priest  Ananias;  F.  D.  Maurice  in 
Vit«Uiu»  {On  the  Apocalypse,  Camb.  1860). 

4.  The  same  spirit  that  refuses  to  regard  Satan 
as  an  individual,  naturally  looks  ujwn  the  Anti- 
christ as  an  evil  prhiciple  not  embodied  either  in  a 
person  or  in  a  polity.  ITius  Koppe,  Storr,  Nitzsch, 
Pelt.     (See  Alford,  Gk.  Test.  iii.  69.) 

We  do  not  gain  much  by  a  review  of  the  opin- 
ions of  the  commentators.  In  the  case  of  prophecy, 
partially  at  least  unfulfilled,  little  is  to  be  expected. 
Of  the  four  opinions  which  we  have  exhibited,  the 
last  is  in  accordance  neither  with  St.  Paul  nor  St. 
John,  for  St.  Paul  describes  the  Adversary  as  being 
distinctly  a  man;  St.  John  speaks  of  the  coming 
of  Antichrist  in  terms  similar  to  those  used  for  the 
coming  of  Christ,  and  describes  Antichristianism 
as  rb  Tov  a.vTixpio'Tov,  thereby  showing  that  Anti- 
christianism is  Antichristianism  because  it  is  the 
spirit  of  the  concrete  Antichrist.  The  third  opin- 
ion is  plaiidy  refuted  by  the  fact  that  the  persons 
fixed  upon  as  the  Antichrist  have  severally  passed 
away,  but  Christ's  glorious  presence,  which  is  un- 
mediately  to  succeed  the  Antichrist,  has  not  yet 
been  vouchsafed.  The  majority  of  those  who 
maintain  the  second  opinion  are  shown  to  be  in 
the  WTong  because  they  represent  as  a  polity  what 
St.  Paul  distinctly  describes  as  a  man.  The  ma- 
jority of  those  who  hold  the  first  opinion  are  in 
hke  manner  shown  to  be  in  the  wrong,  because  they 
represent  as  an  individual  what  the  Apocalypse  de- 
monstrably pictures  as  a  polity.  We  are  unablj; 
to  follow  any  one  interpreter  or  any  one  school  of 
interpreters.  The  opinions  of  the  two  last  schools, 
we  are  able  to  see,  are  wholly  false.  The  two  first 
appear  to  contain  the  truth  between  them,  but  sc 
divided  as  to  be  untrue  in  the  mouth  of  almost  any 
individual  expositor  who  has  entered  into  details. 
We  return  to  Scripture. 

St.  Paul  says  that  there  are  two  things  which 
are  to  precede  the  Day  of  Chnst,  the  awoa-Taa-io 
and  the  revelation  of  the  Adversary,  but  he  do?s 
not  say  that  these  two  things  are  contemporarj . 
On  the  contrary,  though  he  does  not  directly  ex- 
press it,  he  implies  that  there  was  to  be  a  succesaior 


108  ANTICHRIST 

»f  events.  First,  it  would  seem,  an  unnamed  and 
to  us  unknown  obstacle  has  to  be  removed:  then 
was  to  follow  the  "  Ajjostasy;  "  after  this,  the  Ad- 
versary was  to  arise,  and  then  was  to  come  his  de- 
struction. We  need  hardly  say  that  the  word 
"apostasy,"  as  ordinai-ily  used,  does  not  give  the 
exact  nieajiing  of  rj  airoffTacria.  The  A.  V.  has 
most  correctly  rendered  the  orijjinal  by  "falling 
»way,"  havuig  only  failed  of  entire  exactness  by 
omitting  to  give  the  value  of  the  article."  An 
open  and  unblushing  denial  and  rejection  of  all  Ije- 
lief,  which  is  implied  in  our  "  apostasy,"  is  not  im- 
plied in  awoffTcuria.  It  means  one  of  two  things: 
(I)  rolitical  defection  (Gen.  xiv.  4;  2  Chr.  xiii.  6; 
Acts  V.  37);  (2)  Religious  defection  (Acts  xxi.  21;. 
1  Tim.  iv.  1;  Heb.  iii.  12).  The  fii-st  is  the  com- 
mon classical  use  of  the  word.  The  second  is  more 
usual  in  the  N.  T.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  seems  to 
understand  the  word  rightly  when  he  says  in  ref- 
erence to  this  passage :  Nvi/  5«  iffrlv  r]  avoaToaia  • 
anfffTTtffay  yap  ol  &,vQpwKoi  ttjj  opdrjs  iricrTews 
,  ,  .  airfffrriffav  yap  oi  &i/6puiroi  airh  rrjs  oAtj- 
6elas  .  .  .  AuTT)  to'ivvv  iffrlu  f)  airoffraffia'  Ka\ 
(ifWfi  irpoaSoKaadai  6  fx^P"^  (^*'"  ^J^'^-  Caleck. 
XV.  9,  Oj).  p.  228,  Paris,  1720).  And  St.  Am- 
brose, "  A  vera  religione  plerique  lapsi  errore  descis- 
cent"  {Comm.  in  Luc.  xx.  20).  This  "falling 
away  "  implies  persons  who  fall  away,  the  airoara- 
<ria  consists  of  airSffTarai.  Supposing  the  exist- 
ence of  an  organized  religious  body,  some  of  whom 
should  fall  away  from  the  true  faith,  the  persons  so 
falling  rivvay  would  be  air6(rTaTai,  though  still 
formally  unsevered  from  the  religious  body  to  which 
they  belonged,  and  the  religious  body  itself,  while 
from  one  side  and  in  respect  to  its  faithful  members 
it  would  retain  its  character  and  name  as  a  relig- 
ous  body,  might  yet  from  another  side  and  in 
respect  to  its  other  members  be  designated  an 
airoo'racrla.  It  is  such  a  corrupted  religious  body 
as  this  that  St.  Paul  seems  to  mean  by  the  airoff- 
TOffla  which  he  foretells  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Thes- 
salonians.  In  the  Kpistles  to  Timothy  he  describes 
this  religious  defection  by  some  of  its  peculiar 
characteristics.  These  are,  seducing  spirits,  doc- 
trines of  demons,  hypocritical  lying,  a  seared  con- 
science, a  forbidding  of  man-iage  and  of  meats,  a 
form  of  godliness  without  the  power  thereof  (1 
Tim.  iv.  1;  2  Tim.  iii.  5).  It  has  been  usual,  as 
we  have  seen,  to  identify  the  I5east  of  the  Apoc- 
sJypse  with  St.  Paul's  Man  of  Sin.  It  is  iniiws- 
^ble,  as  we  have  said,  to  do  so.  But  it  is  possible, 
and  more  than  possilile,  to  identify  the  lieast  and 
the  iiTroaTaffia.  Can  we  find  any  thing  which 
wUl  serve  a.s  the  antityTie  of  both  ?  In  order  to  be 
the  antityi)e  of  St.  .lohn's  lieast  it  must  l)e  a 
polity,  arising,  not  immediately,  but  shortly,  after 
the  dissolution  of  the  lioman  Empire,  gaining 
great  influence  in  the  world,  and  getting  the  mas- 
tery over  a  certain  numl)er  of  those  nationalities 
which  like  itself  grew  out  of  that  empire  (Dan.  vii. 
24).  It  must  last  three  and  a  half  times,  i.  e. 
nearly  twice  as  long  as  the  empire  of  Assyria,  or 
Persia,  or  Grecia,  to  which  oniy  two  times  seem  to 


n  For  the  force  of  the  article,  see  Bp.  Middleton  in 
'oc.  (Gk.  An.  p.  382,  Ciuiib.  1833). 

ft  The  word  "  blasphemy  "  has  come  to  bear  a  scC' 
ondary  meaning,  which  it  does  not  bear  in  Scripture. 
Bchleusnttr  (/n  for.)  rightly  explains  it,  Direre  el  farere 
fuibus  tnajestas  Dei  vio/atur.  The  Jews  accused  our 
lonl  of  blasplieniy  becaut<e  He  claiuiud  divine  power 
tnd  the  divine  attributes  (Matt.  is..  2,  xxvi.  64  ;  John 


ANTICHRIST 

be  allotted  (Dan.  vii.  12).  It  must  blaspheni* 
against  God,  i.  e.  it  must  arrogate  to  itself  or  daitt 
for  creatures  the  honor  due  to  (Hod  alone.*  It 
nmst  be  an  object  of  wonder  and  worship  to  the 
world  (Rev.  xiii.  6).  It  must  put  forward  unblush- 
ing claims  in  behalf  of  itself,  and  be  full  of  it« 
own  perfectioax  (Rev.  xiii.  5).  At  a  certain  period 
in  its  history  it  must  put  itself  under  the  guid- 
ance of  Rome  (Rev.  xviii.  3),  and  remain  ridden 
by  her  until  tlie  destruction  of  the  latter  (Rev 
xviii.  2);  its  own  existence  being  still  prolonged 
until  the  coming  of  Christ  in  glory  (Rev.  xix.  20). 
To  satisfy  the  requirements  of  St.  I'aul's  descrip- 
tion, its  essential  features  must  be  a  falling  away 
from  the  true  faith  (2 'lliess.  ii.  3;  1  Tim.  iv.  1), 
and  it  must  be  further  characterized  by  the  specific 
qualities  already  transcribed  from  the  Epistles  to 
Timothy. 

The  antitype  may  be  found  in  the  comipted 
Church  of  Christ,  in  so  far  as  it  was  corrupted. 
The  same  body,  in  so  far  as  it  maintained  the  faith 
and  love,  was  the  bride  and  the  spouse,  and,  in  so 
far  as  it  "  fell  away  "  from  God,  was  the  airocr- 
raffla,  just  as  Jenisalem  of  old  was  at  once  Sion 
the  beloved  city  and  Sodom  the  bloody  city  —  the 
Church  of  God  and  the  Synagogue  of  Satan.  Ac- 
cording to  this  view,  the  three  and  a  half  times  of 
the  Beast's  continuance  (Rev.  xiii.  5),  and  of  the 
Bride's  suffering  in  the  wilderness  (Rev.  xii.  6), 
would  necessarily  be  conterminous,  for  the  perse- 
cuted and  the  persecutors  would  be  the  faithful  and 
the  unfaithful  members  of  the  same  body.  These 
times  would  have  commenced  when  the  Church 
lapsed  from  her  purity  and  from  her  first  love  into 
unfaithfulness  to  God,  exhibited  especially  in  idol- 
atry and  creature-worship.  It  is  of  the  nature  of 
a  religious  defection  to  grow  up  by  degrees.  We 
should  not  therefore  be  able  to  lay  the  finger  on 
any  special  moment  at  which  it  commenced.  St. 
Cyril  of  .Jerusalem  considered  that  it  was  already 
existing  in  his  time.  "A'wo,"  he  says,  "is  the 
airocTTaaria,  for  men  have  fallen  away  (airf(TTT)crav) 
from  the  right  faith.  This  then  is  the  awoaraala, 
and  we  must  begin  to  look  out  for  the  enemy ;  already 
he  has  begun  to  send  his  forerunners,  that  the  prey 
may  be  ready  for  him  at  his  coming  "  ( C'atedi.  xv. 
9).  It  was  at  the  Second  Council  of  Nice  that  the 
Chureh  fonnally  committed  itself  for  the  fii-st  time 
(a.  i>.  787)  by  the  voice  of  a  General  Council  to 
false  doctrine  and  idolatrous  practice.  The  aft« 
acquiescence  in  the  Hildebrandine  theory  of  the 
Papal  supremacy  would  be  tyi)ified  by  the  Beast 
taking  the  woman  who  represents  the  seven-hilled 
city  on  its  back  as  its  guide  and  director.  From 
the  twelfth  to  the  sixteenth  century,  and  partially 
to  the  present  day,  this  Hildebrandine  idea  haa 
reigned  over  and  has  been  the  go;erning  spirit  of 
the  Corrupted  Church.  The  fall  of  Babylon,  i.  e. 
of  Rome,  would  be  as  yet  future,  as  well  as  the  still 
subsequent  destruction  of  the  Corrupted  (.'hiu-ch, 
on  the  day  of  the  coming  of  Christ.  The  period  of 
the  three  and  a  half  times  would  continue  <Iown  to 
the  final  moment  that  this  destruction  takes  place. 


X.  33).  There  was  nothing  in  our  l/ord'a  words  which 
the  most  bitter  malignity  could  have  call«Hl  blasphe- 
mous in  the  later  si-nse  whirl)  the  word  hits  come  t« 
hear.  It  is  of  course  in  the  Scriptural,  not  in  Um 
modem,  sense  that  St.  .lohn  attributes  bliuiphemy  U 
the  Beast.  (See  M'ordsworth,  On  the  ApocrJiipse,  p 
628.) 


ANTICHRIST 

VII.  The  Apocalyptic  Fahe  Prophet.  —There 
Is  a  second  Apocaij-ptic  Beast:  the  Beast  from  the 
Earth  (Rev.  xiii.  11),  or  the  False  Prophet  (Rev. 
lix.  20).  Can  we  identify  this  Beast  either  with 
the  individual  Antichrist  of  the  Epistles  or  with 
the  corrupt  polity  of  the  Apocal;y'pse?  We  were 
compelled  to  regard  the  First  Beast  as  a  polity  by 
Its  being  identical  with  that  which  clearly  is  a  pol- 
ity, the  Little  Horn  of  Daniel.  There  is  no  such 
necessity  here,  and  there  is  no  reason  for  regarding 
the  Second  Besist  as  a  polity,  beyond  the  fact  of  its 
being  described  under  a  siniUar  figure  to  that  by 
which  a  poUty  had  been  just  previously  described. 
This  presumption  is  more  than  counterbalanced  by 
the  individualizing  title  of  the  False  Prophet  which 
he  bears  (Rev.  xvi.  13,  xix.  20).  His  character- 
istics are — (1)  "doing  great  wonders,  so  that  he 
maketh  fire  to  come  down  from  heaven  on  the 
earth  m  the  sight  of  men"  (Rev.  xiii.  13).  This 
power  of  miracle-working,  we  should  note,  is  not 
attributed  by  St.  John  to  the  First  Beast ;  but  it  is 
one  of  the  chief  signs  of  St.  Paul's  Adversary, 
"whose  coming  is  with  all  power  and  signs  and 
lying  wonders"  (2  Thess.  ii.  9).  (2)  "He  de- 
ceiveth  them  that  dwell  on  the  earth  by  the  means 
of  those  miracles  which  he  had  power  to  do  in  the 
sight  of  the  Beast "  (Rev.  xiii.  14).  "  He  wrought 
miracles  with  which  he  deceived  them  that  received 
the  mark  of  the  Beast  and  worshipped  the  image 
of  the  Beast"  (Rev.  xix.  20).  In  like  manner,  no 
special  power  of  beguiling  is  attributed  to  the  First 
Beast;  but  the  Adversary  is  possessed  of  "all  de- 
ceivableness  of  unrighteousness  in  them  that  perish 
because  they  received  not  the  love  of  the  truth  that 
they  might  be  saved"  (2  Thess.  ii.  10).  (3)  He 
has  horns  Uke  a  Iamb,  i.  e.  he  bears  an  outward 
resemblance  to  the  Messiah  (Rev.  xiii.  11);  and  the 
Adversary  sits  in  the  temple  of  God  showing  him- 
self that  he  is  God  (2  Thess.  ii.  4).  (4)  His  title 
is  The  False  Prophet,  6  'VevSoirpo<p-fiT7js  (Rev.  xvi. 
13,  xix.  20);  and  our  Lord,  whom  Antichrist 
counterfeits,  is  emphatically  6  npo<p-fiTris.  The 
\\>fvSoTrpo<l>rjrai  of  Matt.  xxiv.  24  are  the  forerun- 
ners of  6  WfvSoirpocp^ri^s,  as  John  the  Baptist  of 
the  True  Prophet.  On  the  whole,  it  would  seem 
that  if  the  Antichrist  appears  at  all  in  the  Book  of 
the  Revelation  it  is  by  this  Second  Beast  or  the 
False  Prophet  that  he  is  represented.  If  this  be 
so,  it  follows  that  he  is  an  individual  person  who 
will  at  some  future  time  arise,  who  will  ally  himself 
with  the  Corrupted  Church,  represent  himself  as 
her  minister  and  vmdicator  (Rev.  xiii.  12),  compel 
men  by  violence  to  pay  reverence  to  her  (xiii.  14), 
breathe  a  new  life  into  her  decaying  frame  by  his 
use  of  the  secular  arm  in  her  behalf  (xiii.  15),  for- 
bidding civil  rights  to  those  who  renounce  her  au- 
thority and  reject  her  symbols  (xiii.  17),  and  putting 
them  to  death  by  the  sword  (xiii.  15),  while  per- 
lonally  he  is  an  atheistical  blasphemer  (1  John  ii. 
22)  and  sums  up  in  himself  the  evil  spirit  of  un- 
belief which  has  been  working  in  the  world  from 
St.  Paul's  days  to  his  (2  Thess.  ii.  7).  That  it  is 
possible  for  a  professed  unbelifever  and  atheist  to 
nake  himself  the  champion  of  a  corrupt  system  of 
religion,  and  to  become  on  political  grounds  as 
fiolent  a  persecutor  in  its  behalf  as  .„j  most 
^atical  bigot  could  be,  has  been  proved  by  events 
x-hich  have  already  occurred,  and  which  might 
»gain  occur  on  a  more  gigantic  and  terrible  scale. 
The  Antichrist  would  thus  combine  tlie  forces,  gen- 
erally and  hapjjily  antiigonistic,  of  iufid'>Uty  and 
wiperitition        In  this  would  consist  tlie   special 


ANTICHRIST 


10ft 


horror  of  the  reign  of  the  Antichrist,  Hence  also 
the  special  suffermgs  of  the  feithful  lelievers  until 
Christ  himself  once  again  appeared  to  vindicate  the 
cause  of  truth  and  Uberty  and  religion. 

The  sum  of  Scripture  teaching  with  regard  to 
the  Antichrist,  then,  appears  to  be  as  follows.  Al- 
ready in  the  times  of  the  Apostles  there  was  the 
mystery  of  iniquity,  the  spirit  of  Antichrist,  at 
work.  It  embodied  itself  in  various  shapes  —  in  the 
Gnostic  heretics  of  St.  John's  days,  in  the  Jewis'i 
impostors  who  preceded  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  in 
all  heresiarchs  and  unbelievers,  especially  those 
whose  heresies  had  a  tendency  to  deny  the  incar- 
nation of  Christ,  and  in  the  great  persecutors  who 
from  time  to  time  afflicted  the  Church.  But  this 
Antichristian  spirit  was  then,  and  is  still,  diffused. 
It  had  not,  and  it  has  not  yet,  gathered  itself  into 
the  one  person  in  whom  it  will  be  one  day  com- 
pletely and  fuUy  manifested.  There  was  something 
which  prevented  the  open  maniitetation  of  the 
Antichrist  in  the  Apostles'  days  which  they  spoke 
of  by  word  of  mouth,  but  were  imwilling  to  name 
in  letters.  What  this  obstacle  was,  or  is,  we  can- 
not now  know.  The  general  opinion  of  the  early 
writers  and  fathers  is  that  it  was  the  power  of 
secular  law  existing  in  the  Roman  Empire.  The 
Roman  Empire  fell,  and  upon  its  fall,  and  in  con- 
sequence of  its  fall,  there  arose  a  secularization  and 
corruption  of  the  Church,  which  would  not  have 
been  so  secularized  and  corrupted  had  it  been  kept 
in  check  by  the  jealousy  of  the  imperial  power. 
The  secularization  and  corruption  increasing,  the 
Church,  which  from  one  point  of  view  and  in  re- 
spect to  some  of  its  members  was  considered  as  the 
Church  of  Christ,  from  another  point  of  view  and 
in  respect  to  others  of  its  members,  came  to  be 
regarded  as  no  better  than  an  airoffTotrla.  Time 
passing  on,  the  corrupt  element,  getting  still  more 
the  mastery,  took  the  Papacy  on  its  back  and  gave 
itself  up  to  be  directed  from  Rome.  So  far  we 
speak  of  the  past.  It  would  appear  further  that 
there  is  to  be  evolved  from  the  womb  of  the  Cor- 
rupt Church,  whether  after  or  before  the  fall  of 
Rome  does  not  appear,  an  indindual  Antichrist, 
who,  being  himself  a  scoffer  and  contemner  of  all 
religion,  will  yet  act  as  the  patron  and  defender  of 
the  Corrupt  Church,  and  compel  men  to  submit  to 
her  sway  by  the  force  of  the  secular  arm  and  by 
means  of  bloody  persecutions.  He  will  unite  the 
old  foes  superstition  and  unbelief  in  a  combined 
attack  on  Uberty  and  religion.  He  will  have, 
finally,  a  power  of  performing  lying  miracles  and 
beguiUng  souls,  being  the  embodiment  of  satanic 
as  distinct  from  brutal  wickedness.  How  long  his 
power  will  last  we  are  wholly  ignorant,  as  the  three 
and  a  half  times  do  not  refer  to  his  reign  (as  i* 
usually  imagined),  but  to  the  continuance  of  the 
a-KoffTaaia.  We  only  know  that  his  continuance 
will  be  short.  At  last  he  will  be  destroyed  to- 
gether with  the  Corrupt  Church,  in  so  far  as  it  is 
corrupt,  at  the  glorious  appearance  of  Christ,  which 
wiU  usher  in  the  millennial  triumph  of  the  faitliful 
and  hitherto  persecuted  members  of  the  Church. 

(B.)  There  are  points  which  require  further  elu- 
cidation :  — 

1.  The  meaning  of  the  iiame  Antichrist.  Mr. 
Greswell  aigues  at  some  length  that  the  only  cor- 
rect reading  of  the  word  is  Counterfeit-Christ  or 
Pro-  Christo,  and  denies  that  the  idea  of  Adversai-j 
to  Christ  is  mvolved  in  the  word.  Mr.  Greswell'i 
authority  is  great ;  but  he  has  been  in  this  case  too 
hasty  in  drawing  his  conclusion  from  the  instance! 


110 


ANTICHRIST 


which  he  has  cited.  It  is  true  that  "  iLtnt  is  not 
ivnonjmous  with  Kara."  but  it  is  impossible  to  re- 
iiist  the  evidence  which  any  Greek  Lexicon  supplies 
that  the  word  aurl,  both  in  composition  and  by 
itself,  will  bear  the  sense  of  "  opponent  to."  It  is 
probable  that  both  senses  are  combined  in  the  word 
Antichrist,  as  in  the  word  AntijK)i)e,  which  is  very 
exact  in  its  resemblance,  but  the  primary  notion 
which  it  conveys  would  seem  rather  to  be  that  of 
antaj^onism  than  rivalry.  See  Greswell,  Exjwsition 
vf  lite  Parables,  vol.  i.  p.  372  ff.;  Wordsworth, 
On  the  Ajwcalypse,  p.  512. 

2.  The  meaniiif/  of  rh  Kar^xov.  What  is  that 
thing  which  withholdeth  (2  Thess.  ii.  G)?  and 
why  is  it  apparently  described  in  the  following  verse 
as  a  person  {&  KaT4x<ev)  '■  There  is  a  remarkable 
unanimity  among  the  early  Christian  writers  on 
this  jioint.  They  explain  the  obstacle,  known  to 
the  'I'hessaloniiins  but  unknown  to  us,  to  be  the 
Itoman  Empire.  Thus  Tertullian,  De  Resur.  Cam., 
c.  24,  and  AjwL,  c.  32;  St.  Chrysostom  and  The- 
ophjhict  on  2  Thess.  ii. ;  Hippolytus,  De  Antichrhto, 
e.  49;  St.  Jerome  on  Dan.  vii. ;  St.  Augustine, 
J)e  Civ.  Dei,  xx.  11);  St.  Cjxil  of  Jerusalem, 
Catech.  XV.  G  (see  Dr.  H.  More's  Works,  bk.  ii.  c. 
19,  p.  690;  Mede,  bk.  iii.  ch.  xiii.  p.  656;  Ahbrd, 
Gk.  Test.  iii.  57;  Wordsworth,  On  the  Apocalypse, 
p.  520).  Theodoret  and  Theodore  of  Mopisuestia 
hold  it  to  be  the  determination  of  God.  Theo- 
doret's  view  is  embraced  by  Pelt;  the  Patristic  in- 
terpretation is  accepted  by  ^\'ordsworth.  I'Hicott 
and  Alford  so  far  modify  the  Patri.stic  interpreta- 
tion as  to  explain  the  obstacle  to  be  the  restraining 
power  of  human  law  (rh  Karex"")  wielded  by  the 
Empire  of  Kome  (6  Karexov)  when  Tertullian 
wrote,  but  now  by  the  several  governments  of  the 
civihzed  world.  The  explanation  of  Theodoret  is 
untenable  on  account  of  St.  Paul's  further  words, 
'■•  until  he  be  taken  out  of  the  way,"  which  are 
tpplied  by  him  to  the  o!)stacle.  The  modification 
of  EUicott  and  Alford  is  necessary  if  we  suppose 
the  drrocrTatria  to  be  an  infidel  apostasy  still  future, 
for  tlie  Koman  l'2mpire  is  gone,  and  tim  ajK)sta.sy  is 
not  come,  nor  is  the  Wicked  One  revealed.  There 
is  much  to  be  said  for  the  Patristic  interpretation 
in  its  pLiinest  acceptation.  How  nhould  the  idea 
of  the  Ii*>man  Empire  being  the  obstacle  to  the 
revelation  of  Antichrist  have  originated?  There 
was  nothing  to  lead  the  early  Chnstian  writers  to 
Buch  a  belief.  They  regarded  the  Homan  ICmpire 
as  idolatrous  and  abominable,  and  would  have  been 
more  disiKJsed  to  consider  it  as  the  precursor  than 
OS  the  obstacle  to  the  Wicked  One.  Whatever  the 
obstacle  w.is,  St  Paul  says  that  he  told  the  Thessa- 
lonians  what  it  was.  Those  to  whom  he  had 
preached  knew,  and  every  time  that  his  Epistle  was 
publicly  rea/1  (1  Thess.  v  /i7),  questions  would  have 
lieen  asked  by  those  who  did  not  know,  and  thus 
the  recollection  must  h:-.i'e  been  kept  up.  It  is  very 
difficult  to  see  whence  the  tradition  could  have 
arisen  except  from  St.  Paul's  own  teaching.  It 
may  be  asked,  Why  then  did  he  not  express  it  in 
writing  as  well  as  by  word  of  mouth?  St.  Je- 
rome's answer  is  sufficient :  "  If  he  had  openly  and 
unreservedly  said,  '  Antichrist  will  not  come  unless 
the  Roman  I'nipire  be  first  destroyed,'  the  infant 
l^hurch  would  have  been  exposed  in  consequence 
o  persecution"  (ad  A  lye;.  Qu.  xi.  vol.  iv.  p.  209, 
''aris,  170G).  Kemigiiis  gives  the  same  reason, 
'  He  sjwke  obscurely  for  fear  a  Roman  should  ])er- 
naiM  read  the  Epistle,  aid  raise  a  persecution 
igainst  him  and  tlie  other  '  Christians,  for  they  held 


ANTICHRIST 

that  they  were  to  rule  forever  in  the  world  '  ( Bib 
Patr.  ^[ax.  viii.  1018;  see  Wordsworth,  On  thi 
AjMcalypse,  p.  343).  It  would  appear  then  that 
tlie  obstacle  was  probably  the  Roman  Emigre,  and 
on  its  being  taken  out  of  the  way  there  did  occur 
the  "  falling  away."  Zion  the  beloved  city  became 
Sodom  the  bloody  city  —  still  Zion  though  Sodom, 
still  Sodom  though  Zion.  According  to  the  view 
given  aliove.  this  would  be  the  description  of  the 
Church  in  her  present  estate,  and  this  will  con- 
tinue to  be  our  estate,  until  the  time,  times  and 
half  time,  during  which  the  evil  element  is  allowed 
to  remain  ■within  her,  shall  have  come  to  their  er.d. 

3.  What  is  the  AjKcalyptic  BaOyhint  There 
is  not  a  doubt  that  by  I5abylon  is  figured  Rome. 
The  "seven  mountauis  on  which  the  woman  sit- 
teth"  (Rev.  xvii.  9),  and  the  plain  declaration, 
"  the  woman  which  thou  saw&st  is  that  great  city 
which  reigneth  "  (/.  e.  in  St.  John's  days)  "over 
the  kings  of  the  earth"  (Rev.  xvii.  18),  are  too 
strong  evidence  to  be  gainsaid.  There  is  no  com- 
mentator of  note,  ancient  or  modem,  Romanist  or 
Protestant,  who  does  not  acknowledge  so  much. 
But  ichat  Rome  is  it  that  is  thus  figured  ?  There 
are  four  chief  opinions:  (1)  Rome  Pagan;  (2) 
Rome  Papal;  (3)  Rome  having  hereafter  become 
infidel;  (4)  Rome  as  a  tjTie  of  the  world.  That 
it  is  old  Pagan  Rome  is  the  view  ably  contended 
for  by  Bossuet  and  held  in  general  by  the  pratei-ist 
school  of  interpreters.  That  it  is  Rome  Papal  was 
held  by  the  Protestants  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
and  by  those  who  preceded  and  have  followed  them 
in  their  line  of  interpretation.  That  it  is  Rome 
having  lapsed  into  infidehty  is  the  view  of  many  of 
the  futurisls.  'Iliat  it  is  Rome  as  the  type  of  the 
world  is  suggested  or  maintained  by  Tichonius,  Pri- 
ma.sius,  Aretas,  Albert  the  Great,  and  in  our  own 
days  by  Dr.  Arnold  {On  the  Jnterpi-etation  of 
Prophecy)  nnd  Dr.  Newman  (Tracts  for  the  Tivies, 
No.  83).  That  the  harlot-woman  must  be  an  un- 
faithful Church  is  argued  convincingly  by  Woi^ds- 
worth  (On  the  Ajwcalypse,  p.  376),  and  no  less 
decisively  by  Isaac  Williams  ( The  Apocalypse,  p. 
335).  A  close  consideration  of  the  language  and 
imiwrt  of  St.  John's  prophecy  appears,  as  Mr. 
Williams  s.ays,  to  leave  no  room  for  doubt  on  this 
jwint.  If  this  be  so,  the  conclusion  seems  almost 
necessarily  to  follow  that  the  unfaithful  Church 
spoken  of  Ls,  as  1  )r.  Wordsworth  argues,  the  Church 
of  Rome.  And  this  app«irs  to  be  the  c.i,se.  The 
iJabylon  of  the  Apocaly]ise  is  probably  the  Church 
of  Rome  which  gradually  raised  and  seated  herself 
on  the  back  of  the  Corrupted  Church  —  the  Har- 
lot-rider on  the  Beast.  A  very  noticeable  conclu- 
sion follows  from  hence,  which  has  been  Uttle 
marked  by  many  who  have  been  most  anxious  to 
identify  Babylon  and  Rome.  It  is,  that  it  is  im- 
possible that  the  Pope  or  the  Papal  system  can  be 
Antichrist,  for  the  Harlot  who  rides  on  the  Beast 
and  the  ^.ntichrist  are  wholly  distinct.  Afler 
Babylon  is  fallen  and  destroyed  (Rev.  xviii.)  the 
Antichrist  is  still  found  (Rev.  xix.).  Indeed  there 
is  hardly  a  feature  in  the  Papal  system  which  is 
similar  in  its  luieaments  to  the  portrait  of  Anti- 
christ as  drawn  by  St.  John,  however  closely  it  may 
resemble  Babylon. 

4.  What  are  ice  to  understand  by  the  two  Wit- 
ne.^ses  f  The  usual  interpretation  given  in  th» 
early  Church  is  that  they  are  Enoch  and  ElijaL 
who  are  to  appear  in  the  dajs  of  Antichrist,  and 
by  him  to  be  killed.  Victorinus  substitute*  Jere- 
inial)  for  Enoch.     Joachim  would  sug<j[est    .Mose* 


ANTICHRIST 

ind  Elijah  taken  figuratively  for  some  persons,  or  J 
perhaps  orilers,  actuated  by  their  spirit.  BuLin- 
ger,  Bale,  Chytraeus,  Parous,  Mede,  Vitringa  im- 
derstand  by  them  the  Une  of  Antipapal  remon- 
itrants.  Foxe  takes  them  to  be  Huss  and  Jerome 
of  Prague;  Bossuet,  the  early  Christian  martyrs; 
Herder  and  Eiclihorn,  the  chief  priest  Ananus  and 
Jesus  slain  by  the  Zealots ;  Moses  Stuart,  the  sick 
and  old  who  did  not  fly  from  Jerusalem  on  its  cap- 
ture by  the  Romans;  jMaurice,  the  priest  Jeslma 
and  the  judge  Zerubbabel  as  representing  I^aw  and 
Sacrifice;  Lee  understands  by  them  the  Law  and 
the  Gospel;  Tichonius  and  Bede,  the  two  Testi- 
•uents;  others  the  two  Sacraments.  AU  that  we 
are  able  to  say  is  this :  The  time  of  their  witness- 
ing is  1200  days,  or  a  tune,  times,  and  half  a  time. 
This  is  the  same  period  as  that  during  which  the 
awoffTuaia  and  the  power  of  the  Beast  continue. 
They  would  seem  therefore,  to  represent  all  those 
who  in  the  midst  of  the  faithless  are  found  faithful 
throughout  this  time.  Their  being  described  as 
"candlesticks  "  would  lead  us  to  regard  them  per- 
haps as  Churches.  The  pLoce  of  their .  temporary 
death,  "  the  great  city,  which  spiritually  is  called 
Sodom  and  I'^gypt,  where  also  our  Lord  was  cru- 
cified," would  appear  to  be  Jerusalem,  as  typifying 
the  Corrupted  Church.  The  Beast  that  kills  them 
is  not  Antichrist,  but  the  faithless  Church. 

5.  T/ie  Number  of'  the  BecisL  Nothing  what- 
ever is  known  about  it.  No  conjecture  that  has 
been  made  is  worth  mentioning  on  the  ground  of 
its  being  likely  in  any  the  least  degree  to  approx- 
imate to  the  truth.  The  usual  method  of  seeking 
the  solution  of  the  difficulty  is  to  select  the  name 
of  an  individual  and  to  count  the  numerical  values 
of  its  constituent  lettera.  The  extravagant  con- 
clusions which  have  been  made  to  result  from  this 
system  have  naturally  brought  it  into  disrepute, 
but  it  is  certain  that  it  was  much  more  usual, 
at  the  time  that  St.  John  wrote,  to  make  calcula- 
tions in  this  manner  than  most  persons  are  now 
aware.  On  this  principle  Mercury  or  Ilnuth  was 
invoked  under  the  name  of  1218,  Jupiter  under 
that  of  717,  the  Sun  of  008  or  XH.  Mr.  Elliott 
quotes  an  enigma  from  the  Sibylline  verses  in  some 
way  expressing  the  name  of  God,  strikingly  illus- 
trative of  the  challenge  put  forth  by  St.  John,  and 
[)erhaps  formed  in  part  on  its  model: 

'Ei/fea  ypafA/otaT*  fx"  ■  TerpacruWaPoi  elfjn'  voei  fie. 
Ai  Tpeli  ai  npioTai  Svo  ypafup-aT  fxovo'i.v  eKaorr), 
*H  AotTn;  6e  Ta  koLira,  *  Koi  €t<j\u  a(}>iova  to.  TreKre. 
Toi5  iravTOi  &'  apiOixov  e/caroi'TaSe?  eierl  5ls  oktio 
Kai  Tpeis  TpicrSeKaSe'S,  <rvv  y  ctttii  •  yvoii?  6e  Tis  «tfit, 
OiiK  ojuvjfros  e(rj)  0eiT)?  Trap  ifjuoi  ye  o-oi/d'Tjs. 

SibijU.  Orac.  p.  171,  Paris,  1599. 

supposed  by  Mr.  Clarke  to  be  Qehs  awr-fip.  The 
only  conjecture  with  respect  to  the  number  of  the 
Beast,  made  on  this  principle,  which  is  worthy  of 
mention  is  one  which  dates  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Irenseus,  and  has  held  its  ground  down  to  the  time 
^f  Dean  Alford  and  Canon  AVordsworth  Irenaeus 
uggests,  though  he  does  not  adopt,  the  word 
Xareivos.  Dr.  Wordsworth  (1800^  thinks  it 
possible,  and  Dean  Alford  (1801)  has  "the  strong- 
ist  persuasion  that  no  other  can  be  found  approach- 
hig  so  near  to  a  complete  solution."  Of  :ther 
lames  the    chief  favorites    have    been  T e irav 


ANTICHRIST  111 

(Irenseus),  Apyovfie  (Hippolytus),  Aafiirt- 
T  IS,  AyrefJios  (Tichonius),  T  evari  f.  iko  s 
(Rupertus),  Kukos  'OSrjyos,  'AAtjAtjs 
BKafi  epos,  Tla\at  BaaKUfos,  'A/xvos 
aSiKos  (Arethas),  OuAirjos  (Grotius),  Mo- 
ofierts,  'Att  oar  arris  ,  Dtoci.Ks  At"  lit'six'S 
(IJossuet):  Ewald  constructs  "  the  Roman  Ca;sur" 
in  Hebrew,  and  Benary  "  the  Cwsar  Nero  "  in  the 
same  language.  Any  one  who  wishes  to  know  the 
many  attempts  that  ha\e  been  made  to  solve  the 
difficulty  —  attempts  seldom  even  relieved  by  iu- 
geimity  —  may  consult  Wolfius,  Calmet,  Clarke, 
Wrangham,  Thoni  [Thorny]."  Probably  the  prin- 
ciple on  which  the  explanation  goes  is  false.  Men 
have  looked  for  Antichrist  among  their  foes,  and 
have  tortured  the  name  of  the  person  fixed  upon 
into  being  of  the  value  of  060.  Hence  Latinus 
under  the  Roman  Emperors,  Jlohammed  at  the  time 
of  the  Saracenic  successes,  Luther  at  the  Refonua- 
tion,  Bonaparte  at  the  French  Revolution.  The 
name  to  be  found  is  not  that  of  Antichrist,  but  the 
name  of  the  Beast,  which,  as  we  hav  argued,  is 
not  the  same  as  Antichrist.  It  is  prob  J)le  that  a 
sounder  method  of  interpretation  is  adopted  by  Mr. 
Isaac  Williams,  Dr.  Wordsworth,  and  Mr.  Maurice. 
There  is  clearly  a  symbolical  meaning  in  the  num- 
bers used  in  the  Apocalypse;  and  they  would  ex- 
plain the  three  sixes  as  a  threefold  declension  from 
the  hoUness  and  perfection  symbolized  by  the  num- 
ber seven.  We  will  add  an  ingenious  suggestion 
by  an  anonymous  WTiter,  and  will  leave  the  subject 
in  the  same  darkness  in  which  it  is  probably  des- 
tined to  remain:  "At  his  fii^st  appearance,"  he 
writes,  "he  wiU  be  haUed  with  acclamations  and 
hosannahs  as  the  redeemer  of  Israel,  another  Judas 
MaccabiEus:  and  either  from  the  initials  of  his 
name,  or  from  the  initial  letter  of  some  scriptural 
motto  adopted  by  him,  an  artificial  name  will  be 
formed,  a  cipher  of  his  real  name.  And  that  ab- 
breviated name  or  cipher  will  be  ostentatiously  dis- 
played as  their  badge,  their  watchword,  their  shib- 
boleth, their  '  Maccabi,'  by  all  his  adherents. 
This  artificial  name,  this  mark  or  symbol  of  the 
real  name,  will  be  equal  by  Gematria  to  006 " 
{Jewish  Afissiunary,  p.  52,  1848). 

(C.)   Jtwish  and  Mohammedan  traditions  re- 
specting Antichrist.     The  name  given  by  the  Jews 

to  Antichrist  is  (^^7'^P~lS)  Armillus.  There  are 
several  Rabbinical  books  in  which  a  circumstantial 
account  is  given  of  him,  such  as  the  "  Book  of 
Zerubbabel,"  and  others  printed  at  Constantmople. 
Buxtorf  gives  an  abridgment  of  their  contents  in 
his  Lexicon,  under  the  he.ad  "  Armillus,"  and  in 
the  fiftieth  chapter  of  his  Synago'/a  Judaica 
(p.  717).  The  name  is  derived  from  Isaiah  xi.  4, 
where  the  Targum  gives  "  By  the  \TOrd  of  his 
mouth  the  wicked  Armillus  shall  die,"  for  "with 
the  breath  of  his  hps  shall  he  slay  the  wicked." 
There  will,  say  the  Jews,  be  twelve  [ten]  signs  ol 
the  coming  of  the  Messiah :  —  1.  The  appearance 
of  three  apostate  kings  who  have  fallen  away  from 
the  faith,  but  in  the  sight  of  men  appear  to  be 
worshippers  of  the  true  God.  2.  A  terrible  heat  of 
the  sun.  3.  A  dew  of  blood  (Joel  _.  30).  4.  A 
healing  dew  for  the  pious.  5.  A  darkness  will  be 
cast  upon  the  sun  (Joel  ii.  31)  for  thirty  days  (Is- 
xxiv.  22).      0.   God  will  give  universal  power  ts 


a  •  Dr.  Davil  Thorn,  of  Liverpool,  is  the  author  of  a 
»orlt  entitled  "  The  Number  and  Names  of  the  Apoca- 
j|>tic  Beasts,  Part  I."  (Lond.  1848,  Svo,  pp.  xxxix., 


398),  which  may  weL'  be  regarded  as  a  curioeity  of  I'.t 
emture.  A 


tl2 


ANTICHRIST 


the  Romans  for  nine  months,  tluring  which  time 
the  lioman  chieftain  will  afflict  the  Israelites;  at 
the  end  of  the  nine  months  Go<l  will  raise  up  the 
Messiah  Ifen^Ioseph,  that  is,  the  Messiali  of  the 
tribe  of  Josc|)h,  named  Neheiniah,  who  will  defeat 
the  Koniiui  chieftain  and  slay  him.  7.  Then  there 
will  ai'ise  Armilhis,  whom  the  Gentiles  or  Cnris- 
tians  call  Antichrist.  He  will  be  bom  of  a  marble 
statue  in  one  of  the  churches  in  Home.  He  will 
go  to  the  Homans  and  will  j)rofess  himself  to  Ije 
their  Messiah  and  their  (ifnl.  At  once  the  Komans 
will  belie^•e  in  him  and  accept  him  for  their  king, 
and  will  love  him  and  cling  to  him.  Having  made 
the  whole  world  subject  to  him,  he  will  say  to  the 
Idtuno-ans  (i.  e.  Christians),  "  Bring  nie  the  law 
which  1  have  given  you."  They  will  bring  it  with 
their  book  of  jiraycrs ;  and  he  will  accept  it  iis  his 
^wn,  and  will  exhort  them  to  persevere  in  their 
l)elief  of  him.  Then  he  will  send  to  Nehemiah,  and 
command  the  Jewish  Law  to  be  brought  him,  and 
proof  to  be  given  fi'om  it  that  he  is  God.  Nehe- 
miah will  go  l)efore  him,  guarded  by  30,000  war- 
riors of  the  tribe  of  Kphraim,  and  will  read,  "  I  am 
the  Lord  thy  (iod :  thou  shalt  have  none  otlicr  gods 
but  me."  Armillus  will  say  that  there  are  no  such 
words  ill  the  l^w,  and  will  command  the  Jews  to 
confess  him  to  be  (iod  as  the  other  nations  had  con- 
fessed him.  Hut  Neiieiiiiah  will  give  orders  to  his 
followers  to  seize  and  bind  him.  Then  Armillus 
in  rage  and  fury  will  gather  all  his  people  in  a  deep 
valley  to  fight  with  Israel,  and  in  that  battle  the 
Messiah  Bcii-.Ioseph  will  fall,  and  the  angels  will 
bear  away  his  hotly  and  carry  him  to  the  resting- 
place  of  the  Patriarchs.  Then  the  .lews  will  be 
cast  out  by  all  nations,  and  sutler  afflictions  such 
as  have  not  been  from  the  beginning  of  the  world, 
and  the  residue  of  them  will  fly  into  the  d&sert,  and 
will  remain  there  forty  and  five  days,  during  which 
time  all  the  Israelites  who  are  not  worthy  to  see 
the  Kedeniptioii  shall  flie.  8.  Then  the  great  angel 
Michael  will  rise  and  blow  three  mighty  blasts  of  a 
trumjjet.  At  the  first  blast  there  shall  appear  the 
true  Messiah  Ben-David  and  the  prophet  Klyah, 
and  they  will  manifest  themselves  to  the  Jews  in 
the  desert,  and  all  the  Jews  throughout  the  v/'irld 
shall  hear  the  sound  of  the  trump,  and  those  tliat 
have  been  carried  captive  into  Assyria  shall  be 
gathered  together;  and  with  great  gladness  they 
shall  come  to  Jerusalem.  Then  Annillus  will  raise 
a  great  army  of  Christians  and  lead  them  to  Jeru- 
salem to  conquer  the  new  king.  But  God  shall  say 
to  Messiah,  "  Sit  thou  on  my  right  hand,"  and  to 
the  Israehtes,  "  Stand  still  and  see  what  God  will 
work  for  }ou  to-day."  Then  (jod  will  ])our  down 
sulphur  and  fire  from  heaven  (I'lz.  xxxviii.  22),  and 
•he  impious  Armillus  shall  die,  and  the  impious 
Idumaians  (/.  t.  Christians),  who  have  destroyed  the 
house  of  our  God  and  have  led  us  away  into  cap- 
tivity, shall  perish  in  misery,  and  the  Jews  shall 
avenge  themselves  upon  them,  as  it  is  WTitten: 
"  The  house  of  Jacob  shall  be  a  fire,  and  the  house 
of  Joseph  a  tlaine,  and  the  house  of  Esau  (i.  e.  the 
Christians)  for  stubble,  and  they  shall  kindle  in 
them  and  devour  them :  there  shall  not  be  any  re- 
maining of  the  house  of  L^u,  for  the  I/)rd  hath 
spoken  it"  (Obad.  18.)  !).  On  the  second  blast  of 
he  trumijet  the  tombs  shall  be  opened,  and  Messiah 
'Jen-David  shall  raise  Messiah  lten-.Joseph  from  the 
dead.  10.  The  ten  tribes  shall  be  led  to  Paradise, 
ind  shall  celebrate  the  wetldiiig-feast  of  the  Messiah. 
And  the  Messiah  sb.all  choose  a  bride  amongst  the 
buTttst  of  the  daughters  of  Israel,  and  childiea  and 


ANTICHRIST 

children's  children  shall  be  horn  to  him,  and  tbcr 
he  shall  die  like  other  men,  and  his  sons  shall  reign 
over  Israel  alter  him,  its  it  is  written,  "He  shall 
prolong  his  days"  (Is.  liii.  10),  which  Kambarc 
explains  to  mean  "He  shall  live  long,  but  he  too 
shaU  die  in  great  glory,  and  his  son  shall  reign  ir 
his  stead,  and  his  son's  sons  in  succession  "  (Bux- 
lorfii  liynayoga  J udnic",  ]).  7 1~,  KasW.  Kifil  [aiid 
Eisenmenger,  h'ntdecktes  .Iiiiir7if/ium,ii.  f)!J8-717]). 

The  Mohammedan  traditions  are  an  adaptation 
of  Christian  prophecy  and  .Jewish  legend  without 
any  originality  or  any  beauty  of  their  t)wn.  'lliey 
too  have  their  signs  which  are  to  precede  the  final 
consummation.  They  are  divided  into  the  greater 
and  lesser  signs.  Of  the  greater  signs  the  first  is 
the  rising  of  the  sun  i'rom  the  west  (cf.  Matt.  xxiv. 
29).  The  next  is  the  apjiearance  of  a  Be;ist  from 
the  earth,  sixty  cubits  high,  licaring  the  >^taff  of 
Moses,  and  the  seal  of  Solomon,  with  which  he  wii 
inscribe  the  word  "  Believer"  on  the  face  of  the 
faithful,  and  "  Unbeliever  "  on  all  who  have  not 
accepted  Islamism  (comp.  Kev.  xiii.).  The  third 
sign  is  the  capture  of  CoTistantinoiJe,  while  the 
spoil  of  which  is  being  divided,  news  will  come  of 
the  appearance  of  Antichrist  (Al  I>"Jj((l),  and  every 
man  will  return  to  his  own  home.  Antichrist  will 
be  blind  of  one  eye  and  deaf  of  one  ear,  and  will 
have  the  name  of  Unbeliever  written  on  his  forehead 
(Kev.  xiii.).  It  is  he  that  the  Jews  call  Messiah 
Ben-David,  and  say  that  he  will  come  in  the  last 
times  and  reign  over  sen  and  land,  and  restore  to 
them  the  kingdom.  He  will  continue  forty  days, 
one  of  these  days  being  equal  to  a  year,  another  to 
a  month,  another  to  a  week,  the  rest  being  days  of 
ordinary  length.  He  will  devastate  all  other  places, 
but  will  not  be  allowed  to  enter  Mecca  and  Medina, 
which  will  be  guarded  by  angels,  l^astly,  he  will 
be  killed  by  Jesus  at  the  gate  of  Lud.  For  when 
news  is  received  of  the  ai)i)earance  of  Antichrist, 
Jesus  will  come  down  to  earth,  alighting  on  the 
white  tower  at  the  east  of  Damascus,  and  will  slay 
him:  Jesus  will  then  einl)race  the  .Mohammedan  re- 
ligion, marry  a  wife,  and  leave  chiklren  alter  him, 
having  reigned  in  periect  jieace  and  security,  after 
the  death  of  Antichrist,  for  forty  years.  (See  Po- 
cocke,  Porta  Mosis,  p.  2.")8,  Oxon.  1055 ;  and  Sale, 
Koran,  Preliminary  Dincour^e.) 

Liternturt. —  On  the  subject  of  the  Antielirist 
and  of  the  Apocalyptic  visions  the  following  is  a 
condensed  list  of  the  writers  most  deserving  of  at- 
tention: —  S.  Cyril  of  Jerusidem,  Oitecli.  xv.  220, 
Paris,  1720.  S.  Jerome,  /-.x/ilan.  in  Danitl.  v.  617, 
Veron.  1734.  These  two  writers  are  exixiundera 
of  the  Patristic  view.  Anrlreas,  C'onim.  in  Apoc 
Bil)l.  Patr.  ilax.  v.  500.  Aretas,  Comm.  in  Aj)ox 
Bibl.  Patr.  Max.  ix.  741.  Abbas  Joachim  (founder 
of  the  Antipapal  school),  Pxj>.  Ajwc.  Venet.  1519- 
Kibeira  (founder  of  the  later  school  of  Euturists), 
Comm.  in  Apoc.  Salam.  1501.  Alcasjir  (founder 
of  the  Prseterist  school),  \'tsiif/alio  Arcani  Sensus 
in  AjH)C.  Antv.  1014.  Parens,  Comm.  in  Apoc. 
Heidelb.  1(518.  Cornelius  a  I.apide,  Comm.  in 
AjMC.  Antv.  1027.  Mede,  Claris  Ajxicclypl.  Caii- 
tab.  1632.  Bossuet,  J.,'A/ioculijj>Ke,  area  une  J'aj)li- 
calion,  (Jiu\Tes,  vol.  xxiii.  Vitringa,  Anaciisis 
Ajxjcali/ps.  Amst.  1719.  D.aubuz,  Cmnm.  <w  Rex. 
\jonA.  1720.  Hug,  J-.iiilrllunq  in  die  l^iclirijh'n  des 
Neuen  Test.  Stuttg.  18-2I.  "Pengcl,  HrkUirte  Off. 
enbarunfj  Johanni.f,  Stuttg.  18;!4.  Herder,  Johan, 
nis  Offenbaruntf,  Werkc.  xii.  Stuttg.  1827.  Eich- 
horn,  Comm.  in  Ajxic.  (Jotting.  1791.  I'.waJd 
Comm.  in  Apoc.  Lips.   1828.     Li.uke,  Volkldiulit/t 


ANTIOCH 

Eitdeitung  in  die  Offenbarung  unci  die  apocnlypt. 
Lileratur,  Comm.  iv.,  lioiii).  18S2,  [2e  Aufl.  1852.] 
Tracts  for  the  Times,  v.  No.  S-i,  Loud.  183'J. 
GresweU,  Kxjtosition  of  the  Parables,  vol.  i.  Oxf. 
1834.  Moses  Stuart,  Comm  wi  the  A/xk:  [.Viido- 
ver,  1845,  ippr.J  I".dinb.  J847.  Wordswortb,  On 
the  AjMcalijjise  Lend.  184!';  and  Gk.  Test.  I^nd. 
I860.  Oiiott  Hone  A/)ocali/j>tiC(E,  Lond.  1851. 
Clissold  Ajji'coli/piiad  Interpretation  (Swedeiibor- 
ijian),  Lond.  1845.  C.  Maitland,  Prophetic  Inter- 
pretation, Lond.  184'J.  Williams,  The  Ajm:ali/pse, 
Lond.  1852.  Altbrd,  G/:.  Test.  (Proleg.  in  Thess. 
ei  in  Ajioc),  Lond.  1850  and  1861.  Ellicott, 
Comm.  in  Thes.^.  Lond.  1858.  V.  M. 

*  On  this  important  topic  the  reader  may  con- 
sult also  the  ioUowini^  writers:  Corrodi,  Krit.Uesch. 
Uts  Chilidsmus,  ii.  400-444,  Krankf.  u.  Leipz.  1781; 
Neander,  Pflinzuiui,  u.  s.  w.  i.  340,  ii.  030,  040, 
4te  Autl.  ll'amb.  1847,  or  pp.  2J0,  306,  372  of  E. 
(1.  Robinson's  revised  ed.  of  Hyland's  trans.,  N.  Y. 
1865 ;  also  his  Ucr  erste  Brief  .lokannis,  on  ch.  ii.  18, 
22,  23,  iv.  1-3,  trans,  by  -Mrs.  Conant,  N.  Y.  1852; 
Uusterdieck,  .lohan.  Brief  e,  i.  308-332,  GiJtt.  1852; 
Maurice,  Uiuty  of  the  N.  T.,  Camb.  1854,  [)p. 
609-014;  Lange  ill  llerzog's  JienL^Jncyklopadie,!. 
371;  I.^hler,  JJjs  opost.  u.  d.  nichajxisl.  Zeitnlter, 
2e  Aufl.  Stuttg.  1857,  pp.  132  ft'.,  227  ft'.,  267; 
Ewald,  Sendschreiljen  des  A/tosteU  Paulas,  pp.  25- 
31,  Gitt.  1857;  Liinemann  on  2  Thess.  ii.  1-12, 
and  Iluther  on  1  Jolin  ii.  18,  in  Meyer's  Komm. 
tiber  dns  N.  T. ;  .Jowett,  Excursus  on  "  The  Man 
of  Shi,"  in  his  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  1.  178-194, 
2d  ed..  Loud.  1850;  Boehnier,  Ed.,  Zur  Lehre  vom 
Antichrist,  nach  ISchneckeidjurger,  in  Jahrb.  f 
deulsche  TheoL,  1850,  iv.  403-407 ;  Noyes,  G.  K., 
The  AjHicalypse  andyzed  and  explained,  in  the 
Christian  Examiner  for  ilay,  1800,  Ixviii.  325-357 ; 
Bleek,  Junl.  in  das  N.  T.,  pp.  015-618,  and  Vor- 
lesungen  ilber  die  Ajjokdypse,  Berl.  1802;  Ewald, 
Die  johan.  Schriflen  iibersezt  u.  erklurt,  Bd.  ii., 
Gcitt.  1802;  \'olkmar,  Comm.  zur  Offenbarung 
Johannes,  Ziirich,  1802.  H.  and  A. 

AN'TIOCH  CA«/Tiox€io).  1.  In  Sykia.  The 
capital  of  the  Greek  kings  of  Syria,  and  afterwards 
ihe  residence  of  the  Koman  governors  of  tlie  prov- 
ince which  bore  the  same  name.  This  metrojiolis 
was  situated  where  the  chain  of  I.ebanon,  running 
northwards,  and  the  cliaiu  of  Taurus,  running  east- 
wards, are  brought  to  an  altrupt  meeting.  Here 
the  Orontes  lireaks  through  the  mountains;  and 
Autiocli  was  placed  at  a  bend  of  the  river,  partly 
on  an  island,  jiartly  on  the  level  which  forms  the 
left  bank,  and  partly  on  the  steep  and  craggy  as- 
cent of  .Mount  Siljiius,  which  rose  abruptly  on  the 
south.  Ill  tlie  immediate  neighborhood  was  Daphne, 
the  celebrated  sanctuary  of  AjX)llo  (2  Mace.  iv.  33); 
whence  tlie  city  was  sometimes  called  Antiocii  hy 
Da  I'll  Mi,  to  distinguish  it  from  other  cities  of  the 
same  name. 

No  city,  after  Jerusalem,  is  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  the  apostolic  church. 
Cei'tain  jwints  of  close  a.ssociatioa  between  these 
two  cities,  as  rejiards  the  progress  of  Christianity, 
may  be  noticed  in  the  first  place.  One  of  the  seven 
deacoiib  or  almoners  appointed  at  .lerusalem,  was 
Nicolas,  a  proselyte  of  Aiiti(x;h  (Acts  vi.  5).  The 
Christians,  wlio  were  dispersed  from  Jerusalem  at 
the  death  of  Stephen,  (ireached  the  gospel  at  An- 


ANTIOCH 


113 


tioch  {ibid.  xi.  19).  It  was  from  Jenisalem  that 
Agabus  and  the  other  prophets,  wlio  foretold  the 
famine,  came  to  Antiwli  {Und.  xi.  27,  28):  and 
IJurnabas  and  Saul  were  conseqnontly  sent  on  a 
mission  of  charity  from  the  latter  city  to  the  former 
[ibid.  xi.  30,  xii.  25).  It  was  from  .lerusalem  again 
that  the  Judaizers  came,  who  disturbed  the  church 
at  .\n tioch  {ibid.  xv.  1);  and  it  w;ls  at  AntiocJ 
tliat  St.  Paul  relinked  St.  I'etcr  for  conduct  into 
vliich  he  had  been  betrayed  through  the  iiiHuence 
of  emissaries  from  Jerus;ileni  (Gal.  ii.  II,  12). 

The  chief  interest  of  Antioch,  however,  is  con- 
nected with  the  progress  of  Cliristianity  among  the 
heathen.  Here  the  first  (jentile  church  was 
founded  (Acts  xi.  20,  21);  here  the  disciples  of 
Jesus  (Jhrist  were  first  called  Christians  (xi.  26); 
here  St.  Paul  exercised  (so  far  as  is  distinctly  re- 
corded) his  first  systematic  ministerial  work  (xi 
22-2ii;  see  xiv.  20-28;  also  xv.  35  and  xviii.  23); 
hence  he  started  at  the  beginning  of  iiis  first  mis- 
sionary journey  (xiii.  1-3),  and  hitiier  he  returned 
(xiv.  26).  So  again  after  tlie  apostolic  council  (the 
decrees  of  which  were  specially  addressed  to  the 
Gentile  converts  at  Antioch,  xv.  23),  he  began  and 
endetl  his  second  missionary  journey  at  this  place 
(xv.  30,  xviii.  22).  This  too  was  tlie  starting-point 
of  the  third  missionary  Journey  (xviii.  23),  which 
was  brought  to  a  termiiiatioii  by  the  im]insonment 
at  Jerusalem  and  Cajsarea."  Though  St.  Paul  was 
never  again,  so  far  as  we  know,  at  .\ntioch,  it  did 
not  ce;i.se  to  be  an  important  centre  for  (.'hristiaii 
progress;  but  it  does  not  belong  to  this  jilace  to 
tnice  its  history  as  a  patriarchate,  and  its  connec- 
tion with  Ignatius,  Chrysostom,  and  other  euiiueut 
names. 

Antioch  was  founded  in  the  year  300  u.  c,  by 
.Seleucus  Nicator,  with  circumstaiices  of  consider- 
able display,  which  were  afterwards  embellished  by 
fable,  'i'he  situation  was  well  chosen,  both  for  mU- 
itary  and  commercial  jnirposes.  Jews  were  settled 
there  from  the  first  in  large  numbers,  were  governed 
by  their  own  ethnarch,  and  allowe<l  to  have  the 
same  political  privileges  with  the  Greeks  (.loseph. 
Ant.  xii.  3,  §  1;  c.  Ap.  ii.  4).  Antioch  grew  under 
the  successive  Seleucid  kings,  till  it  became  a  city 
of  great  extent  and  of  remarkable  beauty.  Some 
of  the  most  magnificent  Iniildings  were  on  the 
island.  One  feature,  which  seems  to  have  been 
characteristic  of  the  great  Syrian  cities  —  a  vast 
street  with  colonnades,  intersecting  the  whole  from 
end  to  end  —  was  added  by  .\ntioclius  I'.piphanes. 
Some  lively  notices  of  the  Antioch  of  this  period, 
and  of  its  relation  to  Jewish  history,  are  supi>lie<l 
by  the  books  of  Maccai)ees.  (See  esjiecially  1  Alacc 
iii.  37,  xi.  13;  2  .Mace.  iv.  7-9,  v.  21,  xi.  30.) 

It  is  the  .\ritioch  of  the  Roman  period  with 
which  we  are  concerned  in  the  N.  T.  By  Pompey 
it  had  been  made  a  free  city,  and  such  it  continued 
till  the  time  of  Antoninus  Pius.  The  early  Emper- 
ors raised  there  some  large  and  important  struct- 
ures, such  as  aqueducts,  amphitheatres,  and  baths 
Herod  the  Great  contributed  a  road  and  a  colon- 
nade (.Joseph.  Ant.  xvi.  5,  §  3;  B.  J.,  i.  21,  §  11). 
Here  should  be  mentioned  that  the  citizens  of  An- 
tioch under  the  F.mpire  were  noted  for  scurrilous 
wit  and  the  invention  of  nicknames.  This  perhaps 
was  the  origin  of  the  name  by  which  the  disciples 
of  Jesus  Christ  are  designated,  and  which   was 


a  •  It  illustrates  signally  the  contrasts  of  history, 
that  the  Antioch  of  the  N.  T.  from  which  the  tirst 
tuLssionaries  to  the  heathen  were  sent  forth,  is  itself 

8 


now  one  of  the  foreign  fields  to  which  missionari»w  an 
sent  by  the  churches  of  America.  A 


114 


ANTIOCH 


ANTIOCH 


J3^*te,. 


^m^^^ 


-^r^ 


Antioeh. 


probably  given  by  Romans  to  the  despised  sect, 
»nd  not  by  ( 'hristians  to  themselves. 

The  great  authority  for  all  that  is  known  of 
ancient  Antioeh  is  ('.  0.  Miiller's  Anli'/uilntes 
Aritiocherue  (G(  tt.  1839).  Modern  Antakia  is  a 
shrunken  and  miserable  [dace.  Some  of  the  walls, 
shattered  by  earthquakes,  have  a  striking  appear- 
ance on  tlie  crags  of  Mount  Silpius.  They  are  de- 
scribed ill  ( 'hesney's  account  of  the  Kuphrates  Ex- 
pedition, where  also  is  given  a  view  of  a  gateway 
which  still  bears  the  name  of  St.  Paul.  One  error, 
however,  should  be  pointetl  out,  which  has  found 
its  way  into  these  \()hni)es  i'rom  Cahnet,  namely, 
Jerome's  erroneous  identification  of  Antioeh  with 
the  Kiblah  of  the  Old  Testament. 


GatA  of  St.  Paul,  Antioeh. 

•<.  Antkkm  in  Pisidia  (Acts  xiii.  14,  xiv.  19, 
ii;  2  Tim  iii.  11).     The  position  of  this  towTi  ia 


clearly  pointed  out  by  Strabo  in  the  following 
words  (xii.  577):  —  "In  tlie  district  of  Phrygia 
called  Paroreia,  there  is  a  certain  mountain-ridge, 
stretchuig  from  ]•;.  to  W.  On  each  side  there  is  a 
large  plain  below  this  ridge ;  and  it  has  two  cities 
in  its  neighborhood:  Philomeliuni  on  the  north, 
and  on  the  other  side  Antioeh,  called  Antioeh  near 
Pisidia.  The  former  lies  entirely  in  the  plain ;  the 
latter  (which  has  a  Homan  colony)  is  on  a  height." 
The  rehtions  of  distance  also  between  Antioeh  and 
other  towns  are  known  by  tlie  Pcutingerian  table. 
Its  site,  however,  has  only  recently  been  ascertained. 
It  was  formerly  supposed  to  be  Aks/ia;  which  is 
now  known  to  be  Philomeliuni  on  the  north  side  of 
the  ridge.  Even  Winer  (1847)  gives  this  view, 
the  difficulties  of  which  were  seen  by  I.eake,  and 
previously  by  IMannert.  Mr.  .Arundell,  the  Hritish 
chaplain  at  Smyrna,  undertook  a  jouniey  in  18-33 
I  for  the  express  purjiose  of  identifying  the  Pisidian 
Antioeh,  and  he  was  perfectly  successful  (Arundell's 
Asia  Minor,  ch.  xii.,  xiii.,  xiv.).  The  ruins  are 
very  considerable.  This  discovery  was  fully  con- 
firmed by  Mr  Hamilton  (Res.  in  Asi/t  Minor,  vol. 
i.  ch.  27).  Antioeh  coiTesponds  to  Yolubntch. 
which  is  distant  from  Ak~shtr  six  hours  over  the 
mountains. 

This  city,  like  the  Syrian  Antioeh,  wis  foundj>I 
by  Seleucus  Nicator.  I'nder  the  Homans  it  became 
a  cohnid,  and  was  also  called  Caesarea,  as  we  leaiu 
from  Pliny  (v.  24).  The  former  fact  is  confirmed 
by  the  l^atin  inscriptions  and  other  features  of  the 
coins  of  the  place;  the  latter  by  inscriptions  dis- 
covered on  the  spot  by  Mr.  Hamilton. 

The  occasion  on  which  St.  Paul  visited  the  citj 
for  the  first  time  (Acts  xiii.  14)  was  very  interest- 
ing and  important.  His  pre-icliiiig  in  the  83rna- 
gogue  led  to  the  reception  of  the  gosjxjl  by  a  exeai 
numljer  of  the  (Jentiles:  and  this  resulted  in 
violent  persecution  on  the  part  of  the  .lews,  whc 
first,  using  the  influence  of  some  of  the  wealthj 
female  residents,  drove  him  from  Antioeh  to  loo 


ANTIOCHIA 

dium  (if>.  50,  51),  and  subsequently  followwi  .iim 
even  to  Lystra  (Acts  xiv.  liJ).  St.  Paul,  on  bis 
■etum  from  Lystra,  revisited  Antioch  for  tbe  pur- 
pose of  streufithening  the  minds  o<"  the  disciples 
(ib.  21).  These  events  happened  when  1  e  was  on 
his  first  missionary  journey,  in  company  with  Bar- 
nabas, lie  jirohably  visited  Antioch  again  at  the 
l)eginning  of  his  second  j(jurney,  when  Silas  \va.s 
his  associate,  and  Timotheus,  who  was  a  native  of 
this  ueigliborlKwd,  had  just  been  added  to  the 
party.  Tiie  allusion  in  2  Tim.  iii.  11  shows  that 
Timotheus  wxs  well  acquainted  with  the  sufferings 
whicii  the  apostle  had  uiulergone  during  his  first 
visit  to  the  Fisidian  Antioch.  [Fhkygia;  Pi- 
sxuiA.]  J-  S.  H. 

ANTIOCHI'A  ('A.'TtcJxeia;  [^'^0  ^'ex. 
AvTioxia  exc.  in  2  Mace.  iv.  3-3:  Antiochia). 
Antioch  1  (1  Mace.  iv.  35,  vi.  63;  2  Mace.  iv. 
33,  V.  21).  W.  A.  W. 

ANTIO'CHIANS  (.'Avnoxf'^s-  Antiocheni). 
Partisans  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  including  Jason 
and  the  llellenizing  faction  (2  Mace.  iv.  9, 19).  In 
the  latter  passages  the  Vulgate  has  viros  peccalwes. 

AV.  A.  W. 

ANTI'OCHIS  ('Ai/Ti'oxis:  Aniwchis).  Tlie 
roacubii:e  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (2  Mace.  iv.  30). 

W.  A.  W. 

ANTI'OCHUS  ('Ai/n'oxoy;  Alex.  AfTi/xa- 
Yos  in  1  Mace.  xii.  IG :  Antiochus).  Father  of 
Numenius,  one  of  the  ambassadors  from  Jonathan 
to  the  Romans  (1  JIacc.  xii.  16,  xiv.  22). 

AV.  A.  W. 

ANTI'OCHUS  II.      CAvTi'oxos,  ^he  wlth- 
sUttuler),  king  of  Syria,  surnac-ed  the,  God  {@iis), 
» in  the  first  instance  by  the  Milesians,  because  he 
overthrew  their   tyrant   Timarchus "    (App.    Syr. 
65),  succeeded   his  father  Antiochus  (SujTTjp,  tht 
Savior)  in  n.  c.  2151.     During  the  earlier  part  of 
his  reign  he  was  engaged  in  a  fierce  war  with  Ftol- 
enueus  Philadelphus,  king  of  Egypt  {Mis  viribus 
dimicdrit,  Hieron.  (id  Dm.  xi.  6),  hi  the  course  of 
which  Farthia  and  Hactria  revolted  and  l)ecame  in- 
dependent kingdoms.    At  length  (b.  c.  250)  i)eace 
was  made,  and  the  two  monarchs  "joined  them- 
selves together"  (Dan.  xi.  6),  and  Ptolemy  ("the 
king  of  the  south  ")  gave  his  daughter  Berenice  in 
marriage  to  Antiochus  ("the  king  of  the  north") 
who  set  aside  his  former  wife,  Laodice,  to  receive 
her.     After  some  time,  on  the  death  of  Ptolemy 
(b.  c.  217),  Antiochus  recalled   I^aodice  and  her 
children  Seleucus  and  Antiochus  to  court.     Thus 
Berenice  was  "  not  able  to  retain  her  power;  "  and 
Eaodice,  in  jealous  fear  lest  she  might  a  second  time 
lose  her  ascendency,  poisoned  Antiochus  (him  '•  that 
supported  her,"  i.  t.  Berenice),  and  caused  Berenice 
and  her  infant  son  to  be  put  to  death,  u.  c.  246 
(D.in.  xi.  0;  Hieron.  ad  Din.  1.  c.;  App.  Syr.  65). 
After  the  death  of  Antiochus,  Ptolema;us  Ever- 
^etes,  the  brotiier  of  Berenice  ("  out  of  a  branch  of 
her  root"),  who  succeeded  his  father  Ftol.  Phila- 
Jelphus,  exacted  \engeance  for  his  sister's  death  by 
.tn  invasion  of  Syria,  in  which  I>aodice  was  killed, 
lier  son  Seleucus  Callinicus  driven  for  a  time  from 
the  throne,  and  the  whole  country  plundered  (Dan. 
ti.  7-9;  Hieron.  I.  c. ;  hence  his  surname  ''■the  ben- 
efactor ").    The  hostilities  thus  renewed  continued 
(or  many   years;   and  on  the  death  of   Seleucus 
u.  c.  226,  after  his  "return  into  his   ?wn  land 
(Dan.  xi.  9),  iiis  sons  Alexander  (Seleu-us)  Ki>rau- 
wa  and  Ax  tiochus  "  assembled  a  great  umltitude 


ANTIOCHUS  III. 


115 


of  forces  "  against  Ftol.  Philopator  the  wti  of  Ever- 
getfts,  and  "°one  of  them  "  (Antiochus)  tlireatened 
to  overthrow  the  power  of  Egypt  (Dan.  xi.  9,  10; 
Hieron.  /.  c).  ^-  t'-  ^^'• 

ANTI'OCHUS   III.,   sumamed    (he    GreaA 
i/xfyas),  succeeded  his  brother  Seleucus  Keraunos, 
who  was  assassinated  after  a  short  reign  in  b.  C 
223.     He  pro.secuted  the  war  against  Ftol.  Philo- 
pator with  vigor,  and  at  fii-st  with  success.     In 
B.  c.  218  he  drove  the  Egyptian  forces  to  Sidon, 
conquered  Samaria  and  Ciilead,  and  wintered  at 
Ptolemais,  but  was  defeated  next  year  at  liaphia, 
near  Gaza  (b.  c.  217),  with  immense  loss,  and  in 
consequence  made  a  peace  with  Ptolemy,  in  which 
he  ceded  to  him  the  disputed  provinces  of  Ccele- 
Syria,  Phoenicia  and  Palestine  (Dan.  xi.  11,  12; 
Polyb.  V.  40  ff.,  53  ff.).     During  the  next  thirteen 
years  Antiochus  wa.s  engaged  in  strengthening  his 
position  in  Asia  Minor,  and  on  the  fnmticrs  of 
Farthia,  and  by  his  successes  gained  his  surname  of 
the  Great.     At  the  end  of  this  time,  n.  (■.  2!)5, 
Ptolemajus  Philopator  died,  and  left  his  kingdom 
to  his  son  Ftol.  Epiphanes,  who  was  only  five  years 
old.     Antiochus  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
which  was  offered  by  the  weakness  of  a  minority 
and  the  uni)opularity  of  the  rsgent,  to  uinte  with 
Philip  in.  of  Macedon  for  the  purpose  of  conquer- 
ing and  dividing  the  Egyptian  dominions.     ITie 
Je\vs,,who  had  been  exasperated  by  the  conduct  of 
Ftol.    Philopator   both    in   Palestine   and    Egypt, 
oi^enly  esjioused  his  cause,  under  the  influence  of 
a  short-sighted  policy  ("the  factions  among  thy 
IXKiple  shall  rise,"  i.  e.  against  Ptolemy :  Dan.  xi.  14.) 
Antiochus  succeeded  in  occupying  the  three  dis- 
puted provinces,  but  was  recalled  to  Asia  by  a  war 
which  broke  out  with  Attains,  king  of  Pergamos; 
and  his  ally  Philip  was  himself  embroiled  with  the 
Romans.     In  consequence  of  this  diversion  Ptol- 
emy, by  the  aid  of   Scopas,  again  made  himself 
master  of  Jerusalem  (Joseph.  .4)//.  xii.  3,  3)  and 
recovered  the  territory  which  he  had  lost  (Hieron. 
Ml  Dm.  xi.  14).     In  b.  c.  198  Antiochus  reap- 
peared  in  the  field  and  gained  a  decisi\e  victory 
"  near  the  sources  of  the  Jordan  "  (.Joseph.  Ant. 
xii.  3,  3;  Hieron.  I.  c.  ubi  J'aneas  nunc  condita 
est);  and  afterwards  captured  Scopas  and  the  rem- 
nant of  his  forces  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Sidon 
(Dan.  xi.  15).     The  Jews,  who  had  sufTered  se- 
verely during  the  struggle  (Joseph.  I.  c),  welcomed 
Antiochus  as  their  deliverer,  and  "  he  stood  in  the 
glorious  land  which  by  his  hand  was  to  be  con- 
sumed "  (Dan.  xi.  16).    His  further  designs  against 
Egypt  were  frustrated  by  the  intervention  of  the 
Komans;    and    his    daughter   Cleopatra    (Polyb. 
xxviii.   17),  whom   he  gave  in  marriage  to  PtoL 
Epiphanes,  with  the  Phoenician  provinces  for  liei 
dower  (.Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  4,  1),  favored  the  interest! 
of  her  husband  rather  than  those  of  her  fathei 
(Dan.  xi.  17;  Hieron.  /.  c).     From  Egypt  Anti- 
ochus turned  again  to  Asia  Elinor,  and  after  vari- 
ous successes  in  the  iEgiEan  crossed  over  to  Greece, 
and  by  the  advice  of  Hannibal  entered  on  a  war 
with   Home.     His  victorious  course  was  checked 
at  Thermopyl.ie  (b.  c.  191),  and  after  subsequeiit 
reverses  he  was  finally  defe;ited  at  Magnesia   in 
1  Eydia,  B.  c.  190."     By  the  peace  which  was  con- 
j  eluded  shortly  aaerwards  (b.  c.  188)  he  was  forceil 
to  cede  all  his  jwssessions  "  on  the  Konian  side  of 


"  The  statement  in  1  Mace,  viii  6,  that  Vntinchm 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Romans,  u  Dot  support«<d 
by  any  other  testimony. 


lit) 


ANTIOCHUS   IV. 


ANTIOCHUS  IV. 

carry  to  Antioclius  the  price  of  his  ofiBce,  snp 
planted  Jason  by  offering  the  king  a  larger  bribe, 
and  was  himself  appointed  high  priest,  wiiile  Jason 
was  obliged  to  take  refuge  among  the  Ammouitea 
(2  Mace.  iv.  23-20).  From  these  circumstances 
and  from  the  marked  honor  with  wliicli  Antiochua 
wao  received  at  Jerusalem  very  early  in  his  reign 
(c.  B.  c.  173;  2  Mace.  iv.  22),  it  ap|iwirs  that  he 
found  no  difficulty  in  r^aining  the  border  prov- 
uices  which  had  been  given  as  the  dower  of  his  sis- 
ter Cleopatra  to  Ptol.  Kpiphanes.  But  liis  ambition 
led  him  still  further,  and  he  undertook  four  cam 
paigus  against  l^gypt,  u.  c.  171,  170,  1G9,  108 
with  greater  success  than  had  attended  his  prede- 
cessor, and  the  complete  conque-st  of  the  country 
was  prevented  only  by  the  interference  of  the  Ra- 
mans (Dan.  xi.  24;  1  Mace-  i-  10  ff-;  2  Mace,  v 
otlier  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem-    At  the  same  time  [11  ff-)-     The  course  of  Antiochus  was  everywhere 


Mt.  Taurus,"  and  to  pay  in  successive  installments 
in  enormous  sum  of  money  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  war  (15,000  luilwic  talents:  App.  Syr.  38). 
Tliis  last  condition  led  to  his  ignominious  death, 
[n  n.  c.  187  he  attacki-d  a  rich  temple  of  Belus  in 
Klymais,  and  was  slain  by  the  people  who  rose  in  its 
defense  (Strab.  xvi.  744;  Just,  xxxii.  2).  Thus 
"  he  stumbled  and  fell,  and  was  not  found  "  (Dan. 
xi.  19). 

The  policy  of  Antiochus  towards  the  Jews  was 
liberal  and  conciliatory.  He  not  only  assured  to 
them  perfect  freetlom  and  protection  in  the  exercise 
of  their  worship,  but  according  to  Josephus  (Ant. 
xii.  3,  3),  in  consideration  of  t^ieir  great  sufferings 
and  services  in  his  behalf,  he  n.ade  splendid  contri- 
butions towards  the  sup|K)rt  of  the  temple  ritual, 
and  gave  various  immunities  to  the  priests  and 


imitating  the  example  of  Alexander  and  Seleucus, 
and  appreciating  the  influence  of  their  fidelity  and 
unity,  he  transported  two  thousand  families  of  Jews 
from  Mesopotamia  to  Lydia  and  I'hrygia,  to  repress 
the  tendency  to  revolt  which  was  manifested  in 
those  provinces  (Joseph.  Ant.  1.  c-). 

Two  sons  of  Antiochus  occupied  llie  throne  after 
lum,  Seleucus  Philopator,  his  immediate  successor, 
and  Antiochus  IV.,  who  gained  the  kingdom  upon 
the  assassination  of  his  brother.  B.  F.  W. 


Tetradrachm  (Attic  talent)  of  Antiochu.4  III. 


marketl  by  the  same  wild  prodigality  as  had  sig- 
nalized his  occupation  of  the  throne  (Dan.  I.  c). 
The  consequent  exhaustion  of  his  treasury,  and  the 
armed  conflicts  of  the  rival  high  priests  whom  be 
had  apjwinted,  furnished  the  occasion  for  an  assault 
upon  Jerusalem  on  his  return  from  his  second 
I'^gyptian  campaign  (b.  c.  170),  which  he  had  prob 
ably  planned  in  conjunction  with  I'tol.  I'hilometor, 
who  was  at  that  time  in  his  power  (Dan.  xi.  20) 
The  temple  was  plundered,  a  terrible  massacre  took 
place,  and  a  Phrygian  governor  was  left  with 
Menelaus  in  chai'ge  of  the  city  (2  Mace.  v. 
1-22;  1  Mace.  i.  20-28).  Two  years  after- 
wards, at  the  close  of  the  fourth  Egyptian 
expedition  (I'olyb.  xxix.  1,  11 ;  App.  Stp: 
00;  cf.  Dan.  xi.  29,  30),  Antiochus  detached 
a  force  under  Apollonius  to  occupy  Jerusa- 
lem and  fortify  it,  and  at  this  tinie  he  availed 
himself  of  the  assistance  of  the  ancestral  en- 
emies of  the  Jews  (1  Mace.  iv.  01,  v.  3  ff. ; 
Dan.  xi.  41).  The  decrees  then  followed 
which  have  rendered  his  name  infamous. 
The  Temple  was  desecrated,  and  the  obser- 
vance of  the  law  was  forbidden.     "  On  the 


Obv. :  Head  of  King,  to  ripht.    Rev. :   BASIAEOS  ANTIoXoY.  „„       ,,    ,         ,  „-  ,       ^.i      ^.     -       i      . 
In  field,  two  monograms.     Apollo,  naked,  seated  on  cortina,  fifteenth  day  of  Cisleu  [tlie  byrians]  set  up 

the  abomination  of  desolation  (>.  e.  an  idol 
altar:  v.  59)  on  the  altar"  (1  Mace.  i.  54). 
Ten  days  afterwards  an  offering  was  made  upon  it 
to  .h  piter  Olympius.  At  Jerusalem  all  opposition 
apjears  to  have  ceased;  but  Mattathias  and  his 
sons  organized  a  resistance  ("  liol[)en  with  a  little 
help,"  Dan.  xi.  34),  which  preseneil  inviolate  the 
name  and  faith  of  Israel.  Meanwhile  Antiochus 
turned  his  arms  to  the  East,  towai'ds  I'arthia  (Tao. 
HiM.  v.  8)  and  Annenia  (App.  Syi:  45;  Diod.  ap. 
Miiller,  Frai/m.  ii.  p.  10;  Dan.  xi.  40).  Hearing 
not  long  afterwards  of  the  riches  of  a  temple  of 
Naniea  ("the  desire  of  women,"  Dan.  xi.  37)  in 
Elyraais,  hung  with  the  gifts  of  Alexander,  he  re- 
solve<l  to  plunder  it.  'I"he  attempt  was  defeated; 
and  though  he  did  not  fall  like  his  father  in  the  act 
of  sacrilege,  the  event  hastened  his  death.  He  re- 
ared to  Babylon,  and  thence  to  Tabae  in  Persia, 
where  he  died  K.  c.  104,  tlie  victim  of  superstition, 
terror,  and  remorse  (Polyb.  xxxi.  2;  Joseph.  Ant. 
xii.  8,  1  ff.),  having  first  heard  of  the  successes  of 
the  Maccabees  in  restoring  the  temple-worship  at 
Jerusalem  (1  Mace.  vi.  1-10;  cf.  2  Mace.  i.  7-17?). 
"  He  came  to  his  end  and  tlicre  was  none  to  help 
him  "  (Dan.  xi.  45).     Cf.  App.  Syr.  45;  Liv.  xii. 


to  left. 

ANTI'OCHUS  IV.  EPIPH'ANES  ('Eir.- 
<pavi\s,  <fi6  Illustrious,  also  called  @f6s,  and  in 
mockery  ijrifiavfis,  Hie  frantic:  Athen.  x.  4-'58; 
Polyb.  xxvi.  10)  was  the  youngest  son  of  Antioclius 
the  Great.  He  was  given  as  a  hostage  to  the  IJo- 
mans  (u.  c.  188)  after  his  father's  defeat  at  Mag- 
nesia. In  Ii.  C.  175  he  was  released  by  tlie  inter- 
vention of  his  brother  Seleucus,  who  substituted 
his  own  son  Demetrius  in  his  phice.  Antiochus 
was  at  .Athens  when  Seleucus  was  assiu^sinated  by 
Ilelioilorus.  He  took  atlvantage  of  his  position, 
and,  by  the  assistance  of  Eumenes  and  Attains, 
Kisily  expelled  Heliodorus  who  had  usurped  the 
irowu,  and  himself  "  obtained  the  kingdom  by  flat- 
teries "  (Dan.  xi.  21;  cf.  Liv.  xii.  20),  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  his  nephew  Demetrius  (Dan.  viii.  7). 

The  accession  of  Antiochus  wa.s  immediately  fol- 
lowed by  desiKjrate  efforts  of  the  Hellenizing  party 
U  Jerusalem  to  assert  their  supremacy.  Jason 
(Jesus:  Jos.  Anf.  xii.  5,  1,  see  JAst)x),  the  brother 
of  Oniits  HI.,  the  high  priest,  persuaded  the  king 
to  transfer  the  high  priestliw>d  to  him,  and  at  the 
laine  time  bought  permission  (2  Mace.  iv.  9)  to 


jarry  out  his  design  of  habituatmg  the  Jews  to'  24-5,  xlii.  0,  xliv.  19,  xlv.  11-13;  Joseph.  Ant.  xii 
Gra'k  customs  (2  Msicc.  iv.  7,  20).     'ITiree  years   5,  8. 

•fterwards    iMeneiaus.   of  the   trilie  of   Iknjamin  I      The  reign  of  Antiochus,  thus  .shortly  traced,  wa» 
'SimunJ,  who   was    cuumilssiuned   by  Jason    to  I  the  last  great  crisis  in  the  history  of  the  Jews  be 


ANTOCHUS   IV. 


ANTIOCHUS    VI. 


117 


xi.  38  ff.;  F.wakI,  (!(M-h.  (hs  Volkes  Isr.  iv.  ;i4l)) 
t.'oni'ronted  witli  such  a  persecutor  the  Jew  reulized 
the  spiritual  power  of  his  faith.  Tlie  e\il.s  of  liea- 
thendoni  were  seen  conceutniteil  in  a  personal 
shape.     The  outward  forms  of  worship  became  in- 


fore  the  coming  of  our   Lord.      The   prominence 
which   is  given  to  it  in  tlie  book  of  Daniel  fitl^' 
swcords  with  its  typical  and  representative  character 
(Dan.  vii.  8,  25,  viii.    11  ff. ).     The  conquest  of 
Alexander   had    introduced    the   forces   of  Greek 
thought    and    life   into    the   Jewish   nation, 
which  was  already  prepared  for  their  operation 
[Ai.K.VAXDKu].     For    n)ore    than  a  century 
and  a  half  these  forces  had  acted  powerfully 
ix)th  u[Kjn  the  faith  and  upon  the  habits  of 
the  people;  and  the  time  was  come  when  an 
outward  struggle  tdone  could  decide  whether 
Judaism  was  to  be  merged  in  a  rationalized 
Paganism,  or  to  rise  not  only  \ictorious  from 
the  coriHiet,  but  more  vigorous  and  more  pure. 
There  were  many  symptoms  which  betokened 
the  approaching  struggle.    The  position  wiiich 
Judaja  OiJcupied  on  the  borders  of  the  conflict- 
ing  empires   of    Syria   and    Kgypt,    exposed  Obv. :  Head  of  King,  to  right,     llev.  :    BASIAEfiS  ANTI- 
II     ;      41  •      •         P  J   »i  oXoY  ©EoY  EIII'l>ANoY2  NIKH<I>oPoV.     Jupiter  seat«><1 

equally  to  the  open  miseries  of  war  and  the  ,  ;    ,    ?,.  '^"'•^'''■""'^  '  "„,,'"  ' 

^^      ,  c  e    ■     I  ■  ,,to  left,  holding  a  \ ictory.     In  field  monogram, 

treacherous  lavors  oi  rival  sovereigns,  rendered  ^  o  j 

its  national  condition  precarious  from  the  first,  i  vested  with  something  of  a  sacramental  dignity 
though  these  very  circumstances  were  favorable  to  Common  life  was  purified  and  ennobled  by  lieroio 
the  growth  of  freedom.      The  terrible  crimes   by   devotion.      An   independent   nation  asserted   the 


Tetradrachm  (Attic  talent)  of  Antiochus  IV  Epiphanss. 


which  the  wars  of  "the  North  and  South''  were 
gtained,  must  have  alienated  the  mind  of  every 
faithful  Jew  from  his  Grecian  lords,  even  if  perse- 
cution liatl  not  been  supenulded  from  I'^gyj)!  first 
and  then  from  Syria.  Politically  nothing  was  left 
for  the  people  in  the  reign  of  Antiochus  but  inde- 
pendence, or  the  abandonment  of  every  prophetic 
hope.  Nor  was  their  social  position  less  perilous. 
The  influence  of  Greek  literature,  of  foreign  travel, 
of  extended  commerce,  had  made  itself  felt  in  daily 
life.  At  Jerusalem  the  mass  of  the  inhabitants 
geem  to  have  desired  to  imitate  the  exercises  of  the 
(•ireeks;  and  a  Jewish  eml)assy  attended  the  games 
of  Hercules  at  Tyre  (2  Mace.  iv.  9-2D).  Even 
their  religious  feelings  were  yielding;  and  before 
the  rising  of  the  Alaccal)ees  no  opposition  was  of- 
fered to  the  execution  of  the  king's  decrees.  Uiwn 
the  first  attempt  of  .lasoii  the  "  jiriests  had  no  cour- 
age to  serve  at  the  altar"  (2  Mace.  iv.  14;  cf.  1 
Mace.  i.  43);  and  this  not  so  much  from  willful 
apostasy,  as  from  a  disregard  to  the  vital  principles 
involved  in  the  conflict.  Thus  it  was  necessary  that 
the  final  issues  of  a  false  Hellenism  should  be  o|)enly 
seen,  that  it  miglit  be  discarded  forever  by  tliose 
who  cherished  the  ancient  faith  of  Israel. 

The  conduct  of  Antiochus  was  in  every  way 
suited  to  accomplish  this  end ;  and  yet  it  seems  to 
have  been  the  result  of  passionate  impulse  rather 
than  of  any  deep-laid  scheme  to  extirpate  a  strange 
creed.  At  first  he  imitated  the  liberal  policy  of 
his  predecessors ;  and  the  occasion  for  his  attacks 
was  furnislied  by  the  Jews  themselves.  Even  the 
motives  by  which  he  was  finally  actuated  were  per- 
sonal, or  at  most  oidy  political.  Able,  energetic, 
(I'olyb.  xxvii.  17)  and  liberal  to  profusion,  Anti- 
ochus was  reckless  and  unscrupulous  in  the  execu- 
tion of  his  plans.  He  had  leanit  at  Rome  to  court 
piiwei  and  to  dread  it.  He  gained  an  empire,  and 
«e  rememl)ered  that  he  had  been  a  hostage,  lie- 
gardless  himself  of  the  gods  of  his  fathers  (Dan. 
XI.  37),  he  was  incapable  of  appreciating  the  power 
jf  religion  in  others;  and  like  Nero  in  later  times 
be  became  a  type  of  the  enemy  of  God,  not  as  the 
lloman  emperor  by  the  perpetration  of  unnatural 
crimes,  but  by  the  disregard  of  every  higher  feel- 
jior.  "  He  magnified  himself  above  all."  The  real 
ieity  whom  he  recognized  was  the  Roman  war-god, 
uid  forti-esses  were  his  most  sacred  temples  (Dan. 


integrity  of  its  hopes  in  the  face  of  Egypt,  Syria, 
and  liome.  B.  F.  AV. 

ANTI'OCHUS  V.  EU'PATOR  (Ebrrd- 
Tup,  of  noble  descent),  succeeded  his  father  Anti- 
ocliiw  IV.  B.  c.  1G4,  while  still  a  child,  under  the 
guardianship  of  Lysias  (App.  Syr.  46;  1  Mace, 
iii.  32  f,  vi.  17),  though  Antiochus  had  assigned 
this  office  to  Philip  his  own  foster-brother  on  hki 
death-bed  (1  Mace.  vi.  14  f.,  55;  2  Mace.  ix.  29). 
Siiortly  after  his  accession  he  marched  against 
Jerusalem  with  a  large  army,  accompanied  by  Ly- 
sias, to  relieve  the  Syrian  garrison,  which  was  hard 
jiressed  by  Judas  Maccab»us  (1  Mace.  vi.  19  ff.). 
He  repulsed  Judas  at  Bethzacharia,  and  took  I5eth- 
sura  (Bethzur)  after  a  vigorous  resistance  (I  Mace, 
vi.  31-50).  But  when  the  Jewish  force  in  the  tem- 
])le  was  on  the  point  of  yielding,  Lysias  persuaded 
the  king  to  conclude  a  hasty  j)eace  that  he  might 
advance  to  meet  Philip,  who  had  returned  from 
Persia  and  made  himself  master  of  Antioch  (1  M:icc. 
vi.  51  ff.;  Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  9,  5  f.).  Philip  was 
speedily  overjwwered  (Joseph.  I.  c);  but  in  the  next 
year  (u.  c.  1G2)  Antiochus  and  Lysias  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Demetrius  Soter,  the  son  of  Selencus 
Pliilopator,  who  caused  them  to  be  put  to  death  in 
revenge  for  the  wrongs  which  he  had  himself  suf- 
fered from  Antiochus  lilpiphanes  (I  Mace.  vii.  2-4; 
2  Maec.  xiv.  1,  2;  Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  10,  1;  Polyb 
xsxi.  19).  B.  F.  W. 

ANTFOCHUS  VI.  CAKt^avSpos  'AXt^dv- 
Spov  Tov  v6dov,  App.  Syr.  68;  surnamed  0(6s 
Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  7,  1;  and  eiri(pav^s  ^i6iv<Tos 
on  coins),  was  the  son  of  Alexander  Balas  and  Ulfj- 
opatra  (App.  Syr.  1.  c).  After  his  father's  death 
(146  B.  c.)  he  remained  in  Arabia;  but  though 
still  a  child  (iratSi'oj',  App.  /.  c,  TroiSapiov  vfojre- 
pov,  1  Mace.  xi.  54),  he  was  soon  afterwards  brought 
forward  (c.  145  b.  c.)  as  a  claimant  to  the  tiirono 
of  Syria  against  Demetrius  Nicator  by  Tr>iihon  or 
Diodotus  (1  Mace.  xi.  39;  App.  Syr.  68;  Strab. 
xiv.  p.  668;  xvi.  p.  752),  who  had  been  an  officer 
of  his  father.  Trj7)hon  succeeded  in  gaining  An- 
tioch (i  Maec.  xi.  56);  and  afterwards  the  greater 
part  of  Syria  submitted  to  the  young  Antiochus. 
Jonathan,  who  was  confirmed  l)y  him  in  (lie  high 
priesthood  (1  Mace.  xi.  57)  and  invested  with  the 
government  of  Judaja,  contributed  greatly  to  lii» 


118 


ANTIOCHITS  Vll 


ANTIPATRI3 

defeated  by  Phraortes  II.  (Arsa^es  \U.\ 
and  fell  in  the  battle  c.  n.  c.  127-6  (Jo- 
seph. /.  c. ;  Just,  xxxvi.,  xxxviii.  10 ;  App. 
Syr.  08,  itKTuvev  (avT6v.  I'or  the  year 
of  his  death  cf.  Niebuhr,  Kl.  Sc'mfL  i 
251  f.;  Clinton,  /•'.  JJ.  ii.  332  ff.). 

B.  F.  W. 

ANTIPAS    ('AvTiTrar:     AntipM). 

A  mart^T  at  I'erj^mos,  ami,  acccrding  it 

tradition,  bishop  of  that  place  (Kev.  iL 

13).     He  is  said  to  have  suttercd  mart^T- 

dom  in  the  reign  of  Doraitian  by  being 

cast  into  a  burning  brai^en  bull  {JfenoJ. 

Tetradrachui  (Attic  talent)  of  AnUochus  VI.  ^'"^  "'•  ^l)-     ^^'^  '•'>y  '«  the  Greek  cal- 

'Jbv. :  ilead  of  King,  radiate,  to  right.     Key. :  BASIAEfiS  AN-  ^"''^'"  '*  ^l'""'*  ^^-  ^^  •  ^-  ^^'• 

TIoXoY   EU(I*ANo]YS   AIoNYSoY.      In  field,   TPY*   (Try-       AN'TIPAS.      [Hkhoi).! 

phon;,  and  date  ©HP  (1G9  Mt.  Selcucid.). 

success  [Ai.KXANDKi!  Hai.as],  Occupying  Ascalon 
nnd  Gaza,  and  reducing  the  country  as  far  as  Da- 
mascus (1  Mace.  xi.  GO-2).  He  afterwards  defeated 
Llie  troops  of  Demetrius  at  H.azor  (1  Mace.  xi.  67) 
uear  Cadesh  (v.  7:i);  and  ivpulsed  a  second  attempt 
which  he  made  to  regain  Palestine  (I  Mace.  xii. 
24  ff.).  Tryphon  having  now  gained  the  sujireme 
power  in  the  name  of  Antioehus,  no  longer  con- 
cealetl  his  design  of  nsuri):iig  tl  e  crowi.  As  a 
first  step  he  took  Jonathan  Ity  treachery  and  put 
him  to  death,  ».  v.  143  (1  Mace.  xii.  40  tf,);  and 
afterwards  nnn-dered  the  young  king,  and  ascended 
the  throne  (1  Mace.  xiii.  31 ;  Joseph.  Afil.  xiii.  .5, 
6;  .\pp.  Syr.  08.  Livy  {h'jiil.  55)  siiys  incorrectly 
ik'cevi  anrws  (idnuxlum  hubciis  ....  I)iod.  ap. 
Miiller,  Fniym.  ii.   li).     Just,  xxxvi.  1). 

15.  F.  W- 
ANTI'OCHUS  VII.  SIDE  TES  (SfSV^Js, 
of  Side,  in  Pamphylia :  not  from  "*  ***%  n  lamter : 
Plut.  AjXiphf/i.  p.  34;  ealled  also  Evaefi-fis,  the 
pk'u.i,  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  8,  2;  F.useb.  Citron.  Arm. 
i.  340),  king  of  Syria,  was  the  second  son  of  De- 
metrius I.  "When  his  brother,  Denetrius  Nicator, 
was  taken  prisoner  (c.  141  u.  c.)  by  Mithridates  I. 
(Arsaces  V[.,  1  iVFacc.  xiv.  1)  king  cf  Parthia,  he 
man-ied  his  wife  Cleopatra  (.\pp.  Syr.  68;  Just. 
xxxvi.  1),  and  obtained  possession  of  the  throne 
(137  B.  c),  having  exjwlled  the  usiuiicr  Tryphon 
(1  Mace.  XV.  1  ff.;  Strab.  xiv.  p.  0C8).  At  first 
he  made  a  very  advantageous  treaty  with  Simon, 
who  was  now  "  high-i>riest  and  j)rince  of  the  Jews," 
lout  when  he  grew  independent  of  his  help,  he  with- 
drew the  concessions  which  he  had  made  and  de- 
nandetl  the  surrender  of  the  fortresses  which  the 
Jews  held,  or  an  equivalent  in  money  (1  Mace.  xv. 
26  flf'.;  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  7,  3).  As  Simon  was 
unwilling  to  yield  to  his  demands,  he  sent  a  force 
under  Cendebajus  against  him.  who  occupied  a  for- 
lified  position  at  Cedron  (V  1  iMacc.  xv.  41),  near 
Azotus,  and  harassed  the  surrounding  country. 
.Vfter  the  defeat  of  Cendebffus  by  the  sons  of  Si- 
mon and  the  destruction  of  his  works  (1  Mace.  xvi. 
I -10),  Antioehus,  who  had  returned  from  the  pur- 
suit of  Tryphon,  undertook  an  expedition  against 
Juda;a  in  person.  He  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem,  but 
according  to  Josephus  granted  honorable  terms  to 
John  Hyrcanus  (b.  c.  133),  who  fiad  made  a  vig- 
orous resistance  (.Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  8;  yet  comp. 
I'orphyr.  a]i.  Euseb.  Chroti.  Arm.  i.  349,  muros 
'irbis  dtmoUtnr  atqna  eli'rti.-i.<sinws  ecntm  trucidnt). 
Antk)chus  next  turne<l  his  arms  ajainst  the  Par- 
thians,  and  H^Tcantis  accompanied  1  im  in  the  cam- 


ANTIP'ATER  CAvTUarpo^  :  An- 
tipnter),  son  of  Jason,  ambassador  from  the  Jews 
to  the  I^acedoemonians  (1  Mace.  xii.  16,  xiv.  22). 

ANTIP'ATRIS  {'KvTiTrarpis).  Our  means 
of  identifying  this  town  are  due,  partly  to  the  for- 
tunate circumstance  that  the  old  Semitic  nunie  of 
the  place  ha.s  lingered  among  the  present  Arabic 
|)opulation,  and  partly  to  ajouniey  specially  luider- 
taken  by  Dr.  I'll  Smith,  for  the  purpose  of  illus- 
trating the  night  mai-ch  of  the  soldiers  who  con- 
veyed St.  Paul  from  Jerusalem  to  Ca'sarea  (Acts 
xxiii.  31).  Dr.  Hobinson  wa.s  of  opinion,  when 
he  publishe<l  his  first  edition,  that  the  roa<I  which 
the  soldiers  took  on  this  occasion  led  from  Jerusa- 
lem to  Caesjirea  by  the  pass  of  Beth-J/uron,  and  by 
Lydda,  or  Dios|K)lis.  This  is  the  route  which  was 
followed  by  Cestius  Gallus,  as  mentionwl  by  Jo- 
sephus {B.  J.  ii.  19,  §  1);  and  it  appears  to  be 
identical  with  that  given  in  the  Jerasalem  Itiner- 
ai-y,  according  to  which  Antipatris  is  42  miles  from 
-lerusalem,  and  26  from  Cresarca.  Even  on  this 
supiwsition  it  would  have  been  quite  possible  for 
troops  leaving  Jerusalem  on  the  evening  of  one 
day,  to  reaeh  Caasarea  on  the  next,  and  to  start 
thence  aft«r  a  rest,  to  return  to  (it  is  not  said  that 
they  arrived  at)  their  quarters  at  Jerusalem  before 
nightfall.  Put  the  difficulty  is  entirely  removed  by 
Dr.  Smith's  discovery  of  a  much  shorter  road,  lead- 
ing by  Gophna  direct  to  Antipatris.  On  this  route 
he  met  the  Koman  pavement  again  and  again,  and 
indo^d  siiys  "  he  does  not  remember  obsening  any- 
where before  so  extensive  remains  of  a  Poman  road." 
(See  Blbl.  Saa-a,  vol.  i.  pp.  478-498 ;  /.//e  and 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  vol.  ii.  pp.  330-334,  2(1  ed.) 

It  may  be  difficult  to  fix  the  precise  spot  where 
the  ancient  city  stood,  but  the  Arabic  name,  Kefr- 
Snba,  determines  the  general  situation.  Josephus 
tells  us  that  the  old  name  was  Capharsaba  (Ka<pap 
ard^a  or  XapapCa.$a),  and  that  Herod,  when  he  re- 
built the  city,  changed  it  to  Antipatris,  in  hon()r 
of  his  father  Aiitipater  (Ant.  xiii.  15,  §  1,  xvi.  5, 
§  2;  B.  ./.  i.  21,  §  9).  The  position  of  Kefr-Saha 
is  in  sufficient  harmony  with  what  the  Jewish  h;.?- 
torian  says  of  the  position  of  Antipatris,  which  he 
describes  as  a  weU-watercd  and  well-wooded  plain, 
near  a  hilly  ridge,  and  with  his  notices  of  a  trench 
dug  from  thence  for  military  purposes  to  the  sea 
near  Joppa,  by  one  of  the  Asmoncan  princes  (Ant. 
xiii.  15,  §  1 ;  B.  J.  i.  4,  §  7).  At  a  later  period 
he  mentions  the  place  again  in  connection  with  a 
military  movement  of  Vespasian  from  Cajsarea-  to- 
wards Jerusalem  (B.  J.  ix.  8,  §  1).  No  remain* 
of  ancient  Antipatris  have  been  found;    but  tb» 


oaigc.     But,  after  some  successes,  l.e  was  entirely  |  ground  has  not  been  fully  explored.         J  S.  H. 


ANTONIA 

ANTO'NIA,  a  fortress  built  by  Ilerod  on  the 
lite  of  the  uiore  ancient  Baris,  on  the  N.  W.  of  the 
Temple,  and  so  named  by  him  after  his  friend  An- 
tonius.  [JiiKUSALii.M.]  The  word  nowhere  occurs 
in  the  Bible.  [The  fortress  is  referred  to,  however, 
'.n  Acts  xxi.  31  ft'.  J 

ANTOTHFJAH    (H^nh:?  [answers  of 

Jekovnh]:  'AuaBaiOKal'laOii';  [yat.  Avudaid  Kai 
ladtivi]  Atex.  AvadooBia'-  AmUltothia).  A  Ben- 
jamite,  one  of  the  sons  of  Shashak  (1  Chr.  viii.  24). 

W.  A.  W. 

AN'TOTHITE,  THE  (\"iri3^n  :  6  'Ava- 

9a.0i  [Vat.  -dei;  Comp.  6  ' AvadweiTrts ■•]  Aiui- 
thiHlutes,  Aniitlwtites).  A  native  of  Anathotii 
(I  Clir.  xi.  28,  xii.  3).  W.  A.  W. 

A'NUB  (^^3  7  {bound  toffether]:  'E;'q5j8  ; 
[Vat.  Evvaiv;]  Alex.  Eyvaifi;  [Comp.  'Au<i0:] 
Anob).  S<.)U  of  Coz,  and  descendant  of  Judah, 
through  Ashur  the  father  of  Tekoa  (1  Chr.  iv.  8). 

AV.  A.  W. 

A'NUS  HAvviohO;  [Alex.  Awovs;  Aid. 
^Avovs'l    Barwus),   a   Invite    (1    Ksdr.    ix.    48). 

[BA.M.] 

APA'ME  ('ATTOyur):  Apeme),  concubine  of  Da- 
rius [and  daughter  of  Bartticus]  (1  Esdr.  iv.  29). 

APEL'LES  CATreAA^s),  a  Christian  saluted 
by  St.  I'aul  in  liom.  xvi.  10,  and  honored  by  the 
designation  Siixif^os  eV  Xpiffrqi-  Origen  (in  loc.) 
suggests  that  he  may  have  been  identical  with 
ApoUos;  but  there  seems  no  ground  for  supposing 
it,  and  we  learn  from  Horace  {Sat.  i.  5,  100)  that 
Apella  was  a  common  name  among  the  Jews.  J'ra- 
dition  makes  him  bishop  of  Smyrna,  or  Iferaclea 
(Fabric.  Lux  Kcuvjul.  p.  IIG).  II.  A. 

APES  (!2"*v"^^»  Kophim :  nidtiKoi:  simias) 
occur  in  1  K.  x.  22,  "  once  in  three  yairs  came  the 
navy  of  Tharshish,  bringing  gold,  and  silver,  ivory, 
and  apes,  and  peacocks,"  and  in  the  parallel  pas- 
sage of  2  Chr.  ix.  21.  The  Vat.  version  [edition]  of 
the  LXX.  in  the  first-mentioned  pa.ssage  omits  the 
words  "ivory,  and- .apes,  and  peacocks,"'  while  the 
Alex,  version  [edition]  has  tliem ;  but  both  these 
rersions  have  the  words  in  the  passage  of  the  book 
of  Chronicles. 

For  some  attempts  to  identify  the  various  kinds 
of  Quadrumana  wliich  were  known  to  the  ancients, 
gee  A.  A.  II.  Lichtenstein's  work,  entitled  Comment 
'  tatio  pldhiUxjirAi  da  Simiarum  qtiotqiuit  vetevibm 
innoliierunl  Jbrinis  (Ilamb.  1791);  and  Kd.  Tyson's 
IToino  !>ijlfestrU,  or  the  Amlomy  of  a  Piijinie 
(I>ond.  1()'J9),  to  which  he  has  addetl  a  Philosoph- 
ical I'lssay  concertiing  the  CvTiocephali,  the  Satyrs, 
and  Sphinges  of  the  ancients.  Aristotle  {De  Aniin. 
Hist.  ii.  5,  ed.  Schneider)  appears  to  divide  the 
Quadrumana  order  of  M.ammalia  into  three  tribes, 
which  he  characterizes  i)y  the  names,  iridriKoi, 
Kn^oi,  and  KjvoKi(t>a.\oi.  Tlie  last-named  family 
are  no  doubt  identical  with  the  animals  that  form 
the  African  geinis  Ci/nocej>h(dus  of  modern  zoi  1- 
:^ists.  T'he  k7i0ii  Aristotle  distinguishes  from  the 
irldriKoi,  by  the  fact  of  the  former  possessing  a  tail. 
This  name,  perhaps,  may  stand  for  the  whole  tribe 
»f  tailed  monkeys,  excluding  the  Cyiwcephali  and 
he  Lemuri.de,  which  latter,  since  they  belong  to 
ie  island  of  jMadagasca.:,  were  probably  wholly 
inknown  to  the  ancients. 

The  TrlOnKJi,  therefore,  would  stand  as  the  rep- 
lesentative  of  the  tailless  apes,  such  as  the  Clum- 


APES  119 

panzee,  &c.  Although,  however,  .Viistotle  perhapn 
used  these  terms  respectively  in  a  definite  sense,  i* 
by  no  means  follows  that  they  are  so  employed  bj 
other  vvritci-s.  The  name  iri0r]Kot,  for  instance, 
seems  to  have  been  sometimes  used  to  denote  some 
species  of  Cynoeephdus  (see  a  Fragment  of  Simon- 
ides  in  Schneider's  Annot.  ad  Arist.  Hist.  Aniin. 
iii.  76).  The  LXX.  use  of  the  word  was  in  all 
probability  used  in  an  extended  sense  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Hebrew  word  Kopli,  to  denote  any 
species  of  Quadrumanous  IMammalia;  Lichtenstein 
conjectures  that  the  Hebrew  word  represents  some 
kind  of  Diana  monkeys,  perhaps,  Cercopithtciis 
Diana;  but  as  this  species  is  an  inhabitant  of 
Guinea,  and  unknown  in  Kasteni  Africa,  it  is  not 
at  all  probable  that  this  is  the  animal  denoted. 

In  the  engraving  which  rei)resents  the  Litho- 
strotum  PiU'nestinum  (that  curious  mosaic  pave- 
ment found  at  Prasneste),  in  Shaw's  Travels  (ii. 
294,  8vo  ed.),  is  to  be  seen  the  figure  of  some 
animal  in  a  tree,  with  the  word  KHinEN  over  it. 
Of  this  animal  Dr.  Shaw  says  (312),  "It  is  » 
beautiful  little  creature,  with  a  shaggy  neck  like  the 
Callithrix,  and  shaped  exactly  like  those  nionkcjv 
that  are  commonly  called  Marmosets.  T'he  KK  inEP" 
may  therefore  be  the  Ethiopian  monkey,  called  by 
the  Hebrews  Koitph,  and  by  the  Greeks  KHIIOS, 
KH*02,    or    KEinOS,  from  whence   the    1-atiu 


KHIIIEN 


Monkey  from  the  Prsencstine  Mosaic. 

name  Cephus.'^  'This  description  will  be  foimd  to 
apply  better  to  the  figure  in  the  4to  ed.  of  Dr. 
Shaw's  Travels  than  to  that  in  the  Svo  ed.  Per- 
haps, as  Col.  Hamilton  Smitli  has  suggested,  the 
Keipen  of  the  Prsenestine  mosaic  may  be  the  Cerco- 
pitlieciis  (/riseo-i-iridis,  Desmar.,  which  is  a  native 
of  Nubia,  the  country  represented  in  that  part  of 
the  mosaic  where  the  figure  of  the  keipen  occurs. 
It  cannot  represent  any  species  of  marmoset,  since 
the  memljers  of  that  group  of  Quadrumana  are  pe- 
culiar to  America.  In  all  probaliility,  as  has  been 
stated  above,  the  koph  of  the  Bible  is  not  intendal 
to  refer  to  any  one  particular  species  of  a])e." 

Solomon  was  a  naturalist,  and  collected  eveiy- 
thing  that  was  curious  and  beautiful;  and  if,  asf 
Sir  K.  'Tennent  has  very  plausibly  argued,  the 
ancient  Tarshish  is  identical  with  Pt.  de  Galle,  or 
some  seaport  of  Ceylon,  it  is  not  improi>able  that 
the  b'lplnm  which  the  fleet  brought  to  Solomon 
were  some  of  the  monkeys  from  that  country,  wliich, 
according  to  Sir  E.  Tennent,  are  comprised,  with 
the  exception  of  the  graceful  rilawa  {Macacus pi- 
leatiis),  under  the  Wanderer  group  of  Quatlrumana 
There  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  the  b'iphim  were 
brought  from  the  same  country  which  supplied 
ivory  and  peacocks;  both  of  which  are  common  in 

'  The  use  of  the  word  ape  is  generally  now  under- 
stood in  a  restricted  sense  to  apply  to  the  tni/lev 
Quadrumana. 


Jt20         APHARSATHCHITES 

Ceylon;  and  Sir  E.  Tennent  has  drawn  attention 
U)  the  faot  that  tlie  Tamil  names  for  apes,  ivory, 
and  [jeacoclts  are  identical  with  the  Hebrew." 

Dr.  Krapf  ( Trav.  in  E.  Afii'^a,  p.  518),  be- 
Beving  Ophir  to  l)e  on  the  E.  Africau  coast,  thinks 
Solomon  wished  to  obtain  specimens  of  the  Guresa 
{ColAnis). 

It  is  very  probable  that  some  species  of  baboons 
ire  signified  by  the  term  Hatijrs,  which  occurs  in 
the  A.  V.  in  tlie  prophet  Isaiah.  [Satyk.]  The 
Enghsh  versions  of  1550  and  1574  [Bishops'  Bible] 
read  (Is.  xiii.  21),  where  the  A.  V.  has  "satyrs  shall 
dance  there,"  —  "ajMJs  shall  daunce  there."  The 
ancients  were  no  doubt  actjuainted  with  many  kinds 
of  tiuadrumana,  both  of  tlie  tailed  and  tailless  kinds 
(see  I'lin.  viii.  c.  19,  xi.  4-1 ;  yElian.  Nat.  An.  x\ii. 
25,  39;  Strab.  xvii.  p.  827;  Bochart,  Jlieroz.  ii. 
398);  cf.  Mart.  Ejiiy.  iv.  12:  — 

"  Si  milii  Cauda  forct  cercopithecus  ero." 

W.  H. 

APHARSATHCHITES,  APHAR'SI- 
TES,    APHAR'SACHITES  (W^5i7l3"]rs;, 

^.l^l^^'  ^."!?^"1t^.:  'A<pap(raeaxa:oi,'A(pap- 
ffaioi,  'A(papaaxtiioi;  [Vat.  ui  Ezr.  iv.,  ^ape<r- 
Oaxoiioi,  A<ppa(raioi;  I'^r.  v.,  AtpapaaK-]  Aplmr- 
$ath((f/uel,  lArphascei,]  ArjihiiS'ichaii,  [Aphar- 
tachcvi]),  the  names  of  certain  tribes,  colonies  from 
which  had  settled  in  Samaria  under  the  Assyrian 
leader  Asnajipar  (ICzr.  iv.  9,  v.  6,  [vi.  6]).  The  first 
and  last  are  regarded  a.s  tiie  same.  Whence  tliese 
tribes  came  is  entirely  a  matter  of  conjecture :  the 

initial  S  is  regarded  xs  prosthetic:  if  this  be  re- 
jected, the  remaining  portion  of  the  first  two  names 
bears  some  resemblance  (a  very  distant  one,  it  must 
be  allowed)  to  I'anetacte,  or  I'araitaceni,  significant 
of  mwintaiueern,  applied  jirincipally  to  a  tribe  liv- 
ing on  the  borders  of  Media  and  Persia;  while  the 
Becond  has  been  referred  to  the  Parrhasii,  and  by 
Gesenius  to  the  I'ers*,  to  which  it  certainly  bears 
a  much  greater  affinity,  especially  in  the  prolonged 
form  of  the  latter   name   found   m  Dan.   vi.  28 

(S^'DIQ)'  The  jiresence  of  the  proper  name  of 
the  Persians  in  Ezr.  i.  1,  iv.  3,  must  throw  some 
doubt  ujwn  Gesenius's  conjecture;  but  it  is  very 
possible  that  the  luail  name  of  the  tnhe  may  have 
undergone  alteration,  while  the  official  and  general 
same  was  correctly  given.  W.  L.  B. 

A'PHEK  (PK^,  from  a  root  signifying  te- 
nacity or  firmness,  Ges. ;  'A(peK'  [Apkec]),  the 
name  of  several  places  in  Palestine. 

1.  [Rom.  '0(^e'/c;  Vat.  om.]  A  royal  city  of 
the  Canaanites,  the  king  of  which  was  killed  by 
Joshua  (Josh.  xii.  18).  As  this  is  named  with 
Tappuah  find  other  places  in  the  mountains  of 
Judah,  it  is  very  probably  the  same  as  the  Aphekah 
of  Josh.  XV.  53. 

2.  [In  .Tosh,  xiii..  Vat.  TatptK',  Aid.  Alex.  'Ai^- 
€«(£;  Comp.  'A(peKKa..  A/>ltecn.]  A  city,  appar- 
ently in  the  extreme  north  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  30), 
from  which  the  Canaanites  were  not  ejected  (Judg. 

.  31;  though  here  it  is  Aphik,  p^?S).  This  is 
jrobabiy  the  same  place  as  the  Aphek  (Josh.  xiii. 
I),  on  the  extreme  north  "  border  of  the  Amorites," 


a  r|1p  appears  to  be  a  word  of  foreign  origin,  allied 
lO  the  Sanskrit  and  Malabar  kapi,  wlilcti  perhaps  = 
fwift,  nimble,  wlience  the  Oerman  affe  and  the  Eng- 


APHEREMA 

and  apparently  beyond  Sidon,  and  which  is  ideuti 
fied  by  Gesenius  ( Thes.  140  «)  with  the  Aphaca  of 
classical  times,  famous  for  its  temple  of  Venus,  and 
now  Afka  (Itob.  iii.  COG ;  Porter,  ii.  295-0).  Afka 
however,  lies  beyond  the  ridge  of  Lebaiion,  on  the 
north-western  slojies  of  the  mountain,  and  conse- 
quently much  further  up  than  the  other  towns  of 
Asher  which  have  been  identified.  On  the  other 
hand  it  is  hardly  more  to  the  north  of  the  known 
Umits  of  the  trite,  than  Kadesh  and  other  places 
named  as  in  Judah  were  to  the  south;  and  Aphek 
may,  like  many  other  sanctuaries,  have  had  a  rep- 
utation at  a  very  early  date,  sufficient  in  the  days 
of  Joshua  to  cause  its  mention  in  company  with 
the  other  northern  sanctuary  of  IJaal-gad. 

3.  (With  the  article,  P.^^fn)^  a  place  at  which 
the  Philistines  encarajMxl,  while  the  Israelites  pitched 
in  Eten-ezer,  before  the  fatal  battle  in  which  the 
sons  of  Eli  were  killed  and  the  ark  taken  (1  Sam. 
iv.  1).  This  would  be  somewhere  to  the  N.  W.  of, 
and  at  no  great  distance  from,  Jerusalem. 

4.  The  scene  of  another  encampment  of  the 
Phihstines,  before  an  encounter  not  less  disastroui 
than  that  just  named,  —  the  defeat  and  death  of 
Saul  (1  Sam.  xxix.  1).  By  comparison  with  ver. 
11,  it  seems  as  if  this  Aphek  were  not  necessarily 
near  Shunem,  though  on  the  road  thither  from  the 
Philistine  district.  It  is  possible  that  it  may  be 
the  same  place  as  the  preceding;  and  if  so,  the 
Philistines  were  marching  to  Jezreel  by  the  present 
road  along  the  "  backbone  "  of  the  country. 

5.  [In  1  K.  'AipiKa.]  A  city  on  the  military 
road  from  Syria  to  Israel  (1  K.  xx.  20).  It  was 
Tailed  (30),  and  was  apjjarently  a  conmion  siwt  for 
engagements  with  Syria  (2  K.  xiii.  17;  with  the 

article).  The  use  of  the  word  "Tltt?"'Sn  (A.  V. 
"the  plain")  in  1  K.  xx.  25,  fixes  the  situation  of 
A.  to  have  been  in  the  level  down-cotuitry  east  of 
the  Jordan  [Misnon] ;  and  there,  accordingly,  it 
is  now  found  in  Fik,  at  the  head  of  the  Wady  Ftk, 
G  miles  east  of  the  Sea  of  GaliU^;,  tiie  great  road 
between  Damascus,  NaJjidiis,  and  Jerusalem,  stilJ 
passing  (Kiepert's  map,  1857),  with  all  the  i)enna- 
nence  of  the  Ijist,  through  the  village,  which  is 
remarkable  for  the  ntnnber  of  iims  that  it  contains 
(Burckh.  p.  280).  By  Josephus  (viii.  14,  §  4)  the 
name  is  given  as  'A<peKd.  Eusebius  (Onom. 
'A<^6Kci)  says  that  in  his  time  there  was,  beyond 
Jordan,  a  Kiifin]  /xtydKri  (Jer.  castellum  graiide) 
called  Apheca  by  (irfpi)  llijipes  (Jer.  Hippus);  but 
he  apparently  confounds  it  witli  1.  Hippos  wu 
one  of  the  towns  which  formetl  the  Decapolis. 
Fik,  or  Feik,  has  been  visited  by  Burckhardt,  Seet- 
zen,  and  others  (Hitter,  P(d.  pp.  348-353),  and  ia 
the  only  one  of  the  places  bearing  this  name  that 
has  been  identified  with  certainty.  G. 

APHE'KAH(n;7^S;:*a»foud(;  [Alex.  Aid. 
Comp.  ^A(paK<i:]  Aphnui),  a  city  of  Judah,  in  the 
mountains  (Josh.  xv.  53),  probably  the  same  as 
^Vpiiek  1. 

APHER'EMA  {'A^aipcfia;  [Alex.  Atpepe- 
fjui;]  'Apepti/id,  Jos.),  one  of  the  tliree  "govern- 
ments" (vifiovs)  added  to  Jiidiea  fmm  Samaria 
(and  Galilee,  x.  30)  by  Demetrius  Soter,  and  con- 
firmed by  Nicanor  ^1  Mace.  xi.  34)  (see  Jos.  Ant. 
xiii.  4,  §  9,  and  /leland,  p.   178).     The  word  it 


lish  npe,  the  initial  a.«piratc  l)cing  dropped.  Qeseniui 
illu.stratcs  this  derivation  by  compariug  tf\e  Latin 
amare  fW)m  Sanskr.  kam. 


APHERRA 

imitted  In  tlie  Vulgate,  ft  is  probably  the  same 
IS  EphraiiTi  (Ophrah,  Taiyibeh). 

APHER'RA  C ^(peppi:  Jiurn),  one  of  the 
[sons  of  the]  "  servants  of  Solomon  "  [who  returned 
with  Zerubbabel]  (1  l",sdr.  v.  34).  [His  name  is 
not  found  in  the  parallel  lists  of  Ezra  and  Nehe- 
miah.J 

APHI'AH  (n^«:^<  [refnsked]  .  'A<t>fK  ; 
[Alex.  A(j)ix'\  -fipliia),  name  of  one  of  the  fore- 
fathers of  King  Saul  (1  Sam.  ix.  1). 

A'PHIK  (^^vb':  ['Nat;  Vat.  Nasi;  Alex. 
Na<peK;  Aid.  Comp.  'A<^e/c:J  Ap/iec),  a  city  of 
Asher  from  which  the  Qin;uinites  were  not  driven 
out  (Judg.  i.  31).      I'robably  the  same  place  as 

Al'IIEK   2. 

APH'RAH,  the  house  of  ("TnT^^  H^jI) 
[/Ae  /aioi],  a  place  mentioned  in  Mic.  i.  10,  and 
supposed  by  some  (Winer,  172)  to  be  identical  with 
Ophrah.  liut  this  can  hardly  l)e,  inasmuch  as  all 
the  towns  named  in  the  context  are  in  the  low 
country  to  the  west  of  .hidali,  while  Ophrah  would 
appear  to  lie  E.  of  I5etliel  [(Ji'iiUAnJ.  The  LXX. 
translate  the  word  i^  o'ikov  /caret  ytKura  [Vulg. 
in  domo pulveris].  G. 

*  According  to  the  analogy  of  othei'  similar  com- 
pound names  the  translators  of  the  A.  V.  might 
have  written  Beth  Leaphrah  for  Aphrah.  The  S 
here  is  sign  of  the  genitive.  If  the  name  be  the 
game  as  Ophrah  (it  may  be  different  as  there  is 
some  evidence  of  an  Aphrah  cear  Jerusalem)  it  is 

vrritten  TT^^V  in  Mic.  i.  10,  instead  of  m^'', 

T  ;    -  '  T    ;   T  ' 

so  as  more  readily  to  suggest  "1-^,  dusl,  in  con- 
formity with  the  expression  which  follow^s :  "  In 
Ashe"  (as  we  should  say  in  English)  "roll  thyself  in 
ashes."     See  Pusey's  Minw  Propkels,  iii.  300. 

H. 

APH'SES  (V;??L^  \the dispersion]:  'A(^6(r^; 
[Aid.  Alex.  'A(|)€(ro-(j:]  Aphses),  chief  of  the  18th 
of  the  24  courses  in  the  service  of  the  Temple  (1 
Chr.  xxiv.  15). 

APOCALYPSE.     [Revelation.] 

APOCRYPHA  {Bi&\ia  ' An6Kpv<l>a).  The 
collection  of  Books  to  wliich  this  term  is  popularly 
applied  includes  the  following.  The  order  given 
is  that  in  which  they  stand  in  the  English  version. 

I.  1  Esdras. 

II.  2  Esdras. 

III.  Tobit. 

IV.  Judith. 

V.  The  rest  of  the  chapters  of  the  Book  of 
li^ther,  which  are  found  neither  in  the  Hebrew  nor 
in  the  Chaldee. 

VI.  The  Wisdom  of  Solomon. 

VII.  The  Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach, 
or  Ecclesiasticus. 

VIII.  Baruch. 

IX.  The  Song  of  the  Three  Holy  Children. 

X.  The  History  of  Susanna. 

XI.  Tlie  History  of  the  destruction  of  Bel  and 
Jie  Dragon. 

XII.  The  Prayer  of  Manasseh,  king  of  Judah. 

XIII.  1  Maccabees. 

XIV.  2  Maccabees. 

The  separate  l)ooks  of  this  collection  are  treated 
»f  in  distinct  articles.     Their  relation  to  the  3auoB    j 
ical  books  of  the  Old  Testament  is  discussed  under 
Janon      In  the  present  article  it  is  proposed  to  I 


APOCRYPHA  121 

consider :  —  I.  The  meaning  and  history  c  f  the 
word.  II.  The  history  and  character  of  the  collec- 
tion as  a  whole  in  its  relation  to  Jewish  Uterature. 
I.  The  primary  meaning  of  aTr6Kpv(pos,  '■  iiidden, 
secret"  (in  which  sense  it  is  used  in  Hellenistic  as 
well  as  classical  Greek,  cf.  I'xchis.  xxiii.  19 ;  Luke 
viii.  17;  Col.  ii.  3),  seems,  towards  the  close  of  the 
2d  century,  to  have  been  associated  with  the  sig- 
nification *'  spurious,"  and  ultimately  to  have  settled 
down  into  the  latter.  Tertullian  (de  Anini.  c.  2) 
and  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Strom,  i.  19,  09,  iii. 
4,  29)  apply  it  to  tlie  forged  or  spurious  I)Ooka 
which  the  heretics  of  their  time  circulated  as  au- 
thoritative. The  first  passage  refeired  to  from  tlio 
Stroniata,  however,  may  be  taken  as  an  instance  of 
the  transition  stage  of  the  word.  The  followers  of 
Prodicus,  a  Gnostic  teacher,  are  said  tliere  to  boast 
that  tliey  have  $i^Kovs  airoKptxpovs  of  Zoroaster. 
In  Athanasius  (A)j.  Ftst.  vol.  ii.  p.  38;  Stfiiop' 
sis  Sac.  Script,  vol.  ii.  p.  154,  ed.  Colon.  1686), 
Augustine  (c.  Faust,  xi.  2,  de  Civ.  Dti,  xv.  23), 
Jerome  (Ay;,  ad  Ij.etnin,  and  Prol.  Gal.)  the  word 
is  used  uniformly  with  tlie  bad  meaning  which  had 
become  attached  to  it.  The  writers  of  that  period, 
however,  do  not  seem  to  have  seen  clearly  lioio  the 
word  had  acquired  this  secondary  sense ;  and  hence 
we  find  conjectural  explanations  of  its  etymology. 
The  remark  of  Athanasius  {Synops.  S.  Script.  1.  c.) 
that  such  books  are  anoKpv(pTjs  fia^Aov  ?)  avayyci- 
aeci>s  &^a  is  probably  meant  rather  as  a  play  upon 
the  word  than  as  giving  its  derivation.  Augustine 
is  more  explicit :  "  Apocryphfe  nuncupantur  eo  quod 
earum  occulta  origo  iion  claruit  ])atril)us  "  {de  Civ. 
Dei,  1.  c. ).  "  Apocrypiii  non  quod  habendi  sunt  in 
aliqua  auctoritate  secreta  sed  quia  nulla  testifica- 
tionis  luce  declarati,  de  nescio  quo  secreto,  nescio 
quorum  praesumtione  prolali  sunt  "  (c.  Faust.  1.  c). 
Later  conjectures  are  (1),  that  given  by  the  trans- 
lation of  the  English  Bible  (ed.  1539,  Pref.  to 
Apocr.),  "because  they  were  wont  to  be  read  not 
openly  and  in  common,  but  as  it  were  in  secret 
and  apart;  "  (2)  one,  resting  on  a  misapprehension 
of  the  meaning  of  a  passage  in  Epiphanius  {de 
Mem.  ac  Pond.  c.  4)  that  the  books  in  question 
were  so  called  because,  not  being  in  the  Jewish 
canon,  they  were  excluded  arrh  t^s  KpvTrrrjs  from 
the  ark  in  which  the  true  Scriptures  were  pre- 
served; (3)  that  the  word  airiKpvcpa  answers  to 

the  Heb.   D^T-ll?,  libn  absconditi,  by  which  the 

later  Jews  designated  those  books  which,  as  of 
doubtful  authority  or  not  tending  to  edification, 
were  not  read  publicly  in  the  synagogues;  (4)  that 
it  originates  in  the  KpvirTo.  or  secret  books  of  the 
Greek  mysteries.  Of  these  it  may  be  enough  to 
say,  that  (1)  is,  as  regards  some  of  the  books  now 
bearing  the  name,  at  variance  with  fact;  that  (2), 
as  has  been  said,  rests  on  a  mistake;  that  (3) 
wants  the  support  of  direct  evidence  of  the  use  of 
a,ir6Kpv(pa  as  the  translation  for  the  Hebrew  word, 
and  that  (4),  though  it  ajiproximates  to  what  ia 
probably  the  true  history  of  the  word,  is  so  far  only 
a  conjecture.  The  data  for  explaining  the  transi- 
tion from  the  neutral  to  the  bad  meaning,  are  to  be 
fomid,  it  is  believed,  in  the  quotations  already  given, 
and  in  the  facts  connected  with  the  books  to  which 
the  epithet  was  in  the  first  instance  applied.  The 
language  of  Clement  implies  that  it  was  not  alto- 
gether disclaimed  by  those  of  whose  books  he  uses 
it.  That  of  Athanas'-MS  is  in  the  tone  of  a  man 
who  is  convicting  his  opjX)nents  out  of  their  owi: 
mouth.      Augustine  implicitly  admits  that  a  •• «» 


i'22 


APOCRYrHA 


jreta  auctorit'is  "  had  been  claimed  for  the  vtritings 
k>  whicli  lie  ascribes  merely  an  "occulta  origo." 
All  these  facts  harmonize  Xrtth  the  belief  that  the 
use  of  the  word  as  applied  to  special  books  origi- 
nat«d  in  the  claim  common  to  nearly  all  the  sects 
thf^i  participated  in  the  Gnostic  character,  to  a 
BCv-ret  esoteric  knowledge  deposited  in  books  which 
were  i.iadt?  known  only  to  the  initiated.  It  seems 
not  mih».ely  that  there  is  a  reference  in  Col.  ii.  3 
to  the  pretensions  of  such  teachers.  The  books  of 
our  own  Apocrypha  bear  witness  both  to  the  feel- 
ing and  the  way  in  which  it  worked.  The  inspi- 
ration of  the  Pseudo-Esdras  (2  Esdr.  xiv.  40-47) 
leads  him  to  dictate  204  books,  of  which  the  70 
last  are  to  be  "  delivered  only  to  such  as  are  wise 
imong  the  jieople."  Assuming  the  var.  Icct.  of 
94  in  the  Arabic  and  Ethiopian  versions  to  be  the 
true  reading,  tliis  indicates  <he  way  in  which  the 
secret  lKX)ks,  in  which  was  the  "  spring  of  under- 
standing, the  fountain  of  wisdom,  and  the  stream 
of  knowledge,'  were  set  up  a3  of  higher  value  than 
the  twenty-four  books  acknowledged  by  the  Jewish 
canon,  which  were  for  "  the  worthy  and  unworthy 
alike."  It  was  almost  a  matter  of  course  that  these 
secret  books  should  be  pseudonymous,  ascribed  to 
the  great  names  in  Jewish  or  heathen  history  that 
ha<l  become  associated  with  the  reputation  of  a 
mysterious  wisdom.  So  books  in  the  existing  Apoc- 
rypha bear  the  names  of  Solomon,  Daniel,  Jeremiah, 
I'lzra.  lieyond  its  limits  the  creation  of  spurious 
documents  took  a  yet  bolder  range,  and  the  hst 
given  by  Athanasius "  {Synojis.  S.  iScrlpt.)  shows  at 
once  the  variety  and  extent  of  the  mythical  litera- 
ture which  was  palmed  off  upon  the  imwary  as  at 
once  secret  and  siicred. 

Those  whose  faith  rested  on  the  teaching  of  the 
Christian  Church,  and  who  looked  to  the  0.  T. 
Scriptures  either  in  the  Hebrew  or  the  LXX.  col- 
lection, were  not  slow  to  perceive  thatjLhese  produc- 
tions were  destitute  of  all  authority.  They  applied 
in  scorn  what  ha<:l  been  used  as  a  title  of  honor. 
Tlie  secret  book  {libii  sccretiores,  Ori^j.  Comm.  in 
Mall.  ed.  I^mm.  iv.  p.  237)  was  rejected  as  spu- 
rious. The  word  Apocryphal  was  degraded  to  the 
position  from  which  it  has  ne\er  since  risen.  So 
far  as  books  like  the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve 
Patriarchs  and  the  Assumption  of  Moses  were  con- 
cerned, the  task  of  discrimination  was  comparatively 
easy,  but  it  became  more  difficult  when  the  question 
affected  the  books  which  were  found  in  the  LXX. 
translation  of  the  Old  Testament  and  recognized 
by  the  Hellenistic  Jews,  but  were  not  in  the  He- 
brew text  or  in  the  Canon  acknowledged  by  the 
Jews  of  Palestine.  The  history  of  this  difficulty, 
and  of  the  manner  in  which  it  affected  the  recep- 
tion of  particular  books,  belongs  rather  to  the  sub- 
ject of  Canon  than  to  that  of  the  present  article, 
but  the  following  facts  may  be  stated  as  bearing  on 
the  application  of  the  word.  (1. )  The  teachers  of 
the  Greek  and  l^tin  Churches,  accustomed  to  the 
.136  of  the  Septuagint  or  versions  resting  on  the 
tame  basis,  were  naturally  led  to  quote  freely  and 
reverently  from  iill  the  books  which  were  incorpo- 
rated in  it.  In  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen, 
Athanasius,  e.  (/.,  we  find  citations  from  the  books 
Bf  the  present  Ajx)crypha,  as  "  Scripture,"  "  divine 
Scripture,"  "  prophecy."     They  are  very  far  from 


a  The  books  enumerated  by  Athanasius,  besides 
nitings  falsely  ascribed  to  authors  of  canoiiipal  books, 
w  Zcpbaniah,  Ilabakkuk,  £zekiel,  and  Daniel,  included 
'tbtim  Tbicb  havo  the  names  of  JSnoch,  of  the  Patri- 


APOCRYPHA 

applying  the  term  airoKpvcpos  to  these  writings.  It 
they  are  conscious  of  tne  difference  between  them 
and  the  other  books  of  the  O.  T.,  it  is  only  so  fa/ 
as  to  lead  them  (cf.  Athan.  Synops.  S.  ScHpt.  1.  c./ 
to  place  the  former  in  the  list  of  ou  Kavovi^Sfieva, 
auTi\fy6ij.eva,  books  which  were  of  more  use  for 
the  ethical  instruction  of  catechumens  than  for  the 
edification  of  mature  Christians.  Augustuie,  in  like 
manner,  applies  the  word  "Apocrj7)ha"  only  to 
the  spurious  books  with  false  titles  which  were  in 
circulation  among  heretics,  admitting  the  others, 
though  with  some  qualifications,  under  the  title  of 
Canonical  (de  doclr.  Chr.  ii.  8).  (2.)  Wherevpr, 
on  the  other  hand,  any  teacher  came  in  contact  with 
the  feehngs  that  prevailed  among  the  Christians  of 
Palestine,  there  the  influence  of  the  rigorous  limi- 
tation of  the  old  Hebrew  canon  is  at  once  conspic- 
uous. 'ITiis  is  seen  in  it«  bearing  on  the  history 
of  the  Canon  in  the  list  given  by  Melito,  bishop  of 
Sardis  (Euseb.  //.  E.  iv.  26),  and  obtained  by  him 
from  Palestine.  Of  its  effects  ou  the  apphcation 
of  the  word,  the  writings  of  Cyril  of  JerusiUem  and 
Jerome  give  abundant  instances.  The  former 
(Catech.  iv.  33)  gives  the  canonical  hst  of  the 
22  books  of  the  O.  T.  Scriptures,  and  rejects  the 
introduction  of  all  "apocryphal"  writings.  The 
latter  in  his  Epistle  to  Laeta  wanis  the  Christian 
mother  in  educating  her  daughter  against  "  omnia 
apocr}-pha."  The  Prohyns  Galtalus  shows  that 
he  did  not  shrink  from  including  under  that  title 
the  books  which  formed  part  of  the  Septuagint,  and 
were  held  hi  honor  in  the  Alexandrian  and  I^tin 
Churches.  In  dealing  with  the  several  books  he 
discusses  each  on  its  own  merits,  admiring  some, 
speaking  unliesitatingly  of  tlie  "dreams,"  "fables" 
of  others.  (3.)  The  teaching  of  Jerome  influenced, 
though  not  decidedly,  the  language  of  the  "Western 
Church.  The  old  spurious  heretical  writings,  the 
"Apocrypha"  of  Tertullian  and  Clement,  fell  more 
and  more  into  the  background,  and  were  almost 
utterly  forgotten.  The  doubtful  books  of  the  Old 
Testament  were  used  publicly  in  the  service  of  the 
Church,  quoted  frequently  with  reverence  as  Script- 
ure, sometimes  however  with  doubts  or  hmitations 
as  to  the  autliority  of  indixidual  books  according 
to  the  knowledge  or  critical  discernment  of  tliis  or 
that  writer  (cf.  Bp.  Cosin's  Sc/iolustic  History  of 
the  Canon).  During  this  jieriod  the  term  by  which 
they  were  commonly  described  was  not  "apocry- 
phal" but  "ecclesiastical."  So  tliey  had  been  de- 
scribed by  Kufinus  (A'xpos.  ill  Symb.  Ajx/sl.  p.  2(i), 
who  practically  recognized  the  distinction  drawn  b% 
Jerome,  though  he  would  not  use  the  more  oppro- 
brious epithet  of  books  which  were  held  in  honor: 
"  libri  qui  non  canonici  sed  Pxjclesiastici  a  majoribus 
appeUati  sunt "...."  quic  omnia  (the  contents 
of  these  books)  legi  quidem  in  luiclesiis  voluenint 
non  tamen  proferri  ad  auctoritatem  ex  his  fidei  con- 
firmandam.  Cseteras  vero  scripturas  apocrj-phas 
nominanint  quas  in  Ecclesiis  legi  noluerunt:  "  and 
this  offered  a  mezzo  termine  between  the  language 
of  Jerome  and  that  of  Augustine,  and  as  such  founJ 
favor.  (4.)  It  was  reserved  for  the  age  of  the 
Reformation  to  stamp  the  word  Apocrj-pha  with  its 
present  signification.  The  two  views  which  had 
hitherto  existed  together,  side  by  side,  concerning 
which  the  Church  had  pronounced  no  authoritative 


archs,   of  Zechariah   the  father   of  the  Baptist,   th» 
Prayer  of  Joseph,  the  Testament  (iiaSjiKj))  and  A» 
sumption  of  Moses,  Abraham.  Kldad  and  Modad,  >ui 
Klvjah. 


APOCRYPHA 

/eciaion.  stood  out  in  sharper  contrast.  The  Conn- 
til  cf  Trent  closed  the  question  which  had  beer*  left 
open,  and  deprived  its  theologians  of  the  liberty 
they  had  hitherto  enjoyed  —  extending  the  Canon 
of  Scripture  so  as  to  include  all  tlie  hitherto  doubt- 
ful or  deut«ro-canomcal  books,  with  the  exception  of 
the  two  books  of  Esdras  and  the  Prayer  of  Manas- 
seh,  the  evidence  against  wliich  seemed  too  strong 
to  be  resisted  (Sess.  IV.  de  Can.  ScrijH.).  In  ac- 
cordance with  this  decree,  the  editions  of  the  Vul- 
gate published  by  authority  contained  the  books 
which  the  Council  had  pronounced  canonical,  as 
standing  on  the  same  footing  as  those  which  had 
never  been  questioned,  while  the  three  which  had 
been  rejected  were  printed  commonly  in  smaller  type 
and  stood  after  the  New  Testament.  The  Reform- 
ers of  Germany  and  England  on  the  other  hand, 
influenced  in  part  by  the  revival  of  the  study  of 
Hebrew  and  the  consequent  recognition  of  the  au- 
thority of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  and  subsequently  by 
the  reaction  against  this  stretch  of  authority,  main- 
tained the  opinion  of  Jerome  and  pushed  it  to  its 
legitimate  results.  The  principle  which  had  been 
asserted  by  Carlstadt  dogmatically  in  his  "  Ue  Ca- 
nonicis  Scripturis  libellus  "  (1520)  was  acted  on  by 
Luther.  He  spoke  of  individual  books  among  those 
in  question  with  a  fi'eedom  as  great  as  that  of  Je- 
rome, judging  each  on  its  own  merits,  praising  Tobit 
as  a  "pleasant  comedy"  and  tlie  Prayer  of  Manas- 
Beh  as  a  "good  model  for  penitents,"  and  rejecting 
the  two  books  of  Ivsdras  as  containing  worthless 
fables.  The  example  of  collecting  the  doubtful 
books  in  a  separate  group  had  been  set  in  the  Stras- 
burg  edition  of  the  Septuagint,  1.32t!.  In  Luther's 
complete  edition  of  the  (Jennan  Bible  accordingly 
(1534)  the  books  (.Judith,  Wisdom,  Tobias,  Sirach, 
1  and  2  Maccabees,  Additions  to  listher  and  Daniel, 
and  the  Prayer  of  Manasseh)  were  grouped  together 
under  the  general  title  of  "Apocrj'pha,  i.  e.  Books 
which  are  not  of  like  worth  with  Holy  Scripture, 
yet  are  good  and  useful  to  be  read."  In  the  his- 
tory of  the  English  Church,  Wicliffe  showed  him- 
self in  this  as  in  other  points  the  forerunner  of  the 
Reformation,  and  applied  the  term  .\pocrypha  to 
all  but  the  '■'■  ticentij-Jive''''  CanoniciU  Books  of  the 
Old  Testament.  The  judgment  of  Jerome  was 
formally  asserted  in  the  sixth  Article.  The  dis- 
puted books  were  collected  and  described  in  the 
same  way  in  the  printed  English  Bible  of  1539 
(Cranmer's),  and  since  then  there  has  been  no  fluc- 
tuation as  to  the  application  of  the  word.  The 
books  to  which  the  term  is  ascribed  are  in  popular 
speech  not  merely  apoerj-phal,  but  the  Apocry])ha. 
II.  Whatever  questions  may  be  at  issue  as  to  the 
authority  of  these  books,  they  have  in  any  case  an 
interest  of  which  no  controversy  can  deprive  them 
as  connecteil  with  the  literature,  and  therefore  with 
the  history,  of  the  Jews.  They  represent  the  period 
of  transition  atid  decay  whicli  followed  on  the  re- 
turn from  Babylon,  when  the  prophets  who  were 
then  the  teachers  of  the  people  had  passed  away 
and  the  age  of  scribes  succeeded.  Uncertain  as 
may  be  the  dates  of  individual  books,  few,  if  any, 
can  be  tlirown  further  back  than  the  commence- 
ment of  the  3d  century  r.  c.  The  latest,  the  2d 
Book  of  Esdras,  is  probably  not  later  than  30  b. 
C,  2  Esdr.  vii.  28  being  a  subsequent  interpolation. 
The  alterations  of  the  Jewish  character,  the  difter- 
^t  pha-ses  which  Judaism  presented  in  Pal&stine 
Mid  Alexandria,  the  good  and  the  evil  which  were 
»lled  forth  by  contact  with  idolatry  in  Egypt  and 
Vf  the  struggle  agamst  it  in  Syria,  all  these  present 


APOCRYPHA 


123 


themselves  to  the  reader  of  the  Ajwcrypha  with 
greater  or  less  distinctness.  In  t!ie  midst  of  the 
diversities  which  we  might  naturally  expect  to  find 
in  books  wiitten  by  different  authors,  in  dittcrent 
countries,  and  at  considerable  intervals  of  time,  it 
is  possible  to  discern  some  characteristics  wliich  be- 
long to  the  collection  as  a  whole,  and  these  may  be 
noticed  in  the  following  order. 

(1.)  The  absence  of  the  prophetic  clement. 
From  first  to  last  the  books  bear  testimony  lo  the 
assertion  of  Josephus  (c.  Ap.  i.  8),  that  the  uKpifi}ii 
SiaSox'h  of  prophets  had  been  broken  after  the  close 
of  the  O.  T.  canon.  No  one  S])eaks  because  the 
word  of  the  Lord  had  come  to  him.  Sometinies 
there  is  a  direct  confession  that  the  gift  of  prophecj 
had  departed  (1  Mace.  ix.  27),  or  the  utterance  of 
a  hope  that  it  might  one  day  return  {tiiid.  iv.  46 
xiv.  41).  Sometimes  a  teacher  asserts  in  word« 
the  perpetuity  of  the  gift  (Wisd.  vii.  27),  and  showg 
in  the  act  of  a.ssertiug  it  how  different  the  illumina- 
tion which  he  had  received  was  from  that  bestowed 
on  the  prophets  of  the  Canonical  Books.  When  a 
writer  simulates  the  prophetic  character,  he  lopeat.-) 
with  slight  modifications  the  language  of  the  older 
prophets,  as  in  Baruch,  or  makes  a  mere  prediction 
the  text  of  a  dissertation,  as  in  the  Epistle  of  Jei  • 
emy,  or  plays  arbitrarily  with  combinations  of 
dreams  and  sjinboLs,  as  in  2  Esdras.  Strange  aud 
perplexing  as  the  last-named  book  u,  whatever  there 
is  in  it  of  genuine  feeling  indicates  a  mind  not  at 
ease  with  itself,  distracted  with  its  own  sufl'feringj 
and  with  the  problems  of  the  universe,  and  it  ia 
accordingly  very  far  removed  from  the  utterance  of 
a  man  who  sjjeaks  as  a  messenger  from  God. 

(2. )  Connected  with  this  is  the  almost  total  dis- 
appearance of  the  power  which  had  shown  itself  in 
the  poetry  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  Song  of 
the  Three  Children  lays  claim  to  the  character  of  a 
Psalm,  and  is  probably  a  translation  from  some 
liturgical  hymn ;  but  with  tins  exception  the  form 
of  poetry  is  altogether  absent.  So  far  as  the  writers 
have  come  under  the  influence  of  Greek  cultivation 
they  catch  the  taste  for  rhetorical  ornament  which 
characterized  the  literature  of  Alexandria.  Fic- 
titious speeches  become  almost  indispensable  addi 
tions  to  the  naiTative  of  a  historian,  and  the  story 
of  a  martyr  is  not  complete  unless  (as  in  the  later 
Acta  Martyrum  of  Christian  traditions)  the  sufferer 
declaims  in  set  terms  against  the  persecutors. 
(Song  of  the  Three  Child.,  3-22;  2  Mace.  vi.  vii.) 

(3.)  The  ap])earance,  as  part  of  the  current  lit- 
erature of  the  time,  of  works  of  fiction,  resting  or 
purporting  to  rest  on  a  historical  foundation.  It 
is  possible  that  this  development  of  the  national 
genius  may  have  been  in  part  the  result  of  the 
Captivity.  The  Jewish  exiles  brought  with  them 
the  reputation  of  excelUng  in  minstrelsy,  and  were 
called  on  to  sing  the  "  songs  of  Zion  "  (Ps.  cxxxvii.). 
The  trial  of  skill  between  the  three  young  men  in 
1  ICsdr.  iii.  i"  implies  a  traditional  belief  that  thos« 
who  were  promoted  to  places  of  honor  under  the 
Persian  kings  were  conspicuous  for  gifts  of  a  some- 
what similar  character.  The  transition  from  this 
to  the  practice  of  story  telling  was  with  the  Jews, 
as  afterwards  with  the  Arabs,  easy  and  natural 
enough.  The  period  of  the  Captivity  with  its 
strange  adventures,  and  the"  remoteness  of  the 
scenes  connected  ;vith  it,  ofTeretl  a  wide  and  attrac- 
tive field  to  th»  imagination  of  such  narrators. 
Sometimes,  aa  in  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  the  motive 
of  such  stories  would  be  the  love  of  the  marvellous 
mingling  itself  with  the  feeling  of  acom  with  which 


124  APOCRYPHA 

the  .lew  looked  on  the  idolater.  In  other  cases,  as 
in  Tobit  and  Susanna,  the  story  would  gain  pop- 
ularity from  its  etliical  tendencies.  'Ihe  singular 
variations  m  the  text  of  the  former  bo<  k  indicate 
at  once  the  extent  of  its  circulation  and  tl  e  liberties 
>'aken  by  successive  editors.  In  the  nsrrative  of 
Judith,  again,  there  is  probably  sometl.ing  more 
than  the  interest  attaching  to  the  history  of  the 
past.  There  is  indeed  too  little  evidence  of  the 
truth  of  the  narrative  for  us  to  look  on  it  as  his- 
tory at  aU,  and  it  takes  its  place  in  the  region  of 
historical  romance,  written  with  a  jwlitiial  motive. 
Under  the  guise  of  the  old  Assyrian  ei  emies  of 
Israel,  the  writer  is  covertly  att.xcking  the  Syrian' 
invaders  against  whom  his  countrymen  were  con- 
tending, stining  them  up  by  a  story  of  imrgined  or 
traditional  heroism  to  ibllow  the  example  cf  Judith 
a£  she  had  followed  that  of  Jael  (Ewald,  Gesch.  Is- 
raels, vol.  iv.  p.  5-11).  The  development  of  this  form 
of  literature  is  of  course  compatible  with  a  high  de- 
gree of  excellence,  but  it  is  true  of  it  at  all  tiu.es,  and 
was  especially  true  of  the  literature  of  the  ancient 
world,  that  it  belongs  rather  to  its  later  and  feebler 
period.  It  is  a  special  sign  of  decay  in  honesty 
and  discernment  when  such  writings  are  passed  off 
and  accepted  as  belonging  to  actual  history. 

(4.)  The  free  exercise  of  the  imagination  within 
the  domain  of  history  led  to  the  growth  of  a  purely 
legendary  literature.  The  full  development  of  this 
was  indeed  reserved  for  a  yet  later  period.  The 
books  of  the  Apocrypha  occupy  a  middle  place  be- 
tween those  of  the  Old  Testament  in  their  simplic- 
ity and  truthfulness  and  the  wild  extravagances  of 
the  Tahnud.  As  it  is,  however,  we  find  in  them 
the  germs  of  some  of  the  fabulous  traditions  which 
were  influencing  the  minds  of  the  Jews  at  the  time 
of  our  IvOrd's  ministry,  and  ha\e  since  in  some  in- 
stances incorporated  themselves  more  or  less  with 
the  popular  twjlief  of  Christendom.  So  in  2  Mace. 
i.  ii.  we  meet  with  the  statements  that  at  the  time 
of  the  Captivity  the  priests  had  concealed  the  sacred 
fire,  and  that  it  was  miraculously  renewed  —  that 
Jeremiah  had  gone,  accompanied  by  the  tabernacle 
and  the  ark,  "  to  the  mountain  where  Moses  climbed 
up  to  see  tlie  heritage  of  God,"  and  had  there  con- 
cealed them  in  a  cave  together  with  the  altar  of  in- 
cense. The  api)arition  of  the  prophet  at  the  close 
of  the  same  book  (xv.  15),  as  giving  to  Judas  Mac- 
cabseus  the  sword  with  which,  as  a  "gift  from 
God,"  he  was  to  "  womid  the  adversaries,"  shows 
how  prominent  a  place  was  occupied  by  Jeremiah 
in  the  traditions  and  hopes  of  the  people,  and  pre- 
pares us  to  imderstand  the  rumors  which  followed 
on  our  I^ord's  teaching  and  working  that  "  Jereniias 
or  one  of  the  prophets  "  had  appeared  again  (Matt, 
xvi.  14).  So  again  in  2  Esdr.  xiii.  40-47  we  find 
the  legend  of  the  entire  disappearance  of  the  Ten 
Tril)es  which,  in  spile  of  direct  and  indirect  testi- 
mony on  the  otlier  side,  has  given  occasion  even  in 
oui"  own  time  to  so  many  wild  conjectures.  In  ch. 
xiv.  of  the  same  book  we  recognize  (as  has  been 
pointed  out  alreaxly)  the  tendency  to  set  a  higher 
value  on  lx)oks  of  an  esoteric  knowledge  than  on 
those  in  the  Hebrew  Canon ;  but  it  deserves  notice 
that  this  is  also  another  form  of  the  tradition  that 
E)zra  dictated  from  a  supematurally  inspired  mem- 
orj'  the  Sacred  Books  which,  according  to  that  tra^ 
dition,  had  l)een  lost,  and  that  both  fables  are  exag- 
gerations of  the  part  actually  Uiken  by  him  and  by 
•'the  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue"  in  the  work 
>f  collecting  and  arranging  them.  So  also  the 
rlxsturical  n  irnitive  of  the  Kxodus  in  Wisd.  x\i.-xii. 


APOCRYPHA 

indicates  the  existence  of  a  traditional,  half-legend- 
ary history  side  by  side  with  the  canonical.  It 
would  seem,  indeed,,  as  if  the  life  of  Moses  had  ap- 
peared with  many  different  embellishments.  Th* 
form  in  which  that  life  appears  in  Josephus,  th« 
facts  mentioned  in  St.  Stephen's  speech  and  not 
found  in  the  Pentateuch,  the  allusions  to  Jaimea 
and  Jambres  (2  Tim.  iii.  8),  to  the  disputes  between 
Michael  and  the  Devil  (Jude  9),  to  the  "rocL  that 
foUowed"  the  Israelites  (1  Cor.  x.  4),  all  bear  tes- 
timony to  the  wide-spread  popularity  of  this  semi- 
apocryphal  history. 

(5.)  As  the  most  marked  characteristic  of  Ihg 
collection  as  a  whole  and  of  the  period  to  which  it 
belongs,  there  is  the  tendency  to  pass  off  supposi- 
titious books  under  the  cover  of  illustrious  names. 
The  books  of  Esdras,  the  additions  to  Daniel,  the 
letters  of  Baruch  and  Jeremiah,  and  the  Wisdom 
of  Solomon,  are  obviously  of  this  character.  It  is 
difficult  perhaps  for  us  to  measure  in  each  instance 
the  degree  in  which  the  writers  of  such  books  were 
guilty  of  actual  frauds.  In  a  book  like  the  Wisdom 
of  Solomon,  for  example,  the  form  may  have  been 
adopted  as  a  means  of  gaining  attention  by  which 
no  one  was  likely  to  be  deceived,  and,  as  such,  it 
does  not  go  beyond  the  limits  of  legitimate  person- 
ation. The  fiction  in  this  case  need  not  diminish 
our  admiration  and  reverence  for  the  book  any  more 
than  it  would  destroy  the  authority  of  Ecclesiastes 
were  we  to  come  to  the  conclusion  from  internal  or 
other  evidence  that  it  belonged  to  a  later  age  than 
that  of  Solomon.  The  habit,  however,  of  writing 
l)ooks  under  fictitious  names,  is,  as  the  later  Jewish 
history  shows,  a  very  dangerous  one.  The  practice 
becomes  almost  a  trade.  Each  such  work  creates  a 
new  demand,  to  be  met  in  its  turn  by  a  fresh  sup- 
ply, and  thus  the  prevalence  of  an  apocry])hal  liter- 
ature becomes  a  sure  sign  of  want  of  truthfulness 
on  one  side,  and  want  of  discernment  on  the  other. 

(6. )  The  absence  of  honesty  and  of  the  power  to 
distinguish  truth  from  falsehood,  shows  itself  in  a 
yet  more  serious  form  in  the  insertion  of  formal 
documents  purporting  to  be  authentic,  but  in  real- 
ity failing  altogether  to  establish  any  claim  to  that 
title.  This  is  obviously  the  case  with  the  decree 
of  Artaxerxes  in  Esth.  xvi.  The  letters  with  which 
2  Mace,  opens,  from  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem,  betray 
their  true  character  by  their  historical  inaccuracy. 
We  can  hardly  accept  as  genuine  the  letter  in  which 
the  king  of  the  Lacediemonians  (1  Mace.  xii.  20, 
21)  writes  to  Onias  that  "the  Lacedaemonians  and 
Jews  are  brethren,  and  that  they  are  of  the  stock 
of  Abraliam."  The  letters  in  2  Mace.  ix.  and  xi., 
on  the  other  hand,  might  be  authentic  so  far  as 
their  contents  go,  but  the  recklessness  with  which 
such  documents  are  inserted  as  embellishments  and 
make-weights  throws  doubt  in  a  greater  or  less  de- 
gree on  all  of  them. 

(7.)  The  loss  of  the  simplicity  and  accuracy 
which  characterize  the  history  of  the  0.  T.  is  shown 
also  in  the  errors  and  anachronisms  in  which  these 
books  abound,  'llius,  to  take  a  few  of  the  most 
striking  instances,  Hainan  is  made  a  Macedonian, 
and  the  purpose  of  his  plot  is  to  transfer  the  king- 
dom from  the  Persians  to  the  ISIacedonians  (Esth. 
xvi.  10);  two  contradictory  statements  are  given  in 
the  same  book  of  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanei 
(2  Mace.  i.  15-17,  ix.  5-29);  Nabuchodonosor  i» 
made  to  dwell  at  Nineve  as  the  king  of  the  Assyr- 
ians (.Tudith  i.  1 ). 

(8.)  In  their  relation  to  the  religious  and  ethica 
development  of  Judaism  during  the  perifd  whic) 


ArOCRYPHA 

jhese  Looks  embrace,  we  find  (a.)  The  influences 
Bf  the  struggle  against  idolatry  under  Antiochus,  as 
ihown  partly  in  tlie  revival  of  the  old  heroic  spirit, 
and  in  the  record  of  tlie  deeds  which  it  called  forth, 
as  in  Maccabees,  partly  again  in  the  tendency  of  a 
narrative  like  Judith,  ar.d  the  protests  against  idol- 
worship  in  Baruch  and  Wisdom,  {b.)  The  grow- 
ing hostility  of  the  .lews  towards  the  Samaritans  is 
shown  by  the  Confession  of  the  Son  of  Sirach 
(I'xclus.  1.  25,  2()).  (c.)  The  teaching  of  Tobit 
illustrates  the  prominence  then  and  afterwards  as- 
signed to  almsgiving  among  the  duties  of  a  holy 
life  (Tob.  iv.  7-11,  xii.  9).  The  classification  of 
the  three  elements  of  such  a  life  —  prayer,  fasting, 
alms  —  in  xii.  8,  illustrates  the  traditional  ethical 
teaching  of  the  Scribes,  which  was  at  once  recog- 
nized and  purified  from  the  eiTors  that  had  been 
ct'Unected  with  it  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount 
(Matt.  vi.  1-18).  (d.)  The  same  book  indicates 
also  the  growing  belief  in  the  individual  guardian- 
ship of  angels  and  the  germs  of  a  grotesque  de- 
monology,  resting  in  part  on  the  more  mysterious 
phenomena  of  man's  spiritual  nature,  like  the 
cases  of  demoniac  possession  in  the  Gospels,  but 
associating  itself  only  too  easily  with  all  the  frauds 
and  superstitions  of  vagabond  exorcists,  (e.)  The 
great  Alexandrian  book  of  the  collection,  the  Wis- 
dom of  Solomon,  breathes,  as  we  might  expect,  a 
strain  of  higher  mood ;  and  though  there  is  abso- 
lutely no  ground  for  the  patristic  tradition  that  it 
was  written  by  I'hilo,  the  conjecture  that  it  might 
have  been  was  not  without  a  plausibility  which 
might  well  commend  itself  to  men  like  Basil  and 
Jerome.  The  personification  of  Wisdom  as  "  the 
unspotted  mirror  of  the  power  of  God  and  the  im- 
age of  his  goodness"  (vii.  20)  as  the  universal 
teacher  of  all  "  holy  souls  "  in  "  aU  ages  "  (vii.  27), 
as  guiding  and  ruling  God's  people,  approaches  the 
teaching  of  Philo  and  foreshadows  that  of  St.  John 
as  to  the  manifestation  of  the  Unseen  God  through 
the  medium  of  the  Logos  and  the  office  of  that 
divine  Word  as  the  light  that  lighteth  every  man. 
In  relation  again  to  the  symbolic  character  of  the 
Temple  as  "  a  reseraltlance  of  the  holy  tabernacle  " 
which  God  "  has  prepared  from  the  beginning  "  (ix. 
8),  the  language  of  this  book  connects  itself  at  once 
with  that  of  Philo  and  with  the  teaching  of  St. 
Paul  or  Apollos  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 
But  that  which  is  the  great  characteristic  of  the 
lKH)k,  as  of  the  school  from  which  it  emanated,  is 
the  writer's  apprehension  of  God's  kingdom  and 
the  blessings  connected  with  it  as  eternal,  and  so, 
as  independent  of  men's  conceptions  of  time. 
Thus  chs.  i.  ii.  contain  the  strong  protest  of  a 
righteous  man  against  the  materialism  which  then 
in  the  form  of  a  sensual  selfishness,  as  afterwards 
in  the  developed  system  of  the  Sadducees,  was  cor- 
rupting tlie  old  faith  of  Israel.  Against  this  he 
asserts  that  the  "  souls  of  the  righteous  are  in  the 
hands  of  God"  (iii.  1);  that  the  blessings  which 
the  popular  belief  connected  with  length  of  days 
were  not  to  be  measured  by  the  duration  of  years, 
geeing  that  "  wisdom  is  the  gray  hair  unto  men, 
and  an  unspotted  life  is  old  age."  (J".)  In  regard 
to  another  truth  also,  this  book  was  ui  advance  of 
the  popuUir  belief  of  the  Jews  of  Palestine.  Jn 
the  mi'lst  of  its  strong  protests  against  idolatry, 
ihere  is  the  fullest  recognition  of  God's  universal 
love  (xi.  23-26),  of  the  truth  that  His  ix)wer  is 
but  the  instrument  of  Ills  righteousness  (xii.  16). 
i{  the  difference  between  those  who  are  the  "  less 
Vo  be  blamed"  as  "seeking  God  and  desirous  tc 


APOCRYPHA 


125 


find  Him  "  (xiii.  6),  and  the  victims  of  a  darkes 
and  more  debasing  idolatry.  Here  also  the  un- 
known writer  of  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  seems  to 
prepare  the  way  for  the  higher  and  wider  teaching 
of  the  New  Testament. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  the  present 
article  to  speak  of  the  controversies  which  have 
arisen  within  the  Church  of  England,  or  in  Luth- 
eran or  Reformed  communities  abroad,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  authority  and  use  of  these  Books. 
Those  disputes  raise  questions  of  a  very  grave  in- 
terest to  the  student  of  Ecclesiastical  History'. 
What  has  been  aimed  at  here  is  to  supply  the  Bib- 
lical student  with  data  which  will  prejiare  him  to 
judge  fairly  and  impartially.  E.  H.  1' 

*  On  the  Apocrypha  in  general  see  HaiuoKU, 
John,  Censura  JJbroruin  V.  T.  adv.  Ponlijicios, 
2  vol.  Oppenh.  IGll,  4to,  learned,  but  proUx  and 
discursive;  Eichhorn,  J'JInl.  in  die  cijx)kr.ScliriJlen 
des  A.  T.,  I^ipz.  1795 ;  the  EinlcUungen  of  Ber- 
tholdt,  Ue  Wette,  Scholz  (Cath.),  and  Keil;  Welte 
(Cath.),  Einl.  in  d.  deulerokanon.  Biicher  des  A. 
T.,  Freib.  18i-l  (Bd.  iv.  of  Ilerbst's  Einl);  Pal- 
frey, Lect.  on  the  Jewish  Scriptures,  Bost.  183&- 
52,  vol.  iv. ;  Davidson,  Inlrod.  to  the  Old  Test., 
Lond.  1803,  iii.  346-467 ;  and  Volkraar,  Ilandh.  d. 
Einl.  in  die  Aix)kryphen,  Theil  i.  Abth.  i.  JudiHu 
18G0;  Abth.  ii.  Das  vierte  Bach  Esra,  1863.  See 
also  on  the  separate  books  the  valuable  articles  of 
Ginsburg',  in  the  3d  ed.  of  Kitto's  Ct/clop.  of  Bibl. 
Literature. 

The  relation  of  the  Apoc.  Books  to  the  Canon, 
and  their  title  to  a  secondary  place  m  the  Bible, 
have  been  warmly  discussed  of  late  in  Germany. 
On  what  has  been  called  the  Purist  side,  see  es- 
pecially Keerl,  Die  Ajwkryphen  des  A.  T.,  1852,  a 
prize  essay,  and  Die  A}X)knjphenfrage  aufs  Neue 
beleuchtet,  1855.  See  also  Stowe,  C.  E.,  The  Ajx>v. 
Books  of  the  0.  T.,  and  the  Reasons  for  their  Ex~ 
elusion  from  the  Canon,  in  the  BiOl.  Sacra  for 
April,  1854,  xi.  278-305,  and  Home's  Introd.  10th 
ed.  1856,  i.  469-511.  On  the  other  side,  see  Stier, 
Die  Apokryphen,  1853;  Letztes  Woj-t  iiber  die 
Apokryphen,  1855,  and  especially  Bleek,  Ueber  die 
Stellang  der  Apoc.  des  A.  T.  ini  christl.  Kanon, 
in  the  Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1853,  pp.  267-354. 

The  most  recent  separate  ed.  of  the  Greek  text, 
with  a  selection  of  various  readings,  is  by  II.  A. 
Apel,  Libri  V.  T.  Apoc.  Greece,  Lips.  1837.  This 
includes  3d  and  4th  Maccabees,  and  is  the  basis  of 
Wahl's  excellent  Clavis  Librorum  V.  T.  Apoc. 
philokxfica,  Lips.  1853. 

By  far  the  most  important  exegetical  help  to  tha 
study  of  the  Apocrypha  is  the  K'irzcjefasstes  exegei. 
llandb.  zu  den  Apokr.  des  A.  T.  by  0.  F.  Fritzsche 
and  C.  L.  W.  Grimm,  6  Lieferungen,  Leipz.  1851- 
60,  which  also  contains  full  critical  introductions  to 
the  several  books.  The  German  translation  and 
notes  of  Hezel,  2  Theile,  1800-02,  are  not  highly 
esteemed.-  There  is  a  more  recent  German  trans- 
lation, with  notes,  by  a  Jewish  liabbi,  JM.  Gutmann, 
Die  Apokryphen  des  A.  T.,  u.  s.  w.  Altona,  1841, 
The  principal  commentary  hi  Enghsh  is  by  Richard 
Amald,  Lond.  1744-52,  fol.,  2d  ed.  1760,  new  ed. 
by  Pitman,  Lond.  1822,  4to.  It  was  published  aa 
a  continuation  of  Patrick  and  Lbwth's  Comm.  on 
the  Old  Test.,  which  it  usually  accompanies,  as  in 
the  Philadelphia  ed.  of  1846.  There  is  a  separate 
ed.  of  the  common  English  version  by  Charles 
AVilson,  The  Books  of  the  A/wcrypha,  with  Cril. 
and  Hist.  Observations  jjrefxed,  lidin.  1801.  A 
good  English  translation  of  the  Apocrypha,  with 


126  APOLLONIA 

}uitable  introductions  and  notes,  is  a  desideratum. 
The  annotations  of  Grotius,  Drusius,  and  others  of 
I  he  older  commentators  will  be  found  in  the  Critici 
Sacii,  vol.  V.  Calniet  has  also  illustrated  the  Apoc- 
ryphal Books  in  his  great  Commcntnire  lilteral. 

On  the  theology  juid  morality  of  the  Apocrypha, 
gee  Bretschneider,  Syst.  Dmstdluny  d.  Dcxjvuilik 
u.  Mwal  d.  njioa:  tSchri/ten  dcs  A.  T.  Theil  i. 
Doymatik,  Leipz.  1805;  Cramer,  Syst.  Darstdlung 
d.  MwnJ  d.  Apokr.  des  A.  T.,  Leipz.  1815;  De 
Wette,  BWl.  Doymatik ;  Von  Cilln,  liibl.  Theolo- 
yie,  Bd.  i. ;  Nicolas.  M.,  Doctrines  reliy.  des  Julfs 
pendant  les  deux  siecles  anterieurs  a  I'e-re  chreti- 
enne,  Paris,  IStiO.  See  also  Frisch,  Veryleichuny 
acischtn  den  Ideen.  welche  in  den  Apokr.  des  A.  T. 
und  d.  Schriften  des  N.  T.  iiber  Utisterblichkeit, 
Auferstekuny,  Gericht  u.  Veryeltuny  heiTschen,  in 
Eichlioni's  Allyem.  Bill.  17'J2,  iv.  C5;i-718,  and 
Biittcher,  De  Jnferis,  Dresd.  1840,  pp.  248-203. 

llencke  (1711),  Jenichen  (1780),  Kuinoel  (1794), 
and  Beckhaus  (1808),  have  collected  illustrations 
of  the  phraseology  of  tlie  N.  T.  from  the  Apocry- 
pha. A. 

APOLLO'NIA  i'AiroWwvla:  [Apdbnia]),  vl 
city  of  Macedonia,  through  which  I'aul  and  Silas 
passed  in  their  way  from  I'hilippi  and  Aniphipolis 
to  Thessalonica  (Acts  xvii.  1).  It  was  hi  the  dis- 
trict of  Mygdouia  (Flin.  iv.  10.  s.  17),  and  accord- 
ing to  the  Antonine  /iinei'ary  was  distant  30  Koman 
miks  from  Amphipolis  and  37  Koman  miles  from 
Thessalonica.  This  city  must  not  be  confounded 
wil  h  the  more  celebrated  Apollonia  in  Illyria. 

*  The  distances  in  the  Jtinerarium  Antonhii 
Avyusti  (ed.  Parth.  et  Pind.)  are:  "From  Philippi 
to  Amphipolis  32  miles;  from  Amphipolis  to  Apol- 
lonia 32  miles;  from  Apollonia  to  Thessalonica  3G 
miles."  Luke's  record  of  Paul's  journey  through 
these  places  (Acts  xvii.  1)  almost  reminds  us  of  a 
leaf  from  a  traveller's  note-book.  Paul  spent  a 
night  probably  at  Apollonia  as  well  as  at  Amphip- 
olis; for  he  was  hastening  to  Thessalonica,  and 
could  make  the  journey  between  the  places  in  a 
single  day.  Pliny  mentions  Apollonia  {Hist.  Nat. 
iv.  10):  "regio  Mygdonise  subjacens,  in  qua  re- 
cedentes  a  mari  Apollonia,  Arethusa."  At  the 
present  day  the  site  has  not  been  ascertained  with 
tertauity.  There  is  known  to  be  a  little  village, 
Pollona,  with  ruins,  just  south  of  Lake  Becluk 
(.B6\fir],  JEsch.  Pers.  490)  which  possibly  perpet- 
uates the  ancient  name.  Both  Cousintry  (  Voyage 
dans  la  Macedoi.ne,  p.  115)  and  Leake  {Northern 
Greece,  i.  308)  saw  the  vilhige  at  a  distance,  and 
incline  to  place  Apollonia  there.  Tafel  would  place 
it  further  to  the  northwest  (see  his  De  TTa  Mil- 
itari  Bomanomm  J'Jyndtia),  at  Klisali,  a  post- 
Btntion  7  hour.i  from  Sahniki,  on  the  road  to  Con- 
stantinople (Murray's  Hanilbook  of  Greece,  p.  432). 
1  lie  position  may  be  correct  enough  in  either  case, 
as  there  is  some  uncertainty  respecting  the  line  of 
the  l'>gnatian  Way  in  parts  of  its  course.  See  Am- 
f'HiroLis.  H. 

APOLLO'NIUS  i: A.iroKK<S>vios  '■  [Apollo- 
nius]),  the  son  of  nirasteus  governor  of  Coele- 
Syria  and  I'hoenice,  under  Selkucus  IV.  Piiilo- 
PAroK,  B.  c.  187  flF.,  a  bitter  enemy  of  the  Jews 
[2  Mace.  iv.  4),  who  urged  the  king,  at  the  insti- 
fatioi:  of  Simon  the  commander  {a-TpaTr]y6s)  of 
the  temple,  to  plunder  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  (2 
Maec.  iii.  5  ff.).  The  writer  of  the  Declamation 
on  the  ilaccabees,  printed  among  the  works  of  Jo- 
lephua.    relates  of   Apollonius    the  circumstances 


APOLLOS 

which  are  commonly  referred  to  his  emiggary  Heli 
odorus  (,De  Mace.  4;  cf.  2  Mace.  iii.  7  fi".). 

2.  An  officer  of  Antiochus  Kpiphanes,  govemoT 
of  Samaria  (Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  5,  §  5 ;  7,  §  1),  who  led 
out  a  large  force  against  Judas  iMaccabajus,  but  was 
defeated  and  slain  n.  c.  ICC  (1  Mace.  iii.  10-12, 
Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  71).  He  is  probably  the  same 
person  who  was  chief  commissioner  of  tlie  reveiuf 
of  Judaea  {&px<i>v  <popoKoylas,  1  jMacc.  i.  29;  c'. 
2  Mace.  v.  24),  who  spoiled  Jerusalem,  takmg  ad- 
vantage of  the  Sabbath  (2  Mace.  v.  24-20),  and 
occupied  a  fortified  position  there  (b.  c.  1G8)  (I 
Mace.  i.  30  ff.). 

3.  The  son  of  Menestheus  (possibly  identical 
with  the  former),  an  envoy  commissioned  (u.  c 
173)  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  to  congratulate  Ptol 
emffius  PhUometor  on  his  being  enthroned  (2  Mace 
iv.  21).  An  ambassador  of  the  same  name  was  at 
the  head  of  the  embassy  which  Antiochus  sent  to 
Home  (Liv.  xlii.  C). 

4.  Tlie  son  of  Gennseus  (i  rod  Ftwalov,  it 
seems  impossible  that  this  can  be  des  edlen  Apoll. 
Sohn,  Luth.),  a  Syrian  general  under  Antiochus  V. 
Eupator  c.  p..  c.  103  (2  Mace.  xii.  2). 

5.  The  Daian  {Ados,  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  4,  §  3, 
i.  e.  one  of  the  Daliae  or  Dai,  a  people  of  Sogdiana), 
a  governor  of  Coele-Syria  {rhv  ivra  iir\  k.  2.  1 
Mace.  X.  09)  under  Alexander  BiUas,  who  embraced 
the  cause  of  his  rival  Demetrius  Nicator,  and  waa 
appointed  by  him  to  a  chief  ^-ommand  (1  Mace. 
I.  c.  Ka.T(crTt\ae,  Vulg.  constitvit  dticem).  If  he 
were  the  same  as  the  Apollonius  whom  Polybius 
mentions  as  foster-brother  and  confidant  of  Deme- 
trius I.  (probably  a  son  of  (3)  Suoiv  virapxivroiv 
a.'BfXipo'iv,  Me\€dypov  koI  MeveaOews,  Polyb. 
xxxi.  21,  §  2),  his  conduct  is  easily  intelligible. 
Apollonius  raised  a  large  force  and  attacked  Jona- 
than, the  ally  of  Alexander,  but  was  entirely  de- 
feated by  him  (b.  c.  147)  near  Azotus  (1  jNIacc.  x. 
70  ff.).  Josephus  {Ant.  xiii.  4,  §  3  f.)  represents 
Apollonius  as  the  general  of  Alexander  at  the  time 
of  his  defeat;  but  this  statement,  though  it  baa 
found  advocates  (Wernsdorf,  dejide  libr.  Mace.  p. 
135,  yet  doubtfully),  appears  to  be  untenable  ou 
internal  groimds.     Cf.  Grimm,  1  Mace.  x.  C9. 

B.  F.  W. 

APOLLOPH'ANES  {'ATro\\o(pivris:  Apo^ 
lophanes),  a  Syrian,  killed  by  Judas  MaccabaBU* 
(2  Mace.  X.  37). 

APOL'LOS  CAitoWi&s,  «•  c-  ^AiroWdvioi 
[belonging  to  Apollo'],  -as  the  Codex  Bezoe  actually 
gives  it,  or  perhaps  '  AvoK\6^a>pos  [gift  of  Apollo] ), 
a  Jew  from  Alexandria,  eloquent  {\6'yios,  W'hicb 
may  also  mean  learned),  and  mighty  in  the  Script- 
ures: one  instructed  in  the  way  of  the  Lord 
(Christ)  according  to  the  imperfect  \iew  of  the 
disciples  of  John  the  Baptist  (Acts  xviii.  25),  but 
on  his  coming  to  Ephesus  during  a  temporary  ab- 
sence of  St.  Paul,  A.  1).  54,  more  perfectly  taught 
by  Aquila  and  IViscilla.  After  this  he  became  a 
preacher  of  the  gospel,  first  in  Achaia,  and  then  in 
Corinth  (Acts  xviii.  27,  xix.  1),  where  he  watered 
that  which  Paul  had  planted  (1  Cor.  iii.  G).  When 
tlie  apostle  WTote  his  first  Papistic  to  the  Corinthians, 
Apollos  was  with  or  near  him  (1  Cor.  xvi.  12), 
probably  at  Ephesus  in  A.  D.  57.  We  hear  of  him 
then  that  he  was  unwilling  at  that  *ime  to  journey 
to  Cormth,  but  would  do  so  when  he  should  harg 
convenient  time.  He  is  mentioned  but  once  mort 
in  the  N.  T.,  in  Tit.  iii.  13,  where  Titus  is  desired 
to  "  bring  Zcnas  the  lawj'er  and  Apollos  on  tfaeii 


APOLLYON 

iray  diliiientlv,  that  nothing  may  be  wanting  to 
Ihem."  Aftei  this  nothing  is  known  of  him. 
rradition  makes  him  bishop  of  Csesarea  {Menohg. 
(rnec.  ii.  b.  IT).  Tlie  exact  part  which  Apollos 
took  in  the  missiouary  work  of  the  apostolic  age 
'sm  never  be  ascertained ;  and  much  fruitless  con- 
jecture lias  been  sjient  on  the  subject.  After  the 
intire  amity  between  St.  Paul  and  him  which 
a4)pears  in  the  first  Epistle  to  tlie  Corinthians,  it  is 
nardly  'possible  to  imagine  any  important  difference 
in  the  doctrines  which  they  taught.  Certainly  we 
cannot  accede  to  the  hypothesis  that  the  (rocpla 
»gamst  which  the  apostle  so  often  warns  the  Cor- 
inthians, was  a  characteristic  of  the  teaching  of 
Apollos.  Thus  nmch  may  safely  be  granted,  that 
there  may  have  been  difference  enough  in  the  out- 
ward character  and  expression  of  the  two  to  attract 
the  lover  of  eloquence  and  philosophy  rather  to 
Apollos,  somewhat,  perhaps,  to  the  disparagement 
of  St.  Paid. 

Much  ingenuity  has  been  spent  in  Germany  in 
defining  the  four  parties  in  the  church  at  Corinth, 
Bupposed  to  be  indicated  1  Cor.  i.  12;  and  the 
Apollos  party  has  been  variously  characterized.  See 
Neander,  Pjinnz.  u.  Leitumj,  p.  378  ff.  4th  ed. ; 
Conybeare  and  Ilowson,  Life  and  Epistles  of  St. 
Paid,  vol.  i.  p.  523,  vol.  ii.  pp.  6-11,  2d  ed. ; 
Winer  refers  to  PHzer,  Diss,  cle  Apollone  ductorc. 
apostol,  Altorf,'  1718;  Ilopf,  Comm.  de  Apolhme 
psetido-docture,  Hag.  1782;  and  especially  to  Iley- 
mann,  in  the  Saxon  Kxegetische  Studitn,  ii.  21-3 
flF.  H.  A. 

*  The  conjecture  of  Luther,  that  Apollos  was  the 
author  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  has  been  fa- 
vored by  many  eminent  scholars,  among  whom  may 
be  named  Osiander,  Beausobre,  Le  Clerc,  Heu- 
mann,  Ziegler,  Sender,  Dindorf,  l?ertholdt,  Schott, 
Bleek,  Norton,  Feilmoser  (Cath.),  Credner,  Lutter- 
beck  (Cath.),  De  Wette  (without  confidence),  Tho- 
luck,  Reuss,  Bimsen,  Liinemann,  and  Alford.  See 
Bleek,  Brief  an  die  Ilebr.  i.  423-430;  Norton  in 
the  Christian  Examiner  for  July  1829,  vi.  338- 
343;  and  Alford's  Prolegomenii  to  the  Epistle,  ch. 
i.  sect.  i.  §§  180-191.  [Hebrews,  Epistle  to 
THE.]  A. 

APOLL'YON  ('AttoWucoj/:  ApoUyon),  or,  as 
it  is  literally  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.  of  Rev. 
ix.  11,  "  a  destroyer,"  is  the  rendering  of  the  He- 
brew word  Ahaddox,  "  the  angel  of  the  bottom- 
less pit."  The  Vulgate  adds,  "  Latine  habens 
nomen  Exterminans."  The  Hebrew  term  is  really 
abstract,  and  signifies  "destruction,"  in  which 
sense  it  occurs  in  Jo))  xxvi.  G,  xxviii.  22;  Prov.  xv. 
11;  and  other  passages.  The  angel  ApoUyon  is 
further  described  as  the  king  of  the  locusts  which 
rose  from  the  smoke  of  the  bottondess  pit  at  the 
Bounding  of  the  fifth  trumpet.  From  the  occur- 
rence of  the  word  in  Ps.  bcxxviii.  11,  the  Rabbins 
have  made  Abaddon  the  nethermost  of  the  two 
r^ions  into  which  they  divided  the  under  world. 
But  that  in  Rev.  ix.  11  Abaddon  is  the  angel,  and 
lot  the  abyss,  is  perfectly  evident  Ln  the  Greek. 
There  is  no  authority  for  connecting  it  with  the 
destroyer  alluded  to  in  1  Cor.  x.  10;  and  the  ex- 
planation, quoted  by  Bengel,  that  the  name  is  given 
in  Hebrew  and  Greek,  to  show  that  the  locusts 
would  be  destructive  alike  to  Jew  and  Gentile,  is 
br-fetched  and   unnecessary.     The  etymology  of 


AfUSTLE 


127 


Asn.odeus,  the  king  of  the  demons  in  Jewish 
mythology,  seems  to  point  to  a  connection  with 
ApoUyon,  in  his  character  as  "  the  destroyer,''  or 
the  destroying  angel.  See  also  Wisd.  xviii.  22,  25. 
[ASMODEUS.]  W.  A.  \V. 

APOSTLE  {a.iT6<TTo\os,  one  sent  forth),  the 
official  name,  in  the  N.  T.,  origiiiaUy  of  those 
Twelve  of  the  disciples  whom  Jesus  chose,  to  send 
forth  first  to  preach  the  gospel,  and  to  be  with  Him 
during  the  course  of  his  ministry  on  earth.  After- 
wards it  was  extended  to  others  who,  though  net 
of  the  number  of  the  Twelve,  yet  wer<'  equal  with 
them  in  office  and  dignity.  The  word  also  ippears 
to  have  been  used  in  a  non-officiai  sense  to  des:  in- 
nate a  much  wider  circle  of  Christian  messenger 
and  teachers  (see  2  Cor.  vui.  23;  Phil.  ii.  25). 
It  is  only  of  those  who  were  officiaUy  designated 
Apostles  that  we  treat  in  this  article." 

The  original  qualification  of  an  apostle,  as  stated 
by  St.  Peter,  on  occasion  of  electing  a  successor  to 
the  traitor  Judas,  was,  that  he  should  have  been 
personaUy  acquainted  witii  the  whole  ministerial 
course  of  our  Ix)rd,  from  the  baptism  of  John  tiU 
the  day  when  He  was  taken  up  into  heaven.  He 
himself  describes  them  as  "  they  that  had  contmiied 
with  Him  in  his  temptations  "  (Luke  xxii.  28).  liy 
this  close  personal  hitercourse  with  Him  they  were 
peculiarly  fitted  to  give  testimony  to  the  facts  of 
redemption ;  and  we  gather  from  his  own  words  in 
John  xiv.  -26,  xv.  20,  27,  xvi.  13,  that  an  especi.ol 
bestowal  of  the  Spirit's  influence  was  granted 
them,  by  which  their  memories  were  quickened, 
and  their  power  of  reproducing  that  which  they 
had  heard  from  Him  increased  above  the  ordinary 
measure  of  man.  The  Apostles  were  from  the 
lower  ranks  of  life,  simple  and  uneducated;  some 
of  them  were  related  to  Jesus  according  in  the 
flesli;  some  had  previously  been  disciples  of  John 
the  Baptist.  Our  Ixird  chose  them  early  in  his 
public  career,  though  it  is  uncertain  precisely  at 
what  time.  Some  of  them  had  certainly  partly 
attached  themselves  to  Him  before;  but  after  their 
caU  as  apostles,  they  appear  to  have  been  continu- 
ously with  Him,  or  in  his  sendee.  They  seem  to 
have  i)een  aU  on  an  equaUty,  both  during  and  after 
the  ministry  of  Christ  on  earth.  We  find  one 
indeed,  St.  Peter,  from  fervor  of  personal  charac- 
ter, usuaUy  prominent  among  them,  and  distii- 
guished  by  having  the  first  place  assigned  him  in 
founding  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  churches  [Peteu]  ; 
but  we  never  find  the  slightest  trace  in  Scripture 
of  any  superiority  or  primacy  being  in  consequence 
accorded  to  him.  We  also  find  that  he  and  two 
others,  James  and  John,  the  sons  of  Zebedce,  are 
admitted  to  the  inner  privacy  of  our  T>ord's  acts 
and  sufferings  on  several  occasions  (^lark  v.  37; 
Matt.  xvii.  1  ff.,  xxvi.  37);  but  this  is  no  proof 
of  superiority  in  rank  or  office.  Early  ui  our 
Lord's  ministry,  He  sent  them  out  two  and  two  to 
preach  repentance,  and  perform  miracles  in  hia 
name  (Matt.  x. ;  Luke  ix.).  Tliis  their  mission 
was  of  the  nature  of  a  solemn  call  to  the  children 
oi  Israel,  to  whom  it  was  confined  (Matt.  x.  5,  6). 
There  is,  however,  in  his  charge  to  the  Apostles  on 
this  occasion,  not  a  word  of  their  proclaiming  his 
i  own  mission  as  the  Messiah  of  the  Jewish  people. 
Their  preaching  was  at  this  time  strictly  of  a  pre- 
paratory kind,  resembluig  that  of  John  the  Baptist, 
the  Lord's  lurerunner. 


«  •  For  a  gDOil  discussion  of  this  topic,  see  a  dlsser- 
taOon  on  the  "  Name  and  OfBoe  of  an  Apostle,"  by 


Prof.  Lightfoot,  St.  Paul's  Er.  to  t/ie  OalatiaM,  op 
89-97.  "  a. 


128  APOSTLE 

TTie  Apostles  were  early  warned  by  their  Ma8t«r 
of  the  solemn  nature  and  tlie  danger  of  their  call- 
ing (Matt.  X.  17),  but  were  not  intrusted  with  any 
•Bot«ric  doctrines,  of  which  indeed  his  teaching;, 
being  eminently  and  entirely  practical,  did  not  ad- 
mit. They  accompanied  Him  in  his  Journeys  of 
teaching  and  to  the  Jewish  fe.asts,  saw  his  wonder- 
ful works,  heard  his  discourses  addressed  to  the 
people  (Matt.  v.  1  ff.,  xxiii.  1  ff.;  Luke  iv.  13  tf.) 
or  those  which  He  held  with  learned  Jews  (Matt. 
xis.  13  ft'.;  Luke  x.  25  ft"),  made  inquiries  of  Him 
on  religious  matters,  sometimes  concerning  his 
own  savings,  sometimes  of  a  general  nature  (Matt. 
xiii.  10  fF.,  XV.  15  ff.,  xviii.  1  ff.;  Luke  viii.  J)  ff., 
xil.  41,  xvii.  5:  John  ix.  2  ff.,  xiv.  5,  22  al.):  some- 
times tliey  worked  miracles  (Mark  vi.  13;  Luke  ix. 
fi),  sometimes  attempted  to  do  so  without  success 
(Matt.  xvii.  16).  They  recognized  tlieir  Master  as 
the  Chri.st  of  God  (ilatt.  xvi.  IG;  Luke  ix.  20), 
and  ascribed  to  Him  supernatunJ  power  (Luke 
ix.  54),  but  in  the  recognition  of  the  spiritual 
leaching  and  mission  of  Christ,  they  made  very 
slov,-  progress,  held  back  as  they  were  by  weakness 
of  apprehension  and  by  natural  prejudices  (Matt. 
XV.  IG,  xvi.  22,  xvii.  20  f. ;  Luke  ix.  54,  xxiv.  25; 
John  xvi.  12).  'i'hey  were  compelled  to  ask  of  Him 
the  explanation  of  even  Ids  simplest  parables  (Mark 
viii.  14  ff. ;  Luke  xii.  41  ff. ),  and  openly  confessed 
their  weakness  of  faith  (Luke  xvii.  5).  Liven  at  the 
removal  of  our  I>ord  from  the  earth  they  were  yet 
weak  in  their  knowledge  (Luke  xxiv.  21 ;  John  x\i. 
12),  though  He  had  for  so  long  been  carefully  pre- 
paring and  instructing  them.  And  when  that  hap- 
pened of  which  He  had  so  often  forewarned  them, 
—  his  apprehension  by  the  chief  priest?  and  Phari- 
sees.—  they  all  forsook  Him  and  fled  (Matt.  xxvi. 
56,  &c.).  They  left  his  burial  to  one  who  was  not 
of  their  number  and  to  the  women,  and  were  oidy 
convinced  of  his  resurrection  on  the  very  plainest 
proofs  furnished  by  Himself.  It  was  first  when 
this  fact  became  imdeniable  that  light  seems  to  have 
entered  their  minds,  and  not  even  then  without  his 
own  special  aid,  oiiening  their  understandings  that 
they  might  understand  the  Scriptures.  Even  after 
that,  many  of  them  returned  to  their  common  oc- 
tupations  (John  xxi.  3  if.),  and  it  required  a  new 
direction  from  tiie  Lord  lo  recall  them  to  their  mis- 
sion and  reunite  tliem  in  Jerusalem  (Acts  i.  4). 
Before  the  descent  of  the  Holy  S])iiit  on  the  Church, 
Peter,  at  least,  seems  to  have  been  specially  insjjired 
by  Him  to  declare  the  pro])hetic  sense  of  Scripture 
respecting  the  tniitor  Judas,  and  direct  his  place  to 
lie  filled  up.  On  the  Keast  of  Pentecost,  ten  days 
after  our  Lord's  ascension,  the  Holy  Spirit  came 
down  (in  the  assembled  cluirch  (Acts  ii.  Iff.);  and 
from  that  time  tlie  Apostles  became  altogether  dif- 
ferent men,  giving  witness  with  power  of  tlie  life 
and  dealh  and  resurrection  of  Jesus  as  he  had  de- 
clared they  should  (Luke  xxiv.  48;  Acts  i.  8,  22, 
ii.  32,  iii.  15  v.  32,  xiii.  31).  First  of  all  the 
mother-church  at  Jerusalem  grew  up  imder  their 
hands  (Acts  iii.-vii.),  and  tlieir  superior  dignity  and 
ower  were  universally  acknowledged  by  the  rulers 
and  the  people  (Acts  v.  12  ff.).  J''ven  the  jiersecu- 
tion  which  arose  about  Stephen,  and  put  the  first 
check  on  the  spread  of  the  Gospel  in  Jud»a,  does 
not  seem  to  have  brought  |X!ril  to  the  Apostles  (Acts 
viii.  1).  Their  first  mission  out  of  Jerusalem  was 
to  Samaria  (Act*  viii.  5  ff.  14),  where  the  Lord 
himself  had,  during  his  ministry,  sown  the  seed 
of  the  Gospel.  Here  ends,  properly  speaking  (or 
r«tber  porbaps  with  the  general  visitation  hinted  at 


APOTHECARIES 

in  Acts  ix.  32),  the  first  period  of  the  Apostles' 
agency,  during  wliich  its  centre  is  Jerusalem,  and 
the  prominent  figure  is  that  of  St.  Peter.  Agree- 
ably to  the  promise  of  our  I»rd  to  him  (JLitt.  s\i. 
18),  which  we  conceive  it  inipossilile  to  understand 
otherwise  than  in  a  personal  .seii.se,  he  among  the 
twelve  foundations  (l!ev.  xxi.  14)  was  the  stone  on 
whom  the  Church  was  fii-st  built;  and  it  was  his 
privilege  first  to  open  the  doors  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  to  Jews  (Acts  ii.  14,  42)  and  to  Gentiles 
(Acts  x.  11).  The  centre  of  the  second  period  of 
the  apostolic  agency  is  Antioch,  where  a  church 
soon  was  built  up,  consisting  of  Jews  and  Gentiloj; 
and  the  central  figure  of  this  and  of  (he  subsequent 
period  is  St.  Paul,  a  convert  not  originally  belong- 
ing to  the  number  of  the  Twelve,  but  wonderfuUj 
prepared  and  miraculously  won  for  the  high  oflSce 
[Paul].  This  period,  whose  history  (all  that  we 
know  of  it)  is  relate<i  in  Acts  xi.  19-30,  xiii.  1-5, 
was  marked  I)y  the  united  working  of  Paid  and  the 
other  apostles,  in  the  coiper.ition  and  intercourse 
of  the  two  churches  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem. 
From  this  time  the  third  apostolic  period  opens, 
mai'ked  by  the  almost  entire  disappearance  of  the 
Twelve  from  the  sacred  narrative,  and  the  exclusive 
agency  of  St.  Paul,  the  great  aj)ostle  of  the  Gen- 
tiles. The  whole  of  the  remaining  narrative  of  the 
Acts  is  occupietl  with  his  missionary  journeys; 
and  when  we  leave  him  at  lionie,  all  the  Gentile 
churches  from  Jerusalem  round  about  unto  lUmeum 
owe  to  him  their  foundation,  and  look  to  him  for 
suj)en-ision.  Of  the  missionaij  agency  of  the  rest 
of  the  Twelve,  we  know  absolutely  nothing  from 
the  sacred  narrative.  Some  notices  we  have  of 
their  personal  history,  which  will  be  found  under 
their  respective  names,  together  with  the  principal 
legends,  trustworthy  or  untrustworthy,  which  have 
come  down  to  us  respecting  them.  See  Petkk, 
Jastes,  John  especially.  As  regards  the  apostolic 
office,  it  seems  to  have  been  precniinenlly  that  of 
founding  the  churches,  and  upholding  them  by 
supernatural  power  sjiecially  bestowed  for  that  pur- 
IKise.  It  ceased,  iis  a  matter  of  coui-se,  with  its 
first  holders  —  all  continuation  of  it,  from  the  very 
conditions  of  its  existence  (cf.  1  Cor.  ix.  1 ),  being 
imjiossible.  The  iniffKowos  of  the  ancient  churches 
coexisted  with,  and  did  not  in  any  sense  succeed, 
the  Apostles;  and  when  it  is  claimed  for  bishops  or 
any  church  officers  that  they  are  their  successors, 
it  can  be  understood  only  chi-onologically,  and  not 
officially. 

The  work  which  contains  the  fullest  account  of 
the  agency  of  the  A|K)stles  within  the  limits  of  the 
N.  T.  history  is  Neander's  treatise,  Cesc/i.  der 
PJlanzvng  und  Leilvnt/  (Jer  dirktiirhen  Kirche 
(lurch  die  Aposid,  4th  edition,  Hamburg,  1847. 
More  ample,  but  far  less  interesting,  notices  may 
be  found  in  Cave's  Antiq.  AposL,  or  History  of 
the  Apostles,  Lond.  1G77.  IL  A. 

•  The  older  works  of  I5enson,  Uigf.  of  the  First 
Planting  of  the  Clifistian  Rdii/ioti.,  2d  ed.,  3  vol.. 
Lond.  1756,  4to,  and  l.ardner,  ///.</.  of  the  Ajws. 
ties  and  Kvanf/clis^lx,  deserve  mention  here.  See 
also  Stanley,  Sermons  and  Kssmjs  on  the  Ajwstolie 
Age,  2d  ed.,  Oxfonl,  18.j2,  L'enan,  Jas  Apotres, 
Paris,  1866,  and  the  literature  referred  to  under 
the  art.  Acts  of  tiiic  Ai-ksti.es.  A. 

♦APOTHECARIES  occurs  in  Neb.  iii.  8 
(A.  V.)  for  D"^n|v"|;,  suppo.sed  to  mean  "perfiun 
ers "  or  "  makers  of  ointments "  (in  the  Sept 
strangely  'Paxf^/*,  '^  *  proper  name),     in  tiu 


APPAIM 

craft  belonged  (]3)  Hananiah,  one  of  the  builders 
of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  8),  where  the 
A.  v.,  with  a  misapprehension  of  the  idiom,  ren- 
ders "a  son  of  one  of  the  apothecaries."         H. 

APPA'IM  (C;''3S  [the  nosti-ils]:  'Airtpaiv, 
[Vat.  E<ppam.;]  Alex.  A<ptpaifj.-  Applimn).  Son 
of  Nadab,  and  descended  from  .lerahmeel,  the 
founder  of  an  important  family  of  tlie  trilte  of  Ju- 
dah  (1  Chr.  ii.  30,  31).  The  succession  fell  to  him, 
as  his  elder  brother  died  without  issue. 

W.  A.  W. 

APPEAL.  The  principle  of  appeal  was  recog- 
toixd  by  the  Mosaic  law  in  the  estabUshment  of  a 
central  coiu^  under  the  presidency  of  the  judge  or 
ruler  for  the  tiine  being,  before  which  all  cases  too 
difficult  for  the  local  courts  were  to  be  tried  (Deut. 
xvii.  8-9).  Winer,  indeed,  infers  from  Josephus 
(Ant.  iv.  8,  §  14,  avaTrefj.irfTWffav,  sc.  ol  Si/caff- 
ToO  that  this  was  not  a  proper  court  of  apfieal,  the 
local  judges  and  not  the  litigants  being,  according 
to  the  above  language,  the  appellants:  but  these 
words,  taken  in  connection  with  a  former  passage  in 
the  same  chapter  (e?  ris  •  •  •  rivci  airlav  Trpo<p4- 
poi)  may  be  regarded  simply  in  the  light  of  a  gen- 
eral direction.  According  to  the  above  regulation, 
the  appeal  lay  in  the  time  of  the  Judges  to  the  judge 
(Judg.  iv.  5),  and  under  the  monarchy  to  the  king, 
who  appears  to  have  deputed  certain  persons  to 
inquire  into  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  record  his 
decision  thereon  (2  Sam.  xv.  3).  Jehoshaphat  dele- 
gated his  judicial  authority  to  a  court  permanently 
established  for  the  purpose  (2  Chr.  xix.  8).  These 
courts  were  reestablished  by  Ezra  (Ezr.  vii.  25). 
After  the  institution  of  the  Sanhedrim  the  final 
appeal  lay  to  them,  and  the  various  stages  through 
which  a  case  might  pass  are  thus  described  by  the 
Talmudists :  from  the  local  consistory  before  which 
the  cause  was  first  tried,  to  the  consistory  that  sat 
in  the  neighboring  town ;  thence  to  the  courts  at 
Jerusalem,  commencing  in  the  court  of  the  23  that 
sat  in  the  gate  of  Shushan,  proceeding  to  the  court 
that  sat  in  the  gate  of  Nicanor,  and  concluding 
with  the  great  council  of  the  Sanhedrim  that  sat  in 
the  room  Gazith  (Carpzov.  Appar.  p.  571). 

A  Roman  citizen  under  the  repubUc  had  the 
right  of  appealing  in  criminal  cases  from  the  de- 
cision of  a  magistrate  to  the  people;  and  as  the 
emperor  succeeded  to  the  power  of  the  people,  there 
was  an  appeal  to  him  in  the  last  resort.  (See  Diet, 
of  Ant.  art.  Appellatio). 

St.  Paul,  as  a  Roman  citizen,  exercised  a  right 
of  appeal  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  local  court  at 
Jerusalem  to  the  emperor  (Acts  xxv.  11).  But 
as  no  decision  had  been  given,  there  could  be  no 
a{  jeal,  properly  speaking,  in  his  case:  the  lan- 
guage used  (Acts  xxv.  9)  implies  the  right  on  the 
part  of  the  accused  of  electing  either  to  be  tried  by 
the  provincial  magistrate  or  by  the  emperor.  Since 
the  procedure  in  the  Jewish  courts  at  that  period 
was  of  a  mixed  and  undefined  character,  the  Roman 
and  the  Jewish  authorities  coexisting  and  carrying 
on  the  course  of  justice  between  them,  Paul  availed 
himself  of  his  undoubted  privilege  to  be  tried  by 
the  pure  Roman  law.  W.  L.  B. 

*  The  appeal  of  Paul  to  Cffisar  (Acts  xxv.  11)  was 


1  *  This  Is  not  strictly  correct.  'ATTTrca  does  not 
<H  .nr  In  Acts  xxvili.  15,  or  elsewhere  in  the  N.  T.  In 
th  J  passage  refeiTed  to  by  Alford  we  have  'Attttiov  (see 
Aipu  FOBUM).  A 


APPHIA  129 

peculiar  a-s  laying  claim  not  to  the  revision  of  a 
sentence,  but  to  a  hearing  at  Rome  before  judg- 
ment had  been  rendered  elsewhere.  The  point  is 
not  without  its  difficulty,  and  deserves  a  more  spe- 
cial notice. 

Appeal  in  Roman  law  under  the  emperois  (foi 
this  alone  concerns  us)  proceeded  on  the  principle 
that  the  emperor  was  the  supreme  judge,  and  all 
other  judges,  the  provincial  magistrates,  for  in- 
stance, his  delegates.  Such  appeal  from  a  decision 
in  a  province,  when  allowed,  was  authenticated  by 
apostoli  or  litcrce  diiiiissur-uB,  which  contained  a 
notice  of  the  appeal  to  the  higher  court,  and  were 
accompanied  by  the  necessary  documents,  evidence, 
etc.  The  a^)peal  did  not  necessarily  come  before 
the  emperor  in  the  first  instance,  but  he  delegated 
the  matter  to  subordinate  persons,  as  to  consular 
men,  to  the  prsefect  of  the  city,  and  particularly 
to  the  praefect  of  the  praetorium.  Appeal  was  al- 
lowed in  all  sorts  of  cases,  when  a  decision  valid 
in  J'm-m  had  been  given  by  the  inferior  court. 
WTiere  the  judgment  was  formally  invalid,  a  que- 
rela nullitatis  was  necessary. 

The  apostle  Paul,  a  Roman  citizen,  was  brought 
to  trial  before  the  procurator  of  Judaea  on  the  charge 
of  having  profaned  the  temple  and  of  having  been 
"  a  mover  of  sedition  among  all  the  Jews  tlirough- 
out  the  world;"  and  to  these  offenses  it  was 
sought  to  attach  political  importance  (Acts  xxv. 
8).  If  he  had  consented,  a  trial  might  have  been 
held  at  Jerusalem  before  the  procurator  lestus. 
But  Paul,  fearing  that  he  would  be  sacrificed  to 
the  malice  of  his  enemies,  if  such  a  trial  were  held, 
made  an  appeal  to  the  emperor,  and  Festus,  after 
consulting  with  his  consilium  or  assessores,  allowed 
the  appeal  to  take  effect,  glad,  doubtless,  to  be  freed 
from  the  responsibility  of  either  irriUitmg  the  .Jew- 
ish leaders  by  acquitting  Paul,  or  of  pronouncing 
an  innocent  man  guilty. 

Tlie  peculiarity  of  this  case  consisted  in  this: 
that  an  appeal  was  taken  before  any  condemnatory 
decision  had  been  made,  whereas  an  appeiJ  implied 
a  verdict.  It  is  not  easy  to  explain  this  aspect  of 
Paul's  trial,  or  to  illustrate  it  by  analogous  in- 
stances. The  emperors,  however,  "  were  wont,  and 
sometimes  from  the  best  motives,  to  prevent  the 
initiation  or  the  continuance  of  a  judicial  proceed- 
ing "  (Greib,  Gesch.  d.  rom.  Criminalproceas,  p. 
424).  And  Walter  in  his  Gesch.  d.  rom.  Jiechts, 
Li.  347,  says  that  a  case  was  "  sometimes  sent  to 
the  emperor  by  the  proconsul  for  his  settlement  of 
it  without  a  previous  verdict,"  in  support  of  which 
he  cites  Fronto,  Epist.  ad  Afarcum,  ii.  15,  but  there 
is  a  mistake  in  the  citation.  The  emperors'  tribuni- 
cian  power  could  easily  involve  such  a  kind  of  appeal, 
which  would  be  no  stranger  than  to  quash  proceed- 
ings before  a  verdict  (see  Geib,  as  above).  For 
appeal  see  the  two  writers  referred  to,  and  Rein  in 
Pauly's  Real-Eiwycl.  s.  v.  Appellatio. 

T.  D.  W. 

APTHIA  {'Air<{>ia,  a  Greek  form  of  the  I-atin 
Appia,  written  'Attttio,  Acts  xxviii.  15"),  a  Christian 
woman  addressed  jointly  with  Philemon  and  Ar- 
chippus  in  Philem.  2,  apparently  a  member  of  the 
former's  household,  seeing  that  the  letter  is  on  a 
family  matter,  and  that  the  church  that  is  in  her 
house  is  mentioned  next  to  these  two,  and  not  im- 
probably his  wife  (Chrys.,  Theodoret).  Nothing 
more  is  said  or  known  of  her.''  II.  A. 


<>  *  See,  more  fuUy,  on  Philem.  ver.  2,  in  SchafiTu  edJ 
tion  of  Lan«e'«  Commentary  (N.  Y.  1867).  B. 


130 


APPHUR 


APTHUS  ('ATTtpoOs;  [^Vlex.  Zcutxpovs.  Sin. 
lair<povs-]  Apphus),  surname  of  Jonathan  Miicca- 
bfeus  (1  Mace.  ii.  5). 

AP'PII  FO'RUM  ('Afl-Tr/oi;  (t>6oov,  Acts 
xiviii.  15)  was  a  very  well  known  station  (as  we 
learn  from  Hor.  Sat.  i.  5,  and  Cic.  (id  Alt.  ii.  10) 
on  the  Appian  Way,  the  great  road  which  led  from 
Home  to  the  neighborliood  of  the  Iky  of  Naples. 
St.  Paul,  having  landed  at  Puteoli  (ver.  13)  on  his 
arrival  from  Malta,  proceeded  under  the  charge  of 
the  centurion  along  the  Appian  'Way  towards  Home, 
and  found  at  Appii  Forum  a  group  of  Christians, 
who  had  gone  to  meet  him.  The  position  of  this 
place  is  fixed  by  the  ancient  Itineraries  at  43  miles 
from  Home  (Jtin.  Ant.  p.  107;  Jti7i.  llier.  p.  611). 
The  Jerusalem  Itinerary  calls  it  a  mutatio.  Horace 
describes  it  as  full  of  tavenis  and  boatmen.  This 
arose  from  the  circumstance  that  it  was  at  the 
northern  end  of  a  can:U  wliich  ran  parallel  with  the 
road,  through  a  considerable  part  of  the  Pomptine 
Marshes.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  identifying  the 
Bite  witli  some  ruuis  near  Tre/M7iti ;  and  ui  fact 
the  43d  milestone  is  preserved  there.  The  name 
is  probably  due  to  Appius  Claudius,  who  first  con- 
stnicted  this  part  of  the  road ;  and  from  a  passage 
in  Suetonius,  it  would  appear  that  it  was  comiected 
in  some  way  with  his  famUy,  even  in  the  time  of 
St.  Paul.     [Thkke  Tavekns.]  J.  S.  H. 

APPLE-TREE,  APPLE  (H^^ri,"  tap- 
puach:  jxriKoV,  fi-nKta,  Sjnn.  in  Cant.  viii.  5: 
malum,  malus).  Mention  of  the  apple-tree  occurs 
in  the  A.  V.,  in  the  following  passages.  Cant.  ii. 
3 :  "  As  the  apple-tree  among  the  trees  of  the  wood, 
80  is  my  beloved  among  the  sons.  I  sat  down  un- 
der his  shadow  with  great  dehght,  and  his  fruit  was 
Bweet  to  my  taste."  Cant.  viii.  5:  "I  raised  tliee 
up  under  the  apple-tree :  there  thy  mother  brought 
thee  forth."  Joel  i.  12,  where  the  apple-tree  is 
named  witli  the  vine,  the  fig,  the  pomegranate,  and 
the  palm-trees,  as  witliering  under  the  desolating 
fifffects  of  tlie  locust,  palmer-worm,  &c.  The  fruit 
of  this  tree  is  alluded  to  in  Prov.  xxv.  11:  "A  word 
fitly  siwken  is  Uke  apples  of  gold  in  pictures  of  sil- 
ver." In  Cant.  ii.  5:  "Comfort  me  with  apples, 
for  I  am  sick  of  love;  "  \ii.  8,  "The  smell  of  thy 
rose  [shall  be]  like  apples." 

It  is  a  difficult  matter  to  say  with  any  degree  of 
certiiiiity  what  is  the  specific  tree  denoted  by  the 
Hebrew  word  tnppuncli.  The  LXX.  and  Vulg. 
afford  no  clue,  as  the  terms  firjAov,  innlum,,  have  a 
wide  signification,  being  used  by  the  Greeks  and 
Konians  to  represent  almost  any  kind  of  tree-fruit; 
at  any  rate,  the  use  of  the  word  is  certainly  gen- 
eric; —  but  Celsius  (Jlitrob.  i.  255)  asserts  that  the 
qiiince-tree  {Ptjitis  cydunia)  was  very  often  called 
ly  vhe  Greek  and  Koman  writers  malus,  as  being, 
from  the  esteem  in  which  it  was  held  ("  primaria 
ro'ilorum  sjjecies  ")  the  malus,  or  firiKov  Kar  i^o- 
X'fiy.  Some  therefore,  with  Celsius,  have  endeav- 
ored to  sliow  that  the  lappuach  denotes  the  quince ; 
id  certainly  this  opinion  has  some  plausible  argu- 
•nents  in  its  favor.  The  fragrance  of  the  quince 
was  held  in  high  esteem  by  the  ancients;  and  the 
fruit  "  was  placed  on  the  heads  of  those  hnages  in 
the  sleeping  apartments  which  were  reckoned  among 
the  household  gods  "  (liosenmiiUer,  Botany  of  Bible, 
Bib.  Cab.  p.  314;  Voss,  On  \l,r<jil.  Eclog.  ii.  51). 


APPLE-TREE 

j  The  Arabians  make  especial  allusion  to  tl  e  restore 
tive  properties  of  this  fruit;  and  Celsius  (p.  261 
quotes  Abu'l  Fadli  in  illustration  of  Cant.  ii.  6 
"  Comfort  me  with  apples,  for  I  am  sick  of  love.' 
"  Its  scent,"  says  the  Arabic  author,  "  cheers  m; 
soul,  renews  my  strength,  and  restores  my  breath." 
Phylarchus  (Histor.  hb.  vi.),  liabbi  Salomon  (in 
Cant.  ii.  3),  Pliny  (//.  N.  xv.  11),  who  uses  the 
words  odoris  prcestaiitissimi,  bear  similar  testimony 
to  the  dehcious  fragrance  of  the  quince.  It  is  well 
known  that  among  the  ancients  the  quince  was  sa- 
cred to  the  goddess  of  lo\e ;  whence  statues  of  Venus 
sometimes  represent  her  with  the  fruit  of  this  tree 
in  her  hand,  the  quince  being  the  ill-fated  "  apple 
of  discord"  which  Paris  appropriately  enough  pre- 
sented to  that  deity.'' 

Other  writers,  amongst  whom  may  be  mentioned 
Dr.  Royle,  demur  to  the  opinion  that  the  quince  is 
the  fruit  here  intended,  and  believe  that  the  citron 
( Citi-us  medica)  has  a  far  better  claim  to  be  the 
tappucKh  of  Scripture.  The  citron  belongs  to  the 
orange  family  of  plants  {Aurantiacem),  the  fruit  of 
which  tree,  together  with  the  lemon  ( C.  limunium) 
and  the  hme  (C.  limetla),  is  distinguished  from  tlie 
orange  by  its  oblong  form  and  a  protuberance  at 
the  apex.  The  citron,  as  its  name  imports,  is  a  na- 
tive of  Media  (Theophrast.  Plant.  Hist.  iv.  4,  §  2) ; ' 
and  according  to  Josephus  (Ant.  xiii.  13,  §  5), 
branches  of  the  citron-tree  were  ordered  by  law  to 
be  carried  by  those  persons  who  attended  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles,  and  to  this  day  the  Jews  offer  cit- 
rons at  this  feast ;  they  must  be  "  without  blemish 
and  the  stalk  must  still  adhere  to  them  "  (Script 
Herb.  p.  109).  "  The  boughs  of  goodly  trees " 
(l>ev.  xxiii.  40)  are  by  several  of  the  Jewish  rabbis 
understood  to  be  those  of  this  tree  (Celsius,  Hierob. 
i.  251);  and  the  citron-tree  is  occasionally  repre- 
sented on  old  Samaritan  coins.  "  The  rich  color, 
fragrant  odor,  and  handsome  appearance  of  the  tree, 
whether  in  fiower  or  in  fruit,  are,"  Dr.  Royle  asserts, 
"  particularly  suited  to  the  passages  of  Scripture 
mentioned  above."  Dr.  Thomson  {Laml  and  Book, 
p.  545),  on  the  other  hand,  is  in  favor  of  the  trans- 
lation of  the  A.  v.,  and  has  little  doubt  that  apples 
is  the  correct  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  word.  He 
says,  "  The  whole  area  (about  Askelonj  is  especially 
celebrated  for  its  ajiples,  which  are  the  largest  and 
best  I  have  ever  seen  in  this  coimtry.  When  I  was 
liere  in  June,  quite  a  caravan  started  for  Jerusalem 
loaded  wth  them,  and  they  would  not  have  dis- 
graced even  an  American  orchard.  .  .  .  The  Arabic 
word  for  apple  is  almost  the  same  as  the  Hebrew, 
and  it  is  as  perfectly  definite,  to  suiy  the  least,  as 
our  Englisli  word  —  as  much  as  the  word  for  grape, 
and  just  as  well  understood ;  and  so  is  that  for  cit- 
ron :  but  this  is  a  comparatively  rare  fruit.  Citrons 
are  also  very  large,  weighing  several  pounds  each, 
and  are  so  hard  and  indigestilile,  that  they  cannot 
be  used  except  when  made  into  preserves.  The  tree 
is  small,  slender,  and  must  be  propped  up,  or  the 
fruit  will  bend  it  down  to  the  ground.  Nobody 
ever  thinks  of  sitting  under  its  shadow,  for  it  is  too 
small  and  straggling  to  make  a  shade.  1  cannot 
beUeve,  therefore,  that  it  is  spoken  of  in  the  Canti- 
cles. It  can  scarcely  be  called  a  tree  at  all,  much 
less  would  it  be  suigled  out  as  among  the  choice 
trees  of  the  wood.  As  to  the  smell  and  color,  all 
the  demands  of  the  Biblical  allusions  are  fully  met 


"  rnSi^.  a  T.  n?3,  spiravit,  in  allusion  to  the 
Vwfunie  of  the  ftiiit. 
<|  Uenee  the  act  expressed  by  the  term  /ii|Ao/3oXeii' 


(Schol.  ad  Aristoph.  Nttb.  p.  180 ;  Theocr.  Id.  Ul.  10 
T.  88,  &c. ;  Vlrg.  Ed.  iii.  64)  was  a  token  of  love.  Vor 
numerous  testimonies  see  Celsius,  Hierob.  i.  2H&. 


APPLE-TREE 

by  these  apples  of  Askelon ;  and  no  doubt,  in  an- 
lient  times  and  in  royal  gardens,  their  cultivation 
was  f;ir  superior  to  what  it  is  now,  and  the  fruit 
larger  and  more  fragrant.  Let  tappiiach  therefore 
itand  for  apple,  as  our  translation  has  it." 

Neither  the  quince  nor  the  citron  nor  the  apple, 
however,  appears  fully  to  answer  to  all  the  script- 
ural allusions.  The  tappuach  must  denote  some 
tree  which  is  sweet  to  the  ta-ste,  and  which  pos- 
sesses some  fragrant  and  restorative  properties,  in 
order  to  meet  all  the  demands  of  the  BibUcal  allu- 
sions. Both  the  quince  and  the  citron  may  satisfy 
tlie  last-named  requirement;  but  it  can  hardly  be 
said  that  either  of  these  fruits  are  sweet  to  the  taste. 
Dr.  Thomson,  in  the  passage  quoted  above,  says 
that  the  citron  is  "  too  straggling  to  make  a  shade ;  " 
but  in  Cant.  ii.  3  the  Uippuach  appears  to  be  asso- 
ciated with  other  trees  of  the  wood,  and  it  would 
do  no  violence  to  the  passage  to  suppose  that  this 
tree  was  selected  from  amongst  the  rest  under 
which  to  recline,  not  on  account  of  any  extensive 
gliade  it  afforded,  but  for  the  fragrance  of  its  fruit. 
The  expression  "  under  the  shade  "  by  no  means 
necessarily  implies  any  thing  more  than  "  under  its 
branches."  But  Dr.  Thomson's  trees  were  no  doubt 
small  specimens.  The  citron-tree  is  very  variable 
as  regards  its  size.  Dr.  Kitto  {Pict.  Bib.  on  Cant. 
ii.  3)  says  that  it  "  grows  to  a  fine  large  size,  and 
affords  a  pleasant  shade;  "  and  Risso,  in  his  Ilisioire 
Naturelk  des  Ornnyes,  speaks  of  the  citron-tree  as 
having  a  magnificent  aspect. 

The  passage  in  Cant.  ii.  3  seems  to  demand  that 
the  fruit  of  the  tappuach  in  its  unprepared  state 
was  sweet  to  the  taste,  whereas  the  rind  only  of  the 
citron  is  used  as  a  sweetmeat,  and  the  pulp,  though 
it  is  less  acid  than  the  lemon,  is  certainly  far  from 
sweet.  The  same  objection  would  apply  to  the  fruit 
of  the  quince,  which  is  also  far  from  being  sweet 
to  the  taste  in  its  uncooked  state.  The  orange 
would  answer  all  the  demands  of  the  Scriptural 
passages,  and  orange-trees  are  found  in  Palestine; 
but  there  does  not  appear  sufficient  evidence  to 
show  that  this  tree  was  known  in  the  earlier  times 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine,  the  tree  having  been 
in  all  probability  introduced  at  a  later  period.  As 
to  the  apple-tree  being  the  tappuach,  most  travel- 
lers assert  that  this  fruit  is  generally  of  a  very  in- 
ferior quality,  and  Dr.  Thomson  does  not  say  that 
he  tasted  the  apples  of  Askelon."  Moreover  the 
apple  would  hardly  merit  the  character  for  e.xceJlent 
^grance  which  the  tappuach  is  said  to  have  pos- 
sessed. The  question  of  identification,  therefore, 
must  still  be  left  an  open  one.  The  citron  apjiears 
to  have  the  best  claim  to  represent  the  tajt/mach, 
but  there  is  no  conclusive  evidence  to  establish  the 
opinion.  As  to  the  Apples  of  Sodom,  see  Vine 
■)F  Sodom. 

ITie  expression  ^^ apple  of  the  eye"  occurs  in 


AQUILA 


131 


«  Since  the  above  was  written  Dr.  Hooker  lias  re- 
tamed  from  a  tour  in  Palestine,  and  remarks  in  a  letter 
to  the  author  of  this  article  —  "I  procured  a  great 
many  plants,  but  veiy  little  information  of  service  to 
you,  though  I  made  3^ery  inquir."  about  the  subject 
of  your  notes.  You  would  hardly  believe  the  diiB- 
tulty  in  getting  reliable  information  about  the  simplest 
subjects  ;  e.  g.  three,  to  all  appearance  unexceptionable 
English  resident  authorities,  including  a  consul  and  a 
medical  gentleman,  assured  me  that  the  finest  apples 
,n  Syria  grew  at  Joppa  and  Askelon.  The  fact  ap- 
peared so  improbable  that,  though  one  authority  tad 
laten  them.  I  could  not  resist  prosecuting  the  Inquiry, 
toll  at  last  found  a  gentleman  who  had  property  there, 


Deut.  xxxii.  10;  Ps.  xvii.  8;  Prov.  vii.  2;  Lam.  il 
18;  Zech.  ii.  8.  The  word  is  the  representative 
of  an  entirely  diflferent  name  from  that  considered 
above :  the  Hebrew  word  being  ishdn,f>  "  little  man  " 
—  the  exact  equivalent  to  the  English  impil,  the 
Latin  piipiUa,  the  Greek  K6pr}-  It  is  curious  to 
observe  how  common  the  image  ("  pupil  of  the 
eye")  is  in  the  languages  of  diflferent  nations. 
Gesenius  ( Thes.  p.  8G)  quotes  from  the  Arabic,  the 
Syriac,  the  Ethiopic,  the  Coptic,  the  Persian,  in 
aU  of  which  tongues  an  expression  similar  to  the 
English  "  pupil  of  the  eye  "  is  found.  It  is  a  pity 
that  tlie  same  figure  is  not  preserved  in  the  A.  V., 
which  invariably  uses  the  expression  "  apple  of  the 
eye"  (in  allusion  to  its  shape),  instead  of  giving 
the  literal  traiLslation  from  the  Hebrew.    W.  H. 

*  APPREHEND  (as  used  in  Phil.  iii.  12,  13, 
of  the  A.  V. )  meant  formerly  "  to  take  in  the  hand, 
or  by  the  hand,"  (a  Latin  sense  of  the  word). 
Thus  Jeremy  Taylor  {IIoli/  Lichu/,  ii.  G)  says: 
"  There  is  nothing  but  hath  a  double  handle,  or  at 
least  we  have  two  hands  to  apprehend  it."  Hence 
a  more  correct  rendering  now  would  be :  "  If  that  I 
may  lay  hold  (/caraAaySa))  on  that  (/.  e.  the  victor's 
crown,  ver.  14)  for  which  also  I  was  laid  hold 
upon  "  {KaTe\^(p07]i')-  "  Brethren,  I  count  not 
myself  to  have  laid  hold,"  &c.  The  language  is 
evidently  figurative,  derived  from  the  contests  of 
runners  in  the  stadium.     See  Games.  H. 

AQ'IJILA  CAK6\as--  Wolf,  CurcB,  on  Acta 
xviii.  2,  believes  it  to  have  been  CJrecised  from  the 
Latin  Aquila,  not  to  have  any  Hebrew  origin,  and 
to  have  been  adopted  as  a  Latm  name,  as  Paulus 
by  Saul),  a  Jew  whom  St.  Paul  found  at  Corinth 
on  his  arrival  from  Athens  (Acts  xviii.  2).  He  is 
there  described  as  XloyriKhs  r^  yevei,  from  the 
connection  of  which  description  with  the  fact  that 
we  find  more  than  one  Pontius  Aquila  in  the  Pon- 
tian  gens  at  Rome  in  the  days  of  the  Republic  (see 
Cic.  rtf//'rf;?i.  X.  33;  Suet.  Cas.  78;  Did.  of  Bwgr. 
art.  Aquila  and  Pontius),  it  has  been  imagined 
that  he  may  have  been  a  freedman  of  a  Pontius 
Aquila,  and  that  his  being  a  Pontian  by  birth  may 
have  been  merely  an  inference  from  his  name.  But 
besides  that  this  is  a  point  on  which  St.  Luke  could 
hardly  be  ignorant,  Aquila,  the  translator  of  the 
0.  T.  into  Greek,  was  also  a  native  of  Pontus.  At 
the  time  when  St.  Paul  met  with  Aquila  at  Corinth, 
he  had  fled,  with  his  wife  PrisciUa,  from  Rome,  ili!. 
consequence  of  an  order  of  Claudius  commanding 
all  Jews  to  leave  Rome  (Suet.  Claud.  2b  — "  Judax* 
impulsore  Chresto  assidue  tumultuantes  Roma  ex- 
pulit:"  see  Claudius).  He  became  acquainted 
with  St.  Paul,  and  they  abode  together,  and  wrought 
at  their  common  trade  of  making  the  Cilician  tent 
or  hair-cloth  [Paul].  On  the  departure  of  the 
apostle  from  Corinth,  a  year  and  six  months  after. 


and  knew  a  little  of  horticulture,  who  assured  me  they 
were  all  Quinces,  the  apples  being  abominable." 

*  In  like  manner  Mr.  Tristram  says  (Land  of  Ismtl 
p.  604)  that  he  scarcely  ever  saw  the  apple-tree  in  the 
Holy  lAud  except  on  a  few  high  situations  In  Lebanon 
and  In  the  region  of  Damascus.  The  question  doe? 
not  affect  at  all   the  accuracy  of  Scripture,  but  the 

msaning  of  H^Sn  which  the  A.  V.  renders  "  apple." 
Mr.  Trietram  concludes  that  it  cannot  be  "the  ap- 
p».  "  that  is  intended,  but  is  "  the  apricot."  H. 

6  V'^^'''':'^  'lomunculus,  "J^'^^'H  V''^'"''fi  homnn 
cuius  oculi,  t.  e.  pupilla,  in  qua  tanquam  in  spf^cni* 
hominis  imagunculam  conspicimus  (Gee.  Thes.  a.  r.  \. 


182 


AB 


Priscilla  and  Aqtiila  accompanied  him  to  Ephesus 
»n  hi8  way  to  Syria.  There  they  remained ;  and 
when  ApoUos  came  to  Ephesus,  knowing  only  the 
baptism  of  John,  they  took  him  and  taught  him 
the  way  of  the  Lord  more  perfectly.  At  what 
Mme  they  became  Christians  is  imcertain:  had 
Aquila  been  convei'ted  before  his  first  meeting  with 
St.  Paul,  the  word  fxadrir^s  would  hardly  have 
been  omitted  (see  against  this  view  Neander,  PJl. 
V.  Leit.  p.  333  f.,  and  for  it  Herzog,  Encykl.  s.  v.). 
At  the  time  of  writing  1  Cor.,  Aquila  and  his  wife 
were  still  in  Ephesus  (1  Cor.  xvi.  19);  but  in  Kom. 
xvi.  3  If.,  we  find  them  again  at  Rome,  and  their 
liouse  a  place  of  assembly  for  the  Christians.  They 
are  there  described  as  having  endangered  their  lives 
for  that  of  the  apostle.  In  2  Tim.  iv.  19,  they 
are  saluted  as  being  with  Timotheus.  probably  at 
Ephesus.  In  botli  these  latter  places  the  form 
Prisca  and  not  Priscilla  is  used. 

Nothing  further  is  known  of  either  of  them. 
The  Menolig.  Gracorum  gives  only  a  vague  tradi- 
tion that  they  were  beheaded ;  and  the  Martyrol. 
Rom.  celebrates  both  on  July  8.  H.  A. 

*  We  must  advert  here  to  the  question  whether 
Luke  mentions  the  Nazarite  vow  (Acts  x\iii.  18) 
of  Aquila  or  the  apostle  Paul.  The  passage,  gram- 
.-natically  viewed,  no  doubt  should  be  understood 
of  Aquila;  and  so  mucli  the  more,  it  is  urged,  be- 
cause Luke  places  Priscilla's  name  before  Aquila's 
as  if  for  the  very  purpose  of  showing  that  Keipifx- 
fvos  belongs  to  'A/cuAos,  and  not  TlavKos-  So 
Grotius,  Kuinoel,  Wieseler,  Meyer,  and  others. 
On  the  contrary,  Neander,  Olshausen,  Hemsen,  Ue 
Wette,  Winer,  Wordsworth,  Lechler  (lunge's 
Bibelwerk,  p.  261),  with  others,  refer  the  vow  to 
the  apostle,  and  not  Aquila.  IlaOAos  is  the  leading 
subject,  and  the  reader  connects  the  remark  spon- 
taneously with  him.  It  is  only  as  an  act  of  re- 
flection, on  perceiving  that  'AkvKus  stands  nearer, 
that  the  other  connection  occurs  to  the  mind  as  a 
possible  one.  The  intervening  words  (kuI  <tvi/ 
ahr^  ....  'A/ci5A.as)  niay  separate  Kfipd/xfvos 
and  na(}\os  from  each  other,  because  the  clause  is 
BO  evidently  parenthetic,  and  because  e'leVAej  has 
a  tendency  to  draw  its  several  subjects  towards  itself 
That  no  stress  can  be  laid  upon  Luke's  naming 
Priscilla  before  Aquila,  is  clear  from  Rom.  xvi.  3 
and  2  Tim.  iv.  19,  where  tlie  names  follow  each 
other  in  the  same  manner.  Some  principle  of  as- 
lociation,  as  possibly  that  of  the  relative  superiority 
»f  Priscilla,  seems  to  have  made  it  customary  to 
gpeak  of  them  in  that  order.  Dr.  Howson  {Life 
and  Kpistks  of  St.  Paul,  i.  498)  maintains  that 
Aquila  assumed  the  vow ;  but  in  his  Ilukean  Lect- 
ures (p.  16,  note)  recedes  from  that  opinion  and 
«8cribes  the  act  to  Paul.  H. 

AR  {"^V)  and  AR  OF  MOAB  (3S1X2  117," 

Sam.  Vers.  nji7~lS  :  [Num.  xxi.  15]  "Up;  [Deut. 
a.  9,  18,  Rom.  Alex.  'Apoiip,  Vat.  Sjjeip;  29, 
Rom.  Vat.  'Apo'fip,  Alex.  ApoTjA,  Comp.  "Ap  ■]  Ar), 
one  of  the  chief  places  of  Moab  (Is.  xv.  1 ;  Num. 
ixi.  28).*    From  the  Ononiasticon  (Mxti),  and 

a  According  to  Ctesenius  {Jesaia,  p.  615),  an  old, 
probably  Moabite,  form  of  the  word  "T*!?,  a  "city." 

b  Samaritan  Codex  and  Version,  "  as  &r  as  Moab," 
Mading  IV  for  IV  ;  and  so  also  LXX.  e<os  M. 

e  Wb  hare  Jerome's  testimony  that  Areopolis  was 
MlleTed  to  be  quasi  'Apeo?  »roA«,  "  the  city  of  Ares  " 
3lAn).    Thi*  is  a  good  instance  of  the  tendency  wliich 


ARAB 

from  Jerome's  Com.  on  Is.  xv.  1,  it  appears  that  ia 
that  day  the  place  was  known  as  Areopolis  <^  au« 
Rabbath-Moab,  "  id  est,  grandis  Moab  "  (Keland 
p.  577;  Rob.  ii.  166,  note).''  The  site  is  stih 
called  Bnidia ;  it  lies  about  half-way  between  Kerek 
and  the  Wady  Mojeb,  10  or  11  miles  from  each, 
the  Roman  road  passing  through  it.  The  remains 
are  not  so  important  as  might  be  imagined  (Irby, 
p.  140;  Burckli.  p.  377;  De  Saulcy,  ii.  44-46,  and 
map  8). 

In  the  books  of  Moses  Ar  appears  to  be  used  as  a 
representative  name  for  the  whole  nation  of  Moab; 
see  Deut.  ii.  9,  18,  29;  and  also  Num.  xxi.  16, 
where  it  is  coupled  with  a  word  rarely  if  ever  used 

in  the  same  manner,  n5V.\  "  the  rfwcZ/in^  of  Ar." 

In  Num.  xxii.  36  the  almost  identical  words  T^!^ 
I 

12  are  rendered  "  a  city  of  Moab,"  following  the 
Sam.  Vers.,  the  IJCX.,  and  Vulgate.  G. 

*  Ritter's  view  (referred  to  in  the  note '')  that  Ai 
was  not  the  present  Rabba,  but  was  situated  near 
Aroer  on  the  Amon,  is  held  also  by  Ilengstenberg 
(Gescli.  Bileams,  p.  234  ff.),  Keil  {Pentateuch 
iii.  14G),  and  Kurtz  {Gesch.  des  A.  Bundes,  ii. 
448).  Among  the  reasons  on  which  they  rely  for 
this  opinion,  are  that  Ar  formed  the  northern 
boundary  of  Moab  (Num.  xxii.  36,  comp.  xxi.  15), 
whereas  Rabba  is  3  or  4  hours  further  south  in  the 
interior  of  Moab,  and  that  Ar  was  in  the  Wady  of 
the  Amon  (Deut.  ii.  36;  Josli.  xiii.  9)  whereas 
Rabba  is  not  in  that  valley,  but  10  miles  or  more 
distant  from  it.  Burckhardt  {Syria,  ii.  636)  found 
"  a  fine  green  pasture-land  in  wliich  is  a  hill  with 
important  ruins,"  near  the  confluence  of  Wady 
L('jum  and  Wady  Mi  jib  (the  Amon)  which  may 
well  be  supposed  to  be  the  site  of  the  ancient  Ar. 
It  is  true,  the  name  AreopoUs,  which  was  the  Greek 
name  of  Ar,  was  apphed  also  to  Rabba ;  but  there 
is  no  proof  that  this  was  done  till  after  the  destmc- 
tion  of  Ar  by  an  earthquake  in  the  4th  century 
(Jer.  ad  Jes.  xv.  1),  and  hence  the  name  may  have 
designated  different  places  at  difierent  times.  It  is 
possible,  as  Hitter  argues,  that  after  the  overthrow 
of  Ar,  the  capital  of  the  region,  the  name  was 
transferred  to  Rabba,  which  was  the  next  ui  rank 
and  became  then  the  seat  of  the  episcopate,  which 
had  previously  been  at  Ar.  Dr.  Robinson  identifies 
Ar  with  RalAa,  but  without  specially  noticing  the 
olyections  to  tliat  view.  The  argument  against 
that  identification,  and  for  supjwsing  Ar  to  have 
been  on  the  Amon,  is  well  stated  in   Zeller's  Bibl. 

Wortb.  p.  95.  Raumer  held  at  first  a  different 
opinion,  but  changed  it  in  view  of  Hengsten berg's 
argument'^  {Paliistina,  p.  271,  4te  Aufl.).  Diet- 
rich also  agrees  with  Hitter,  and  distinguishes  At 
from  the  present  Rabba  in  Moab  {IJtbr.  u.  Chald. 
Handw.  p.  680).  H. 

A'RA(S1t^  [perh.  fio«  = '^IS'] :  'a^c£:  Ara). 
One  of  the  sons  of  Jether,  the  head  of  a  family  of 
Asherites  (1  Chr.  vii.  38).  W.  A.  W. 

A'RAB    (3"^S    [amlmsli]:    Aip4n;    [Comp. 


is  noticed  by  Trench  (English  Past  and  Present,  pp. 
218,  220)  as  existing  in  language,  to  tamper  with  the 
derivations  of  words.  He  gives  another  example  of  It 
in  " Hierosolyma,"  quasi  Up6i,  "holy." 

(I  Ritter  (S;/rien,  p.  1212.  13)  tri.s  hard  to  mak* 
out  that  Areopolis  and  Ar-Moab  were  not  identical 
and  that  the  latter  was  the  "  city  in  the  midst  of  tbi 
wady  "  [Aroer]  ;  but  he  &il8  to  establish  his  point 


ARAB AH 

Ud.]  Alex.  Epe$-  Arab),  a  city  of  Judah  in  the 
aiountainous  district,  probably  in  the  neighborhood 
Df  Hebron.  It  i8  mentioned  only  in  Josh.  xv.  52, 
and  has  not  yet  been  identified.    [Akbite.] 

AR'ABAH  {i^^'^V  :  "Apa^a;  [BaiddpaPa 
In  Josh,  xviii.  18;  see  also  note  a;]  campestria, 
planiiks),  Josh,  xviii.  18.  Although  this  word 
appears  in  the  Auth.  Vers,  in  its  original  shape 
only  in  the  verse  above  quoted,  yet  in  the  Hebrew 
text  it  is  of  frequent  occurrence. 

1.  If  the  derivation  of  Gesenius  (Thes.  p.  106G) 
Is  to  be  accepted,  the  fundamental  meanmg  of  the 
term  is  "burnt  up"  or  "waste,"  and  thence 
"  sterile,"  and  in  accordance  with  this  idea  it  is 
employed  in  various  poetical  parts  of  Scripture  to 
designate  generally  a  barren,  uninhabitable  district, 
—  "a  desolation,  a  dry  land,  and  a  desert,  a  land 
wherein  no  man  dwelleth,  neither  doth  any  son  of 
man  pass  thereby"  (Jer.  U.  43:  see  a  striking  re- 
mark in  Martineau,  p.  395;  and  amongst  other 
s,  Job  xxiv.  5,  xxxix.  6 ;  Is.  xxxiii.  9,  xxxv. 


ARAB  AH 


133 


2.  But  within  this  general  signification  it  is  plain, 
from  even  a  casual  examination  of  the  topographical 
records  in  the  earlier  books  of  the  Bible,  that  the 
word  has  also  a  more  special  and  local  force.  In 
these  cases   it  is  found  witli  the  definite  article 

(nzinpn,  ha-Arabali).  "the  Arabah,"  and  is  also 
BO  mentioned  as  clearly  to  refer  to  some  spot  or  dis- 
trict familiar  to  the  then  inhabitants  of  I'alestme. 
This  district  —  although  nowhere  expressly  so  de- 
fined in  the  Bible,  and  although  the  pecidiar  force 
of  the  word  "Arabah"  appears  to  have  been  dis- 
regarded by  even  the  earliest  commentators  and 
interpreters  of  the  Sacred  Books  «  —  has  within  our 
own  times  been  identified  with  the  deep-sunken 
valley  or  trench  which  forms  the  most  striking 
among  the  many  striking  natural  features  of  Pal- 
estine, and  which  extends  with  great  miiformity  of 
formation  from  the  slopes  of  Hermon  to  the  Elan- 
Ltic  Guh"  of  the  Bed  Sea;  the  most  remarkable  de- 
pression known  to  exist  on  the  surface  of  the  globe 
(Humboldt,  Cosmos,  i.  150,  ed.  Bohn;  see  also  301). 
Through  the  northern  portion  of  this  extraordinary 
fissure  the  Jordan  rushes  through  the  lakes  of 
Huleh  and  Geimesareth  down  its  tortuous  course  to 
the  deep  chasm  of  the  Dead  Sea.     This  portion, 


about  150  miles  in  lengtk,  is  known  amongft  tht 

Arabs  by  the  name  of  el-Ghor  y  -.jJI  j,  an  ap- 
pellation which  it  has  borne  certainly  since  the  dayi 
of  Abulfeda.*  The  southern  boundary  of  the  GhM 
has  been  fixed  by  Kobinson  to  be  the  wall  of  cliffs 
which  crosses  the  valley  about  10  miles  south  of  the 
Dead  Sea.  Down  to  the  foot  of  these  cliffs  the 
Ghor  extends;  from  their  summits,  southward  to 
the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  the  valley  changes  its  name, 
or,  it  would  be  more  accurate  to  say,  retains  its  old 

name  of  Wady  el- Arabah  (jboiJ!    \S'^^'ir 

Looking  to  the  mdications  of  the  Sacred  Text 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  the  times  of  the  con- 
quest and  the  monarchy  the  name  "  jVrabah  "  was 
apphed  to  the  valley  in  the  entire  length  of  both  its 
southern  and  northern  portions.     Thus  in  Deut.  i. 

1,  probably,  and  in  Deut.  ii.  8,  certainly  (A.  V. 
"  plain  "  in  both  cases),  the  allusion  is  to  the  south- 
ern portion,  while  the  other  passages  in  which  the 
name  occurs,  point  with  certainty  —  now  that  the 
identification  has  been  suggested  —  to  the  northern 
portion.     In  Deut.  iii.  17,  iv.  49 ;  Josh.  iii.  16,  xi. 

2,  xii.  3 ;  and  2  K.  xiv.  25,  both  the  Dead  Sea  and 
the  Sea  of  Cinneroth  (Gennesareth)  are  named  m 
close  connection  with  the  Arabah.  The  allusions 
in  Deut.  xi.  30;  Josh.  viii.  14,  xii.  1,  xviii.  18;  2 
Sam.  ii.  29,  iv.  7;  2  K.  xxv.  4;  Jer.  xxxix.  4,  Iii. 
7,  become  at  once  inteUigible  when  the  meaning  of 
the  Arabah  is  known,  however  puzzUng  they  may 
have  been  to  former  commentators.''  In  Josh.  xi. 
10  and  xii..  8  the  Arabah  takes  its  place  with  "  the 
mountain,"  "the  lowland"  plains  of  Philistia  and 
Esdraelon,  "  the  south  "  and  "  the  plain  "  of  Coele- 
Syria,  as  one  of  the  great  natural  divisions  of  the 
conquered  country. 

3.  But  further  the  word  is  found  in  the  plural 

and  without  the  article  ('nSn-):^,  Arboih),  always 
in  connection  with  either  Jericho  or  ]\Ioab,  and 
therefore  doubtless  denoting  the  portion  of  the  Ara- 
bah near  Jericlio ;  in  the  former  case  on  the  west, 
and  in  the  latter  on  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan ; 
the  Arboth-Moab  being  always  distinguished  from 
the  Sede-Moab  —  the  bare  and  bumt-up  soil  of  the 
sunken  valley,  from  the  cultivated  pasture  or  corn- 
fields of  the  downs  on  the  upper  level  —  with  all 


a  The  early  commentators  and  translators  seem  to 
Jive  overlooked  or  neglected  the  Cict,  that  the  Jordan 
▼alley  and  its  continuation  south  of  the  Dead  Sea  had 
%  special  name  attached  to  them,  and  to  them  only. 
By  Josephus  the  Jordan  valley  is  alwaj'S  called  the 
xeya  ir^&iov ;  but  he  applies  the  same  name  to  the  plain 
jf  Esdraolon.  Jerome,  in  the  Onomaslicon,  states 
'he  name  by  which  it  was  then  known  was  Anion, 
•vAwc  (i.  <•  channel) ;  but  he  preserves  no  such  distinc- 
tion in  the  Vulgate,  and  renders  Arabah  by  planities, 
tclitudo,  campestria,  deaertum,  by  one  or  all  of  which 
he  translates  indiscriminately  Mishor,  Bekaa,  Midbar, 
Bhefela,  Jeshimon,  equally  unmindful  of  the  special 
force  attaching  to  several  of  these  words.  Even  the 
»ccura*o  Aquila  has  failed  in  this,  and  uses  his  favorite 
i)  bfiaXri  indiscriminately.  The  Talmud,  if  we  may 
trust  the  single  reference  given  by  Reland  (p.  385), 
mentions  the  Jordan  valley  under  the  name  Bekaah, 
a  word  at  that  time  of  no  special  import.  The  Samar- 
itan Version  and  the  Targunis  apparently  confound  all' 
words  for  valley,  plain,  or  low  country,  under  the  <»ne 
erm  Mishor,  which  was  originally  confined  strict!}  to 
tbe  high  smooth  downs  east  of  Jordan  on  the  upper 
trel  [Mishor]. 
In  tb«  LXX.   we  frequently  find  the  words  'Apa^d 


and  'ApajStie ;  but  it  is  difBcult  to  say  whether  this 
has  been  done  intelligently,  or  whether  it  is  an  in- 
stance of  the  favorite  habit  of  these  tmnslators  of 
transferring  a  Hebrew  word  literally  into  Greek  when 
they  were  unable  to  comprehend  its  force.  (See  some 
curious  examples  of  this  —  to  take  one  book  only  —  in 
2  K.  ii.  14,  a^ipii) ;  iii.  4,  vwxn^  i  i^-  39,  ipioifl  ;  v.  18 
(comp.  Gen.  xxxv.  16),  SePpaBi;  vi.  8,  eK/iuyvi;  ix.  13, 
yape'fi.,  &c.  &c.)  In  the  latter  case  it  is  evidence  of 
an  equal  ignorance  to  that  which  has  rendered  the 
word  by  Sva-ixaC.  Kaff  kinripav,  and  'Apa^Ca. 

b  By  Abulfeda  and  Ibn  Haukal  the  word  el-  Ghor  is 
used  to  denote  the  valley  from  the  Lake  of  (Jennesareth 
to  the  Dead  Sea  (Hitter,  Sinai,  pp.  1059,  1060).  Thus 
each  word  was  originally  applied  to  the  whole  extent, 
and  each  has  been  since  restricted  to  a  portion  only 
(see  Stanley,  App.  p.  487).  The  word  Ghor  is  inter- 
preted by  Freytag  to  mean  "locus  depressior  inter 
montes." 

c  See  the  mistakes  of  Michaelis,  Marius,  and  others, 
who  identified  the  Arabah  with  the  Bekaa  (/.  e.  tb€ 
plain  of  Coele-Syria,  the  modem  el-Hukia),  or  with 
the  Mishor,  the  level  down  cc  antry  on  the  east  »f 
Jordan  (KeJ,  pp.  2)5,  226). 


184 


ARABAH 


Lhe  precision  which  would  naturally  follow  from  the 
essential  difference  of  the  two  spots.  (See  Num. 
Kii.  1,  xxvi.  .3,  63,  xxxi.  12,  xxxiii.  48,  49,  50, 
ixxv.  1,  xxx^i.  13;  Deut.  xxxiv.  1,  3;  Josh.  iv. 
13,  V.  10,  xiii.  32;  2  Sam.  xv.  28,  xvii.  16;  2  K. 
«v.  5;  Jer.  xxxix.  5,  lii.  8.) 

The  word  Arabah  does  not  appear  hi  the  Bible 
until  the  book  of  Numbers.  In  the  allusions  to  the 
valley  of  the  Jordan  in  (ien.  xiii.  10,  &c.  the  curious 
term  Ciccar  is  employed.  Tliis  word  and  the  other 
words  used  in  reference  to  the  Jordan  valley,  as 
well  as  the  peculiarities  and  topof^raphy  of  that 
r^ion  —  in  fact  of  the  whole  of  the  (ihor  —  will 
be  more  appropriately  considered  under  the  word 
Jordan.  At  present  our  attention  may  be  con- 
fined to  the  southern  division,  to  tliat  portion  of 
this  singular  valley  which  has  from  the  most  remote 
date  borne,  as  it  still  continues  to  bear,  rfie  name 
of  "Arabah." 

A  deep  interest  will  always  attach  to  this  re- 
markable district,  from  the  fact  that  it  must  have 
been  the  scene  of  a  large  portion  of  the  wanderings 
of  the  children  of  Israel  after  their  repulse  fi'om  the 
Bouth  of  the  Promised  l^nd.  Wherever  Kadesh 
and  Ilormali  may  hereafter  be  found  to  lie,  we 
know  with  certainty,  even  in  our  present  state  of 
ignorance,  that  they  must  have  been  at  the  north 
of  the  Arabah ;  and  therefore  "  the  way  of  the  Red 
Sea,"  by  which  they  journeyed  "from  Mount  Hor 
to  compass  the  land  of  Edom,"  after  the  refusal  of 
the  king  of  Edom  to  allow  them  a  pa.ssage  througli 
his  country,  mnst  have  been  southwards,  down  the 
Arabah  towards  the  head  of  the  Gulf,  till,  as  is 
nearly  certain,  they  turned  up  one  of  the  wadies  on 
the  left,  and  so  made  their  way  by  the  back  of  the 
mountain  of  Seir  to  the  land  of  Moab  on  the  east 
of  the  Dead  Sea. 

More  accurate  information  will  no  doubt  be  ob- 
tained before  long  of  the  whole  of  this  hitercsting 
country,  but  in  the  mean  time  as  short  a  summary 
as  possible  is  due  of  what  can  be  collected  from 
the  reports  of  the  principal  travellers  who  have 
visited  it. 

The  direction  of  the  Ghor  is  nearly  due  north 
and  south.  The  Arabah,  however,  slightly  changes 
its  direction  to  about  N.  N.  E.  by  S.  S.  W.  (Hob. 
i.  162,  3).  But  it  preserves  the  straightness  of  its 
course,  and  the  general  character  of  the  region  is 
not  dissimilar  from  that  of  the  Ghor  (Ritter,  Siimi, 
p.  1132;  Irby,  p.  134)  except  that  the  soil  is  more 
sandy,  and  that  from  the  absence  of  the  central 
riyer  and  the  absolutely  desert  character  of  the 
highland  on  its  western  side  (owing  to  which  tlie 
wadies  bring  down  no  fertilizing  strejims  in  sum- 
mer, and  nothing  but  raging  torrents  in  winter), 
there  are  very  few  of  those  lines  and  "circles  "  of 
rerdure  which  form  so  great  a  relief  to  the  torrid 
limate  of  the  Ghor. 

The  whole  length  of  the  Arabah  proper,  from  the 
chffs  south  of  the  Dead  Sea  to  the  head  of  the  Gulf 
of  Akabah,  appears  to  be  rather  more  than  100 
miles  (Kiepert's  Map,  Rob.  i.).  In  breadth  it  va- 
ries. North  of  Petra,  that  is,  about  70  miles  from 
the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  it  is  at  its  widest,  being  per- 
haps from  14  to  16  miles  across;  but  it  contracts 
gradually  to  the  south  till  at  the  gulf  the  opening 
to  the  sea  is  but  4,  or,  according  to  some  travellers, 
a  miles  wide  (Rob.  i.  162;  Martineau,  p.  392). 

The  mountains  which  form  the  walls  of  this  vast 
/alley  or  trench  are  the  legitbnate  successors  of 
.hose  which  shut  in  the  Ghor,  only  in  every  way 
jraiider  und  more  desert-like.    Gn  tie  west  are  the 


ARABAH 

long  horizontal  hues  of  the  limestone  i  anges  of  th« 
Tih,  "  always  faithful  to  their  tabidar  outline  and 
blanched  desolation  "  (Stanley,  pp.  7,  84;  also  MS. 
Journal;  and  see  I^borde,  p.  262),  mounting  up 
from  the  valley  by  huge  steps  with  level  barren 
tracts  on  the  top  of  each  (Hob.  ii.  125),  and  crowned 
by  the  vast  plateau  of  the  "  Wilderness  of  the 
Wanderings."  Tliis  western  wall  ranges  in  height 
from  1500  to  1800  feet  above  the  floor  of  the  Ara- 
bah (Hob.  i.  162),  and  through  it  break  in  the 
wadies  and  passes  from  the  desert  above  —  unimpor- 
tant towards  the  south,  but  further  north  larger  and 
of  more  pennanent  character.  The  cliief  of  these 
wadies  is  the  W.  el-Jevi/eh,  which  emerges  about 
60  miles  from  Akabah,  and  leads  its  waters,  when 
any  are  flowing,  into  the  IF.  eU-ftih  (Hob.  ii.  120, 
125),  and  through  it  to  the  marshy  ground  under 
the  clift's  south  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

Two  principal  passes  occur  ir.  this  range.  First, 
the  very  steep  and  difficult  ascent  close  to  the  Aka- 
bah, by  which  the  road  of  the  Mecca  pilgrims  be- 
tween the  Akabah  and  Suez  mounts  from  the  valley 
to  the  level  of  the  plateau  of  the  Tih.  It  bears 
apparently  no  other  name  than  tiv-NfM,  "the 
Pass"  (Rob.  i.  175).  The  .second  —  es-Sufak  — 
has  a  more  direct  coimection  with  the  Bible  history, 
being  probably  that  at  which  the  IsraeUtes  were 
repulsed  by  the  Canaanites  (Deut.  i.  44;  Num.  xiv. 
43-45).  It  is  on  the  road  from  Petra  to  Hebron, 
above  Aln  el-  IVeibeh,  and  is  not  hke  the  former,  from 
the  Arabah  to  the  plateau,  but  from  the  plateau 
itself  to  a  higher  level  1000  feet  above  it.  See  the 
descriptions  of  Robinson  (ii.  178),  Lindsay  (ii.  46), 
Stanley  (p.  85). 

The  eastern  wall  is  formed  by  the  granite  and 
basaltic  (Schubert  in  Ritter,  Sinai,  p.  1013)  moun- 
tains of  Edom,  which  are  in  every  respect  a  contrast 
to  the  range  opposite  to  them.  "  At  the  base  are 
low  hills  of  limastone  and  argillaceous  rock  like 
promontories  jutting  into  the  sea  ....  in  some 
places  thickly  strewed  with  blocks  of  porphyry; 
then  the  lofty  masses  of  dark  jwrphyry  constituting 
the  body  of  the  mountain ;  above  these,  sandstone 
broken  into  irregular  ridges  and  grotesque  groups 
or  cliffs,  and  fuither  back  and  higher  than  all,  long 
elevated  ridges  of  limestone  without  precipices " 
(Rob.  ii.  123,  154;  Laborde,  pp.  209,  210,  262; 
I^rd  Lindsay,  ii.  43),  rising  to  a  height  of  2000  to 
2300  feet,  and  in  Mount  Hor  reaching  an  elevation 
of  not  less  than  5000  feet  (Ritter,  Sinni,  pp.  1139, 
40).  Unlike  the  sterile  and  desolate  ranges  of  the 
Tih,  these  mountains  are  covered  with  vegetation, 
in  many  parts  extensively  cultivated  and  yielding 
good  crops;  alwunding  in  "the  fatness  of  the 
earth  "  and  the  "  plenty  of  corn  and  wine  "  which 
were  promi.sed  to  the  forefather  of  the  ^Vrab  race  as 
a  comj)ensation  for  the  loss  of  his  birthright  (Rob. 
ii.  154;  I^aborfle,  pp.  203,  263).  In  these  moun- 
tains there  is  a  plateau  of  great  elevation,  from 
which  again  rise  the  mountains  —  or  rather  the 
downs  (Stanley,  p.  87)  —  of  Sherah.  Though  this 
district  is  now  deserted,  yet  the  ruins  of  towns  and 
villages  with  which  it  abounds  show  that  at  one 
time  it  must  have  been  densely  inhabited  (Buickh. 
pp.  435,  436). 

The  numerous  wadies  which  at  once  drain  and 
give  access  to  the  interior  of  these  motmtauis  are  in 
strong  contrast  with  those  on  the  west,  partaking 
of  the  fertile  character  of  the  mountains  from  v.hicb 
they  descend.  In  almost  all  cases  they  contair 
streams  which,  although  in  the  heat  of  sumraei 
small  and  k)sing  themselves  in  their  own  l)eds.  o» 


ARABAB 

in  the  saud  of  the  Arabah,  "  in  a  few  paces  "  -titer 
ihey  forsake  the  shadow  of  their  native  ravines 
(Laborde,  141),  are  yet  sufficient  to  Keep  alive  a 
eertain  amount  of  vegetation,  rushes,  tamarisks, 
pahns,  and  even  oleanders,  lilies,  and  anemones, 
while  they  form  the  resort  of  tlie  numerous  tribes 
of  the  children  of  Esau,  who  still  "  dwell  (Stanley, 
p.  87,  also  MS.  Journal ;  Laborde,  p.  141 ;  Mart, 
p.  396)  in  Mount  Seir,  which  is  Edom"  (Gen. 
xxivi.  8).  The  most  important  of  these  wadies  are 
the  Wcidy  Ithm  {Jttouiit.  of  Laborde),  and  the 
Wttdy  Abu  Kusheibeli.  Tlie  former  enters  the 
mountains  close  above  the  Akabah  and  leads  by  the 
back  of  the  range  to  Petra,  and  thence  by  Shobek 
and  Tufileh  to  the  cour\try  east  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
Traces  of  a  Roman  road  exist  along  this  route  (La- 
borde, p.  203;  Hob.  ii.  101);  by  it  Laborde  returned 
from  I'etra,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  it 
was  the  route  by  which  the  Israehtes  took  their 
leave  of  the  Arabah  when  they  went  to  "  compass 
tA^e  land  of  Edom  "  (Num.  xxi.  4).  The  second, 
the  \V.  Abu  Kusheibeli,  is  the  most  direct  access 
from  the  Arabah  to  I'etra,  and  is  that  up  which 
Laborde"  and  Stanley  appear  to  have  gone  to  the 
city.  Besides  these  are  Wady  Tubed,  in  which  the 
traveller  from  the  south  gains  his  first  glimpse  of 
the  red  sandstone  of  Edom,  and  W.  Ghui-undel, 
not  to  be  confounded  with  those  of  the  same  name 
north  of  I'etra  and  west  of  Sinai.'' 

To  Dr.  Uobinson  is  due  the  credit  of  having  first 
a.scertained  the  spot  which  forms  at  once  the  south- 
era  limit  of  the  CJhor  and  the  northern  limit  of  the 
Arabah.  Tliis  boundary  is  the  line  of  chalk  cliffs 
which  sweep  across  the  valley  at  about  C  miles  be- 
low the  S.  W.  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea.  They  are 
from  50  to  150  feet  in  height;  the  Ghor  ends  with 
the  marshy  ground  at  their  feet,  and  level  with  their 
tops  the  Arabah  begins  (Kob.  ii.  116,  118,  120). 
Thus  the  cliffs  act  as  a  retiiining  wall  or  buttress 
supporting  the  higher  level  of  the  Arabah,  and  the 
whole  forms  what  in  geological  language  might  be 
"ailed  a  "  fault "  in  the  floor  of  the  gi-eat  valley. 

Through  this  wall  breaks  in  the  embouchure  of 
the  great  main  drain  of  the  Arabah  —  the  Wwly 
tUJeib  —  in  itself  a  very  large  and  deep  water-course 
which  collects  and  transmits  to  their  outlet  at  this 
point  the  torrents  which  the  numerous  wadies  from 
both  sides  of  the  Arabah  pour  along  it  in  the  win- 
ter season  (Rob.  ii.  118,  120,  125).  The  furthest 
point  south  to  which  this  drainage  is  known  to 
.^each  is  the  Wady  Ghurundel  (Rob.  ii.  125),  which 
debouches  from  the  eastern  mountains  about  40 
miles  from  the  Akabah  and  60  from  the  cliffs  just 
gpoken  of.  The  [V(tdy  el-Jeib  also  forms  the  most 
uirect  road  for  penetrating  into  the  valley  from  the 
north.  On  its  west  bank,  and  crossed  by  the  road 
Ci-om    Wady   Musa   (Petra)  to    Hebron,   are   the 


ARABAH 


135 


••  Hardly  recognizable,  though  doubtless  to  be  re- 
•ognized,  under  the  Pabouchere  of  Laborde  (p.  144),  or 
fhe  Abou  Ghskebe  of  Lindsay. 

6  The  various  springs  occurring  botb  on  the  east 
KQd  west  sides  of  the  Arabah  are  enumei-ated  by  Rob- 
inson (iii.  184). 

c  The  wind  in  the  Elanitic  arm  of  the  Red  Sea  is 
very  violent,  constantly  blowing  down  the  Arabah 
>om  the  North.  The  navigation  of  these  waters  is 
»n  that  account  almost  proverbially  dangerous  and 
Ufflcult.  (See  the  notice  of  this  In  the  Edin.  Rev 
rol.  ciU.  p.  248). 

d  The  bees  whose  hum  so  charmed  him  (p.  1017) 
nust  tcova.  his  description  have  been  in  a  side  wady, 
>*t  in  the  Aiabah  itaelf. 


springs  of  Aim,  el-  Weibeh,  maintained  by  Robinson 
to  be  Kadesh  (Rob.  ii.  175 ;  but  see  Stanley,  pp. 
93,  95). 

Of  the  substructure  of  the  floor  of  the  Arabah 
very  little  is  known.  In  his  progress  southward 
along  the  Wody  el-Jeib,  which  is  during  part  of 
its  coui'se  over  100  feet  in  depth,  Dr.  Robinson 
(ii.  119)  notes  that  the  sides  are  "  of  chalky  earth 
or  marl,"  but  beyond  this  there  is  no  information. 

The  surface  is  dreary  and  desolate  in  the  extreme. 
"  A  more  frightful  desert,"  says  Dr.  Robinson  (ii. 
121)  "  it  had  hardly  been  our  lot  to  behold  .  .  . 
loose  gravel  and  stones  everywhere  furrowed  with 
the  beds  of  torrents  .  .  .  blocks  of  porphyry 
brought  down  by  the  torrents  among  which  the 
camels  picked  their  way  with  great  difficulty  .  .  . 
a  lone  shrub  of  the  ghildah,  almost  the  only  trace 
of  vegetation."  This  was  at  the  ascent  from  the 
Wady  el-Jeib  to  the  floor  of  the  great  valley  itself. 
Further  south,  near  Ain  el-  Weibeh,  it  is  a  rolling 
gravelly  desert  with  round  naked  hills  of  consid- 
erable elevation  (ii.  173).  At  Wady  Ghurundel 
it  is  "  an  expanse  of  shifting  sands,  broken  by  in- 
numerable undulations  and  low  hills"  (Burckh. 
p.  442),  and  "  counterseeted  by  a  hundred  water- 
courses" (Stanley,  p.  87).  The  southern  portion 
has  a  considerable  general  slope  from  east  to  west 
quite  apart  from  the  undulations  of  the  surface 
(Stanley,  p.  85),  a  slope  which  extends  as  far  north 
as  Petra.  (Schubert,  p.  1097).  Nor  is  the  heat  less 
terrible  than  the  desolation,  and  all  travellers,  almost 
without  exception,  bear  testimony  to  the  difficulties 
of  journeying  in  a  region  where  the  sirocco  appears  to 
blow  almost  without  intermission  (Schub.  p.  1016; 
Burckh.  p.  444;  Mart.  p.  394;  Rob.  ii.  123).° 

However,  in  spite  of  this  heat  and  desolation, 
there  is  a  certain  amount  of  vegetation,  even  in 
the  open  Arabah,  in  the  driest  parts  of  the  year. 
Schubert  in  March  found  the  Arta  (Calligonum 
com.),  the  Anthia  vaviegatn,  and  the  Coloquinta 
(Ritter,  p.  1014),  also  tamarisk-bushes  (tarfa)  lying 
thick  in  a  torrent-bed  '^  (p.  1010);  and  on  Stanley's 
road  "  the  shrubs  at  times  had  almost  the  appear- 
ance of  a  jungle,"  though  it  is  true  that  they  were 
so  thin  as  to  disappear  when  the  "  waste  of  sand  " 
was  overlooked  from  an  elevation  (85,  and  see  Rob- 
i.  103,  175). 

It  is  not  surprising  that  after  the  discovery  by 
Burckhardt  in  1812 «  of  the  prolongation  of  the 
Jordan  valley  ui  the  Arabah,  it  should  have  been 
assumed  that  this  had  in  former  times  formed  the 
outlet  for  the  Jordan  to  the  Red  Sea./  Lately, 
however,  the  levels  of  the  .Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea 
have  been  taken,  imperfectly,  but  still  with  suffi- 
cient accuracy"  to  disprove  the  possibility  of  such 
a  theory;  and  in  addition  there  is  the  imiversal 
testimony  of  the  Arabs  that  at  least  half  of  the  dis- 


e  See  Burclihardt,  pp.  441,  442.  The  sagacity  of 
Ritter  had  led  him  earlier  than  this  to  infer  its  exist- 
ence from  the  remarks  of  the  ancient  Mohammedan 
historians  (Rob.  ii.  187). 

/  This  theory  appears  to  have  been  first  announced 
by  Col.  Leake  in  the  preface  to  Burckliardt's  Travels 
(see  p.  vi.).  It  was  afterwards  espoused  and  dilated 
on,  amongst  others,  by  Lord  Lindsay  (ii.  23),  Dean 
Mihnan  {Hist,  of  Jews,  Allen,  p.  241),  and  Stephens 
incidents  of  Trav.  ii.  41). 

g  These  observations  will  be  stated  in  detail  in  the 
account  o'  '■i"  Jordan.  Those  of  Lynch  seem  on  th« 
wlf  '8  the  most  reliable:  they  give  as  the  levfls  o* 
the  Sea  of  Galilee  and  the  Dead  Sea  below  the  Medi- 
terranean ressectiva'v  Q.'S2  and  1316.7  feet. 


136 


ABABATTINB 


Irict  drains  northward  to  the  Dead  Sea  —  a  testi- 
mony fljily  confirmed  by  all  the  recorded  observa- 
tions of  the  conformation  of  the  groiuul.  A  series 
Df  accurate  levels  from  the  Akabah  to  the  Dead  Sea, 
up  the  Ai"abah,  are  necessary  before  the  question 
can  be  set  at  rest,  but  in  the  mean  time  the  follow- 
ing may  be  taken  as  an  approximation  to  the  real 
■tate  of  the  case. 

1.  The  watei-s  of  the  Red  Sea  and  of  the  Medi- 
terranean are  very  nearly  at  one  level." 

2.  The  depression  of  the  surface  of  the  Sea  of 
Galilee  is  652  feet,  and  of  the  Dead  Sea  1316  feet, 
below  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  therefore 
of  the  lied  Sea.  Therefore  the  waters  of  the  Jor- 
dan cim  never  in  historical  times  have  flowed  into 
the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  even  if  the  formation  of  the 
ground  between  the  Dead  Sea  and  the  Gulf  would 
admit  of  it.     But, 

3.  AU  testimony  goes  to  show  that  the  drainage 
of  the  northern  jwrtion  of  the  Arabah  is  towards 
the  Dead  Sea,  and  therefore  that  the  land  rises 
southward  from  the  latter.  Also  that  the  south 
portion  drains  to  the  gulf,  and  therefore  that  the 
land  rises  northward  from  the  gulf  to  some  point 
between  it  and  the  Dead  Sea.*  The  watershed  is 
said  by  the  Arabs  to  be  a  long  ridge  of  Iiills  run- 
ning across  the  valley  at  2^  days,  or  say  40  miles, 
from  the  Akabali  (Stanley,  p.  85),  and  it  is  probable 
that  this  is  not  far  wTong.  By  M.  de  Bertou  it  is 
fixed  as  opposite  the  entrance  to  the  Wculy  Talk, 
apparently  the  same  spot.  G. 

ARABATTI'NE  (r,  ' AKpa^aTTivr,\  [Alex. 
Sin.i  A/cpa;3aTT7jj'7j :]  Acrnbattane),  in  Idumrea  (1 
Mace.  v.  3).  [AKl^A.BBIM;  and  see  the  note  to 
that  article.]  G. 

ARA'BIA  i'Apafila,  Gal.  i.  17,  iv.  25),  a  coun- 
try knowTi  in  the  O.  T.  under  two  designations :  — 

1.  Q"lf7.  V"!!^,  the  east  country  (Gen.  xxv.  6);  or 

perhaps  ni^_  (Gen.  x.  30 ;  Num.  xxiii.  7 ;  Is.  ii. 

6);  and  Dl^?.  \^S  VT"!?  (Gen.xxix.  1);  gent.  n. 

Dip.  "'32,  sons  of  ike  East  (Judg.  vi.  3  flf.; 
1  K.'iv.  30;  Job  i.  3;  Is.  xi.  14;  Jer.  xlix.  28; 
Eis.  xxv.  4).  (Translated  by  the  LXX.  and  in 
Vulg.,  and  sometimes  transcribed  (KeSf'/u)  by  the 
former.)      From   these  passages  it   appears    that 

Dlf7.  V"^^  ^^^  ^"?i?  "'I??  indicate,  primarily, 
the  country  east  of  Palestine,  and  the  tribes  de- 
^cended  from  Ishniael  and  from  Keturah ;  and  that 
his  original  signification  may  have  become  gradu- 
ally extended  to  Arabia  and  its  inhabitants  gener- 
ally, tiiough  without  any  strict  limitation.  The 
third  and  fourth  i^assages  above  referred  to,  as  Ge- 
aenius  remarks  {Lex.  ed.  Tregelles,  in  voc),  relate 
lo  Mesopotamia  and  Babj'lonia  (comp.  4]  avaroXi], 
Matt.  ii.  1  If.).  Winer  considers  Ke<lem,  &c., 
to  signify  Arabia  and  the  Arabians  generally  (ReaL 
worterburli,  in  roc);  but  a  comparison  of  the  pas- 
sages on  which  his  opinion  is  founded  has  led  us 
lo  consider  it  doubtful.      [Bk^k-Kkdem.]      2. 

a"J?  (2  Chr.  ii.  14)  and  2^27  (Is.  xxi.  13;  Jer. 


o  See  tlie  Roport  of  Mr.  Robert  Stephenson,  and  of 
d.  Boardaloue,  quoted  in  Allen's  Dearl  Sea. 

6  Schubert's  barometrical  observations  are  not  Tery 
Intellij^hle,  but  they  at  least  show  this  :  at  the  end 
if  the  5d  day  his  halting-place  was  495  ft.  above  the 
water  of  the  Gulf;  3d  day,  1017  ft.  :  4th  day,  2180 
t.     Then,  after  leaving  i'etra,  his  haltiug-place  (  ?  iu 


AKABIA 

xxv.  24;  Ez.  xxvii.  21);  gent.  n.  "^^n!?  (U.  zUi 

20;   Jer.  iii.  2);   and   "'2~)V  (Neh.  ii.  19);  pi 

a^2"l27  (2  Chr.  xxi.  10,  xxii.  1),  and  CS'^H")? 
(2  (ihr.  xvii.  11,  xxvi.  7).  (LXX.  'ApajSl'o,  &c. 
Vulg.  Arabia,  &c.)  These  seem  to  have  the  same 
geographical  reference  as  the  former  names  to  the 
country  and  tribes  ea.st  of  ine  Jordan,  and  chiefly 
north  of  tlie  Arabian  peninsula.  In  the  N.  T. 
'Apafila  cannot  be  held  to  have  a  more  extended 
signification   than  the  Hebrew  equivalenta  in  the 

0.  T.c   sni;    (Ex.  xu.  38;    Neh.  xiii.  3)  and 

n~!;^  (1  K.  X.  15;  Jer.  xxv.  20, 1.  37;  Ez.  xxi. 
5),  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "a  mixed  multitude" 
(Ex.  xii.  38,  here  followed  by  S"^),  "  the  mixed 
multitude,"  kuigs  of  "Arabia"  (so  in  Vulg.,  and 
iu  Heb.  in  cones|)onding  passage  in  2  Chr.  ix.  14), 
and  (in  the  hust  two  instances)  "  the  mingled  peo- 
ple," have  been  thought  to  signify  the  Arabs. 
The  people  thus  named  dwelt  in  the  deserts  of 

Petra.  By  the  Arabs  the  country  is  called  (>  jkj 
i*»JjaJI  (Bilad  El-'Arab),    "(Ae  ccunbry  of  the 

-<4rais,"  and  i^jwJiJt  Soy*.  (JezeeretEl-'Arab), 
" the  peniTisula  of  Uie  Arabs"   and   the  people 

*«_)«.£  ('Arab);  "Bedawee"  in  modem  Arabic, 

and  Aarab  ^i^j'wtfj  in  the  old  language,  being 

applied  to  people  of  the  desert,  as  distinguished 
from  townspa)ple.  They  give  no  satisfactory  deri- 
vation of  the  name  'Arab,  that  from  Yaarub  being 
puerile.  The  Hebrew  designation,  'Ereb,  has  been 
thought  to  be  from  'Arabah,  "  a  desert,"  Ac,  which,  | 
with  the  article,  is  the  name  of  an  extensive  'iistrict 
in  Arabia  Petra-a. 

Geographical  Divisions.  —  Arabia  was  divided, 
by  the  Greeks,  into  Arabia  Felix  (^  evSal/xecv 
'Apa$ia),  Arubin  Deserta  (rj  fpTjfios  'Apa0ia), 
(Strab.  xvi.  p.  707 ;  Flin.  vi.  28,  §  32;  Diod.  Sic.  ii. 
48  ft'.),  and  Arabia  Petvaa  (tj  neTpaia  'Apa$lu, 
Pt.  V.  17,  §  1).  The  first  two  divisions  were  those 
of  the  earUer  wTiters;  the  third  l)eing  introduced  by 
Ptolemy.  According  to  this  geogntpher's  arrange- 
ment, they  hicluded,  within  doubtful  limits,  1,  tie 
whole  peninsula;  2,  the  .Arabian  desert  north  of 
the  former;  and,  3,  the  desert  of  Petra,  and  the 
peninsula  of  Sinai.  It  will  be  more  convenient  iu 
this  article  to  divide  the  country,  agree^ilily  to  the 
natural  divisions  and  the  native  nomenclature,  into 
Arabia  Proper,  or  .Jezeeret  El-'Arab,  containing 
the  whole  peninsula  as  far  as  the  limits  of  the  nortli- 
em  deserts;  Northern  Arabia,  or  El-Biidiyeh, 
bounded  by  the  i)eninsula,  the  Euphrates,  Syria, 
and  the  desert  of  Petra,  constituting  p)'n|)erly  ^Vra- 
bia  Deserta,  or  the  great  desert  of  Aral)ia;  and 
Western  Arabia,  the  desert  of  Petra  and  the  pen- 
insula of  Sinai,  or  the  country  that  has  been  called 
Arabia  Petra-a,  boimded  by  Egypt,  Palestine, 
Northern  Arabia,  and  the  Red  Sea. 


the  Arabah)  vrtis  97  ft.  below  the  water  of  the  Gulf 
(Schub»rt ;  Ritter,  Sinai,  p.  1097). 

c  *  See  in  Paul  respecting  his  joiumsy  to  Arabk 
(Gal.  i.  17).  H. 


ARABIA 

Arabia  I'r-ipm;  or  the  Arabian  peninsuk,  con- 
lista  of  high  tai)le-land,  declining  towards  the 
north ;  its  most  elevated  portions  being  the  chain 
Df  mountains  runnuig  nearly  parallel  to  Ihe  Ked 
Sea,  and  the  temtory  east  of  the  southern  part  of 
this  chain.  The  high  land  is  encircled  from  the 
'Akabah  to  the  head  o<'  the  Persian  Gulf  by  a  belt 
of  low  littoral  country ;  on  the  west  and  southwest 
the  mountains  fall  abruptly  to  this  low  region ;  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  peniiuula  the  fall  is  gener- 
ally gradual.  So  far  as  the  interior  has  been  ex- 
plored, it  consists  of  mountainous  and  desert  tracts, 
relieved  by  large  districts  under  cultivation,  well- 
peopled,  watered  by  wells  and  streams,  and  enjoy- 
ing periodical  rains.  The  water-shed,  as  the  con- 
formation of  the  country  indicates,  stretches  from 
the  high  land  of  the  Yemen  to  the  Persian  Gulf. 
l'"rom  this  descend  the  torrents  that  irrigate  the 
western  provinces,  while  several  considerable  streams 
—  there  are  no  navigable  rivers  —  reach  the  sea  in 
the  opposite  direction :  two  of  these  traverse  'Oman ; 
and  another,  the  principal  river  of  the  peninsula, 
enters  the  Persian  Gulf  on  the  coast  of  El-Bahreyn, 
and  is  known  to  traverse  the  inland  province  called 
Yemdmeh.  The  geological  formation  is  in  part  vol- 
canic; and  the  mountains  are  basalt,  schist,  granite, 
as  well  as  limestone,  &c. ;  the  volcanic  action  being 
especially  observable  about  El-Medecneh  on  the 
northwest,  and  in  the  districts  bordering  the  In- 
dian Ocean.  The  most  fertile  tracts  are  those  on 
the  southwest  and  south.  The  modem  Yemen  is 
especially  productive,  and  at  the  same  time,  from 
its  mountainous  character,  picturesque.  The  set- 
tled regions  of  the  interior  also  appear  to  be  more 
fertUe  than  is  generally  believed  to  be  the  case; 
and  the  deserts  afford  pasturage  after  the  rains. 
The  principal  products  of  the  soil  are  date-palms, 
tamarind-trees,  vines,  fig-trees,  tamarisks,  acacias, 
the  banana,  Ac,  and  a  great  variety  of  thorny 
shrubs,  —  which,  with  others,  afford  pasture  for  the 
camels,  —  the  chief  kinds  of  pulse  and  cereals  (ex- 
cept oats),  coffee,  spices,  drugs,  gums  and  resins, 
cotton  and  sugar.  Among  the  metalUc  and  mineral 
products  are  lead,  iron,  silver  (in  small  quantities), 
sulphur,  the  emerald,  onyx,  &c.  The  products 
mentioned  in  the  Bible  as  coming  from  Arabia  will 
be  found  described  under  their  respective  heads. 
They  seem  to  refer,  in  many  instances,  to  mer- 
chandise of  Ethiopia  and  India,  carried  to  Palestine 
by  Arab  and  other  traders.  Gold,  however,  was 
perhaps  found  in  small  quantities  in  the  beds  of 
torrents  (comp.  Diod.  Sic.  ii.  93,  iii.  45,  47);  and 
the  spices,  incense,  and  precious  stones,  brought 
from  Arabia  (1  K.  x.  2,  10,  1.5;  2  Chr.  ix.  1,  9, 
14;  Is.  Ix.  G;  Jer.  vi.  20;  Ez.  xxvii.  22),  probably 
were  the  products  of  the  southern  provinces,  still 
celebrated  for  spices,  frankincense,  ambergris,  &c., 
xs  well  as  for  the  onyx  and  other  precious  stones. 
Among  the  more  remarkable  of  the  vnld  animals 
of  Arabia,  besides  the  usual  domestic  kinds,  and  of 
c  'Urse  the  camel  and  the  horse,  for  both  of  which 
it  is  famous,  are  the  wild  ass,  the  musk-deer,  wild 
goat,  wild  sheep,  several  varieties  of  the  antelope, 
the  hare,  monkeys  (in  the  south,  and  especially  in 
the  Yemen);  the  bear,  leopard,  wolf,  jackal,  hyena, 
fox;  the  eagle,  vulture,  several  kinds  of  hawk,  the 
pheasant,  red-legged  partridge  (in  the  peninsula  of 
Sinai),  sand-grouse  (throughout  the  country),  the 
■wtrich  (abundantly  in  Centrid  Arabia,  where  it  is 
lun^sd  by  Arab  tribes) ;  the  tortoise,  serpents,  lo- 
sugt«,  itc.  Lions  were  formerly  numerous,  as  the 
tames  of  places  testify.     The  sperm-whale  is  found 


ARABIA  137 

off  the  coasts  bordering  the  Indian  Ocean.  Greek 
and  lioman  writers  (Herod.,  Agatharch.  ap.  MuUer 
Strab.,  Diod.  Sic,  Q.  Curt.,  Dion.  Ptriey.,  Ileliod. 
^thiop.,  and  Plin.)  mention  most  of  the  Biblical 
and  modem  products,  and  the  animals,  above  enu- 
merated, with  some  others.  (See  the  Dictionary 
of  Gtogruphy.) 

Arabia  Proper  may  be  subdivided  into  five  prin- 
cipal provinces :  the  Yemen ;  the  districts  of  Iladra- 
miiwt,  Mahreh,  and  'Omi'ui,  on  the  Indian  Ocean 
and  the  entrance  of  the  Persian  Gulf;  El-Bahreyn, 
towards  the  head  of  the  Gulf  just  named;  the  great 
central  country  of  Nejd  and  Yemiimeh;  and  the 
Hiji'iz  and  Tihameh  on  the  Red  Sea.  The  Arabs 
also  have  five  divisions,  according  to  the  opinion 
most  worthy  of  credit  (Murdskl,  ed.  JuynboU,  in 
voc.  Hijiiz;  comp.  Strabo),  Tihiimeh,  the  Hij/iz, 
Nejd,  El-'Arood  (the  provinces  lying  towards  the 
head  of  the  I'ersian  Gulf,  including  Yemameh), 
and  the  Yemen  (including  'Oman  and  the  inter- 
vening tracts).  They  have,  however,  never  agreed 
either  as  to  the  limits  or  the  number  of  tlie  divis- 
ions. It  will  be  necessary  to  state  in  some  detail 
the  positions  of  these  provinces,  in  order  to  the 
right  understanding  of  the  identifications  of  Bib- 
lical with  Arab  names  of  places  and  tribes. 

The  Yemen  embraced  originally  the  most  fertile 
districts  of  Arabia,  and  the  frankincense  and  spice 
country.  Its  name,  signifying  "  the  right  hand  " 
(and  therefore  "  south,"  comp.  Matt.  xii.  42),  is  sup- 
posed to  have  given  rise  to  the  apijellation  evSaifjioiv 
(Felix),  which  the  Greeks  applied  to  a  much  more 
extensive  region.  At  present,  it  is  bounded  by  the 
Hij;iz  on  the  north,  and  Hadramiiwt  on  the  east, 
with  the  sea-board  of  the  Red  Sea  and  the  Indian 
Ocean;  but  formerly,  as  Fresnel  remarks  (comp. 
Sale,  Prelim,.  Disc. ),  it  appears  to  have  extended  at 
least  so  as  to  include  Hadramiiwt  and  Mahreh 
(Ibn-El-\Vardee  MS.;  Yakoot's  Mushtarak,  ed. 
Wustenfield,  and  Mardsid,  pnssim).  In  this  wider 
acceptatioir;  it  embraced  the  region  of  the  first  set- 
tlements of  the  Joktanites.  Its  modern  limits 
include,  on  the  north,  the  district  of  Khiiwliin  (not, 
as  Niebulir  supposes,  two  distinct  districts),  named 
after  Khiiwliin  (Kdinoos),  the  Joktauite  (Mardsid, 
in  voc,  and  Caussin  de  Perceval,  h'ssni  sur  t  [list, 
des  Arabes  nvant  V Islamisme,  i.  113);  and  that  of 
Nejnin,  with  the  city  of  that  name  founded  by 
Nejnin  the  Joktanite  (Caussin,  i.  60,  and  113 
ff.),  which  is,  according  to  the  soundest  opinion, 
the  Negra^  of  ^lius  Gallus  (Strab.  xvi.  782 ;  see 
Jomard,  Etudes  geogr.  et  hist,  sur  t'Arahie,  ap- 
pended to  Mengin,  Ilist.  de  VEgyptt,  &c.,  iii. 
385-6). 

Hadramiiwt,  on  the  coast  east  of  the  Yemen,  is 
a  cultivated  tract  contiguous  to  the  sandy  deserts 
called  El-Ahk;if,  which  are  said  to  be  the  original 
seats  of  the  tribe  of  'A'd  (Ibn-El-Wardee,  and  oth- 
ers). It  was  celebrated  for  its  frankincense,  which 
it  still  exports  (El-Idreesee,  ed.  .Taubert,  i.  54),  and 
formerly  it  carried  on  a  considerable  trade,  its  prin- 
cipal port  being  Zafdri,  between  Mirbat  and  Riis 
Sajir,  which  is  now  composed  of  a  series  of  villages 
(Fresnel,  4^  Lettre,  Journ.  Asifit.  iiie  S^rie,  v.  521). 
To  the  east  of  Hadramiiwt  are  the  districts  of 
Shihr,  which  exported  ambergris  (.}fa7-dsid,  in  voc), 
and  Mahreh  (so  called  after  a  tribe  of  Kuda'ah 
(Id.  in  voc),  and  therefore  Joktanite),  extending 
fron  Seyhoot  to  Karwan  (I'reaiiel,  4*  Lettre, 
p.  510).  'Oman  forms  the  easternmost  comer 
of  the  south  coast,  lying  at  the  entrance  of  th* 
Persian  gulf     It  presents  the  same  natunil  charao 


J  38 


ARABIA 


tonstics  as  the  preceding  districts,  being  partly 
desert  with  large  fertile  trfxitf.  It  also  contains 
some  considerable  lead-mines. 

'flie  highest  province  on  the  Persian  Gulf  is  El- 
Bahreyc,  between  'Oman  and  the  head  of  the  Gulf, 
of  which  the  chief  town  is  Hejer  (according  to  some, 
the  name  of  the  province  also)  (Kdmoos,  Mardsid, 
in  voce.)  It  contains  the  towns  (and  districts)  of 
Kateef  and  El-Ahsa  (El-Idreesee,  i.  371;  Mardsid, 
in  voce. ;  Mmhtarak,  in  voc.  H-Ahsa ),  the  latter 
not  being  a  province,  as  has  been  erroneously  sup- 
posed. The  inhabitants  of  El-liahreyn  dwelling  on 
the  coast  are  principally  fishermen  and  pearl-divers. 
The  district  of  El-Ahsii  abounds  in  wells,  and  pos- 
sesses excellent  pastures,  which  are  frequented  bj' 
tribes  of  other  parts. 

The  great  central  province  of  Nejd,  and  that  of 
Yemiimeh,  which  bounds  it  on  the  south,  are  little 
known  from  tlie  accounts  of  travellers.  Nejd  sig- 
nifies "  high  land,"  and  hence  its  limits  are  very 
doubtfully  laid  down  by  the  Arabs  tlieraselves.  It 
consists  of  cultivated  table-land,  with  numerous 
wells,  and  is  celebrated  for  its  pastures;  but  it  is 
intersected  by  extensive  deserts.  Yemameh  appears 
to  be  generally  very  similar  to  Nejd.  On  the  south 
lies  the  great  desert  called  Er-Kuba  el-Khalee,  unin- 
habitable in  the  sunmier,  but  yielding  pasturage  in 
the  winter  after  the  rains.  The  camels  of  the 
tribes  inhabiting  Nejd  are  highly  esteemed  in  Ara- 
bia, and  the  breed  of  horses  is  the  most  famous  in 
the  world.  In  this  province  are  said  to  be  remains 
of  very  ancient  structures,  similar  to  those  east  of 
the  Jordan. 

The  Hijiiz,  and  Tihameh  (or  El-Ghor,  the  "  low 
land  ").  are  bounded  by  Nejd,  the  Yemen,  the  Red 
Sea,  and  the  desert  of  Petra,  the  northern  limit  of 
the  Hijiiz  being  Eyleh  (El-Makreezee's  Khitnl,  in 
voc.  Eyleli).  The  Hyiiz  is  the  holy  land  of  Ara- 
bia, its  chief  cities  being  Mekkeh  and  El-Medeeneh; 
and  it  was  also  the  first  seat  of  the  Ishmaelites  in 
the  peninsula.  The  northern  portion  is  in  general 
sterile  and  rocky ;  towards  the  south  it  gradually 
merges  into  the  Yemen,  or  the  district  called  El- 
'Aseer,  wliich  is  but  little  noticed  by  either  east- 
em  or  western  geographers  (see  Joniard,  p.  245  W.). 
The  province  of  Tihameh  extends  between  the 
mountain-chain  of  the  Ilyaz,  and  the  shore  of  the 
Red  Sea;  and  is  sometimes  divided  into  Tihiimeh 
of  the  llijiiz,  and  Tihameh  of  the  Yemen.  It  is  a 
parched,  sandy  tract,  with  little  rain,  and  fewer 
pasturages  and  cultivated  portions  than  the  moun- 
tainous country. 

Northern    Arabia,    or     the    Arabian     Desert 

(xjJLaJ'J   is  divided  by  the  Arabs  (who  do 

not  consider  it  as  strictly  belonging  to  their  coun- 
try) into  Biidiyet  Esh-Sh.'un,  "  the  Desert  of  Syria," 
B,vdiyet  El-Jezeereh,  "  the  Desert  of  Mesojwtamia  " 

(not  " of  Aratjia,"  as  Winer  supposes),  and 

Hadiyet  O-'frak,  "the  Desert,  of  El  'Irak."  It  is, 
»  far  as  it  is  known  to  us.  a  high,  undulating, 
jarchcd  plam,  of  which  the  Euphrates  forms  the 
natural  boundnry  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the 
frontier  of  Syria,  whence  it  is  bounded  by  the 
latter  Cfiuntry  and  the  desert  of  Petra  on  the  north- 
w^st  ai.d  west,  the  peninsula  oi  Arabia  forming  its 
IC'Uthern  limit.  It  has  few  oases,  the  water  of  the 
cells  is  generally  either  brackish  or  impotable,  and 
t  is  visited  by  the  sand-wind  called  Sanioom,  of 
vhich  however  the  terrors  have  been  much  exag- 


ARABIA 

gerated.  The  Arabs  find  pasture  fcr  their  flockt 
and  herds  after  the  rains,  and  in  the  moi-e  depressed 
plains;  and  the  desert  generally  produces  pricklj 
shrubs,  (fee.,  on  which  the  camels  feed.  The  in- 
habitants were  known  to  the  ancients  as  (rKtivirai, 
"  dweUers  in  tents,"  or  perhaps  so  called  from  their 
town  at  2K7ival  (Strab.  xvi.  747,  767 ;  Diod.  Sic. 
ii.  24;  Amm.  Marc,  xxiii.  6;  comp.  Is.  xiii.  20: 
Jer.  xlix.  31 ;  Ezek.  xxxviii.  11);  and  they  extended 
from  Babylonia  on  the  east  (comp.  Num.  xxiii.  7 ; 
2  Chr.  xxi.  16 ;  Is.  ii.  6,  xiii.  20),  to  the  borders 
of  Egypt  on  the  west  (Strab.  xvi.  748;  Plin.  v. 
12;  Amm.  Marc.  xiv.  4,  xxii.  15).  These  tribes, 
principally  descended  from  Ishmael  and  from  Ke- 
turah,  have  always  led  a  wandering  and  pastond 
life.  Their  predatory  habits  are  several  times  men- 
tioned in  the  0.  T.  (2  Chr.  xxi.  16  and  17,  xxvi. 
7;  Job  i.  15;  Jer.  iii.  2).  They  also  conducted  a 
considerable  trade  of  merchandise  of  Arabia  and 
India  from  the  shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf  (Ezek. 
xxvii.  20-24),  whence  a  chain  of  oases  still  forms 
caravan  stations  (Burckhardt,  Arabia,  Appendix 
vi.);  and  they  likewise  traded  from  the  westeni 
portions  of  the  peninsula.  The  latter  traflSc  ap- 
pears to  be  frequently  mentioned  in  connection  with 
Ishmaelites,  Keturahites,  and  other  Arabian  peoples 
(Gen.  xxxvii.  25,  28;  1  K.  x.  15,  25;  2  Chr.  ix. 
14,  24;  Is.  Ix.  6;  Jer.  \'i.  20),  and  probably  con 
sisted  of  tlie  products  of  southern  Arabia  and  of  the 
opposite  shores  of  Ethiopia;  it  seems,  however,  to 
have  been  chiefly  in  the  hands  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Idumsea;  but  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  be- 
tween the  references  to  the  latter  people  and  to  the 
tribes  of  Northern  Arabia  in  the  passages  relating 
to  this  traffic.  That  certain  of  these  tribes  brought 
tribute  to  tiehoshaphat  appears  from  2  Chr.  xra. 
11;  and  elsewhere  there  are  indications  of  such 
tribute  {comp.  passages  referred  to  above). 

Westei-n  Arabia  includes  the  peninsula  of  Sinai 
[SiNAi],  and  the  desert  of  Petra,  corresponding 
generally  with  the  limits  of  Arabia  Petraia.  llie 
ktter  rame  is  probal)ly  derived  from  that  of  its 
chief  city,  not  from  its  stony  character.  It  was 
in  the  earliest  times  inhabited  by  a  j>eople  whose 
genealogy  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  the  Ho- 
rites  or  Ilorim  (Gen.  xiv.  6,  xxxvi.  20,  21;  Deut. 
ii.  12,  22,  xxxvi.  20-22).  [Horites.]  Its  later 
inhabitants  were  in  part  the  same  as  those  of  the 
preceding  division  of  Arabia,  as  indeed  the  bound 
ary  of  the  two  countries  is  arbitrary  and  imsettled ; 
but  it  was  mostly  peopled  by  descendants  of  Esau, 
and  was  generally  known  as  the  land  of  lidom,  or 
Idumaja  [Edom],  as  well  as  by  its  older  appella- 
tion, the  desert  of  Seir,  or  Mount  Seir  [Skih]. 
The  common  origin  of  the  IdumcTans  from  Esau 
and  Ishmael  is  found  in  tlie  marriage  of  the  former 
with  a  daughter  of  the  latter  (Gen.  xx«ii.  9,  xxxvi. 
3).  The  NabathiEans  succeeded  to  the  Idumeeans, 
and  Idumsea  is  mentioned  only  as  a  geographical 
designation  after  the  time  of  Josephus.  The  Na- 
bathseans  have  always  been  identified  with  Nebai- 
oth,  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  13;  Is.  Ls.  7),  until 
Quatrem^re  {Afemoire  stir  les  Nabaiheens)  advanced 
the  theory  that  they  were  of  another  race,  and  a 
people  of  Mesopotamia.  [Nkb.moth.]  Petra  was 
in  the  great  route  of  the  western  caravan-traffic  of 
Arabia,  and  of  the  merchandise  brought  up  the 
ElanitJc  Gulf.  See  preceding  section,  and  EnoM 
Elath,  Eziongebkk,  &c. 

Inhabitants.'^  —  The  Arabs,  like  ever}  other  an 


a  In  ttiis  f  tcdon  is  included  the  history.    Tlie  ir»> 


ARABIA 

jient  nation  of  any  celebrity,  have  traditio'.s  repre- 
Ksnting  their  country  as  originally  inhahited  by 
races  which  became  extinct  at  a  very  remote  period. 
These  were  the  tribes  of  'A'd,  Thamood,  Umeiyim, 
Abeel,  Tasm,  Jedees,  'Emleek  (Amalek),  Jurhum 
(the  Jirst  of  this  name),  and  Webiiri.     Some  omit 
the  fourth  and  the  last  two,  but  add  Jasim.     Tne 
majority  of  their  historians  derive  these  tribes  from 
Shem;  but  some,  from  Ham,  though  not  through 
Cash."     Their  earliest  traditions  that  have  any  ob- 
vious relation  to  the  Bible  refer  the  origin  of  the 
existing  nation  in  the  first  instance  to  Klahtan, 
whom  they  and  most  European  scholars  identify 
with  Joktan ;  and  secondly  to  Ishmael,  whom  they 
assert  to  have  married  a  descendant  of  Kahtan, 
though    they  only  carry  up  their  genealogies  to 
'Adnan  (said  to  be  of  the  21st  generation  before 
Mohammed).     They  are  silent  respecting  Cushite 
settlements  in  Arabia;    but  modem  research,  we 
think,  proves  that  Cushites  were  among  its  early 
inhabitants.     Although  Cush  in  the  Bible  usually 
corresponds  to  Ethiopia,  certain  passages  seem  to 
indicate  Cushite  peoples  in  Arabia;  and  the  series 
of  the  sons  of  Cush  should,  according  to  recent 
discoveries,  be  sought  for  in  order  along  the  south- 
em  coast,  exclusive  of   Seba   (Meroe),  occupying 
one  extreme  of  their  settlements,  and  Nimrod  the 
other.     The  great  ruins  of  Ma^rib  or  Seba,  and  of 
other  places  in  the  Yemen  and  Hadramiiwt,  are  not 
those  of  a  Semitic  people;  and  further  to  the  east, 
the  existing  language  of  Mahreh,  the  remnant  of 
that  of  the  inscriptions  found  on  the  ancient  re- 
mains just  mentioned,  is  in  so  great  a  degree  appar- 
ently African,  as  to  be  called  by  some  scholars 
Cushite;    while  the  settlements  of   Kaamah  and 
those  of  his  sons  Sheba  and  Dedan  are  probably 
to  be  looked  for  towards  the  head  of  the  Persian 
Gulf,  bordered  on  the  north  by  the  descendants  of 
Keturah,  bearing  the  same  names  as  the  two  latter. 
In  Babylonia  also  independent  proofs  of  this  im- 
migration of  Cushites  from  Ethiopia  have,   it  is 
thought,  been  lately  obtained.     The  ancient  cities 
and  buildings  of  southern  Arabia,  in  their  archi- 
tecture, the  inscriptions  they  contain,  and  the  na- 
tive traditions  respecting  them,  are  of  the  utmost 
value  in  aiding  a  student  of  this  portion  of  primeval 
history.    Indeed  they  are  the  only  important  archaic 
monuments  of  the  country  ;    and  they  illustrate 
both  its  earliest  people  and  its  greatest  kingdoms. 
Ma-rib,  or  Seba*  (the  Mariaba  of  the  Greek  geog- 
raphers), is  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  these 
sites.      See  Michaelis's  Questions,  No.  9-4,  &c.  in 
Niebuhr's  Arabia.)     It  was  founded,  according  to 
the  general  agreement  of  tradition,  by  'Abd-esh- 
Shems   Seba,  grandson  of  Yaarub  tha  Kahtiinite 
(Mushtarak,  in  foe;  Abu-l-Flda,  Hist,  anteisl.  ed. 
tleischer,  p.   114);    and   the  Dyke  of  El-'Arim, 
ifhich  was  situate  near  the  city,  and  the  rupture 
of  which   (a.  d.  1.50-170  according  to  De  Sacy; 
120  according  to  Caussin  de  Perceval)  formed  an 
.ra  in  Arabian  history,  is  generally  ascribed  to  Luk- 
aan  the  Greater,  the  'A'dite,  who  founded  the  dy- 


ARABIA 


139 


materials  for  the  latter  are  meagre,  and  almost  purely 
traditional.  The  chronology  is  founded  on  geneal- 
ogies, and  is  too  intricate  and  unsettled  for  discussion 
to  this  article;  but  it  is  necessary  to  observe  that 
■'  son  "  should  often  be  read  "  descendant,"  and  that 
lie  Arabs  ascribe  great  length  of  lift  to  the  ancient 
»eopVi. 

«  This  3numeration  is  from  a  comparison  of  Arab 
Authors.  Oaussin  de  Perceval  has  entered  into  some 
letaU  on  tne  subject  (£s.>af,  i.  11-35).  but  without  sat- 


nasty  of  the  2d  'A'd  (Ibn-El-Wardee  MS. ;  llamza 
Ispahanensis,  ap.  Schultens,  pp.  24-5;  El-Mes- 
'oodee,  cited  by  De  Sacy,  Miim.  de  I' Acad.,  xlviii. 
p.  484  £f. ;  and  Ibn  Khaldoon  in  Caussin's  A'«- 
sai,  i.  IG).  'A'dites  (in  conjunction  with  Cushites) 
were  probably  the  founders  of  this  and  similar 
structures,  and  were  succeeded  by  a  predominantly 
Joktanite  people,  the  Biblical  Sheba,  whose  name  is 
preserved  in  the  Arabian  Seba,  and  in  the  Saixei  of 
the  Greeks.  It  has  been  argued  (Caussin,  Esswi,  i. 
42  ff. ;  Kenan,  Langues  Semitiques,  i.  300)  that 
the  'A'dites  were  the  Cushite  Seba;  but  this  hy- 
pothesis, which  involves  the  question  of  the  settle- 
ments of  the  eldest  son  of  Cush,  and  tliat  of  tl'.( 
descent  of  the  'A'dites,  rests  solely  on  the  existence 
of  Cushite  settlements  in  southern  Arabia,  and  of 

the  name  of  Seba  (  Lju**  )  in  the  Yemen  (by  these 

writers  inferentially  identified  with  S.3p;  by  the 
Arabs,  unanimously,  with  Seba  the  Kahtiinite,  or 

SZltt." ;  the  Hebrew  shin  being,  in  by  far  the  greater 
number  of  instances,  sin  in  Arabic);  and  it  neces- 
sitates the  existence  of  the  two  Biblical  kingdoms 
of  Seba  and  Sheba  in  a  circumscribed  province  of 
southern  Arabia,  a  result  wliich  we  think  is  irrecon- 
cilable with  a  careful  comparison  of  the  passages 
in  the  Bible  bearing  on  this  subject.  [Cush,  Skba, 
Sheba.]  Neither  is  there  evidence  to  indicate 
the  identity  of  'A'd  and  the  other  extinct  tribe.s 
with  any  Semitic  or  Hamitic  people.  They  must, 
in  the  present  state  of  knowledge,  be  classed  with 
the  Kephaim  and  other  peoples  whose  genealogies 
are  not  known  to  us.  The  only  one  that  can  possibly 
be  identified  with  a  Scriptural  name  is  Amalek, 
whose  supjxised  descent  from  the  grandson  of  Esau 
seems  inconsistent  with  Gen.  xiv.  7  and  Num.  xxiv. 
20.     [Amalek.] 

The  several  nations  that  have  inhabited  the 
country  are  divided,  by  the  Arabs,  into  extinct  and 
existing  tribes ;  and  these  are  again  distinguished  as 

1.  El-'Arab  el-'A'ribeh  (or el-'Arba,  or 

el-'Aribeh),  the  Pure  or  Grcnuine  Arabs;  2.  El 
'Arab  el-Muta'arribeh,  and  3.  El-'Arab  el-Mustaa 
ribeh,  the  Insititious,  or  Naturalized,  Arabs.  Of 
many  conflicting  opinions  respecting  these  races, 
two  only  are  worthy  of  note.  According  to  the 
first  of  these,  El-'Arab  el-'A'ribeh  denotes  the  ex- 
tinct tribes,  with  whom  some  conjoin  Kahtin ;  while 
the  other  two,  as  synonymous  appellations,  belong 
to  the  descendants  of  Ishmael. =  According  to  the 
second,  El-'Arab  el-'A'ribeh  denotes  the  extinct 
tribes ;  El-'Arab  el-Muta'arribeh,  the  unmixed  de- 
scendants of  Kahtan ;  and  El-'Arab  el-Mu,staaribeh 
the  descendants  of  Ishmael,  by  the  daughter  o( 
Mudiid  the  .Joktanite.  That  the  descendants  of 
Joktan  occupied  the  principal  portions  of  the  souUi 
and  southwest  of  the  peninsula,  with  colonies  in 
the  interior,  is  attested  by  the  Arabs  and  fully  con- 
firmed by  historical  and  philological  researches.  It 
is  also  asserted  that  they  have  been  gradually  ab- 


isfactorily  reconciling  contradictory  opinions ;  and  hig 
identifications  of  these  with  other  tribes  are  purely 
hypothetical. 

t>  Seb.'i  was  toe  city  of  Ma-rib  (Miishtarak,  in  voe.), 
or  the  country  in  the  Yemen  of  whioh  the  city  waj 
Ma-Mb  (Mardsid,  in  voc.].     See  also  Sheb«. 

"  El-'Arab  el-'A'ribeh  Is  conventionally  ap  ^lied  by 
the  lexicographers  to  all  vbo  bpoke  pure  Arabic  befen 
its  Corruption  begun. 


140 


ARABIA 


ARABIA 


wrbed  into  the  Ishmaelite  immigrants,  though  not 
without  leaving  strong  traces  of  their  former  ex- 
istence. Fresnel,  however  (!<=  Lettre,  p  2-i),  says 
that  they  were  quite  distinct,  at  least  in  Moham- 
med's time,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  Ish- 
raaehte  element  has  been  exaggerated  by  Moham- 
medan influence. 

Respecting  tlie  Joktanite  settlers  we  have  some 
certain  evidence.  In  Genesis  (x.  30)  it  is  said, 
"and  their  dwelling  was  fiom  Mesha,  as  thou 
goest  unto  Sephar,  a  mount  of  the  east  [Kedem]." 
The  position  of  Mesha  is  very  uncertain ;  it  is  most 
reasonably  supposed  to  be  the  western  limit  of  the 
first  settlers  [Mesha].  Sephar  is  undoubtedly 
Dhafiiri,  or  Zafari,  of  the  Arabs  (probably  pro- 
nounced, in  ancient  times,  without  the  final  vowel, 
as  it  is  at  the  present  day),  a  name  not  uncommon 
in  the  peninsula,  but  especially  that  of  two  cele- 
brated towns  —  one  being  the  seaport  on  the  south 
coast,  near  Mirbilt;  the  other,  now  in  ruins,  near 
San'ii,  and  said  to  be  the  ancient  residence  of  the 
Himyei'ite  kings  (Es-Saghiinee,  MS.;  Mushtarak, 
in  voc. ;  Mardsid,  ib. ;  El-ldreesee,  i.  148).  Fres- 
nel (4*  Lettre,  p.  51G  fF.)  prefers  the  seaport,  as 
the  Himyerite  capital,  and  is  followed  by  Jomard 
(£tmles,  p.  367).  He  informs  us  that  the  inhab- 
itants call  this  town  "  Isfor."  Considering  the 
position  of  the  Joktanite  races,  this  is  probably 
Sephar.  It  is  situate  near  a  thuriferous  mountain 
{Mm-usid,  in  voc.),  and  exports  the  best  frankin- 
cense (Niebuhr,  p.  148).  Zaf.iri,  in  the  Yemen, 
however,  is  also  among  moimtains  [Sei'HAr].  In 
the  district  indicated  above  are  distinct  and  un- 
doubted traces  of  the  names  of  the  sons  of  Joktan 
mentioned  in  Genesis,  such  as  Hadramiiwt  for 
Hazarmaveth,  Azsil  for  Uzal,  Seba  for  Shcba,  &c. 
Their  remains  are  found  in  the  existing  inhabitants 
of  (at  least)  its  eastern  portion,  and  their  records 
in  the  numerous  Himyerite  ruins  and  inscriptions. 

The  principal  Joktanite  kingdom,  and  the  chief 
state  of  ancient  Arabia,  was  that  of  the  Yemen, 
founded  (according  to  the  Arabs)  by  Yaanib,  the 
son  (or  descendant)  of  Kahtan  (Joktan).  Its  most 
ancient  capital  was  probably  San'ti,  formerly  called 

Azal  (u'")tj  or  jtv.l  in  the  Mardsid,  in  voc. 

San'k),  after  Azal,  son  of  Joktan  (Ysikoot). 
[UxAL.]  'Hie  other  capitals  were  Ma-rib,  or 
Seba,  and  Zafari.  This  was  the  Biblical  kingdom 
of  Sheba.  Its  rulers,  and  most  of  its  people,  were 
descendants  of  Seba,  (=  Sheba),  whence  the  classical 
Sdicei  (Diod.  Sic.  iii.  38,  46).  Among  its  rulers 
was  probably  the  Queen  of  Sheba  wlio  came  to 
lear  tlie  wisdom  of  Solomon  (1  K.  x.  2).  The 
Arabs  call  her  Bilkees,  a  queen  of  the  later  Him- 
yerites,  and  their  traditions  respecting  her  are 
otherwise  not  worthy  of  credit.  [Shkba.]  The 
dominant  family  was  apparently  that  of  Himyer, 
«on  (or  descendant)  of  Seba.  A  member  of  this 
family  founded  the  more  modem  kingdom  of  the 
Himyerites.  The  testimony  of  the  Bible,  and  of 
the  classical  writers,  as  well  as  native  tradition, 
seems  to  prove  that  the  latter  appellation  super- 
leded  the  former  only  shortly  before  the  Christian 
ira:  t.  e.  after  the  foundation  of  the  later  king- 
dom. "Himyerite,"  however,  is  now  very  vaguely 
used.      Himyer,  it  may  be  observed,  is  perhaps 

<red"  (wA»."»^  from  iiw*^,  or  w*,^-!  j,  and 

wvo^  places  in  Arabia  whose  soU  is  reddish  derive 


their    names    from   Aafar 


Cf^\\ " 


nsddisLi. 


This  may  identify  Himyer  (the  red  mm?)  witl 
Opliir,  respecting  whose  settlements,  and  the  posi- 
tion of  the  country  called  Ophir,  the  opinion  of 
the  learned  is  widely  divided  [Ophik].  The  sim- 
ilarity of  signification  with  (poli/i^  and  (pv0p6i 
lends  weight  to  the  tradition  that  the  Phoonicians 
came  from  the  Erythraean  Sea  (Herod,  vii.  89) 
The  maritime  nations  of  the  MediteiTanean  who 
had  an  affinity  with  the  Egyptians,  —  such  as  the 
Philistines,  and  probably  the  primitive  Cretans  and 
Carians,  —  appear  to  have  been  an  offshoot  of  an 
early  immigration  from  southern  Arabia,  which 
moved  northwards,  partly  through  Egypt  [Caph- 
tok].  It  is  noticeable  that  the  Shepherd  invaders 
of  Egypt  are  said  to  have  been  Phoenicians;  but 
Manetho,  who  seems  to  have  held  this  opinion,  also 
tells  us  that  some  said  they  were  Arabs  (Jianetho, 
ap.  Cory,  Anc.  Fragments,  2d  ed.,  p.  171),  and  the 
hieroglyphic  name  has  been  supposed  to  correspond 
to  the  common  appellation  of  the  Arabs,  Shasu,  the 
"  camel-riding  Shasu  "  {Select  Fapifri,  pi.  liii.),  an 
identification  entirely  in  accordance  with  the  Egypt- 
ian historian's  account  of  their  invasion  and  polity 
In  the  opposite  direction,  an  early  Arab  doniinatioo 
of  Chakiaea  is  mentioned  by  Berosus  (Cory,  p.  60), 
as  preceding  the  Assjrrian  dj-nasty.  All  these  indi- 
cations, slight  as  they  are,  must  be  bonie  in  mind 
in  attempting  a  reconstruction  of  the  history  of 
southern  ArabLi.  The  early  kings  of  the  Yemen 
were  at  continual  feud  with  the  descendants  of 
Kalilan  (brother  of  Himyer)  until  the  fifteenth  in 
descent  (according  to  the  majority  of  native  his- 
torians) from  Himyer  united  the  kingdom.  This 
king  was  the  first  Tubbaa,  a  title  also  distinctive  of 
his  successors,  whose  dynasty  represents  the  proper 
kingdom  of  Himyer,  whence  the  lIumerittB  (Ptol. 
vi.  7;  PUn.  vi.  28).  Their  rule  probably  ex- 
tended over  the  modem  Yemen,  Hadramawt,  and 
Mahreh.  ITie  fifth  Tubbaa,  l)hu-l-Adhiir,  or  Zu-1- 
Aziir,  is  supposed  (Caussin,  i.  73)  to  be  the  Ila- 
sarus  of  yEUus  Gallus  (i«.  C.  24).  The  kingdom 
of  Himyer  lasted  until  A.  D.  525,  when  it  fell 
before  an  Abyssinian  invasion.  Already,  alwut  the 
middle  of  the  4th  century,  the  kings  of  Axum 
appear  to  have  become  masters  of  part  of  the 
Yemen  (Caussin,  Assai,  i.  114;  Zdtschr.  der 
Deutschen  Morf/enldiul.  Gesdlschnft,  vii.  17  ff., 
xi.  338  ff.),  adding  to  tlieir  titles  the  names  of 
places  in  Arabia  belonging  to  Himyer.  After  four 
reigns  they  were  succeeded  by  Himyerite  princes, 
vassals  of  Persia,  the  last  of  whom  submitted  to 
Mohanmied.  Kings  of  Hadramiiwt  (the  people  of 
Hadramawt  are  the  classical  C hatranwtitcb,  Plin. 
vi.  28;  comp.  AdramittB)  are  also  enumerated  by 
the  Arabs  (Ibn-Khaldoon,  ap.  Caussin,  i.  135  AT.) 
and  distinguished  from  the  descendants  of  Yaarub, 
an  indication,  as  is  remarked  by  Caussin  (/.  r;.),  of 
their  8e[)arat«  descent  from  Hazaraiavetb  [Hazak- 
MAVKTii].  The  Greek  geographers  mention  a 
fourtli  j)eople  in  conjunction  with  the  Sabsei,  Ho- 
merita',  and  Chatramotitse,  —  the  Mined  (Strab 
xvi.  768;  Ptol.  v.  7,  §  23;  PHn.  vi.  32;  Diod. 
Sic.  iii.  42)  who  have  not  been  identified  with  try 
BibliciU  or  modern  name.  Some  place  them  aa 
high  as  Mekkeh  and  derive  their  nar.ie  fix)m  Minr- 
(the  sacred  valley  N.  E.  of  that  city),  or  from  th« 
uoddess  Manah,  worshipped  in  the  district  between 
Mekkeh  and  El-Medeeneh.  Fresnel,  however,  placet 
them  in  the  Wddu  Do'an  in  Hadramawt,  argiuii| 


ARABIA 

that  the  Vemen  anciently  included  thi8  tract,  that  i 
the  Mina^i  were  probably  the  same  as  tne  Khabaii   ' 
Itaj  01   Khamanitfe  (Ftol.  vi.  7,  §  24;  Strabo,  xvi. 
p.  782),  and  that  'Pa;itaj'tT»i/ was  a  copyist's  error 
for  'le/jMvnui/. 

The  other  chief  Joktanite  kingdom  was  that  of 
the  Hijaz,  founded  by  Jurhum,  the  brother  of 
Yaarub,  who  left  the  Yemen  and  settled  in  the 
neighborhood  of  JSIekkeh.  The  Arab  lists  of  its 
kings  are  inextricably  confused;  but  the  name  of 
their  leader  and  that  of  two  of  his  successors  was 
Mudad  (or  El-Mudi'ul),  who  probably  represents  Al- 
modad  [Almodau].  Ishmael,  according  to  the 
Arabs,  married  a  daughter  of  the  first  Mudiid, 
whence  spra^^g  'Adiuin  the  ancestor  of  Mohanmied. 
This  kingdom,  situate  in  a  less  fertile  district  than 
the  Yemen,  and  engaged  in  conflict  with  aboriginal 
tribes,  never  attained  the  impoi'tance  of  that  of 
the  south.  It  merged,  by  intermarriage  and  con- 
quest, into  the  tribes  of  Ishmael.  (Kutb-ed-Ueen, 
ed.  Wlistenfeld,  pp.  35  and  39  ff.;  comp.  authori- 
ties quoted  by  Oaussin.)  Fresnel  cites  an  Ai-ab 
author  who  identifies  Jurhum  with  Hadoram  [Had- 
oram]. 

Although  these  were  the  principal  Joktanite  king- 
doms, others  were  founded  beyond  the  Umits  of  the 
peninsula.  The  most  celebrated  of  these  were  that 
of  El-Heereh  in  El-Ir;ik,  and  that  of  Ghassiin  on 
the  confines  of  Syria;  both  originated  by  emigrants 
after  the  Flood  of  El-'Arim.  El-Heereh  soon  be- 
came IshmaeUtic;  Ghassiln  long  maintained  its 
original  stock.  Among  its  rulers  were  many  named 
El-Harith.  Respecting  the  presumed  identity  of 
some  of  these  witli  kings  called  by  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  Aretas,  and  with  the  Aretas  mentioned  by 
St.  Paul  (2  Cor.  xi.  32).  see  Aretas. 

The  Ishmaehtes  appear  to  have  entered  the 
peninsula  from  the  northwest.  That  tliey  have 
spread  over  the  whole  of  it  (with  the  exception  of 
one  or  two  districts  on  the  south  coast  which  are 
said  to  be  stiU  inhabited  by  unmixed  Joktanite 
peoples),  and  that  the  modern  nation  is  predom- 
inantly Ishmaehte,  is  asserted  by  the  Arabs.  They 
do  not,  however,  carry  up  their  genealogies  higher 
than  'Aduiln  (as  we  have  already  said),  and  they 
have  lost  tlie  names  of  most  of  Ishmael's  immediate 
and  near  descendants.  Such  as  have  been  identified 
with  existing  names  wUl  be  found  under  the  sev- 
eral articles  bearing  their  names.  [See  also  Ha- 
garenes.]  They  extended  northwards  from  the 
Hijiiz  into  the  Arabian  desert,  where  they  mixed 
with  Keturahites  and  other  Abrahamic  peoples ;  and 
westwards  to  Idumsea,  where  they  mixed  with 
Edomites,  &c.  The  tribes  sprung  from  Ishmael 
hav":  always  been  governed  by  petty  chiefs  or  heads 
of  families  (sheykhs  and  emeers);  they  have  gen- 
erally followed  a  p.atriarchal  life),  and  have  not 
originated  kingdoms,  though  they  have  in  some 
instances  succeeded  to  those  of  Joktanites,  the 
principal  one  of  these  being  that  of  El-Heereh. 
With  reference  to  the  Ishmaehtes  generally,  we 
may  observe,  in  continuation  of  a  former  remark, 
that  although  their  first  settlements  in  the  Hijaz, 
md  their  spreading  over  a  great  part  of  the  nouheni 
■ortions  of  the  peninsula,  are  sufficiently  proved, 
there  is  doubt  as  to  the  wide  extension  given  to 
Jiera  by  Arab  tradition.  INIohammed  derived  from 
ihe  Jews  whatever  tradition  he  pleased,  and  silenced 
Miy  contrary,  by  the  Kur-an  or  his  own  dicta.  This 
teligious  element,  which  does  not  directly  aflTect  the 
iribes  of  Joktan  (whose  settlements  are  otherwise 
inquestionably  identified),   has  a  greau   influence 


ARABIA 


141 


over  those  of  Ishmael.  'ITiey  therefore  cannot  ba 
certainly  proved  to  have  spread  over  the  peninsula, 
notwithstanding  the  almost  universal  adoption  of 
their  language  (which  is  generally  acknowledged  to 
have  been  the  Arabic  commonly  so  called),  and  the 
concurrent  testimony  of  the  Arabs ;  but  from  these 
and  other  considerations  it  becomes  at  the  same 
time  highly  probable  that  they  now  form  the  pre- 
dominant element  of  the  Arab  nation. 

Of  the  descendants  of  Keturah  the  Arabs  say 
little.  They  appear  to  have  settled  chiefly  nortli 
of  the  peninsula  in  Desert  Arabia,  from  Palestine 
to  the  Persian  Gulf;  and  the  passages  in  the  Bible 
in  which  mention  is  made  of  Dedan  (except  those 
relating  to  the  Cushite  Dedan,  Gen.  x.  7)  refer 
apparently  to  the  tribe  sprung  from  this  race  (Is. 
xxi.  13;  Jer.  xxv.  23;  Ez.  xxvii.  20),  perhaps  with 
an  admixture  of  the  Cushite  Dedan,  who  seems  to 
have  passed  up  the  western  shores  of  the  Persian 
Gulf.  Some  traces  of  Keturahites,  indeed,  ai'e  as- 
serted to  exist  in  the  south  of  the  peninsula,  where 
a  kuig  of  Himyer  is  said  to  have  been  a  Midianite 
(El-Mes"oodee,  ap.  Schultens,  pp.  158-9);  and 
where  one  dialect  is  said  to  be  of  Midian,  and  an- 
other of  Jokshan  son  of  Keturah  {Muajam);  but 
these  traditions  must  be  ascribed  to  the  Rabbinical 
influence  in  Arab  history.  Native  writers  are  al- 
most wholly  silent  on  this  subject ;  and  the  dialects 
mentioned  above  are  not,  so  far  as  they  are  known 
to  us,  of  the  tribes  of  Keturah.     [Keturah,  &c.'j 

In  Northern  and  Western  Arabia  are  othe" 
peoples  which,  from  their  geograpliical  position  ant" 
mode  of  life,  are  sometimes  classed  with  the 
Arabs.  Of  these  are  Amalek,  the  descendants 
of  Esau,  Ac. 

Rdiyion.  —  The  most  ancient  idolatry  of  the 
Arabs  we  must  conclude  to  have  been  fetichism, 
of  which  there  are  striking  proofs  in  the  sacred 
trees  and  stones  of  historical  times,  and  in  the 
worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  or  Sabaeism.  With 
the  latter  were  perhaps  connected  the  temples  (or 
palace-temples)  of  which  there  are  either  remains 
or  traditions  in  the  Himyerite  kingdom;  such  as 
Beyt  Ghumdan  in  San'a,  and  those  of  Reydan, 
Beynooneh,  Ru'eyn,  'Eyneyn,  and  Riam.  To  the 
worship  of  the  heavenly  bodies  we  find  allusions  in 
Job  (xxxi.  26-28)  and  to  the  belief  in  the  influence 
of  the  stars  to  give  rain  (xxxviii.  31),  where  the 
I'leiades  give  rain,  and  Orion  withholds  it;  and 
again  in  Judges  (v.  20,  21)  where  the  stars  fight 
against  the  host  of  Sisera.  The  names  of  the  ob- 
jects of  the  earUer  fetichism,  the  stone-worship, 
tree-worship,  &c.,  of  various  tribes,  are  too  num- 
erous to  mention.  One,  that  of  Manah,  the  god- 
dess worshipped  between  Mekkeh  and  El-Medeeneh 
has  been  compared  with  Meni  (Is.  Ixv.  11),  which 
is  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "number"  [Meni]. 
Magianism,  an  importation  from  Chaldaea  and 
Persia,  must  be  reckoned  among  the  reUgions  of 
the  pagan  Arabs ;  but  it  never  had  very  numerous 
foUowers.  Christianity  was  introduced  Ln  southern 
Arabia  towards  the  close  of  the  2d  century,  and 
about  a  century  later  it  had  made  great  progi-ess. 
It  flourished  chiefly  in  the  Yemen,  where  many 
churches  were  built  (see  Philostorg.  Hist.  Ecclcs. 
iii. :  Sozomen,  vi. ;  Evagr.  vi.).  It  abo  rapidly 
advanced  in  other  portions  of  Arabia,  through  the 
kingdom  of  Heereh  and  the  contiguous  countries, 
Ghassiln,  and  other  parts.  The  persecutions  of  the 
Christians,  and  more  particularly  of  those  of  Nejran 
by  the  Tubbaa  Zu-n-Nuwas,  brought  about  the  fall 
of  the  Himyerite  dynasty  by  the  invasion  of  the 


142  AilABIA 

Christian  ruW  of  Abyssinia.  Judaisir  was  propa- 
gated in  Arabia,  principally  by  Karaites,  at  the 
:!aptivity,  but  it  was  introduced  before  that  time. 
[t  became  very  prevalent  in  the  Yemen,  and  in  the 
Hijiiz,  especially  at  Kheybar  and  lil-Medeeneli, 
where  there  are  said  to  be  still  tril^es  of  Jewish  ex- 
ti"action.  In  tlie  period  immediately  preceding  the 
Ijirtli  of  Mohammed  anotlier  cLiss  had  sprung  up, 
who,  disbelie^ng  the  idolatry  of  the  greater  num- 
ber of  tlieir  countrymen,  and  not  yet  believers  in 
Judaism,  or  in  the  corrupt  Christianity  with  which 
ulone  they  were  acquainted,  looked  to  a  revival  of 
what  they  called  the  "  religion  of  Abraliam  "  (see 
Sprenger's  L\fe  of  Mohammed,  i.,  Calcutta,  1856). 
The  promulgation  of  the  Jlohammedan  imposture 
overthrew  paganism,  but  crushed  while  it  assumed 
to  lead  the  movement  which  had  been  one  of  the 
causes  cf  its  success,  and  almost  wholly  superseded 
the  religious  of  the  Bible  in  Arabia. 

Language.  —  Arabic,  the  language  of  Arabia,  is 
the  most  developetl  and  the  richest  of  the  Semitic 
languages,  and  the  only  one  of  which  we  have  an 
extensive  literature:  it  is,  therefore,  of  great  im- 
portance to  the  study  of  Hebrew.  Of  its  early 
phases  we  know  nothing;  while  we  have  archaic 
monuments  of  the  Himyeritic  (the  ancient  language 
of  southern  Arabia),  though  we  cannot  fix  their 
precise  ages.  Of  the  existence  of  Hebrew  and 
Chaldee  (or  Aramaic)  in  the  time  of  Jacob  there  is 
evidence  in  Gen.  (xxxi.  47);  and  probably  Jacob 
and  Laban  understood  each  other,  the  one  speaking 
Hebrew  and  tlie  other  (Jhaldee.  It  seems  also 
(Judg.  vii.  9-15)  that  Gideon,  or  Phurah,  or  both, 
understood  the  conversation  of  the  "  Midianites, 
iind  the  Amalekites,  and  ail  the  children  of  the 

east"  (C^|7.  ^?^)•     it  is  probable,  therefore,  that 

in  the  14th  or  13th  century  is.  c.  the  Semitic  lan- 
guages differed  much  less  than  in  after  times.  But 
it  appears  from  2  K.  xviii.  26,  that  in  the  8th 
century  u.  c.  only  the  educated  classes  among  the 
Jews  understood  Aramaic.  With  these  evidences 
before  us,  and  making  a  due  distinction  between 
the  archaic  and  the  known  phases  of  the  Aramaic 
and  the  Arabic,  we  think  that  the  Himyeritic  is  to 
be  regarded  as  a  sister  of  the  Hebrew,  and  the 
Arabic  (commonly  so  called)  as  a  sister  of  the  He- 
brew and  the  Anunaic,  or,  in  its  classical  phasis, 
as  a  descendant  of  a  sister  of  these  two,  but  that 
the  Himyeritic  is  mixed  with  an  African  language, 
and  that  the  other  dialects  of  Arabia  are  in  like 
manner,  though  in  a  much  less  degree,  mixed  with 
an  African  language.  'Hie  inferred  differences  be- 
tween the  older  and  later  phases  of  the  Aramaic, 
and  the  presumed  difference  between  those  of  the 
.4iabic,  are  amply  confirmed  by  comparative  phi- 


o  By  this  term  is  to  be  understood  the  ancient  lan- 
guage of  southern  Arabia  generally,  not  that  of  the 
Himyerites  only. 

b  *  On  the  pretended  discovery  of  a  key  for  reading 
the  Ilimyeritis  inscriptions  by  the  English  writer.  Rev. 
Charles  Forstcr,  Professor  Salisbury  has  a  decisive  ar- 
'icle  in  the  Bibl.  Sacra,  ii.  237-260.  H. 

c  *  In  1863  the  Trastecs  of  the  British  Museum  pub- 
lished a  volume  entitled  "  Inscriptions  in  the  Himyar- 
Itlo  character,  discovered  chiefly  in  Southern  Arabia, 
and  now  in  the  British  Museum,"  with  18  lithographic 
plates  containing  forty-two  inscriptions.  A  description 
•f  the  monuments  precedes  the  plates,  but  no  com- 
mentary is  given,  the  preparation  of  that  part  of  the 
work  having  been  assigned  to  Dr.  Ernst  Osiander,  of 
S<5ppingen,  whose  essay  on  the  Himyaritic  Antiquities, 
Jur  himjariscken  Allerthumskunde,  published  in  1856 


ARABIA 

lology.  The  division  of  the  Ishmaelite  language 
into  many  dialects  is  to  be  attributed  eliicfly  to  th« 
separation  of  tribes  by  uninhabitable  tracis  of 
desert,  and  the  subsequent  amalgamation  of  those 
dialects  to  the  pilgrimage  and  the  aimual  meetingi 
of  'Oktlz,  a  fair  in  wliich  literary  contests  took 
place,  and  where  it  was  of  the  first  importance  that 
the  contending  poets  should  deliver  themselves  in  a 
language  i)erfectly  intelligible  to  the  mass  of  the 
people  congregated,  in  order  that  it  might  be  cHt- 
ically  judged  by  them ;  for  many  of  the  meanest  of 
the  Arabs,  utterly  ignorant  of  reading  and  wTiting, 
were  of  the  highest  of  the  authorities  consulted  by 
the  lexicologists  when  the  con-uption  of  the  language 
had  commenced,  i.  e.  when  the  Arabs,  as  Moham- 
medans, had  begiui  to  spread  among  foreigners. 

Kespecting  the  Himyeritic,"  until  lately  little  was 
known ;  but  monuments  bearing  inscriptions  in  this 
language  have  been  discovered  in  the  southeni  parts 
of  the  peiunsula,  principally  in  Iladrainiiwt  and 
the  Yemen,  and  some  of  the  inscriptions  have  been 
pubhshed  by  Fresuel,  Aniaud,  Wellsted,  and  Crut- 
tenden;''  while  Fresnel  has  found  a  dialect  still 
spoken  in  the  district  of  Malireh  and  westwards  as 
far  as  Kisheem,  that  of  the  neighborhood  of  Za- 
fiiri  and  Mirbat  being  the  purest,  and  called  "  Ek- 
hili;"  and  this  is  supposed  with  reason  to  be  the 
modem  phasis  of  the  old  Himyeritic  (4e  Lettre). 
Fresnel' s  alphabet  has  been  accepted  by  the  learned. 
The  dates  found  in  tlie  inscriptions  range  from  30 
(on  the  dyke  of  Ma-rib)  to  604  at  Hisn  Ghorab, 
but  what  era  these  represent  is  micertain.  Ewald 
( Utber  die  IJimyaiische  Sprache,  in  Hoefer's  Zeit- 
scln-ift,  i.  295  ff.)  thinks  that  they  are  years  of 
the  Hupture  of  the  Dyke,  while  acknowledging  their 
apparent  high  antiquity ;  but  the  ditiiculty  of  sup- 
posing such  inscriptions  on  a  ruined  dyke,  and  the 
fact  that  some  of  them  would  thus  be  brought  later 
than  the  time  of  Mohammed,  make  it  probable  that 
they  belong  rather  to  an  earlier  era,  perhaps  that 
of  the  llimyerite  empire,  though  what  point  marks 
its  commencement  is  not  detennined.  The  Him- 
yeritic in  its  earlier  phasis  probably  represents  the 
first  Semitic  language  spoken  in  Arabia.'' 

The  manners  and  customs  of  the  Arabs''  are  of 
great  value  in  illustrating  the  Bible;  but  supposed 
parallels  between  the  patriarcbal  life  of  the  Script- 
ures and  the  state  of  the  modern  Arabs  must  not 
be  hastily  drawn.  It  should  be  remembered  that 
this  people  are  in  a  degraded  condition ;  that  they 
have  been  influenced  by  Jewish  contact,  especially 
by  the  adoption,  by  Mohammed,  of  parts  of  the 
ceremonial  law,  and  of  rabbinical  observances;  and 
that  they  are  not  of  the  race  of  Israel.  They  must 
be  regarded,  1st,  as  Bedawees,  or  people  of  the 
desert,  and  2dly,  as  settled  tribes  or  townsjieople. 


in  the  Zeitschr.  der  Deutschen  Morgenl.  Gesellschajl  (x. 
17-73)  liad  given  evidence  of  his  peculiar  qualifica- 
tions for  the  task.  The  result  of  Dr.  Osiander's  labors 
has  lately  appeared  as  a  posthumous  publication  in 
the  Zeitschr.  cl.  D.  M.  Geselhcha/l  for  1866  and  1866, 
xix.  159-293  (with  35  plates),  and  xx.  205-287,  with 
the  title,  Zur  kimjarisclien  Sprucli-  vnd  Alte.rlhumi- 
kuiule  von  Dr.  Ernst  Osiander,  aus  seinem  Nachlasse 
kerausg.  von  Prof.  Dr.  M.  A.  Levy.  This  is  probablj 
the  most  important  work  at  present  existing  on  th« 
subject.  A. 

d  The  Arabs  have  impressed  their  national  charac 
teristics  on  every  people  whom  they  have  conquered 
except  the  Tartar  races.  "  Arab  life "  is  therefon 
generally  understood  in  a  very  wide  sense.  The  cvod 
•3rn  EgyptiaiiK  ui-e  essentially  an  Anib  jie<ple. 


ARABIA 

Tho  Bedaweea  ackaowledge  that  thej*  ancient 
«zc«llence  has  greatly  declined  since  the  time  ol 
Mohammed,  and  there  cannot  be  a  doubt  that  this 
decline  had  commenced  much  earlier.  Though 
each  tribe  boasts  of  its  unadulterated  blood,  and 
pure  language,  theii-  learned  men  candidly  admit 
the  depreciation  of  national  chai-acter.  Scriptural 
customs  still  found  among  them  must  therefore  be 
generally  regarded  rather  as  indications  of  former 
practices,  than  as  l»eiiig  identical  with  them.  Fur- 
thermore, the  Bible  always  draws  a  strong  contrast 
between  the  character  of  the  Israelites  and  that  of 
the  descendants  of  Ishm-.iel,  whom  the  Bedawees 
mostly  represent.  Yet  they  are,  by  comparison 
with  other  nations,  an  essentially  unchangeable 
[people,  retauiing  a  primitive,  pastoral  hfe,  and  many 
customs  strikingly  illustrating  the  Bible.  They 
are  not  as  much  affected  by  their  religion  as  might 
be  supposed.  Jlany  tribes  disregard  religious  ob- 
servances, and  even  retain  some  pagan  rites.  The 
Wahhabees,  or  modern  Arab  reformers,  found  great 
difficulty  in  suppressing  by  persuasion,  and  even 
by  force  of  arms,  such  rites ;  and  where  they  suc- 
ceeded, the  suppression  was,  in  most  cases,  only 
temporary.  Incest,  sacrifices  to  sacred  objects,  &c., 
were  among  these  relics  of  paganism.  (See  Burck- 
hardt's  Nvtes  on  Ihe  Bedouins  and  Wahabys.)  The 
less  changed  a  tribe,  however,  the  more  difficulty  is 
there  in  obtaining  infonnation  respecting  it.  Such 
a  one  is  very  jealous  of  uitercourse  with  strangers 
even  of  its  own  nation.  In  southern  Arabia,  for 
instance,  is  a  tribe  which  will  not  allow  a  guest  to 
stay  within  its  encampments  beyond  the  three  days 
demanded  by  the  laws  of  hospitality.  This  exclusion 
undoubtedly  tends  to  preserve  the  language  from 
corruption,  and  the  people  from  foreign  influence; 
but  it  probably  does  not  improve  the  national  char- 
acter. 

To  the  settled  Arabs,  these  remarks  apply  with 
the  difference  that  the  primitive  mode  of  hfe  is  in 
a  great  degree  lost,  and  the  Jewish  practices  are 
much  more  observable;  while  intermixture  with 
foreigners,  especially  with  Abyssinian  and  Negro 
concubines  in  the  Yemen  and  the  Hijilz,  has  tended 
to  destroy  their  purity  of  blood.  A  Bedawee  will 
scarcely  marry  out  of  his  tribe,  and  is  not  addicted 
to  concubinage;  he  considers  himself,  and  is,  quite 
distinct  from  a  townsman  in  habits,  in  mode  of 
thought,  and  in  national  feeling.  Again,  a  distinc- 
tion should  be  made  between  the  people  of  northern 
and  those  of  southern  Ai'abia;  the  former  being 
chiefly  of  IshmaeUte,  the  latter  of  Joktanite,  de- 
scent, and  in  other  respects  than  settlement  and 
nitermarriage  with  foreigners,  further  removed  from 
the  patriarchal  character. 

Regarded  in  the  light  we  have  indicated,  Arab 
manners  and  customs,  whether  those  of  the  Bed- 
dwees  or  of  the  townspeople,  afford  valuable  help 
to  the  student  of  the  Bible,  and  testimony  to  the 
kruth  and  vigor  of  the  Scriptural  narrative.  No 
*ne  Cim  mix  with  this  people  witliout  being  con- 
stantly and  forcibly  reminded  either  of  the  early 
(patriarchs  or  of  the  settled  IsraeUtes.  We  may 
*stai  te  theu:  pastoral  life,  their  hospitality  (that 
uost  remarkable  of  desert  virtues)  [Hospitalitt], 
^heir  universal  respect  for  age  (comp.  Lev.  xix.  32), 
theii  familiar  deference  (comp.  2  K.  v.  13),  their 
superstitious  regard  for  the  beard.  On  the  signet- 
ring,  which  is  worn  on  the  little  finger  of  the  right 
band,  is  usually  inscribed  a  sentence  expressive  of 
submissiim  to  God,  or  of  his  perfection,  &c.,  ex- 
olaining  Ex.  xxxix.  So,  "  the  engraving  of  *  signet, 


ARAblA 


14? 


Holiness  to  the  Lord,"  -md  the  saying  of  our  Lord 
(John  iii.  33),  "  He  .  .  .  hath  set  to  his  seal  that 
God  is  true."  As  a  mark  of  trust,  tliis  nng  is 
given  to  another  person  (as  in  Gen.  xli.  42).  The 
inldiorn  worn  in  the  girdle  is  also  very  ancit.it  (Ez. 
ix.  2,  3,  11),  as  well  as  the  veil.  (Kor  these  and 
many  other  illustrations,  see  Lane's  Modern  Egypt- 
ians^ index.)  A  man  has  a  right  to  claim  his 
cousin  in  marriage,  and  he  relinquishes  tliis  right 
by  taking  off  his  shoe,  as  the  kinsman  of  Ruth  did 
to  Boaz  (Ruth  iv.  7,  8 ;  see  Burckhardt's  Notes  on 
the  Bedouins  and  Wahabys,  i.  113). 

References  in  the  Bible  to  the  Arabs  themsches 
are  still  more  clearly  illustrated  by  the  manners  of 
the  modern  people  in  their  predatory  expeditions, 
tlieir  mode  of  warfare,  their  caravan  journeys,  &a. 
To  the  interpretation  of  the  book  of  Job,  an  ulti- 
mate knowledge  of  this  people,  and  their  language 
and  literature,  is  essential ;  for  many  of  the  most 
obscure  passages  can  only  be  explained  by  that 
knowledge. 

The  commerce  of  Arabia  especially  connected 
with  the  Bible  has  been  referred  to  in  the  sections 
on  western  and  northern  Arabia,  and  hicidentally 
in  mentioning  the  products  of  tlie  peninsula.  Direct 
mention  of  the  commerce  of  the  soutli  does  not 
appear  to  be  made  in  the  Bible,  but  it  seems  to 
have  passed  to  Palestine  principally  through  the 
northern  tribes.  Passages  relating  to  the  fleets  of 
Solomon  and  to  the  maiitime  trade,  however,  bear 
on  this" subject,  which  is  a  curious  study  for  the  his- 
torical inquirer.  The  Joktanite  people  of  southern 
Arabia  have  always  been,  in  contradistinction  to 
the  Ishmaehte  tribes,  addicted  to  a  seafaring  life. 
The  latter  were  caravan-merchants;  the  former, 
the  chief  traders  of  the  Red  Sea,  carrymg  their 
commerce  to  the  shores  of  India,  as  well  as  to  the 
nearer  coasts  of  Africa.  Their  own  wxiters  describe 
these  voyages  —  since  the  Christian  era  especially, 
as  we  might  expect  from  the  modern  character  of 
their  literature.  (See  the  curious  Accounts  of  India 
and  China  by  Two  Mohammedan  Travellers  of  the 
Qth  cent.,  trans,  by  Renaudot,  and  amply  illustrated 
in  Mr.  Lane's  notes  to  his  translation  of  the 
Thousand  and  One  Nights.)  The  classical  writers 
also  make  frequent  mention  of  the  commerce  of 
southern  Arabia.  (See  the  Diet,  of  Gr.  and  Rom. 
Geography.)  It  was  evidently  carried  to  Palestine 
by  the  two  great  caravan  routes  from  the  head  of 
the  Red  Sea  and  from  that  of  the  Persian  Gulf; 
the  former  especially  taking  with  it  African  pro- 
duce; the  latter,  Indian.  It  should  be  observed 
that  the  wandering  propensities  of  the  Arabs,  of 
whatever  descent,  do  not  date  from  the  promulgar 
tion  of  El-Islam.  All  testimony  goes  to  show  that 
from  the  earhest  ages  the  peoples  of  Arabia  formed 
colonies  in  distant  lands,  and  have  not  been  actuated 
only  by  either  the  desire  of  conquest  or  by  religiom 
impulse  in  their  foreign  expeditions ;  but  rather  bj 
restlessness  and  commercial  activity. 

The  principal  European  authorities  for  the  his- 
tory of  Arabia  are,  Schultens'  Hist.  Imp.  Vetus 
Joctanidarum,  Hard.  Gv-..  178G,  containing  ex- 
tracts from  various  Arab  authors ;  and  his  J/orat*- 
menta  Vetustiora  Arabice.  Lug.  Bat.  1740 ;  Eich- 
horn's  Monumenta  Antiipiiss.  Hist.  Arabum,  chiefly 
extracted  from  Ibn-Kuteybeh,  with  his  notes,  Goth. 
1775 ;  Fresnel,  Leltres  sur  t Hist,  des  Arabes  avam 
V  IslanvJime,  pubhshed  in  the  Journal  Asiatique, 
1838-53;  Quatrem^re,  Memoire  sur  Its  Naba- 
theens;  Caussin  [de  Perceval],  Essai  sur  t Hist, 
des  Arabes  avant  P  Islamisme,  Paris,  1847-8;  fo* 


144 


ARABIAN 


the  yeogrnphy,  Niebuhr's  Description  de  tAi'obie, 
Amst.  1774,  [a  ti'ans.  of  his  Beschrelbunij  vmi 
Arabien,  Kopenh.  1772 ;  see  also  his  Be!,tebe- 
tchreib.  nach  Arabien,  2  vol.  ibid.  1774-78;] 
Burckhardt's  Travels  in  Arabia,  Loud.  1829; 
Wellsted,  Narrative  of  a  Journey  to  the  ruins 
of  Nakeb-aUlldjar,  in  Journ.  of  R.  G.  S.,  vii. 
20;  his  copy  of  Inscription,  in  Journ.  of  Asiat. 
Soc.  of  Baig<d,  iii.  1834;  and  his  Journal,  Lon- 
don, 1838;  Cruttenden,  Nan-ative  of  a  Journey 
from  Moklici  to  San' a ;  Joniard,  Eludes  geogr.  et 
list,  appended  to  Mengin,  IJisl.  de  I'^gij^ite,  vol. 
iii.  Paris,  1839 ;  [Bui-ton,  K.  F.,  Pilgrimiye  to  El- 
Aftdinnk  and  Afeccali,  3  vol.,  Ixind.  1855-56; 
I'algrave,  W.  G.,  Jouiiiey  through  Central  and 
Eastern  Arabia,  2d  ed.,  2  vol.,  \jox\i.  1805;]  and 
for  Arabia  Petraea  and  Sinai,  Itobinson's  Biblical 
Researches;  Stanle3''8  Sinai  and  Palestine ;  Tucli's 
Essay  on  the  Sinaitic  Inscriptions,  in  the  Journal 
of  the  German  Oriental  Soc.  xiv.  129  ff.  Strabo, 
Ptolemy,  Diodorus  Sieulus,  Pliny,  and  the  minor 
geojrraphers,  should  also  be  consulted.  For  the 
manners  and  customs  of  the  Arabs,  Purckhardt's 
Notes  on  the  Bedimins  ami  Wahabys,  8vo,  1831; 
and  for  Arab  life  in  its  widest  sense,  Mr.  Lane's 
Notes  on  the  Thousnid  and  One  Nights,  ed.  1838 ; 
and  his  Modei-n  Egyptians,  ed.  1842  [new  ed. 
I860]. 

The  most  important  native  works  are,  with  two 
exceptions,  still  untranslated,  and  but  few  of  them 
are  eflited.  Abu-1-Fidii's  Hist.  Anteislamica  has 
been  edited  and  translated  by  Heischer,  IJps.  1831 ; 
and  El-Idreesee's  6reo//;v(/}//y  translated  by  Jaubert, 
and  published  in  the  Recueil  de  Voyages  et  de  Me- 
moires,  by  tlie  Geogr.  Soc.  of  Paris,  1836;  of  those 
which  have  been,  or  are  in  course  of  being  edited, 
are  Yilkoot's  Homonymous  Geographical  Diction- 
ary, entitled  El-Mushtarak  WiuPan,  wn-l-Muf- 
iarak  Sak'an,  ed.  Wiistenfeld,  Got.  1845;  the 
Mardsid  el-Jttildn,  probably  an  abridgment  by 
an  unknown  hand  of  his  larger  geogr.  diet,  called 
the  Moajam,  ed.  .fuynboll.  Lug.  Bat.  1852-4;  the 
Histories  of  Mekkeh,  ed.  Wiistenfeld,  and  now 
publisliing  by  the  German  Oriental  Society;  and 
Ibn-lvJialdoon's  Prolegomena,  etl.  Quatrem^re,  i. 
[-iii.]  Paris,  1858  [in  the  Notices  et  Extraits  ues 
Manuscrits,  xvi.  pt.  1,  xvii.  pt.  1,  xviii.  pt.  1; 
trans,  into  French,  with  notes,  by  Slane,  Parts  1, 
2,  Paris,  1863-65.]  Of  those  in  jNIS.,  besides  the 
indispensable  works  of  the  Arab  lexicographers,  we 
would  especially  mention  Ibn-Khaldoon's  J/istm-y 
of  the  Andis ;  the  Khareedet  el^AjdVj  of  Ibn-El- 
M'ardee;  the  Mir-dt  ez-Zemdn  of  Ibn-El-Jozee; 
the  Murooj  edh-Dhahab  of  FJ-Mes'oodee ;  Yakoot's 
Moajam  el-Buldiin ;  the  Kitdb-el-Aghdnee  of  El- 
Isfahiuiee;  and  the '/w/ of  El-Kurtubee. 

E.  S.  P. 

ARA'BIAN,  THE  ("Sn^n,  Neh.  ii.  19, 

ri.  1:  5  'Apo/3i  [Vat.  -/8et] :  Arabs:  "^S^^,  Is. 
tiii.  2;);  Jer.  iii.  2:  "Apa^ey:  Arabes);  Arabians, 

viiE  (n^s^3"Tyn,  2  chr.  xvu.  11 ;  n^nnyn, 

it  Chr.  xxi.  16,  xxii.  1,  xxvi.  7  {Ken);  Neh.  iv.  7): 
ofApufies-  Arabes).  The  nomadic  tribes  inhab- 
iting the  country  to  the  east  and  south  of  Palestine, 
who  in  the  early  times  of  Hebrew  history  were 
known  as  Ishmaelites  and  descendants  of  Keturah. 
Their  roving  pastoral  life  in  the  desert  is  alluded  to 
In  Is.  xiii.  ^0 ;  Jer.  iii.  2 ;  2  Mace.  xii.  11;  their 
Jouwtry  is  associated  with  the  country  of  the  De- 
lanim  the  travelling  merchants  (Is.  xxi.  13)  w<th 


AIIAH 

Dedan,  Tenia,  and  Buz  (Jer.  xxv.  24;,  and  with 
Dedan  and  Ke<lar  (Ez.  xxvii.  21),  all  of  which  are 
supposed  to  have  occupied  the  northern  part  of  tbi 
peninsula  later  known  as  Arabia.  During  the  pros- 
perous reign  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  Arabians,  in  con- 
junction with  the  Philistines,  were  tributary  tc 
Judah  (2  Chr.  xvii.  11),  but  in  the  reign  of  his 
successor  they  revolted,  ravaged  the  country,  plun- 
dered the  royal  palace,  slew  all  the  king's  sons  with 
the  exception  of  the  youngest,  and  carried  off  the 
royal  harem  (2  Chr.  xxi.  16,  xxii.  1).  The  Ara- 
bians of  Gur-baal  were  again  subdued  by  Uzziah 
(2  Chr.  xxvi.  7).  During  the  Captivity  they  appear 
to  have  spread  over  the  country  of  Palestine,  for  on 
the  return  from  Babylon  they  were  among  the  fore- 
most in  hindering  Neheraiah  in  his  work  of  resto- 
ration, and  plotted  with  the  Ammonites  and  others 
for  that  end  (Neh.  iv.  7).  Geshern,  or  Gashmu, 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  opposition,  was  of  this 
race  (Neh.  ii.  19,  vii.  1).  In  later  times  the  Ara- 
bians served  under  Timotheus  in  his  struggle  with 
Judas  Maccaba>us,  but  were  defeated  (1  Mace.  v. 
39;  2  Mace.  xii.  10).  The  Zabadasans,  an  Arab 
tribe,  were  routed  by  Jonathan,  the  brother  and 
successor  of  Judas  (1  Mace.  xii.  31).  The  chieftain 
or  king  of  the  Arabians  bore  the  name  of  Aretas 
as  far  back  as  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
and  Ja.son  the  high-priest  (2  Mace.  v.  8;  comp.  2 
Cor.  xi.  32).  Zabdiel,  the  assassin  of  Alexander 
Balas  (1  Mace.  xi.  17),  and  Simsilcue,  who  brought 
up  Antiochus,  the  young  son  of  Alexander  (1  Mace, 
xi.  39),  afterwards  Antiochus  VI.,  were  both  Ara- 
bians, lu  the  time  of  the  N.  T.  the  term  appears 
to  have  been  used  in  the  same  manner  (Acts  ii.  11). 
[Arabia.]  VV.  A.  W. 

*  ARABIC  LANGUAGE.  Besides  the 
remarks  under  Arahia,  p.  142,  see  Shemitic 
Lanuuagks,  §§  20-24. 

*  ARABIC  VERSIONS.  [Versioks, 
Anciknt.] 

A'RAD  ("T"71?  [wild  ass] -.'npiiS;  Alex.  Ap«5; 
[Vat.  Clprip;  Comp.  Aid.  'ApdS-]  Arod).  A  Ben 
jamite,  son  of  lieriah,  who  drove  out  the  inhab- 
itants of  Gath  (1  Clu:.  viii.  15).  W.  A.  W. 

A'RAD  (T^?  [place  of  fugitives,  Fiirst]. 
'ApdS:  [Arad;  exc.  in  Josh.,  where  we  find]  'ASeo; 
[Vat.  A(pa0/3a(rjA.<aApa0;  Comp.  'Ape5:  //eder]), 
a  royal  city  of  the  Canaanites,  named  with  Ilomian 
and  Libnah  (Josh.  xii.  14).  The  wilderness  of 
Judah  was  to  "the  south  of  Arad"  (Judg.  i.  16). 
It  is  also  undoubtedly  named  in  Num.  xxi.  1  (comp. 
Homiah  in  ver.  3),  and  xxxiii.  40,  "the  (^anaanit* 
king  of  Arad,"  instead  of  the  reading  of  the  A.  V., 
"  king  Arad  the  Canaanite."  (See  the  translations 
of  Zunz,  De  Wette,  &c. )  It  is  mentioned  in  the 
Onomasticon  (s.  v.  "Xpafxa,  Arad,  'A5ep,  Asason 
Thamar)  as  a  city  of  the  Amorites,  near  the  desert 
of  Kaddes,  4  miles  from  Jlalatha  (Moladah),  and 
20  from  Hebron  This  agrees  with  the  conjecture 
of  Robinson,  who  identifies  it  with  a  hill.  Tell 
'Arad,  an  hour  and  a  half  N.  E.  by  E.  from  Milh 
(Moladah),  and  8  hours  from  Hebron  (Rob.  ii.  101, 
201,  202).  G. 

AR'ADUS  ("ApoSos:  Arados),  inchided  in 
the  list  of  places  to  which  the  decree  of  Lucius  the 
consul,  protecting  the  Jews  under  Simon  the  high- 
priest,  was  addressed  (1  Mace.  xv.  23).  'ITie  sami 
place  iW  Arvad.  G. 

A'RAH     (rr^M     [wayj'arer]  :    'Apo  :     Ar* 


ARAM 

[lataer, 'Op^X=  ^'■^^J^-  ■"•  An  Asherite,  of  the 
ions  of  UUa  (1  Chr.  vii.  39). 

2.  ([Ezr.]  ''Apes,  [Vat.  Hpa;  Neh.]  'Hpae, 
'Hpdi  Area.)  The  sons  of  Aruh  returned  with 
Zerubbabel,  in  number  775,  according  to  Ezr.  ii. 
6,  but  652  according  to  Neh.  vii.  10.  One  of  his 
descendants,  Shechaniah,  was  the  father-in-law  of 
Tobiah  the  Ammonite  (Neh.  vi.  18).  The  name 
ift  written  Akes  in  1  I'^dr.  v.  10.        W.  A.  W. 

A'RAM  C-"*^,  occasionally  with  the  definite 

article  Q^SH,  and  once  C  j!  probably  from  a 
root  signifying  heir/ht,  and  which  is  also  the  base 
of  "Ramaii"  (Gesenius,  p.  151;  Stanley,  p.  12t)), 
the  name  by  which  the  Hebrews  designated,  gen- 
erally, the  country  Ijang  to  the  northeast  of  Pal- 
estine;" the  great  mass  of  that  high  table-land 
which,  rising  with  sudden  abruptness  from  tlie  Jor- 
dan and  the  very  margin  of  the  lake  of  Gennesareth, 
stretches,  at  an  elevation  of  no  less  than  2000  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea,  to  the  banks  of  the 
Euphrates  itself,  contrasting  strongly  with  the  low 
land  bordering  on  the  Mediterranean,  the  '•  land  of 
Canaan,"  or  the  low  country  (Gen.  xxxi.  18,  xxxiii. 
18,  Ac).  Tliroughout  the  A.  V.  the  word  is,  with 
only  a  very  few  exceptions  [Num.  xxiii.  7,  Judg. 
ill.  10,  marg.],  rendered  as  in  the  Vulgate  and 
LXX.  —  SvKiA  [or  Syrians];  a  name  which,  it 
must  be  remembered,  includes  far  more  to  our  ears 
than  did  Aram  to  the  .Jews.     [Syria.] 

Its  earliest  occurrence  in  the  book  of  Genesis  is 

in  the  form  of  Aram-naharaim,  i.  e.  the  "  highland 

of  or  between   the  two  rivers"    (Gen.   xxiv.   10, 

A.  v.  "  Mesopotamia"),  but  in  several  succeedhig 

chapters,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  Pentateuch,  the 

word  is  used  without  any  addition,  to  designate  a 

dweller  in  Aram-naharaim  —  I^aban  or  Bethuel  — 

"  the  Aramite  "  (see  Gen.  xxv.  20,  xxviii.  2,  5,  xxxi. 

20,  24 ;  also  Judg.  iii.  10,  compared  with  8 ;   Deut. 

xxvi.  5,  compared  with  xxiii.  4,  and  Ps.  Lx.  title). 

Padan,   or   accurately   Paddan,    Aram    (^|    ^^^ 

"cultivated  highland,"  fix)m  paddah,  to  plough, 

(ies.  p.  1092;  Stanley,  p.  123,  note)  was  another 

designation  for  the  same   region   (Gen.   xxv.   20, 

ixnii.  2;  comp.  Hos.  xii.  12,  where  the  word  Sadth, 

nitZ7,  is,  perhaps,  equivalent  to  Paddan).     [Sa- 

DEH  ;    Padan    aram.]      A    tribe    of    Hittites 

{Khatte)  bearing  the  name  of  Patena  is  reported 

t^  have  been  met  with  in  the  inscriptions  of  Shal- 

mancser,  n.  c.  900-800.     They  then  occupied  the 

valley  of  the  Orontes,  and  the  country  eastward  as 

far  as  the  water-she(l  between  that  river  and  the 

('Euphrates.     The  latest  explorers  do  not  hesitate  to 

identify  this  name  with  Pa(lan-a.Ta.m  and  Batarma 

ur  Bashan  (Kawlinson's  Herodutus,  i.  463);  but  if 

this  be  correct,  the  conclusion  of  the  identity  of 

Padaii-aram  and  Mesopotamia  arrived  at  above  from 

»  comparison  of  the  statements  of  Scripture,  must 

e  modified. 

Later  in  the  history  we  meet  with  a  number  of 
sfjall  nations  or  kingdoms  forming  parts  of  the 
general  land  of  Aram :  —  1.  ^Vram-Zobah  (2  Sam. 

X..  6,  8),  or  simply  Zobah,  n2l!i  (1  Sam.  xiv.  47; 
2  Sam.  viii.  3;  1  Chr.  xviii.,  xix.)  [Zobah.]  2. 
Aram  Beth-rehob  (2  Sam.  x.  6),  or  Rehob.  ^^'^'^] 
(x.   8).     [Rehob.J     3.   Aram-maachah   (1   Chr. 


ARAM-NAHARATM 


146 


six.  6),  Jr  Maachah  oidy,  ^'"^Vp  (2  Sam.  x.  6). 
[Maachah.]  4.  Geshur,  "in  Aram"  (2  Sam. 
XV.  8),  usually  named  in  connection  with  Maachah 
(Deut.  iii.  14;  Josh.  xiii.  11,  13,  &c.).  [Geshur.] 
5.  Aram-Danunesek  (Damascus)  (2  Sam.  viii.  5, 
6;  1  Chr.  xviii.  5,  6).  The  whole  of  these  petty 
states  are  spoken  of  collectively  under  the  name  of 
"Aram"  (2  Sam.  x.  13),  but  as  Damascus  in- 
creased m  importance  it  gradually  absorbed  the 
smaller  powers  (1  K.  xx.  1),  and  the  name  of  Aram 
was  at  last  applied  to  it  alone  (Is.  vii.  8;  also  1  K 
xi.  25,  XV.  18,  Ac). 

It  is  difficiUt  to  believe,  from  the  narrative,  that 
at  the  time  of  David's  struggles  these  "  kingdoms  " 
were  anything  more  than  petty  tribes  located  round 
the  skirts  of  the  iwssessions  of  Gad  and  Manasseh. 
Some  writers,  however  (Kosenmiiller  and  Michaelis 
amongst  others),  have  attempted  to  show  that  their 
territory  extended  as  far  as  the  Euphrates  on  the 
one  hand  and  the  Mediterrane;in  (at  Berytus)  on 
the  other,  in  which  case  it  would  have  been  con- 
siderably larger  than  Palestine  itself.  This,  how- 
ever, will  be  best  examuied  under  the  separate 
heads,  including,  in  addition  to  those  already  no- 
ticed, IsH-TOB  and  Hamath. 

According  to  the  genealogical  table  in  Gen.  x., 
Aram  was  a  son  of  Shem,  and  his  brethren  were 
Elam,  Asshm-,  and  Arphaxad.  It  wiU  be  observed 
that  these  names  occur  in  regular  order  from  the 
east,  Aram  closing  the  list  on  the  borders  of  the 
"  western  sea." 

In  three  passages  Aram  would  seem  to  denote 
Ass)Tia  (2  K.  xviii.  26;  Is.  xxxvi.  11 ,  Jer.  xxxv. 

11)- 

In  2  K.  xvi.  6,  the  Syrians  ai'e  said  to  have 
come  to  Elath  (on  the  Red  Sea).  The  word  ren- 
dered Syrians  is  D'^TI^'ni^,  Aromim,  which  in  the 
Keri  is  corrected  to  Adomim,  Edoraites. 

In  2  Chr.  xxii.  5,  the  name  is  presented  in  a 

shortened   form   as   Ram,   D'^^'irT;    comp.    Job 

xxxii.  2. 

2.  [Supci:  SifvL]  Another  Aram  is  named  m 
Gen.  xxii.  21,  as  a  son  of  Kemuel,  and  descendant 
of  Nahor.  From  its  mention  with  Uz  and  Buz  it 
is  probably  identical  with  the  trilje  of  Ram,  to  the 
"kindred  "  of  which  belonged  "  Elihu,  the  son  of 
Barachel  the  Buzite,"  who  was  visiting  .Job  in  the 
land  of  Uz  (Job  xxxii.  2).  It  is  also  worthy  of 
notice  that  among  the  other  descendants  of  Nahor 
are  named  Tebach  (comp.  Tibhath,  1  Chr.  xix.  18), 
and  Maa«3h ;  so  that  the  tribe  was  possibly  or.e  of 
the  smaller  divisions  of  Aram  described  above. 


o. 

3.  ('Apa;u;  [Vat.  M.  n^aKaKapaf.]  Armn) 
An  Asherite,  one  of  the  sons  of  Shamer  (1  Chr 
vii.  34). 

4.  The  son  of  Esrom,  or  Hezron;  elsewhere 
called  Ram  (Matt.  i.  3,  4;  Luke  iii.  33). 

W.  A.  W. 

*  In  Luke,  Tisch.  with  Sin.  BZXF  reads  (in- 
stead of  ^Apdfi)  'ASfxflv,  Tov  'Apvel.  A. 

A'RAMITESS  (n;r2"nfr^  [2i5pa :  Syra]): 
i.  e.  a  female  inhabitant  of  Aram  (1  Chr.  vii.  14). 
In  other  passages  of  the  A.  V.  the  ethnic  of  Aram 
is  rendered  Syrian. 

a'ratyI-nahara'im    (c^n:    ens 


a  The  name  Aram  probably  appears  also  in  the  Ho-    84).     Comp.  Strab.  xvi.  785 ;  Grote,  History  of  Grteet, 
mtav  names  'Api'/AO'  (^'-  "•  ^^)  ^^'^  'Epejot^oi  {Od.  iv.  I  iii.  387. 
10 


146  ARAM-ZCliAH 

[Jram  of  the  tioo  riven] :  ^  tUtaroiroTania  tvplas' 
Meaopotamia  Stjriab).     (Ps.  be.  title.)     [AitAM  1.] 

w.  A.  \y. 

A'RAM-ZO'BAH  (n;i"l!J  L^S:  ^  2up(a 
%ofid\:  Sobcd).  (Ps.  Ix.  title.)  [Akaji  1  and 
ZOBAH.]  W.  A.  W. 

A'RANO'^S  livild  f/ont]:  Sam.  ITS:  'Apdv, 
[Alex.  Apafi.;  iu  1  Clir.  Appav  (and  so  Vat.):] 
Aran,  Aram),  name  of  a  Horite  (Gen.  xxxvi.  28; 
1  Chr.  i.  42). 

AR'ARAT  (li'^'i^S:  'Apapt^r:  Ararat),  a 
mountainous  district  of  Asia  mentioned  in  the 
Bible  iu  connection  with  the  following  evento:  — 
(1.)  As  the  resting-place  of  the  ark  after  the  Deluge 
(Gon.  viii.  4,  "  upon  the  mountains  of  Ararat,"  A. 
v.,  mjper  moults  Armenice,  Vulg.):  (2.)  As  the 
isyliim  of  the  sons  of  Sennacherib  (2  K.  six.  37 ; 
Is.  xxxvii.  38;  the  LXX.  have  us  Apfiti-iav  in  the 
latter,  and  the  Vulg.  in  terrani  Armeniorum  in  tiie 
forraer  passage;  A.  V.  lias  in  botli  "the  land  of 
Art-^nia"):  (3.)  A?  the  ally,  and  probably  the 
neighbor,  of  jNIiinii  and    Ashclienaz  (.ler.   li.   27). 


ARARAT 

I  [Armenia.]     In  Gen.  xl.  2  we  have  appu«utl^ 
an  indication  of  lis  position  as  eastward  of  Mbsopo- 

tamia  (Dlf^p,  "from  the  east,"  A.  V.),  whence 

Bohlen  (Jntrod.  to  Gen.  ii.  139)  identifies  Ararat 
witli  Aryavarta,  [a  Sanskrit  name  =]  the  "  holy 
land  "  iu  the  nortii  of  Hindostan ;  but  the  Hebrew 
is  more  correctly  translated  in  the  margin,  an 
also  in  Gen.  xiii.  11,  eastward  (Gesen.  Thes.  p. 
305),  the  writer,  as  it  would  seem,  describing  the 
position  of  Mesopotamia  in  reference  to  his  own 
country,  rather  than  to  Ararat. 

The  name  Ararat  was  unknown  to  the  geog- 
raphers of  Greece  and  Rome,  as  it  still  is  to  the 
Armenians  of  the  present  day ;  but  that  it  was  an 
indigenous  and  an  ajicient  name  for  a  portion  of 
Armenia,  appears  fi"om  the  statement  of  Moses  of 
Chorene,  wlio  gives  .iVrai-atia  as  the  designation 
of  the  central  province,  and  connects  the  name  witli 
an  historical  event  reputed  to  have  occurred  a.  C. 
1750  (Ilistor.  Armen.  Whiston,  p.  361).  Jerome 
identified  it  with  the  plaui  of  the  Araxes.  It 
would,  however,  be  more  correct  to  consider  the 
name  in  its  HibUcal  sense  as  descriptive  genftralJy 


AiBzmt. 


of  the  Armenian  highlands  —  the  lofty  plateau 
which  overlooks  the  plain  of  the  Araxes  on  the  N., 
tnd  of  Mesopotamia  on  the  S.  We  shall  pres- 
ently notice  the  characteristics  of  this  remarkable 
r^on,  which  adapted  it  to  become  the  cradle  of 
the  human  race  and  the  central  spot  whence,  after 
the  Deluge,  the  nations  were  to  radiate  to  different 
quarters  of  the  world.  It  is,  however,  first  neces- 
eary  to  notice  briefly  the  opinions  put  forth  as  to 
'.he  spot  where  the  ark  rested,  as  dcscril)ed  in  Gen. 
viii.  4,  although  all  such  speculations,  from  the  in- 
dofirJteness  of  the  account,  cannot  lead  to  any  cer- 
tain result.  Berosus  the  Chaldaean,  contemporary 
*ith  Alexander  the  (ireat,  fixes  the  spot  on  the 
mountains  of  Kurdistan  {nphs  T<f  upei  rwv  Kop- 
Svaiuv,  Joseph.  Ant.  i.  3,  §  6),  which  form  the 
loutheni  frontier  of  Annenia.  His  opinion  is  fol- 
jowed  by  the  Syriac  and  Chaldee  versions,  which 

give  ^T^r  as  the  equiva'ent  for  Ararat  in  Gen. 

ciii.  4,  and  in  a  later  age  by  tlie  Koran.  Tradition 
itil!  points  to  the  Jebtl  Jwli  as  the  scene  of  the 


event,  and  maintains  the  belief,  as  stated  by  Ben>3U8, 
that  fragments  of  the  ark  exist  on  its  summit.  The 
selection  of  this  range  was  natural  to  an  inhabitant 
of  tlie  Mesopotamian  plain ;  for  it  presents  an  ap- 
parently insurmountable  barrier  on  that  side,  hem- 
ming in  the  valley  of  the  Tigris  witli  abrupt  de- 
clivities so  closely  that  only  during  the  summer 
months  is  any  passage  afforded  between  the  moun- 
tain and  river  (Ainsworth's  Travels  in  tlie  Track 
of  the  Ten  Thojisnnd,  p.  1.54).  Josephus  also 
quotes  Nicolaus  Damascenus  to  the  effect  that  a 
mountain  named  Baris,  beyond  Minyas,  was  the 
spot.  This  has  been  identified  with  Varaz,  a 
mountain  mentioned  by  St.  Martin  (Afem.  mr 
I'Armenie,  i.  265)  as  rising  to  the  N.  of  Lake  Van ; 
but  the  only  important  moimtain  in  the  position 
indicated  is  described  by  recent  travellers  under  the 
name  Stiban  Tayh,  and  we  are  therefore  inclined 
to  accept  the  emendation  of  Sclu-oeder,  who  pro- 
poses to  read  McCcij,  the  indigenous  name  of  Afount 
Ararat,  for  Bdpis.  That  the  scene  of  an  'tvent  so 
deeply  Interestmg  to  mankind   had  even  at  that 


ARARAT 

early  age  been  transferred,  as  was  natural,  to  the 
loftiest  and  most  imposing  mountain  in  the  district, 
appears  ^cm  tlie  statement  of  Josephus  {Ant.  i.  3, 
§  5),  that  the  spot  where  Noah  left  the  ark  had 
received  a  name  descriptive  of  that  event,  which  he 
readers  'ATro/Sar^piof,  and  which  seems  identical 
with  Niic/i(/jtvaH,  on  the  banks  of  the  Araxes.  To 
this  neighborhood  all  the  associations  connected 
with  Xoah  are  now  assignee  by  the  native  Armen- 
ians, and  their  opinion  has  been  so  far  indorsed  by 
Europeans  that  they  have  given  the  name  Ararat 
exdusivelv  to  the  mouritain  which  is  called  Massts 
by  the  Ai'menians,  Ayri-Dif/ii,  i.  e.  Steep  Mountain, 
by  the  Turks,  and  Kuh-i-Nuh,  i.  e.  Noah's  Moun- 
tain, by  the  Persians.  It  rises  immediately  out  of 
ihe  plain  of  the  Araxes,  and  terminates  in  two 
conical  peaks,  named  the  Great  and  I^ss  Ararat, 
about  seven  miles  distant  from  each  other,  the 
former  of  which  attains  an  elevation  of  17,260  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea  and  about  14,000  above 
the  plain  of  the  Araxes,  while  the  latter  is  lower 
by  4000  feet.  The  summit  of  the  higher  is  covered 
with  eternal  snow  for  about  3000  feet  of  perjien- 
dicular  height.  That  it  is  of  volcanic  origin,  is 
evidenced  by  the  immense  masses  of  Liva,  cinders, 
and  porphyry  with  which  the  middle  region  is 
covered.  A  deep  cleft  on  its  northern  side  has  been 
regarded  as  the  site  of  its  crater,  and  this  cleft  was 
the  scene  of  a  terrible  catastrophe  which  occurred 
July  2,  1840,  when  the  village  of  Arguri  and  the 
Monastery  of  St.  James  were  buried  beneath  the 
debris  brought  down  from  the  upper  heights  by  a 
violent  earthquake.  Clouds  of  reddish  smoke  and 
a  strong  smell  of  sulphur,  which  pervaded  the 
neighborhood  after  the  earthquake,  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  the  volcanic  powers  of  the  mountain  are 
not  altogether  dormant.  The  summit  of  Ararat 
was  long  deemed  uiaccessible,  and  the  Armenians 
still  cling  to  this  belief.  It  was  first  ascended  in 
1829  by  Parrot,  who  approached  ''t  from  the  N.  W. 
He  describes  a  secondary  summit  about  400  yards 
distant  from  the  highest  point,  and  on  the  gentle 
depression  which  connects  the  two  eminences  he 
surmises  that  the  ark  rested  {Journey  to  Ararat, 
p.  179).  The  region  immediately  below  the  limits 
of  perpetual  snow  is  barren  and  mivisited  by  beast 
or  bird.  AVagner  {Reise,  p.  185)  describes  the  si- 
lence and  soUtude  tliat  reign  there  as  quite  over- 
powering. Aryuri,  the  only  village  known  to  have 
been  built  on  its  slopes,  was  the  spot  where,  accord- 
ing to  tradition,  Noah  planted  his  vineyard.  Lower 
down,  in  the  plain  of  Ai-axes,  is  Nachdjevan,  where 
the  patriarch  is  reputed  to  have  been  buried. 

Keturning  to  the  broader  signification  we  have 
assigned  to  the  term  "  the  mountains  of  Ararat," 
aa  coextensive  with  the  Armenian  plateau  fiom  the 
base  of  Ararat  hi  the  N.  to  the  range  of  Kurdistan 
in  the  S.,  we  notice  the  following  characteristics  of 
Ihiit  region  as  illustrating  the  Bible  narrative :  — 
(1.)  Its  elevation.  It  rises  as  a  rocky  island  out 
of  a  sea  of  plain  to  a  height  of  from  6000  to  7000 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  presenting  a  surface 
of  extensive  plains,  whence,  as  from  a  fresh  base, 
jpring  important  and  lofty  mountain-ranges,  having 
1  generally  parallel  direction  from  E.  to  W.,  and 
ijonnected  with  each  other  by  transverse  ridges  of 
moderate  height.  (2.)  Its  geographical  position. 
The  Armenian  plateau  stands  equidistant  from  the 
fuxnie  and  the  Casj^an  seas  on  the  N.,  and  be- 
,wecn  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the  ^lediterranean  ou 
Aie  S.  With  the  first  it  is  connectecf  by  the 
^caupsis,  with  the  seconl  by  the  Ai-axes,  vith  the 


ARARAT  147 

third  by  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  the  latter  of 
which  also  serves  as  an  outlet  towards  the  coimtriea 
on  the  JNIediten-anean  coast.  These  seas  were  Uie 
high  roads  of  primitive  colonization,  and  the  plauia 
watered  by  these  rivers  were  the  seats  of  the  most 
powerful  nations  of  antiquity,  tlie  Assyrians,  the 
Babylonians,  the  Medes,  and  the  Colclians.  Viewxl 
with  reference  to  the  dispersion  of  the  nations, 
Armenia  is  the  true  6ij.<pa\6s  of  the  world,  and 
it  is  a  significant  fact  that  at  the  present  day  Ararat 
is  the  great  boundary-stone  between  the  empires 
of  Russia,  Turkey,  and  Persia.  (3.)  Its  physical 
formation.     The  ^^m.;nian  plateau  is  the  result  of 

volcanic  agencies:  the  piauis  as  well  as  the  u., .i- 

tains  supply  evidence  of  this.  Armenia,  however, 
differs  materially  from  other  regions  of  similar 
geological  formation,  as,  for  uistance,  th«i  neighbor- 
ing range  of  Caucasus,  inasmuch  as  it  does  not  rise 
to  a  sharp,  well-defined  central  crest,  but  expands 
into  plauis  or  steppes,  separated  by  a  graduated 
series  of  subordinate  ranges.  Wagner  {Rtise,  p. 
263)  attributes  this  pecuUarity  to  the  longer  period 
during  which  the  volcanic  power's  were  at  work, 
and  the  room  afforded  for  the  expansion  of  the 
molten  masses  into  the  suiTounding  districts.  The 
result  of  this  expansion  is  that  Armenia  is  far  more 
accessible,  both  from  without  and  within  its  own 
Umits,  than  other  districts  of  similar  elevation. 
The  passes,  though  high,  are  comparatively  easy, 
and  there  is  no  district  which  is  shut  out  from 
communication  with  its  neighbors.  The  fall  of 
the  gromid  ui  the  centre  of  the  plateau  is  not  de- 
cided in  any  direction,  as  is  demonstrated  by  the 
early  courses  of  the  rivers  —  the  Araxes,  which 
flows  into  the  Caspian,  rising  westward  of  either 
branch  of  the  Euphrates,  and  taking  at  first  a 
northerly  direction  —  the  Euphrates,  which  flows  to 
the  S.,  rising  northward  of  the  Araxes,  and  taking 
a  westerly  direction.  (4.)  The  climate  is  severe. 
Winter  lasts  from  October  to  May,  and  is  suc- 
ceeded by  a  brief  sprmg  and  a  summer  of  intense 
heat.  The  contrast  between  the  plateau  and  the 
adjacent  countries  is  striking.  In  April,  when  the 
Mesopotamian  plains  are  scorched  with  heat,  and 
ou  the  Euxine  shore  the  azalea  and  rhododendron 
are  in  bloom,  the  Armenian  plains  ai"e  still  covered 
with  snow;  and  in  the  early  part  of  September  it 
freezes  keenly  at  night.  (5.)  The  vegetation  is 
more  varied  and  productive  than  the  climate  would 
lead  us  to  expect.  Trees  are  not  found  on  the 
plateau  itself,  but  grass  grows  luxuriantly,  and 
furnishes  abundant  pasture  during  the  summer 
months  to  the  flocks  of  the  nomad  Kurds.  Wheat 
and  barley  ripen  at  far  higher  altitudes  than  on  the 
Alps  and  the  Pyrenees:  the  volcanic  nature  of  the 
soil,  the  abundance  of  w»rter,  and  the  extreme  heat 
of  the  short  summer  bring  the  harvest  to  maturity 
with  wonderful  speed.  At  Erz-rum,  more  than 
6000  feet  above  the  sea,  the  crops  appear  above 
ground  in  the  middle  of  June,  and  are  ready  for 
the  sickle  before  the  end  of  August  (Wagner,  p. 
255).  The  vine  ripens  at  about  5000  feet,  while  in 
Juirope  its  limit,  even  south  of  the  Alps,  is  about 
2650  feet. 

The  general  result  of  these  obsen-ations  as  bear- 
ing upon  the  Biblical  narrative  would  be  to  show 
that,  while  the  elevation  of  the  Armenian  plateau 
constitutefi  it  the  natural  resting-pla;e  of  the  ark 
after  the  Deluge,  its  geographical  position  and  its 
physicax  character  secured  an  impartial  dL=tribution 
of  lue  families  of  mankind  to  the  various  (juarterB 
of  fc*"*  world.     The  climate  furnished  a  powerful 


148  ARARATH 

jiducemenl.  to  seek  the  more  tempting  regions  on 
kU  sides  of  it.  At  the  same  time  the  character  of 
the  vegetation  wsw  remarkably  adapt^Kl  to  the  iio- 
ttiad  state  in  which  we  may  conceive  tlie  early 
Keuerations  of  Noah's  descendants  to  have  hved. 

W.  L.  B. 

AR'ARATH  {'Apapde;  Alex.  [FA.]  Apapar). 
Ararat  (Tob.  i.  21;  comp.  2  K.  xix.  37). 

W.  A.  W. 

ARAU'NAH  Cnai'N:  'OpA'-  Areuna),  a 
Jebusite  wiio  sold  his  threshing-floor  on  Mount 
Moriah  to  David  as  a  site  for  an  altar  to  .Jehovah, 
together  with  his  oxen,  for  50  shekels  of  silver  (2 
Sam.  xxiv.  18-24),  or  (according  to  1  Chr.  xxi.  25) 
for  600  shekels  of  gold  by  weight.  From  the 
expression  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  2."5)  "these  things  did 
Aramiah,  the  king,  give  unto  the  king,"  it  has  been 
uiferred  that  he  wjis  one  of  the  roysd  race  of  the 
Jebusites.    His  name  is  variously  written  in  various 

places:    n3"11Sn    (2    Sam.    xxiv.   16);    rP^T^S 

(xxiv.  18);  "JpnS  (1  Chr.  xxi.  15  ff.;  2  Chr.  iii. 
1).     [Oknan.]  ■ ""  K.  W.  B. 

ARTJA  (2721S,  hero  of  Baal,  so  Furst,  for 

brans, Ukebsn«:  ['Ap7(J3,]  'Apfi6K;  [Alex. 
Ap0o,  Ap$eK ;  Comp.  'Ap^al  ;  Aid.  'Ap$6, 
'ApjSe':]  Arbe),  the  progenitor  of  the  Anaki.m,  or 
sons  of  Anak,  from  whom  their  chief  city  Heuuon 
received  its  name  of  Kirjath  Arba  (Josh.  xiv.  15, 
XV.  13,  xxi.  11).    [See  also  Aubah.]    F.  W.  G. 

ARTBAH  (^^anS  [four]  :  rh  TreSloV.  Arbtt). 
"  The  city  of  Arbah  "  is  always  rendered  elsewhere 
Hebron,  or  Kikjatii-Akba  (Gen.  xxxv.  27).    The 

LXX.  appear  to  have  read,  nn"!^  ''arabah. 

W.  A.  W. 
*In  Josh.  xxi.  11  the  A.  V.,  ed.  1611,  reads 
"the  citie  of  ArbaA,"  niarg.  "  Kiriath-arbah  " 
(Kaptadap$6K;  Vat.  KapaOupfioK'-  Cariatharbe). 
In  Josh.  XV.  13  the  A.  V.  translates  "  the  city  of 
Arba,"  marg.  "  Kiriath-arba."  A. 

AR'BATHITE,  THE  OOnirrT:  [in  1 
Clir.]  d  rapa$aiei;  [Vat.  -0ei;  Alex.  2apa0fe0fi; 
FA.  rapa^eO;  Comp.  'Apa^aOi;  Aid.  'Apu^fdi; 
in  2  Sam.  all  different:]  Arbnthites),  i.  e.  a  native 
of  the  Arabah  or  G/ior.  Abialbon  the  A.  was  one 
of  David's  30  mighty  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  31 ;  1 
Chr.  xi.  32). 

ARBATTIS  Up  'Apfidrrois',  [Sin.  Apfia- 
yois;]  Alex.  Ap^aKTOis  [and  so  Sin.'a] :  Arbatis), 
\  district  of  Palestine  named  in  1  Mace.  v.  23  only. 
Ewald's  conjecture  {Gtschichte,  iv.  359,  no^s) 
grounded  on  tlie  reading  of  the  Peshito  Syriac 

(•-jj-^?'),  Ard  Hot)  ifl  that  the  district  N.  of 
the  sea  of  Galilee,  part  of  which  is  still  called  Ard 
el-Batihah,  is  here  intended.     But  it  seems  at  least 


u  Tne  Arbela  of  Alexander  the  Great  is  called  Irbil 
by  the  Arabic  historians  (Rob.  ii.  899).  The  change 
.)f  /  to  d  is  not  unfrequent.  Moreover,  the  present 
IrbifJ  is  undoubtedly  mentioned  in  the  Talmud  as 
Arbel  (see  Schwarz,  p.  189 ;  Belaud,  p.  358 ;  Bob.  iU. 
M3.  note' 

b  So  Irby  (p.  ai).  Robinson,  on  the  contrary,  says 
hat  the  ruins  are  on  the  brow  overlooking  the  chasm 
?f  t'j"  wady.  [Thomson  (Land  and  Book,  ii.  114) 
l»vj  yit  s>u>e.  —  II.] 

r  Cjr.a'  f  i:pgested  in  the  Milnclifner  Gel.  Anzeigen, 
S'/^  't'3^..  iflJ  eiigerlj'  laid  hold  of  by  Robinson. 


ARBONAI 

equally  probable  that  the  word  h  inertly  a  corrup 
tion  of  '  AKpaparivri,  the  province  or  toparchj 
which  lay  l)etween  Neapolis  and  Jericho  (Iteland, 
p.  192;  Joseph.  B.  J.  iii.  3,  §§  4,  5,  Ac).       G. 

ARBE'LA  (eV  'Apfir]\ois-  in  Arbtllis),  men- 
tioned in  the  Bible  only  in  1  Mace.  ix.  2,  and 
there  oidy  as  defining  the  situation  of  Masaloth,  a 
place  besieged  and  taken  by  Bacchides  and  Alci- 
mus  at  the  opening  of  the  camjjaign  in  which  Ju- 
das Maccabaius  was  killed.  According  to  Josephus 
{Ant.  xii.  11,  §  1)  this  was  at  Arbela  of  Galilee, 
(V  'ApfiriKois  ir6\ei  rrji  FaKiKaias,  a  place  which 
he  elsewhere  states  to  he  near  SepphorLs,  on  tht 
lake  of  Gennesareth,  and  remarkable  for  certain 
impregnable  caves,  the  resort  of  robliers  and  insur- 
gents, and  the  scene  of  more  than  one  desperate  en  ■ 
counter  (comp.  Ant.  xiv.  15,  §§  4,  5;  B.  J.  i.  16, 
§§  2,  3 ;  ii.  20,  §  6 ;  Vita,  §  37).  These  topograph- 
ical requirements  are  fully  met  by  the  existing  Ir- 
bii.1, "  a  site  with  a  few  ruins,  west  of  Medjel,  on 
the  southeast  side  of  tlie  Wmly  IJaimm,  in  a 
small  plain  at  the  foot  *  of  the  hill  of  Kurun  Hat- 
tin.  The  caverns  are  in  the  opposite  face  of  the 
ravine,  and  heai  the  name  of  Kula'at  Ibn  Maan 
(I{ob.  ii.  398;  Burckh.  p.  331;  Irby,  p.  91). 

There  seems  no  reason  to  doubt  the  soundness 
of  this  identification.'-  The  army  of  Bacchides  was 
on  its  road  from  Antioch  to  the  land  of  Judaea 
{yriv  'Iov5a),  which  they  were  approaching  '-by 
the  way  that  leadeth  to  Galgala"  (Gilgal),''  that  is 
by  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  in  tlie  direct  line  to 
which  Irbid  lies.«  F^wald,  however  (Gescliichle,  iv. 
370,  note),  insists,  in  opposition  to  Josephus,  that 
the  engagements  of  this  campaign  were  confined  to 
Judaja  proper,  a  theory  which  drives  him  to  con- 
sider "  Galgala  "  as  the  JUj'dia  north  of  Gophna. 
[GiLGAL.]  But  he  admits  that  no  ti"ace  of  an 
Arbela  in  that  direction  has  yet  come  to  light. 

Arbela  may  be  the  Bkth-aubel  of  Hos.  x.  14, 
but  there  is  nothing  to  ensure  it.  G. 

ARBI'TE,  THE  ("^nSH  :  de  Arbi).  Fa- 
arai  the  Arbite,  was  one  of  David's  guard  (2  Sam. 
xxiii.  35).  The  word,  according  to  Gesenius  ( Thes. 
p.  145)  [and  Fiirst,  i.  133],  signifies  a  native  of 
Akab.  In  the  parallel  hst  of  Chronicles,  it  is 
given  as  Ben-Ezbai,  by  a  change  in  letters  not  im- 
frequently  occurring.  [Ezbai.]  The  LXX.  ver- 
sion, Ovpaiofpxi,  is  very  corrupt.  [Comp.,  how- 
ever, reads  6  'Apfil;  Alex,  o  Apox«'e«-  —  A-] 
(See  Kennicott,  l>isstrt.  on  2  Sam.  xxiii.  p.  210.) 

G. 

ARBO'NAI  ['A/3p«i/as;  Sin.XejSpwj/;  Comp. 
'Ap/Son/af ;  Aid.  'Ap^ovaC-  Mambre],  Jud.  ii.  24. 

*  It  is  called  there  a  "river"  (A.  V.),  on  the 
banks  of  which  were  "high  cities"  destroyed  bj 
HoLX)i''ERNKS  in  his  desolating  march  toward  tht 
country  of  the  Jews.     [Abkonas.] 

Volkmar  {Handb.  d.  Eird.  in  die  Apoa:  L 
190,  195)  adopts  with  some  modification  the  con* 


d  Some  MSS.  and  the  Important  version  of  the  Sy- 
riac Peshito  read  "  Gilead  ;"  in  which  case  the  Arbela 
beyond  Jordan  must  be  thought  of.  But  it  is  harCuj 
likely  that  Josephus  would  be  inaccurate  in  his  topog. 
raphy  of  a  part  of  the  country  which  be  knew  s* 
thoroughly. 

e  The  importance  ot  the  Wady  Hani&m  in  a  mik 
tary  point  of  view,  as  commanding  the  great  north, 
road,  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  and  the  uiiportant  springs  is 
the  plain  of  Gennesareth,  is  not  lost  sight  of  by  Wilsoi 
(Lands  of  the  Bible,  in  Bitter,  Jordan,  p  828). 


AROHELAU&* 

jecture  of  Movers  respecting  this  name.  He  supn 
poses  iw\  xeijucf^^ou  'A^pecva  (tLe  best  supported 

reading)  to  represent  the  Hebrew  "injn"*'"^!?^, 
"  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,"  namely,  the  Eu- 
phrates. The  final  "^  in  ^"1337  being  written  long 
like  T  was  easily  converted  into  3,  as  in  Jud.  ii.  28 

^3!^,  Accho,  is  represented  by  'Oiciva.  The 
"  high  cities  "  referred  to  he  supposes  to  be  Baby- 
lon, SeJeucia,  Ctesiphon,  and  others  in  their  neigh- 
borhood, citing  Eutropius  viii.  3,  and  Dion  Cassius 
Ixviii.  28,  in  accordance  with  his  theory  that  the 
passage  relates  to  the  conquests  of  Trajan  [Ju- 
dith]. A. 

ARCHELA'TJS  ('Apx*Aaos  Irukr  of  the 
people]:  Arcltelaus:  in  the  Talmud,  DT7''p"'S, 
■on  of  Herod  the  Grea^,  by  a  Samaritan  woman, 
Malthake  (Joseph.  Ant.  xvii.  1,  §  3;  B.  J.  i.  28, 
§  4),  and,  with  his  brother  Antipas,  brought  up  at 
Rome  (id.  B.  J.  i.  31,  §  1).  At  the  death  of 
Herod  (b.  c.  4) »  his  kingdom  waa  divided  between 
hia  three  sons,  Herod  Antipas,  Archelaus,  and 
Philip.  Archelaus  received  the  half,  containing 
Idumea,  Judaea,  Samaria,  and  the  cities  on  the 
coast,  with  600  talents'  income  (Joseph.  Ant.  xvii. 
11,  §  4).  With  one  party  among  the  Jews  he  was 
popular:  another  complained  against  him,  but  in 
vain,  to  Augustus  (id.  Ant.  xvii.  11,  1).  He  never 
properly  had  the  title  of  king  {^aaiXeis)  assigned 
to  him  (Matt.  ii.  22),  but  only  that  of  idpdpxv^ 
(ibid. ) ;  so  that  the  former  word  must  be  taken  as 
loosely  used.  In  the  10th  year  of  his  reign  (Jo- 
seph, xvii.  13,  §  2,  m.  1),  or  the  9th  (B.  J.  ii.  7, 
§  3),  according  to  Dion  Cass.  (xv.  27)  in  the  con- 
sulship of  M.  ^mil.  I^pidus  and  L.  Arruntius, 
>'.  e.  A.  D.  6,  a  complaint  was  preferred  by  his 
brothers  and  his  subjects  against  him  on  the  ground 
of  his  tyranny,  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  de- 
posed and  banished  to  Vienne  in  Gaul  (Joseph. 
Ant.  xvii.  13,  §  2;  B.  J.  ii.  7,  §  3),  where  he  is 
generally  said  to  have  died.  But  Jerome  ( Onomast. 
8.  V.  Btthlehem)  relates  that  he  was  shown  the  sep- 
ulchre of  Archelaus  near  that  toMm.  If  so,  he  must 
have  returned  as  a  private  man  to  Judaea,  and  there 
have  died.  The  parents  of  our  Ix)rd  turned  aside 
from  fear  of  him  on  their  way  back  from  Egypt, 
and  went  to  Nazareth  in  Galilee,  in  the  domain  of 
his  gentler  brother  Antipas.  He  seems  to  have 
been  guilty  of  great  cruelty  and  oppression.  Jo- 
sephus  relates  {Ant.  xvii.  9,  §  3;  B.  J.  ii.  1,  3) 
that  he  put  to  death  3000  Jews  in  the  temple  not 
long  after  his  accession.  This  cruelty  was  exer- 
cised not  only  towards  Jews,  but  towards  Samari- 
ums also  (Joseph.  B.  J.  ii.  7,  §  3).  Archelaus 
wedded  illegally  (rod  irarplov  irapaPdo-iv  iroi-q- 
atxfiivos.  Ant.  xvii.  13,  §  2)  Glaphyra,  the  former 
wife  of  his  brother  Alexander,  who  had  had  chil- 
di-en  by  her.  (There  is  no  reason  for  saying  with 
Wvner  that  Archelaus  had  children  by  her:  he  has 
ipparently  mistaken  J?8epbu3's  ^|  o§  koI  reKva  ?iv 
nvrfi,  where  o5  refers  to  Alexander,  not  to  Arche- 
♦lus'.)  H.  A. 

ARCHERY.     [Akms.] 

AR'CHEVITES     (S'llSIM :     'ApxvaTor, 


ARCHITECTURE 


149 


[Vat.  ApxoviTi:]  Erchtwei,  Vulg.)  perhaps  the  iu- 
habitants  of  ICkecit,  some  of  whom  had  been  place<l 
as  colonists  in  Samaria  (I'jsr.  iv.  9).      W.  L.  B. 

AR'CHI  CSIWH:  Archi),  Josh.  xvi.  2. 
[Archite.] 

ARCHIP'PUS  ("Apxiinros  [master  of  tht' 
hoist]  :  Archip/ms),  a  Christian  teacher  in  Colossae, 
called  by  St.  Paul  his  ffwffrpari<iTi)s  (Philem.  2). 
As  the  epistle,  which  concerns  a  j)rivate  matter,  is 
addressed  to  him  jointly  with  Philemon  and  Ap- 
phia,  and  as  "the  church  in  their  house"  is  also 
addressed,  it  seems  necessary  to  infer  that  he  was  a 
member  of  Philemon's  family.  He  had  received 
(Col.  iv.  17)  a  ^MKovla  in  the  I^rd,  and  was  ad- 
monished to  take  heed  to  it  that  he  fulfill  it.  Je- 
rome, Theodoret,  and  Qicumenius,  suppose  him  to 
have  been  overseer  of  the  church  at  Colossae. 
Others  believe  him  to  have  been  a  teacher  at  Lao- 
dicea  {Const.  Apostol.  vii.  46;  Theodoret  ad  Col. 
iv.  17;  and  recently  Wieseler,  Chronol.  des  apos- 
tiilLchen  Zeitalteis,  p.  452);  but  there  does  not 
seem  to  be  any  ground  for  the  view.  There  is  a 
legend  that  he  was  of  the  number  of  the  Seventy 
disciples,  and  suffered  martyrdom  at  Chonse,  near 
Laodicea  {Menolof/.  Grcec.  i.  246).  There  is  a 
monograph  written  about  him  by  Dietehuair,  De 
Archippo,  Altorf,  1751,  4to.  H.  A. 

ARCHI'TE,  THE  (^3"lSi7,  as  if  from  a 
place  named  Erech,  Tf~lS :  [2  Sam.  xv.,  xvi.,  i 
apxteraTpos  (for  6  'Apx^  eralpos  ?  so  Comp.j 
0  Apaxh  fratpos  or  frepo?,  29);  2  Sam.  xvii.,] 
6  'Apaxi  [Vat.  -^et;  1  Chr.  d  (om.  Aid.  Alex.) 
irpuTos',  Comp.  d  apx^st^Tepos  (for  6  apxifraipos 
or  rather  6  'Apxi,  eraTpos,  as  above):]  Araclntes), 
the  usual  designation  of  David's  friend  Hushai  (2 
Sam.  XV.  32,  [xvi.  16,]  xvii.  5,  14;  1  Chr.  xxvii. 
33). 

The  word  also  appears  (somewhat  disguised,  it  ia 
true,  in  the  A.  V.)  m  Josh.  xvi.  2,  where  "the 
Iwrders  of  Archi"  {i.  e.  "the  Archite")*  are 
named  as  on  the  boundary  of  tlie  "  children  of  Jo- 
seph," somewhere  in  the  neighborhood  of  Bethel 

No  town  of  the  name  of  Tf  ]7?l'  appears  in  Pales- 
tine ;  is  it  possible  that,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Gerizi, 
the  Zemarites,  and  the  Jebusites,  we  have  here  the 
last  faint  trace  of  one  of  the  original  tribes  of  the 
country  ?  G. 

ARCHITECTURE.  Although  there  are 
many  notices,  both  in  the  Canonical  Scriptures  and 
in  the  Apocryphal  writings,  bearing  reference  to 
the  architectiu-e  of  other  nations  besides  the  Israel- 
ites, it  is  nevertheless  obvious  that  the  chief  busi- 
ness of  a  work  like  the  present,  mider  the  article  of 
Architecture,  is  to  examine  the  modes  of  building 
in  use  among  the  Jews,  and  to  discover,  if  possible, 
how  far  they  were  influenced,  directly  or  indirectly, 
by  the  example  or  the  authority  of  foreigners. 
The  book  of  Genesis  (iv.  17,  20,  22)  appears  to 
divide  mankind  into  great  Qharacteristic  sections, 
namely,  the  "  dwellers  in  tents  "  and  the  "  dwellers 
in  cities,"  when  it  tells  us  that  Cain  was  the 
fomjder  of  a  city ;  and  that  among  his  descendant* 
one  Jabal  was  "  the  father  of  them  that  dwell  in 
tenia,"  whilst  Tubal-cain  was  "  the  instructor  of 


a  The  death  of  Herod  took  place  In  the  same  year  6  Compaw  Josh,  xviii.  16,  wiic-ru  "  Jcbusi"  ghooU 
fith  the  birth  of  Christ ;  but  this  is  to  be  placed  four  be  translates*  "  tho  .Tsboslte,"  as  it  buis  bosu  la  Vr  ft- 
rears  before  the  dr^te  in  general  use  as  the  Christian    See  also  QEBtziM ;  Zsa«\BAni. 


150  ARCHITECTURE 

wery  aitificer  in  brass  and  iron."  It  is  probable 
*Jiat  the  workers  in  metal  were  for  the  most  part 
dwellers  in  to\vns :  and  thus  the  arts  of  architecture 
uid  nietallurjiy  became  from  the  earliest  times  lead- 
ing characteristics  of  the  civilized  as  distinguished 
from  the  nomadic  tendencies  of  the  human  race. 

To  the  race  of  Shem  is  attributed  (Gen.  x.  11, 
12,  22,  xi.  2-9)  the  foundation  of  those  cities  in 
the  plain  of  Shinar,  Babylon,  Nineveh,  and  others ; 
to  one  of  which,  Kesen,  the  epithet  "great"  suffi- 
ciently marks  its  importance  in  the  time  of  the 
writer,  a  period  at  least  as  early  as  the  13th  cent. 
B,  c,  if  not  very  much  earlier.  (Hawlinson,  Out- 
Mne  of  Ass.  Hist.  p.  10;  Layard,  Nineveh,  ii.  221, 
2il5,  238.)  From  the  same  book  we  learn  the  ac- 
count of  the  earliest  recorded  building,  and  of  the 
materials  employed  in  its  construction  (Gen.  xi.  3, 
9 ) ;  and  tliough  a  doubt  rests  on  the  precise  site  of 
the  tower  of  Beliis,  so  long  identified  with  the  Birs 
Nimroud  (Beiyamin  of  Tudela,  p.  100,  Bohn;  New- 
iim,  On  Proph.  x.  pp.  155,  156 ;  Vaux,  Nin.  and 
I'enep.  pp.  173,  178;  Keith,  On  Proph.  p.  289), 
jet  the  nature  of  the  soil,  and  the  bricks  found 
there  in  such  abundance,  though  bearing  mostly  the 
name  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  agree  perfectly  with  the 
juppositiou  of  a  city  previously  existing  on  the  same 
or  a  closely  neighboring  site.  (Layard,  ii.  249,  278, 
and  Nin.  and  Bub.  531;  I'lm.  vii.  56;  Ez.  iv.  1.) 

In  the  book  of  lather  (i.  2)  mention  is  made  of 
the  palace  at  Susa,  for  three  months  in  the  spring 
the  residence  of  the  kings  of  Persia  (Esth.  iii.  13; 
Xen.  Cyi'op.  viii.  6,  §  22);  and  in  the  books  of  To- 
bit  and  Judith,  of  Pxibatana,  to  which  they  retired 
for  two  months  during  the  heat  of  summer.  (Tob. 
iii.  7,  xiv.  U;  Jud.  i.  14;  Herod,  i.  98.) 

A  branch  of  the  same  Syro-Arabian  race  as  the 
Assyrians,  but  the  children  of  Ham,  was  the  na- 
tion, or  at  least  the  dominant  caste,  of  the  Egypt- 
ians, the  style  of  whose  architecture  agrees  so  re- 
markably with  the  Assyrian  (l^ayard,  ii.  206  fF.). 
It  is  in  connection  with  Egypt  that  the  Israelites 
appear  first  as  builders  of  cities,  comjielled,  in  com- 
mon with  other  Egyptian  captives,  to  labor  at  the 
buildings  of  the  Egyptian  monarehs.  Pithom  and 
Raamses  are  said  to  have  been  built  by  them. 
(Ex.  i.  11;  Wilkinson,  ii.  195.) 

The  Israelites  were  by  occupation  shepherds,  and 
by  habit  dwellers  in  tents  (Gen.  xlvii.  3).  The 
"  house  "  built  by  Jacob  at  Succoth  is  probably  no 

exception  to  this  statement  (H^S,  Gesen.).  They 
had  therefore  originally,  speaking  properly,  no  ar- 
chitecture. Even  Hebron,  a  city  of  higher  an- 
tiquity than  the  Egyptian  Zoan  (Tanis),  was  called 
originally  from  its  founder,  perhaps  a  Canaanite  of 
the  race  of  Anak,  Kiijath-Arba,  the  house  of  Arba 
(Num.  xiii.  22;  Josh.  xiv.  15).  From  the  time  of 
the  occupation  of  Canaan  they  became  dwellers  in 
towns  and  in  houses  of  stone,  for  which  the  native 
limestone  of  Palestine  supplied  a  ready  material 
(Lev.  xiv.  34,  45;  IK.  vii.  10;  Stanley,  S.  <f  P. 
op.  146,  8);  but  the  towns  which  they  occupied 
#ere  not  all,  nor  indeed  in  most  cases,  built  &om 
the  first  by  themselves  (Deut.  vi.  10;  Num.  xiii. 
19). 

The  peaceful  reign  and  vast  wealth  of  Solomon 
gave  great  impulse  to  architecture ;  for  besides  the 
Temple  and  his  other  great  works  at  and  near  Je- 
rusalem, he  built  fortresses  and  cities  in  various 
placet),  among  which  the  names  and  sites  of  Baal- 
kth  and  Tadmor  are  in  all  probability  repre<iented 
07  the  more  modem  superstructures  of  Baalbec  and 


ARCHITECTURE 

Palmyra  (1  K.  ix.  15-24).  Among  the  8UMx«diiig 
kings  of  Israel  and  of  Judah,  more  than  one  is  re- 
corded aa  a  builder:  Asa  (1  K.  xv.  23),  Baasha 
(xvi.  17),  Omri  (xvi.  24),  Ahab  (xvi.  34,  xxii.  39), 
Hezekiah  (2  K.  xx.  20;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  27,  30),  Jc- 
hoash,  and  Josiah  (2  K.  xii.  11,  12,  xxii.  6);  and. 
la-stly,  Jehoiakim,  whose  winter  palace  is  mentioned 
(Jer.  xxii.  14,  xxxvi.  22;  see  also  Am.  iii.  15). 

On  the  return  from  captivity,  the  chief  care  of 
the  rulers  was  to  rebuild  the  Temple  and  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  in  a  substantial  manner,  with  stone, 
and  with  timber  from  Lebanon  (Ezr.  iii.  8,  v.  8: 
Neh.  ii.  8,  iii.  1,  32).  During  the  government  of 
Simon  Maccabaeus,  the  fortress  called  liaris,  and 
afterwards  Antonia,  was  erected  for  the  defense  cf 
the  Temple  and  the  city.  But  the  reigns  f  f  I  lerod 
and  of  his  sons  and  successors  were  espt-i^ially  re- 
markable for  the  great  architectural  works  in  which 
they  delighted.  Not  only  was  the  Temple  restored 
to  a  large  portion  if  not  to  the  full  degree  of  its  for- 
mer magnificence,  but  the  fortifications  and  other 
public  buildings  of  Jerusalem  were  enlarged  and 
embellished  to  an  extent  previously  miknown  (Luke 
xxi.  5;  Benj.  of  Tudela,  p.  83,  Bohn).  [More  par- 
ticular descriptions  of  these  works  will  Ije  found 
under  Jerusaleji.]  Besides  these  great  works, 
the  town  of  Csesarea  vras  built  on  the  site  of  an  in- 
significant building  called  Strato's  Tower;  Samaria 
was  enlarged,  and  received  the  name  of  Sebaste; 
the  town  of  Agrippium  was  built;  and  Herod  car- 
ried his  love  for  arcliitecture  so  far  as  to  adorn  with 
buildings  cities  even  not  within  his  own  dominions, 
Berytus,  Damascus,  Tripolis,  and  many  other  places 
(Joseph.  ^.  J.  i.  21,  1,  11).  His  son  Philip  the 
tetrarch  enlarged  the  old  Greek  colony  of  Paneas, 
giving  it  the  name  of  Cassarea  in  honor  of  Tiberius ; 
whilst  his  brother  Antipas  founded  the  city  of  Ti- 
berias, and  adorned  the  towns  of  Sepphoris  and 
Betharamphta,  giving  to  the  latter  the  name  Liv- 
ias,  in  honor  of  the  mother  of  Tiberius  (Keland,  p 
497). 

Of  the  original  splendor  of  these  great  works  no 
doubt  can  be  entertained ;  but  of  their  style  and 
appearance  we  can  only  conjecture,  though  with 
nearly  absolute  certainty,  tliat  they  were  fonned  on 
Greek  and  Koman  models.  Of  the  style  of  the 
earlier  buildings  of  Palestine,  we  can  only  form  an 
idea  from  the  analogy  of  the  Egyptian,  Assyrian, 
and  Persian  monuments  now  existing,  and  iroxa  the 
modes  of  building  still  adopted  in  Eastern  countries. 
The  connection  of  Solomon  with  Egypt  and  with 
Tyre,  and  the  influence  of  the  Captivity,  may  have 
in  some  measure  successively  affected  the  style  hoiYi 
of  the  two  temples,  and  of  the  palatial  edifices  of 
Solomon.  The  enormous  stones  employed  in  the 
AssjTian,  Persepolitan,  and  I^yptian  building! 
find  a  parallel  in  the  substructions  of  Baalbec,  morg 
ancient  than  the  superstructure  (Layard,  ii.  317, 
318),  and  in  the  stones  of  so  vast  a  size  irbich  still 
remain  at  Jerusalem,  relics  of  the  building  either 
of  Solomon  or  of  Herod  (Williams,  pt.  ii.  1).  But 
as  it  has  been  observed  again  and  again,  scarcely 
any  connected  monuments  are  known  to  survive  in 
PsJestine  by  which  we  can  form  an  accurate  idea 
of  its  buildings,  beautiful  and  renowned  as  they 
were  throughout  the  East  (Plin.  v.  14 ;  Stanley,  p. 
183),  and  even  of  those  which  do  remain  no  trust- 
worthy examination  has  yet  been  made.  It  ii 
probalile,  however,  that  the  reservoirs  known  imde? 
the  names  of  the  Pools  of  Solomon  and  Hezekial 
contain  some  portions  at  least  of  the  original  &brio« 
(Stanley,  pp.  103,  166). 


ARCTURUS 

ITie  domestic  architecture  of  the  Jews,  so  far  as 
it  can  be  understood,  ia  treated  under  House. 
Tools  and  instruments  of  building  are  Rie;itioned 
by  the  sacred  writers;  the  plumb-line,  Am.  vii.  7; 
the  measuring-reed,  Ez.  xl.  3;  the  saw,  1  K.  vii.  9. 

H.  W.  P. 

ARCTU'RUS.      The  Hebrew  words    2,'^, 

'Ash,  And  CT^y,  ^Ayish,  rendered  "Arcturus"  in 
the  A.  V,  of  Job  ix.  9,  xxxviii.  32,  in  conformity 
with  the  Vulg.  of  the  fonner  passage,  are  now  gen- 
erally believed  to  be  identical,  and  to  represent  the 
constellation  Ursa  Major,  known  commonly  as  the 
Great  Bear,  or  Charles's  Wain.  Niebulir  {Desc. 
de  I' Arab.  p.  101)  relates  that  he  met  with  a  Jew 
it  Sana,  who  identified  the  Hebrew  'Ask  with  the 
eonstellation  known  to  the  Arabs  by  the  name  Om 
tn-Nash,  or  Xash  simply,  as  a  Jew  of  Bagdad  in- 
formed him.  The  four  stars  in  the  botly  of  the 
Bear  are  named  Ennnsh  in  the  tables  of  Ulugh 
Beigh,  those  in  the  tail  being  called  d  Beiidt,  "  the 
daughters  "  (comp.  Job.  xxxviii.  32).  The  ancient 
versions  differ  greatly  in  their  renderings.  The 
LXX.  render  'Ash  by  the  "  Pleiades  "  in  Job  ix. 
9  (unless  the  text  which  they  had  before  them  had 
the  words  in  a  different  order),  and  'Ayish  by  "  Hes- 
perus," the  evening  star,  in  Job  xxxviii.  32.  In 
the  fonner  they  are  followed  or  supported  by  the 
Chaldee,  in  the  latter  by  the  Vulgate.  R.  David 
Kimchi  and  the  Talniudists  understood  by  'Ash  the 
tail  of  the  Ram  or  the  head  of  the  BuU,  by  which 
they  are  supposed  to  indicate  the  bright  star  Alde- 
baran  in  the  Bull's  eye.  But  the  greatest  difficulty 
is  found  in  the  rendering  of  the  Syriac  translators, 
who  give  as  the  equivalent  of  both  'Ash  and  'Ayish 
the  word  'lyiUho,  which  is  interpreted  to  signify 
the  bright  star  Capella  in  the  constellation  Auriga, 
and  is  so  rendered  in  the  Arabic  translation  of  Job. 
On  this  point,  however,  great  difference  of  opinion 
is  found.  Bar  Ali  conjectured  that  'Jyutho  was 
either  Capella  or  the  constellation  Orion ;  while  Bar 
Bahlul  hesitated  between  Capella,  Aldebaran,  and 
a  cluster  of  three  stars  in  the  face  of  Orion.  Fol- 
lowing the  rendering  of  the  Arabic,  Hyde  was  in- 
duced to  consider  'Ash  and  'Ayish  distinct;  the  for- 
mer being  the  Great  Bear,  and  the  latter  the  bright 
star  Capella,  or  o  of  the  constellation  Auriga. 

W.  A.  W. 

ARD  ("^"S  {descent:]:  'Apdd:  Ared).    1.  Son 

of  Benjamin  [and  if  so,  the  youngest  of  his  sons] 
(Gen.  xlvi.  21). 

2.  'A5ap;  [Aid.  Alex.  'ASe'p:]  Hered.  Son  of 
gELA,  and  grandson  of  Benjamm  (Num.  xxvi.  40), 
Titten  Addar  in  1  Chr.  viii.  3.     His  descendants 

«B  called  THE  Akdites  (^"^")Sn),   Num.  xxvi. 

40.  [As  Ard  is  not  mentioned  among  the  sons  of 
Benjamin  in  Num.  xxvi.  38,  39,  "  son  "  may  stand 
foi-  grandson  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21,  aud  thus  the  same 
person  be  meant  in  both  passages  ] 

ARDATH  — "the  field  caLed  Ardath"  — 2 
Esdr.  ix.  26. 

*  Liicke  {Eird.  in  d.  Offenb.  d.  Joh.  i.  174)  and 
Volkmar  {Eird.  in  d.  Apokr.  ii.  131)  take  Ardath 
[JEtii.  Ai'phad,  At.  Araat)  to  be  a  corruption  for 

Arbatk,  meaning  "  desert "  (Heb.  HSn^)?  o**d 
as  an  appellative  rather  than  as  a  proper  name. 
Liicke  supposes  the  desert  of  Judah  to  be  intended ; 
Volkmar,  the  Holy  Land  in  general,  which,  though 


AREOPAGUS 


151 


"a  field  of  flowers,"  was  then  to  the  IsracUtes  a 
desert  (comp.  2  Esdr.  x.  21.  22).  A. 

ARDITES,  THE.     [Ard.] 

AR'DON  (1T^~IW  [fugitive] :  'ApSdv,  [Vat 
H.  Alex.  Opva;  Vat.  M.  lopva'-]  Ardon),  1  Chr. 
ii.  18.  [A  son  of  Caleb,  the  son  of  Hezron,  by  hit 
wife  Azubah.] 

ARE'LI  C'VW'IK,  Sam.  "^bl-^S  [son  of  a 
hero]: 'ApiiiK;  [in  Gen.  'ApeT/Xefj;  Alex.  Apaij- 
\ets :]  Areli),  a  son  of  Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  16 ;  Num. 
xxn.  17).  His  descendants  are  called  the  Abe'- 
LiTES  (Num.  xxvi.  17). 

AREOP'AGITE  (' Apftmayirvs  [Tisch.  -yd- 
TTjy] :  Areopagita).  A  member  of  the  Court  of 
Areopagus  (Acts  xvii.  34).     [See  Dionysius.] 

W.  A.  W. 

AREOP'AGUS  or  MARS'  HILL  {6''Apei- 
os  iriyos,  i-  e.  the  hill  of  Ares  or  Mars;  Areopa- 
(jtis,  Vulg.),  was  a  rocky  height  in  Athens,  opposite 
the  western  end  of  the  Acropolis,"  from  which  it  is 
separated  only  by  an  elevated  valley.  It  rises  grad- 
ually from  the  northern  end,  and  terminates  ab- 
niptly  on  the  south,  over  against  the  Acropolis,  at 
which  point  it  is  about  fifty  or  sixty  feet  above  the 
valley  already  mentioned.  Of  the  site  of  the  Are- 
opagus, there  can  be  no  doubt,  both  from  the  de- 
scription of  Pausanias,  and  from  the  narrative  of 
Herodotfls,  who  relates  that  ic  was  a  height  over 
against  the  Acropolis,  from  which  the  Persians  as- 
sailed the  latter  rock  (Paus.  i.  28,  §  5 ;  Herod,  viii. 
52).  Accordhig  to  tradition  it  was  called  the  hill 
of  Mars  (Ares),  because  this  god  was  brought  to 
trial  here  before  the  assembled  gods  by  Neptune 
(Poseidon),  on  account  of  his  murdering  Halirrho- 
thius,  the  son  of  the  latter.  The  spot  is  memora- 
ble as  the  place  of  meeting  of  the  CouncU  of  Are- 
opagus {t)  iv  'Apeltf)  irdyif)  fiov\i]),  frequently  called 
the  Upper  Council  (^  &i/o>  fiovXi))  to  distinguish  it 
from  the  Council  of  Pive  Hundred,  which  held  its 
sittings  in  the  valley  below  the  hill.  It  existed  as 
a  criminal  tribunal  before  the  time  of  Si.lon,  and 
was  the  most  ancient  and  venerable  of  all  the  Athe- 
nian courts.  It  consisted  of  all  persons  who  had 
held  the  office  of  Archon,  and  who  were  members 
of  it  for  life,  unless  expelled  for  misconduct.  It 
enjoyed  a  high  reputation,  not  only  in  Athens,  but 
throughout  Greece.  Before  the  time  of  Solon  the 
court  tried  only  cases  of  willful  murder,  wounding, 
poison,  and  arson ;  but  he  gave  it  extensive  powers 
of  a  censorial  and  political  nature.  The  Council  is 
mentioned  by  Cicero  {ad  Fam.  xiii.  1 ;  ad  Ait.  i. 
14,  V.  11),  and  continued  to  exist  even  under  the 
Roman  emperors.  Its  meetings  were  held  on  the 
south-eastern  summit  of  the  rock.  There  are  still 
sixteen  stone  steps  cut  in  the  rock,  leading  up  to 
the  hUl  from  the  valley  of  the  Agora  below;  and 
immediately  above  the  steps  is  a  bench  of  stones  ex- 
cavated in  the  rock,  forming  three  sides  of  a  quad- 
rangle, and  facing  the  south.  Here  the  Areopagites 
sat  as  judges  in  the  open  air  {bira.l6pioi  4SiKd(ovTo, 
Pollux,  viii.  118).  On  the  eastern  and  western  side 
is  a  raised  block.  These  blocks  are  probably  the 
two  rude  stones  which  Pausanias  saw  there,  and 
which  are  descrioed  by  Euripides  as  assigned,  the 
one  to  the  accuser,  the  other  to  the  criminal,  in  the 
causes  whicb  were  tried  in  the  court  {Iph.  T.  961). 
The  Areopagus  possesses  peculiar  interest  to  the 

a  '  Dr.  Robinson  says,  ii.adre>tentl7,  I2iat  It  "  teen 
about  north  "  firom  the  A.atofx,A8  <  B  bt  Rr,.  1.  7).   H 


16-  vflES 

Christum,  as  the  spot  from  which  St.  Paul  deliv- 
ered his  memorable  address  to  the  men  of  Athens 
(Acts  xvii.  22-31).  It  has  been  supposed  by  some 
commentators  that  St.  Paul  was  brought  before  the 
CouncU  of  Areopagus ;  but  there  is  no  trace  in  the 
narrative  of  any  judicial  proceedings.  St.  Paul 
"  disputed  daily  "  in  the  "  market "  or  Agora  (xvii. 
17),  which  was  situated  south  of  the  Areopagus  in 
the  valley  Ijing  between  this  hill  and  those  of  the 
AcropoUs,  the  Pnyx,  and  the  Museum.  Attracting 
more  and  more  attention,  "  certain  pliilosophers  of 
the  Epicureans  and  Stoics  "  brought  him  up  from 
the  valley,  probably  by  the  stone  steps  already  men- 
tioned, to  the  Areopagus  above,  that  they  might 
listen  to  him  more  conveniently.  Here  the  phi- 
losophero  probably  took  their  seats  on  the  stone 
benches  usually  occupied  by  the  members  of  the 
Council,  while  the  nmltitude  stood  upon  the  steps 
and  in  the  valley  below.  (For  detaila,  gee  Diet,  of 
Ant.  p.  126;  Diet,  of  Geogr.  i.  281.)  [See  Mars' 
Hill  for  Paul's  discourse  there.] 

AliES  ('Apt's:  Ares).  Arah  2  (1  Esdr.  v. 
10). 

AR'ETAS  {'Kptras:  [Avetm:-\  Arab.  Chnr- 
jsh),  a  common  appellation  of  many  of  the  Arabian 
kings  or  chiefs.     Two  are  mentioned  in  the  Bible. 

1.  A  contemporary  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
(b.  c.  170)  and  Jason  (2  Mace.  v.  8).   B.  F.  W. 

2.  In  2  Cor.  xi.  32,  St.  Paul  writes,  iv  Aufiaa- 
Kq5  6  idvdpxv^'A.p^Ta  rod  Pa<n\ews  (<ppo6p€i  rijv 
Tr6\tv  Aaixa(TK7]vui'  triaaai  fjn.  This  Aretas  was 
father-in-law  of  Herod  Antipas.  [Hkeod.]  There 
is  a  somewhat  difficult  chronological  question  re- 
specting tlie  subordination  of  IJamascus  to  this 
Aretas.  The  city  under  Augustus  and  Tiberius 
was  attached  to  the  province  of  Syria ;  and  we  have 
Damascene  coins  of  both  these  emperors,  and  again 
of  Nero  and  his  successors.  But  we  have  none  of 
Caligula  and  Claudius,  and  the  following  circum- 
stances make  it  probable  that  a  change  in  the  ruler- 
ship  of  Damascus  took  place  after  the  death  of  Ti- 
berius. There  had  been  war  for  some  time  between 
Aretas,  king  of  Arabia  Nabataea,  whose  capital  was 
Petra,  and  Antipas,  on  account  of  the  divorce  by 
Antipas  of  Aretas's  daughter  at  the  instance  of 
Heix)dias,  and  also  on  account  of  some  frontier  dis- 
putes. A  battle  was  fought,  and  the  army  of  An- 
tipas entirely  destroyed  (Joseph.  Ant.  xviii.  5,  §  1).« 
On  this,  being  a  favorite  with  Tiberius,  he  sent  to 
Rome  for  help;  and  VitelUus,  governor  of  Syria, 
was  commissioned  to  march  against  Aretas,  and  to 
take  him  dead  or  alive.  While  he  was  on  his 
march  {Ant.  xviii  5,  §  3)  he  lieard  at  Jerusalem  of 
the  death  of  Tiberius  (March  16,  A.  D.  37),  and, 
ir6\ffjiov  4K<l>fpsiv  ou/ceO'  bfjLoiws  Swi/ifvos  Sick  rh 
fls  rdiou  (jLfTaxfvrwKevai  rk  irpdyftara,  aban- 
doned his  march,  and  sent  his  army  into  winter- 
quarters,  himself  remaining  at  Antioch.  By  this 
change  of  affairs  at  Rome,  a  complete  reversal  took 
pla<!e  in  the  situation  of  Antipas  and  his  enemy. 
The  former  was  ere  long  (a.  d.  39)  banished  to 


a  •  It  is  with  reference  to  this  defeat  that  Josephus 
makes  his  remarkable  statement,  that  the  Jews  looked 
upon  it  as  a  punishment  from  God  inflicted  on  Herod 
for  putting  to  death  John  the  Baptist,  whom  the  Jews 
held  in  such  veneration  for  his  teaching  and  holy 
life.  (Ant.  xviii.  5,  §  2.)  See  Lardner's  Jeunsh  Tes- 
limonies,  Ch.  iv.  1.  H. 

6  •  The  view  that  Aretas  seized  and  held  Damascus 
by  forae  for  a  short  time  after  the  defeat  of  Herod  An- 
tlpu  Is  maintaiiwd  by  Neander  {P/tanzung,  i.  169); 


ARGOB 

Lyons,  and  his  kingdom  ^ven  to  Agrippa,  big  to( 
{AiU.  xviii.  7),  who  had  been  living  in  habit*  of 
intimacy  with  the  new  emperor  {Ant.  xviii.  6,  §  5). 
It  would  be  natural  that  Aretas,  who  had  been 
grossly  injured  by  Antipas,  should,  by  this  change 
of  affairs,  be  received  into  favor ;  and  the  more  so, 
as  Vitellius  had  an  old  grudge  against  Antipas,  of 
which  Josephus  says.  Ant.  Tviii.  4,  §  5,  tKpvirrs' 
opyiv,  fifXP^  8);  koI  fifrrjXde,  Taiov  rijv  apxh* 
irapii\-r\<p6Tos.  Now  in  the  year  28  Caligula  made 
several  changes  in  the  East,  granting  Ituraea  to 
Socemus,  Le.sser  Armenia  and  parts  of  Arabia  to 
Cotys,  the  territory  of  Cotys  to  Rhaemetalces,  and 
to  Polemon,  son  of  Polemon,  his  father's  govern- 
ment. These  facts,  coupled  with  that  of  no  Da- 
mascene coins  of  Caligula  or  Claudius  existing, 
make  it  probable  that  about  this  time  Damaicus, 
which  belonged  to  the  predecessor  of  Aretas  {Ant. 
xiii.  5,  §  2),  was  granted  to  him  by  CaUgula.  Thui 
the  difficulty  would  vanish.  The  other  hypotheses, 
that  the  ethnarch  was  only  visiting  the  city  (as  if 
he  could  then  have  guarded  the  walls  to  prevent 
escape),  —  that  Aretas  had  seized  Damascus  on  Vi- 
tellius giving  up  the  expedition  against  him  (as  if  a 
Roman  governor  of  a  province  would  allow  one  of 
its  chief  cities  to  be  taken  from  him,  merely  because 
he  was  in  uncertainty  about  the  poUcy  of  a  new 
emperor),  are  very  improbable.*  Wieseler,  Chron. 
des  ajx)stolischen  ZeitaUers,  p.  174,  and  again  in 
his  art.  in  Herzog's  Encyklopddie,  refers  to  a  coin 
fia<ri\(Oi)s  'AjOSTo  q>i\e\\riuos,  but  it  seems  to  be- 
long to  an  earher  Aretas.  See  Conyb.  and  How- 
son,  Life  of  St.  Paul,  ed.  2,  vol.  i.  p.  132,  note. 
See  Wieseler,  pp.  142  ff.,  167  ff.,  whose  view  has 
been  adopted  in  this  article;  Anger,  de  Tempot-um 
in  Actis  Ap.  rntime,  p.  173  ff.,  and  Conyb.  and 
Howson,  vol.  i.  p.  99  ff.  end.  H.  A. 

ARE'US,  a  king  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  whose 
letter  to  the  high  priest  Onias  is  given  in  1  Mace, 
xii.  20  ff.  He  is  called  Areus  in  the  A.  V.  in 
ver.  20  and  in  the  margin  of  ver.  7 ;  but  in  the 
Greek  text  he  is  named  'Oyidpris  [Alex,  -i/er]  in 
ver.  20,  and  Aapuos  in  ver.  7 :  there  can  be  little 
doubt  however  that  these  are  corruptions  of  "Apeuy. 
In  Josephus  {Ant.  xii.  4,  §  10,  v.  §  8)  the  name  is 
written  'ApfTos,  and  in  the  Vulgate  Arim.  There 
were  two  Spartan  kmgs  of  the  name  of  Areus,  of 
whom  the  first  reigned  b.  c.  309-265,  and  the  sec- 
ond, the  grandson  of  the  former,  died  when  a  child 
of  eight  years  old  in  b.  c.  257.  There  were  three 
high  priests  of  the  name  of  Onias,  of  whom  the 
first  held  the  office  b.  c.  323-300.  This  is  the  one 
who  must  have  written  the  letter  to  Areus  I.,  prob- 
ably in  some  interval  between  309  and  300.  (Grimm, 
m  Mace,  p.  185.)     [Onias.] 

AR'GOB   (3^1  "^K,  once  wilii  the  def.  articl* 

^^"l^V'  =  "^^^  stony,"  from  33*^,  Ges.  Thet 
1260 :  'ApySfi :  Argob),  a  tract  of  country  on  th« 
east  of  the  .Jordan,  in  Bashan,  in  the  kingdom  of 
Og,  containing  60  "great"  and  fortified  "cities" 


Hemsen  (Dcr  Apostel  Patilus,  pp.  19-22) ;  Winer  (Bibl. 
Realw.  I.  84) ;  Meyer  {Apostelgeschichte,  p.  15) ;  Oner- 
ike  (Eint.  in  das  N.  T.  p.  336) ;  Bleek  (iVii/l.  in  das  N. 
T.  p.  861),  and  others.  It  is  not  easy  to  believe  that 
the  Roman  government  would  so  suddenly,  of  its  own 
accord,  confer  so  important  a  city  on  a  vassal  who  haii 
just  defeated  one  of  its  most  foitbfUl  allies,  and  wb4 
had  been  proscribed  as  an  enemy  who  was  to  be  taker 
at  all  hazards  dead  or  alive.  H. 


ARGOB 

{C^"137).  Argob  was  in  the  portion  allotted  to  ths 
half-tribe  of  Manasseh,  and  was  taken  possession  cf 
by  Jair,  a  chief  man  in  that  tribe.  [Jaik;  Ba- 
BUAN;  Havoth-Jaik.]  It  afterwards  formed  one 
of  Solomon's  commissariat  districts,  under  the 
charge  of  an  officer  whose  residence  was  at  lia- 
moth-Gilead  (Deut.  iJi.  4,  13,  14;  IK.  iv.  13). 
In  later  times  Argob  was  called  Trachonitis,  appar- 
ently a  mere  translation  of  the  older  name.  [Tkacii- 
ONiTis.]      In   the    Samaritan  version   it   is   ren- 

Jered  nSIll^''"'  (Eigobaah);  but  in  the  Targums 

if  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  it  is  S2TD"1I0  {i.  e. 
Prachonitis).  Later  on  we  trace  it  in  the  Arabic 
version  of  Saadiah  as  v_>^«jO,  (Mujeb,  with  the 
same  meaning) ;  and  it  is  now  apparently  identified 

with  the  Lejah,  i\„S\X}],  a  very  remarkable 
district  south  of  Damascus,  and  east  of  the  Sea  of 
Galilee,  which  has  been  visited  and  described  by 
Burckhardt  (pp.  111-119),  Seetzen,  and  Porter  (vol. 
U.  specially  pp.  240-245).  This  extraordinary  re- 
gion —  about  22  miles  from  N.  to  S.  by  14  from 
W.  to  E.,  and  of  a  regular,  almost  oval,  shape  — 
has  been  described  as  an  ocean  of  basaltic  rocks  and 
boulders,  tossed  about  in  the  wildest  confusion,  and 
intijrmiugled  with  fissures  and  crevices  in  every  di- 
iBction.  "It  is,"  says  Mr.  Porter,  "wholly  com- 
posed of  black  basalt,  which  appears  to  have  issued 
from  innumerable  pores  in  the  earth  in  a  liquid 
gtate,  and  to  have  flowed  out  on  every  side.  Before 
cooling,  its  surface  was  violently  agitated,  and  it 
was  afterwards  shattered  and  rent  by  internal  con- 
vulsioiis.  The  cup-like  cavities  from  which  the 
liquid  mass  was  extruded  are  still  seen,  and  Ukewise 
the  wavy  surface  that  a  thick  liquid  assumes  which 
cools  while  flowing.  The  rock  is  filled  with  little  pits 
and  air-bubbles;  it  is  as  hard  as  flint,  and  emits 
a  sharp  metallic  sound  when  struck"  (241). 
"  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  this  ungainly  and  for- 
bidduig  region  is  thickly  studded  with  deserted 
cities  and  villages,  in  all  of  which  the  dwellings  are 
sohdly  built  and  of  remote  antiquity"  (238).  The 
number  of  these  towns  visited  by  one  traveller 
btely  returned  is  50,  and  there  were  many  others 
which  he  did  not  go  to.  A  Roman  road  runs 
through  the  district  from  S.  to  N.  probably  be- 
tween Itesra  and  Damascus.  On  the  outer  bound- 
ary of  the  Lejah  are  situated,  amongst  others,  the 
towns  known  in  Biblical  history  as  Kenath  and 
Edrei.  In  the  absence  of  more  conclusive  evidence 
on  the  point,  a  strong  presumption  in  favor  of  the 
identification  of  the  Lejah  with  Argob  arises  from 
the  peculiar  Hebrew  word  constantly  attached  to 
■^rgob,  and  in  this  definite  sense  apparently  to  Ar- 

<ob  only.  This  word  is  ^5^7  (Chebel),  literally 
■•  a  r^pe"  {axo'^vifffxa,  inplixerpov,  funiculus),  and 
it  designates  with  charmmg  accuracy  the  remark- 
ably defined  boundary  line  of  the  district  of  the  1 
Lejah,  which  is  spoken  of  repeatedly  by  its  latest ' 
explorer  as  "  a  rocky  shore;  "  "  sweeping  round  in  a 
circle  clearly  defined  as  a  rocky  shore-line;  "  "  re 
lembUng  a  Cyclopean  wall  in  ruins  "  (Porter,  ij 
19,  219,  239,  Ac).  The  extraorduiary  featui-es  of 
this  region  art  rendered  stUl  more  extraordinary  by 
the  contrast  wnich  it  presents  to  the  surrounding 
pbiin  of  the  Hauraii,  a  high  plateau  of  waving 


Jonath.  S313"lta  ;  Jerua.  S313"li:S 


ARIEL  158 

downs  of  the  richest  agricultural  &oil  stretching 
from  the  Sea  of  GaUlee  to  the  Lejah,  and  beyona 
that  to  the  desert,  almost  Uterally  "without  a 
stone;  "  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  —  if  the 
identification  proposed  above  be  correct  —  that  this 
contrast  should  have  struck  the  Israelites,  and  that 
their  language,  so  scrupulous  of  minute  topograph- 
ical distinctions,  should  have  perpetuated  in  the 
words  Mishor,  Argob,  and  Chebel,  at  once  the 
level  downs  of  Bashan  [Mishok],  the  stony  laby- 
rinth which  so  suddenly  intrudes  itself  on  the  soil 
(Argob),  and  the  definite  fence  or  boundary  which 
encloses  it  [Chebel].  G. 

AR'GOB  (n'tinS :  'ApySfi:  Argob),  perhaps  a 
Gileadite  ofiicer,  who  was  go'-"r»ior  of  Argob.  Ao- 
cording  to  some  interpreters,  an  accompUce  of 
Pekah  m  the  murder  of  Pekahiah.  But  Sebastian 
Schmid  explained  that  both  Argob  and  Arieh  were 
two  princes  of  Pekahiah,  whose  influence  Pekah 
feared,  and  whom  he  therefore  slew  with  the  king. 
Rashi  understands  by  Argob  the  royal  palace,  near 
which  was  the  castle  in  which  the  murder  took 
place  (2  K.  xv.  25).  W.  A.  W. 

ARIARA'THES  (properly  Mithridates,  Diod. 
xxxi.,  X.  25,  ed.  Bip.)  VI.,  Philopatok  ('Apia- 
pa.Or)s,  [Comp.  Aid.  Alex.]  'ApdOris  [Vn\g.  Aii- 
arathes],  probably  signifying  "great"  or  " honw- 
able  master,"  from  the  roots  existing  in  aryas 
(Sanskrit),  "  honorable,"  and  rata  (head),  "  mas- 
ter;" Smith,  Diet.  Biogr.  s.  v.),  king  of  Cappa- 
docia  B.  c.  163-130.  He  was  educated  at  Rome 
(Li v.  xlii.  19);  and  his  whole  policy  was  directed 
according  to  the  wishes  of  the  Romans.  This  sub- 
servience cost  him  his  kingdom  b.  c.  158 ;  but  he 
was  shortly  afterwards  restored  by  the  Romans  to 
a  share  in  the  government  (App.  Syr.  47;  cf. 
Polyb.  xxxii.  20,  23;  Polyb.  iii.  5);  and  on  the 
capture  of  his  rival  Olophernes  by  Demetrius  Soter, 
regained  the  supreme  power  (Just.  xxxv.  1).  He 
fell  in  b.  c.  130,  in  the  war  of  the  Romans  against 
Aristonicu8,who  claimed  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus 
on  the  death  of  Attains  III.  (Just,  xxxvii.  1,  2). 
Letters  were  addressed  to  him  from  Rome  in  favor 
of  the  Jews  (1  Mace.  xv.  22),  who  in  after-times 
seem  to  have  been  numerous  in  his  kingdom  (Acts 
ii.  9;  comp.  1  Pet.  i.  1).  B.  F.  W. 

ARI'DAI  [3  syl.]  (''"T"'"?^? :  Apo-oToj;  [FA. 
Aptreos;  Comp.  'AptSaf:]  Aridai),  ninth  son  of 
Haman  (Esth.  ix.  9). 

ARIDA'THA  (Sn-J^n^^ :  2ap)3aK<i;  [Vat 
Alex.  FA.  2ap/8ax«;  Comp.  'ApiSaOcJ:]  Arida- 
tha),  sixth  son  of  Haman  (Esth.  ix.  8). 

ARI'EH      [properly    Aijeh     or     Aryeh] 

(^^1^'!7  :  'Apfa;  [Vat.  Ap€«o;]  Alex.  [Comp.] 
'Ap/e:  Ane).  "The  Lion,"  so  called  probably 
from  his  daring  as  a  warrior:  either  one  of  the 
accomplices  of  Pekah  in  his  conspiracy  against 
Pekahiah,  king  of  Israel,  or,  as  Sebastian  Schmid 
understands  the  passage,  one  of  the  princes  of 
Pekahiah,  who  was  put  to  death  with  him  (2  K. 
XV.  25).  Rashi  explains  it  literally  of  a  golden 
lion  which  stood  in  the  castle.  W.  A.  W. 

A'RIEL  (^^?''"'^N  li<m,  i.  e.  hero,  of  God,  or, 
hearth,  of  God:  'Api-f}\'.  And). 

1.  As  the  proper  name  of  a  man  (where  the 
meaning  no  doubt  is  the  first  of  those  given  above) 
the  word  occurs  i*"  Ezr.  viii.  16.  This  Ariel  was 
0"  "»  of  the  "  chief  men  "  who  under  Ezra  directe<i 


154  ARIMATH^A 

the  caravan  whicL  he  led  back  from  Babylon  to 
Jerusalem. 

Ttie  woid  occurs  also  in  reference  to  two  Moab- 
ites  slain  by  Benaiah,  one  of  David's  chief  captains 
(2  Sam.  xxiii.  20;  1  Chr.  xi.  22).  Gesenius  and 
many  others  agree  with  our  A.  V.  in  regarding  the 
word  as  an  epithet,  "two  iion-llke  men  of  Moab;  " 
but  it  seems  better  to  look  upon  it,  with  Thenius, 
Winer,  Fiirst,  and  others,  as  a  proper  name,  and 
translate   "  two    [sons]  of  Ariel,"   supplying   tiie 

word  "'llSl,  which  might  easily  have  fallen  out. 
A  similar  word  occurs  in  Num.  xxvi.  17,  Arkli 

C*/^"?^),  as  the  name  of  a  Gadite,  and  head  of 
one  of  the  families  of  that  tribe.  Both  the  LXX. 
and  the  Vulg.  give  Ariel  for  this  word,  and  W^iner 
without  remark  treats  it  as  the  same  name. 

2.  A  designation  given  by  Isaiah  to  the  city  of 
Jerusalem  (Is.  xxix.  1  (iw),  2  (bis),  7  [Alex.  Icpa- 
rjA]  )•  Its  meaning  is  obscure.  We  must  mider- 
gtand  by  it  either  "  Lion  of  God  "  — so  Gesenius, 
Ewald,  Hiivernick,  Fiirst,  and  many  othere  —  or, 
with  Umbreit,  Knobel,  and  most  of  the  ancient 
Jewish  expositors,  "  Hearth  of  God,"  tracing  the 

c 

first  component  of  the  word  to  the  Arabic  5*1,  a 

Jire-plaee  or  hearth  (Gesen.  Thes. ;  Fiii-st,  Ihb.  n. 
Chalcl.  Ilatuhrort.  a.  v.).  This  latter  meaning  is 
suggested  by  the  use  of  the  word  in  Ez.  xliii.  15, 
16,  as  a  synonym  for  the  altar  of  burnt-offering, 
although  lliiveniick  (Commentar  iib.  Ezech.  p. 
699),  relying  on  the  passage  in  Isaiah,  insists  tliat 
even  here  we  must  understand  Lion  of  God.  The 
difficulty  is  increased  by  the  reading  of  the  text  in 
ILzekiel  being  itself  doubtful.  On  the  whole  it 
seems  most  probable  that  the  words  used  by  the 
two  prophets,  if  not  different  in  fonn,  are  at  least 
different  in  derivation  and  meaning,  and  that  as  a 
name  given  to  Jerusalem  Ariel  means  "  Lion  of 
God,"  whilst  the  word  used  by  Ezekiel  means 
«  Hearth  of  God."  F.  W.  G. 

ARIMATH^'A  [A.  V.  -the'a]  ('Apijuafla/a, 
Matt,  xxvii.  57;  Luke  xxiii.  51;  John  xix.  38),  tlie 
birthplace,  or  at  least  the  residence  of  Joseph,  who 
obtained  leave  from  Pilate  to  bury  our  Lord  in  his 
"new  tomb"  at  Jerusalem.  St.  Luke  calls  this 
)lace  "a  city  of  Judea;  "  but  this  presents  no  ob- 
jection to  its  identification  with  the  prophet  Sam- 
jel's  birthplace,  the  Hamah  of  1  Sam.  i.  1,  19, 
which  is  named  in  tlie  Septuaguit  Armathaim 
CApiLiaOalfi),  and  by  Josephus,  Armatha  CApfiadd, 
Joseph.  Ant.  v.  10,  §  2).  The  liamathem  of  the 
Apocrypha  {'Pauadtfj.,  1  Mace,  xi  34)  is  probably 
>b«  same  place.     [ILvmah.]  J.  S.  H. 

A'RIOCH  (TIV-S,  probably  from  "'"IS.  a 
.'Ion,  "lion-like,"  comp.  "TT~lw!p  :  'Apidxv^i  LXX., 
^tw'ce]  in  Dan.  only;  [elsewhere 'Apjc^x i]  'Api<Lx> 
Theodot. :  Ai-iocli,  Vulg.). 

L  "  King  of  Ellasar  "  (Gen.  xiv.  1,  9). 

2.  "The  captain  of  the  guard"  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar (Dan.  ii.  14  ff.,.  '  B.  F.  W. 

3.  (E«piwX'  Alex.  [Vat.  Comp.  Aid.]  'Apidx' 
ICrioch).  Properly  [?]  "  Eirioch  "  or  "Enoch," 
Tientioned  in  Jud.  i.  6  as  king  of  the  Elymwans. 
Junius  and  Treniellius  identify  him  with  Deioces, 
kuig  of  part  of  Media.  W.  A.  W. 

ARI'SAI  [3«yl.]  ("P^nS:  •Vov<t>atos;  [Alex. 


ARISTOBULUS 

Vov(^avos ;  Comp.  '  Ap»<raf :]  Ariaai),  eighth  ton  ot 
Haman  (Esth.  ix.  9). 

ARISTAR'CHUS  {' Aplarapxos  [vmt  ex- 
cellent ruler] :  Aristarchus),  a  Thessalonian  (Act* 
XX.  4;  xxvii.  2),  who  accompanied  St.  Paul  on  hia 
third  missionary  journey  (Acts  xix.  29,  where  ha 
is  mentioned  as  having  been  seizetl  ui  the  tumult 
at  Ephesus  together  with  Gains,  both  (TuveKS-fi/xovi 
HavKov)-  We  hear  of  lum  again  as  accompan3dng 
the  apostle  on  his  return  to  Asia,  Acts  xx.  4;  and 
again  xx^•ii.  2,  as  being  with  him  on  his  voyage  to 
Home.  We  trace  him  afterwards  as  St.  Paul's 
(Twaixfid^toTos  in  Col.  iv.  10,  and  Philem.  24, 
both  these  notices  belonging  to  one  and  the  same 
time  of  Col.  iv.  7 ;  Philem.  12  ff.  After  this  we 
altogether  lose  sight  of  him.  Tradition,  says  Wi  - 
ner,  makes  him  bishop  of  Apamea.  H.  A. 

*  Thougli  ^Vristarchus  is  mentioned  so  often,  the 
A.  V.  very  strangely  s))eaks  of  him  as  "  one  Aris- 
tarchus "  in  Acts  xxvii.  2.  He  apjjears  from  that 
passage  to  have  gone  with  the  ajxjstle  to  Ifome  of 
his  own  accord.  We  do  not  "  trace  him  as  Paul's 
ffvyaixfidKwTos  (fellow-prisoner)  in  Philem.  24;" 
but  since  he  is  reckoned  there  among  the  avi/epyol 
(fellow-laborers),  we  may  conclude  Uiat  he  received 
the  other  appellation  in  Col.  iv.  10,  Itecause  he  made 
himself  the  voluntary  sharer  of  Paul's  exile  and 
captivity.  To  remember  the  brethren  in  their 
bonds  was  accounted  the  same  thing  as  to  be 
Ix)und  with  them;  see  Heb.  xiii.  3  {crvvSfdefievot)' 
The  letters  to  the  Colossians  and  to  Philemon  were 
sent  away  at  the  same  time,  wliich  leaves  no  room 
for  supposing  that  Aristarchus  had  been  put  in 
prison  ailer  the  letter  to  Philemon  was  WTitten. 

H. 

ARISTOBU'LUS  C Apiar6$ov\o!i  imost  ex- 
cellent counsellor] :  Arislobolus),  a  Jewish  priest 
(2  Mace.  i.  10),  who  resided  in  Egj-pt  in  the  reign 
of  Ptolemaeus  VI.  Philometor  (comp.  Grimm,  2 
Mace.  i.  9).  In  a  letter  of  Judas  AIaccaba»us  he 
is  addressed  (105  n.  c.)  as  the  representative  of 
the  Egj7)tian  Jews  {' AptaTO$ov\ai  .  .  ■  koI  ro7s  ^» 
Aiy.  'lovS.  2  Mace.  I.  c),  and  is  further  styled 
•'the  teacher"  {StSdaKuXos,  i-  e.  counsellor?)  of 
the  king.  Josephus  makes  no  mention  of  him; 
but  there  can  be  httle  doubt  that  he  is  identical 
with  the  Peripatetic  philosopher  of  the  name  (Clem. 
Alex.  Sti:  v.  §  98;  Euseb.  Praip.  Kv.  viii.  9),  who 
dedicated  to  Ptol.  Philometor  his  allegoric  exposi- 
tion of  the  Pentateuch  (Bi'/SAous  ^^riynriKcis  rod 
Mcoutre'tos  v6ixov,  Euseb.  11.  E.  vii.  32).  Consid- 
erable fragments  of  this  work  have  been  preserved 
by  Clement  and  Eusebius  (luiseb.  Pra'p.  Kvang. 
vii.  13,  14,  viii.  (8)  9,  10,  xiii.  12;  in  which  the 
Clementine  fragments  recur) ;  but  the  authenticity 
of  the  quotations  ha.s  been  vigorously  contested. 
It  was  denied  by  R.  Simon,  and  especially  by  Hody 
{De  bibl.  text,  onfj.,  pp.  50  ff.  Oxon.  1705),  who  was 
answered  by  Valckenaer  {Diairihe  de  Aiistobulo 
Jwlcex),  Lugd.  Bat.  1806);  and  Valckenaer's  ar- 
guments are  now  generally  considered  conclusive. 
(GfriJrer,  Phih  u.  s.  w.  ii.  71  ff.;  Daehne,  Jiid. 
Alex.  Reliy.-PHlos.  ii.  73  ff. ;  Iwald,  Ge»ch.  des 
Volkes  Isr.  iv.  294  n.)  The  object  of  Aristobulus 
was  to  prove  that  the  Peripatetic  doctrines  were 
based  (rjprrjffdai)  on  tlie  Law  and  the  Prophets, 
and  his  work  has  an  additional  interest  as  showing 
that  the  Jewisli  doctrines  were  first  brought  into 
contact  with  the  AristoteUan  and  not  with  the  Pla- 
tonic philos<iphy  (comp.  Matter.  Hisit  de  I'^coU 
d'Alex.  iii.  x53  ff.).     The  ft-agments  winch  leniais 


ABISTOBULUS 

ins  discussed  at  length  in  the  works  (juoted  alwvfi 
vrhich  contam  also  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  the 
ehronological  difficulties  of  tlie  different  accounts 
of  Aristobulus.  B.  F.  W. 

AKISTOBU-XiUS  C Api(TT6$ov\os\  a  resi- 
dent at  llome,  some  of  wnose  liouseliold  are  greeted 
in  Kom.  xvi.  10.  It  does  not  appear  whether  he 
Mas  a  Konian;  or  whether  he  beUeved:  from  the 
form  of  expression,  probably  not.  Or  he  may  have 
been  dead  at  tlie  time.  The  Menohg.  Grcecoi-um, 
as  usual  (iii.  17  f.),  makes  him  to  have  been  one 
of  the  70  discij)les,  and  reports  that  he  preached 
the  gospel  in  Britain.  H.  A. 

*  It  is  not  safe  to  infer  merely  from  the  expres- 
sion itself  {iK  Twv ' Apia-Tofiov\ov)  either  that  Aris- 
tobulus was  not  a  Christian,  or  that  he  was  not 
living  when  the  epistle  to  tlie  Romans  was  wi-itten. 
(See  Fritzsche,  Epislola  ad  Bomanos,  iii.  •U)7). 
Paul  speaks  twice  precisely  in  the  same  way  of  Ste- 
phanas (1  Cor.  i.  16,  and  xvi.  15);  but  we  happen 
to  learn  from  1  Cor.  xvi.  17,  that  Stephanas  just 
then  was  with  the  apostle  at  Ephesus  {xaipcD  4irl 
rij  irapovfficf,  'Srecpava),  and  consequently  separat- 
ed from  his  family  at  Rome.  It  is  quite  possible 
that  Aristobulus  was  at  Corinth  when  Paul  wrote 
to  the  Romans,  though  his  proper  home  was  at 
Rome,  or  the  reverse :  he  himself  may  have  lived  at 
Corinth,  but  have  had  sons  or  other  members  of 
his  family  settled  at  Rome.  This  entire  class  of 
passages  (Narcissus,  ONESirnoKus,  Chloe) 
involves  a  peculiarity  of  phraseology  which  has  not 
been  duly  recognized.  H. 

ARK,  NOAH'S.     [Noah.] 

ARK   OF  THE   COVENANT    iV'^^^'i. 

This,  taken  generally  together  with  the  mercy-seat, 
was  the  one  piece  of  the  tabernacle's  furniture  espe- 
cially invested  with  sacredness  and  mystery,  and  is 
therefore  the  first  for  which  precise  directions  were 
delivered  (Ex.  xxv.).     The  word  signifies  a  mere 

chest  or  box,  and  is  (as  well  as  the  word  n3t% 
"ark  "  of  Noah)  rendered  by  the  LXX.  and  New 
Testament  writers  by  ki^wt6s.  We  may  remark : 
(I.)  its  material  dimensions  and  fittings;  (II.)  its 
design  and  object,  under  which  will  be  included  its 
contents;  and  (III.)  its  history. 


Egyptian  Ark.     (Rosellini,  p.  99  ) 

I.  It  appears  to  have  been  an  oblong  chest  of 
Jittim  (acacia)  wood,  2^,  cul)its  long,  by  IJ  broad 
Old  deep.  Within  and  without  gold  was  overlaid 
an  the  wood,  and  on  the  upper  side  or  lid,  which 
was  edged  round  about  with  gold,  the  mercy-saat, 
lupponing  the  cherubim  one  at  each  end,  and  re- 
garded as  the  symbolical  throne  of  the  Divine  pres- 
mco  [Cherubim  and  Mercv-seat],  was  placed, 
rhe  ark  was  fitted  with  rings  one  at  each  of  the 


ARK   OF  THE   COVENANT     155 

four  corners,  and  therefore  two  on  each  side,  acd 
through  these  were  passed  staves  of  the  same  wood 
similarly  overlaid.  By  these  staves,  which  alwayg 
remained  in  the  rings,  the  Levites  of  the  house  of 
Kohath,  to  whose  office  this  especially  appertained, 
bore  it  in  its  progress.  Probably,  however,  when 
removed  from  within  the  veil,  in  the  most  holy 
place,  which  waa  its  proper  position,  or  when  taken 
out  thence,  priests  were  its  bearers  (Num.  vii.  9,  x. 
21,  iv.  5,  19,  20;  IK.  viii.  3,  6).  The  ends  of 
the  staves  were  visible  without  the  veil  in  the  holy 
place  of  the  temple  of  Solomon,  the  staves  beirtg 
drawn  to  the  ends,  apparently,  but  not  out  of  the 
rings.  The  ark,  when  transported,  was  enveloped 
in  the  "  veil  "  of  the  dismantled  tabernacle,  iu  the 
curtain  of  badgers'  skins,  and  in  a  blue  cloth  over 
all,  and  was  therefore  not  seen. 

II.  Its  purpose  or  object  was  to  contain  invio- 
late the  Divine  autograph  of  the  two  tables,  that 
"covenant "  from  which  it  derived  its  title,  the  idea 
of  which  was  insepai-able  from  it,  and  which  may 
be  regarded  as  the  dvpusitain  of  the  Jewish  disijen- 
sation.  The  perpetual  safe  custody  of  the  material 
tables  no  doubt  suggested  the  moral  observance  of 
the  precepts  inscribed.  It  was  also  probably  a  reli- 
quary for  the  pot  of  manna  and  the  rod  of  Aaron. 
We  read  in  1  K.  viii.  9,  that  "  there  was  nothmg 
in  the  ark  save  the  two  tables  of  stone  which  Mosea 
put  there  at  Horeb."  Yet  St.  Paul,  or  the  author 
of  Heb.  IX.  4,  asserts  that,  beside  the  two  tables  of 
stone,  the  "  pot  of  manna  "  and  "  Aaron's  rod  that 
budded  "  were  inside  the  ark,  which  were  directed 
to  be  "  laid  up  "  and  "  kept  before  the  testimony,''' 
i.  e.  before  the  tables  of  the  law  (Ex.  xl.  20) ;  and 
probably,  since  there  is  no  mention  of  any  other 
receptacle  for  them,  and  some  would  have  been  ne- 
cessary, the  statement  of  1  K.  viii.  9  implies  that 
by  Solomon's  time  these  reUcs  had  disappeared. 

The  expression  ]T1S  "T'*^,  Deut.  xxxi.  26,  ob- 
scurely rendered  "  in  the  side  of  the  ai'k  "  (A.  V.), 
merely  means  "beside"  it.  The  words  of  the 
A.  V.  in  1  Chr.  xiii.  3,  seem  to  imply  an  use  of 
the  ark  for  the  purpose  of  an  oracle ;  but  this  ia 
probably  erroneous,  and  "  we  sought  it  not "  the 
meaning;  so  the  LXX.  renders  it:  see  Gesenius, 

Lex.  s.  v.   f"T^. 

-  T 

Occupyuig  the  most  holy  spot  of  the  whole  sanct- 
uary, it  tended  to  exclude  any  idol  from  the  centre 
of  worship.  And  Jeremiah  (iii.  16)  lo(iks  forward 
to  the  time  when  even  the  ark  should  bo  "  no  more 
remembered,"  as  the  cUmax  of  spiritualized  rcUgion 
apparently  in  Messianic  times.  It  was  also  the 
support  of  the  mercy-seat,  materially  symbolizing, 
perhaps,  the  "covenant"  as  that  on  which  "mercy" 
rested.  It  also  furnislied  a  legitimate  vent  to  thfit 
longing  after  a  material  object  for  reverential  feel- 
ing which  is  conmion  to  all  religions.  It  was, 
however,  never  seen,  save  by  the  high-priest,  and 
resembled  in  this  respect  tlie  Deity  whom  it  sym- 
bolized, whose  face  none  might  look  upon  and  live 
(Winer,  ad  lac.  note).  That  tliis  reverential  feeling 
may  have  been  impaired  during  its  absence  among 
the  Philistines,  seems  probable  from  the  exampla 
of  Uzzah. 

III.  The  chi"*"  facts  in  the  earlier  history  of  the 
ark  (see  Josh.  ui.  and  vi.)  need  not  be  recited. 
We  may  r.jtice,  however,  a  fiction  of  the  liabbis 
that  then  .vere  two  arks,  one  which  remained  in 
the  shrine,  and  another  which  preceded  the  camp 
on  its  march,  wid  tha'   this  latter  containV.  the 


166    AKK  OF  THE  COVENANT 

broken  tables  of  the  Law,  as  the  former  the  whole 
ones.  In  the  decline  of  religion  in  a  later  period  a 
luperstitious  security  was  attached  to  its  presence 
In  battle.  Yet,  though  this  was  rebuked  by  its  per- 
mitted capture,  when  captured  its  sanctity  was 
vindicated  by  miracles,  as  seen  in  its  avenging 
progress  through  the  Philistine  cities.  From  this 
period  till  David's  time  its  abode  was  <requenUy 
shifted.  It  sojourned  among  several,  probably  !.«- 
vitical,  families  (1  Sam.  vii.  1;  2  Sam.  vi.  3,  11; 
1  Chr.  xiii.  13,  xv.  24,  25)  in  the  border  villages 
of  Eastern  Judah,  and  did  not  take  its  place  in 
the  tabernacle,  but  dwelt  in  curtains,  i.  e.  in  a  sep- 
arate tent  pitched  for  it  in  Jerusalem  by  David. 
Its  bringing  up  by  David  thither  was  a  national 
festival,  and  its  presence  there  seems  to  have  sug- 
gested to  his  piety  the  erection  of  a  house  to  receive 
it.  Subsequently  that  house,  when  completed,  re- 
ceived, in  the  installation  of  the  ark  in  its  shruie, 
the  signal  of  its  hiauguration  by  the  effulgence  of 
Divine  glory  instantly  manifested.  Several  of  the 
Psalms  contain  allusions  to  these  events  (e.  g.  xxiv., 
xlvii.,  cxxxii.)  and  Vs.  cv.  appears  to  have  been 
composed  on  the  occasion  of  the  first  of  them. 

When  idolatry  became  more  shameless  in  the 
kingdom  of  Judah,  Manasseh  placed  a  "carved 
image  "  in  the  "  house  of  God,"  and  probably  re- 
moved the  ark  to  make  way  for  it.  This  may 
account  for  the  subsequent  statement  that  it  was 
reinstated  by  Josiah  (2  Chr.  xxxiii.  7,  xxxv.  3). 
It  was  probably  taken  captive  or  destroyed  by  Neb- 
uchadnezzar (2  Esdr.  X.  22).  Prideaux's  argu- 
ment that  there  must  have  been  an  ark  in  the 
Becond  temple  is  of  no  weight  against  express  testi- 
mony, such  as  that  of  Josephus  (5.  J.  v.  5,  §  5) 
and  Tacitus  (Hist.  v.  9,  inania  arcana),  confirmed 
also  by  the  Kabbins,  who  state  that  a  sacred  stone 

called  by  them  n^jHlI?  ^SS,  "stone  of  drinking" 
[Stone],  stood  in  its  stead;  as  well  as  by  the 
marked  silence  of  those  apocryphal  books  which 
enumerate  the  rest  of  the  principal  furniture  of  the 
sanctuary  as  present,  besides  the  positive  statement 
of  2  Esdr.  as  above  quoted. 


B|{yptian  Ark.     (Wilkinson,  Anc.  Egypt.) 

Tlie  ritual  of  the  Etruscans,  Greeks,  Romans, 
tad  other  ancient  nations,  included  the  use  of  what 
Clemens  Alexandrinus  calls  Kiarai  fivcrriKal  (Pro- 
jrent.  p  12) ;  but  especially  that  of  the  F.g_yptians, 
VI  whose  religious  processions,  as  represented  on 
monuments,  such  an  ark,  surmounted  by  a  pair  of 
winged  figures  like  the  cherubim,  constantly  ap- 
pears (Wilkinson,  An.  Egypt,  v.  271,  275).  The 
lame  Clemens  (Strom,  v.  578)  also  contains  an 
illusion  of  a  proverbial  character  to  the  ark  and  its 
rites,  which  seems  to  show  that  they  were  popularly 
known,  where  he  says  that  "  only  the  masto" 
Ui?(£(rKaAos^  may  uncover  the  ark"  (.ki^<dt6s)- 


ARMAGEDDON 

In  I^atin  alxo,  tlie  word  arcanum,  com  tcted  witl 
ai-ca  and  arveo,  is  the  recognized  term  for  a  sacred 
mystery.  Illustrations  of  the  same  subject  occui 
also  Plut.  de  Js.  et  Osi.  c.  39;  Ov.  Ais  Am.  ii. 
G09,  &c. ;  Euseb.  Prceji.  Evang.  ii.  3 ;  Catull.  Ixiv 
260-1;  ApiU.  Met.  xi.  2(52.  H.  H. 

ARKITE,    THE     OHIVH,    Sam.    Cod 

^pT^l? :  ^ApovKoios  •  Aracaus),  one  of  the  families 
of  the  Canaanites  (Gen.  x.  17;  1  Chr.  i.  15),  and 
from  the  context  evidently  located  in  the  north  of 
Phoenicia.  Josephus  {Ant.  i.  6,  §  2)  gives  the 
name  as  ^KpovKoios,  and  as  possessing  "ApKyv 
tV  iv  TO?  Atfidv(f>.  He  also  again  mentions  the 
place  CApKala,  B.  J.  vii.  5,  §  1)  in  defining  the 
position  of  the  Sabbatical  river.  The  name  is 
found  in  Pliny  (v.  16),  and  Ptolemy  (v.  15),  and 
from  jEUus  Lampridius  {Alex.  Sev.)  we  learn  that 
the  Ui-bs  Arcena  contained  a  temple  dedicated  to 
Alexander  the  Great.  It  was  tlie  birthplace  of 
Alexander  Severus,  and  was  thence  called  Ca'sarea 
Libani.  Area  was  well  known  to  the  Crusaders, 
who  under  Raimond  of  Toulouse  besieged  it  for  two 
months  in  1099  in  vain ;  it  was,  however,  afterwaida 
taken  by  William  of  Sartanges.  In  1202  it  was 
totally  destroyed  by  an  earthquake.    The  site  which 

now  bears  the  name  of  'Arka  (  Li'^fc  )  lies  on  the 

coast,  2  to  2i  hours  from  the  shore,  about  12  miles 
north  of  Tripoli,  and  5  south  of  the  Nahr  el  Khebir 
(Eleutherus).  The  great  coast  road  passes  half-way 
between  it  and  the  sea.  The  site  is  marked  by  a 
rocky  tell  rising  to  the  height  of  100  feet  close  above 
the  Nahr  Ai-ka.  On  the  top  of  the  tell  is  an  area 
of  about  two  acres,  and  on  this  and  on  a  plateau  to 
the  north  the  ruins  of  the  former  tovm  are  scat^ 
tered.  Among  them  are  some  columns  of  granite 
and  syenite  (Rob.  iii.  579-81;  Ges.  1073;  AViner. 
s.  V. ;  Reland,  575;  Burckhardt,  162;  Diet,  of  Or. 
and  Ram.  Geogr.,  art..  Arca).  G. 

ARMAGEDDON  {[' ApfiayeZSSy,  Lachm. 
Tisch.]  'ApfiayfSdv.  [Aiinagedon],  Rev.  xvi.  16). 
It  would  be  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  this  work  to 
enter  into  any  of  the  theological  controversies  con- 
nected with  this  word.  Whatever  its  full  8yml)ol- 
ical  import  may  be,  the  image  rests  on  a  geograph- 
ical basis ;  and  the  locality  impUed  in  the  Ilebrew 
term  here  employed  {rhv  tSttov  rhv  KaK6vfA.fvoi> 
'Efipaiarrl  ' ApfiayeSwv)  is  the  great  battlefield  of 
the  Old  Testament,  where  the  cliief  conflicts  took 
place  between  the  Israelites  and  the  enemies  of 
God's  people.  The  passage  is  best  illustrated  by 
comparing  a  similar  one  in  the  book  of  Joel  (iii.  2, 
12),  where  the  scene  of  tlie  Divine  judgments  is 
spoken  of  in  the  prophetic  imagery  as  the  "  valley 
of  Jehoshaphat,"  the  fact  underlying  the  image 
being  Jehoshaphat's  great  victory  (2  Chr.  xx.  26; 
see  Zech.  xiv.  2,  4).  So  here  the  scene  of  the 
struggle  of  good  and  evil  is  suggested  by  that  battle- 
field, the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  which  was  famous  for 
two  great  victories,  of  Bai-ak  over  the  Canaanites 
(Judg.  iv.,  v.).  and  Gideon  over  the  Midianites 
(Judg.  vii.);  and  for  two  great  disasters,  the  deatb 
of  Saul  in  the  invasion  of  the  Phihstines  (1  Sain. 
xxxi.  8),  and  the  death  of  Josiah  in  the  invasion 
of  the  Egyptians  (2  K.  xxiii.  29,  30;  2  Chr.  xxxv 
22).  With  tlie  fiirst  and  fourth  of  these  events, 
Megiddo  (Mo7655£<J  in  the  LXX.  and  Josephus)  ii 
especially  connected.  Hence  ' Ap-fiay(Ba>v,  "tlj» 
hill  of  Megiddo."  (See  Biihr's  Excui  tus  or 
Herod  ii.  159.)     The  same  figurative  language  if 


AHMENIA 


ARMLET 


\i>l 


ued  by  one  of  the  Jewish  prophets  (Zech.  jdi.  11).  i  be  noticed  that  Armenia  is  spoken  of  rather  in 
As  regards  the  Apocalypse,  it  is  remarked  by  Stan-  reference  to  its  geographical  position  as  one  of  the 
ley  (-S.  f  P-  p-  330),  that  this  imagery  would  be  |  extreme  northern  nations  with  which  the  Jews  wen 


peculiarly  natural  to  a  Galilaean,  to  whom  the  scene 
of  these  battles  was  femiliar.     [Megiddo.] 

J.  S.  H. 


ARME'NIA  CAp.ucj/ia)  is  nowhere  mentioned 
under  that  name  in  the  original  Hebrew,  though 
it  occurs  in  the  Enghsh  version  (2  K.  xix.  37), 
where  our  translators  have  very  uimecessarily  sub- 
stituted it  for  Ararat  (comp.  marginal  reading). 
[Here  the  LXX.  read  ' hpapiQ  (Alex.  Apo5o5), 
Vulg.  Armenii.l  The  absence  of  the  name,  how- 
ever, which  was  not  the  indigenous  name  «f  the 
people,  by  no  means  implies  that  the  Hebrew  writers 
were  unacquainted  with  the  country.  They  un- 
doubtedly describe  certain  districts  of  it  under  the 
names  Ararat,  Minni,  and  Togarmah.  Of  these 
three  the  latter  appears  to  have  the  widest  signif- 
ication. It  is  the  name  of  a  race  (Gen.  x.  3),  and 
not  of  a  locality,  and  is  used  by  li^ekiel  as  descrip- 
tive of  the  whole  country  (xxvii.  14,  xxxviii.  6), 
while  the  two  former  are  mentioned  together,  and 
have  been  identified  with  separate  localities. 

Armenia  is  that  lofty  plateau  whence  the  rivers 
Euphrates,  Tigris,  Araxes,  and  Acampsis,  pour 
down  their  waters  ?ji  different  directions,  the  two 
first  to  the  Persian  Gulf,  the  last  two  respectively 
to  the  Caspian  and  Euxine  Seas.  It  may  be  termed 
the  nucleMs  of  the  mountain  system  of  western 
Asia.  From  the  centre  of  the  plateau  rise  two 
lofty  chains  of  mountains,  which  run  from  E.  to 
W.,  converging  towards  the  Caspian  sea,  but  par- 
allel to  each  other  towards  the  W.,  the  most  north- 
erly named  by  ancient  geographers  Abus  Ms,  and 
culminating  in  Mount  Ararat;  the  other  named 
Niphates  Ms.  Westward  these  ranges  may  be 
traced  in  Anti-Taurus  and  Taurus,  while  in  the  op- 
posite direction  they  are  continued  in  Caspius  Ms. 
The  cUmate  of  Armenia  is  severe,  the  degree  of 
severity  varying  with  the  altitude  of  different  local- 
ities, the  valleys  being  sufficiently  warm  to  ripen 
the  grape,  while  the  high  lands  are  bleak  and  only 
adapted  for  pasture.  The  latter  supported  vast 
numbers  of  mules  and  horses,  on  which  the  wealth 
of  the  country  chiefly  depended ;  and  hence  Strabo 
(xi.  529)  characterizes  the  country  as  ff(\)6^pa.  tir- 
vSfioTOi,  and  tells  us  that  the  horses  were  held  in 
SIS  high  estimation  as  the  celebrated  Nisaean  breed. 
The  inhabitants  were  keen  traders  in  ancient  as 
in  modern  times. 

The  slight  acquaintance  which  the  Hebrew 
writers  had  of  this  country  was  probably  derived 
ftom  the  Phoenicians.  There  are  signs  of  their 
Knowledge  having  been  progressive.  Isaiah,  in  his 
prophecies  regarding  Babylon,  speaks  of  the  hosts 
as  coming  from  "the  mountains"  (xiii.  4),  while 
Jeremiah,  in  connection  with  the  same  subject,  uses 
the  specific  names  Ararat  and  Minni  (li.  27). 
Ezekiel,  who  was  apparently  better  acquainted  with 
the  country,  uses  a  name  which  was  familiar  to  its 
own  inhabitants,  Togarmah.  Whether  the  use  of 
the  term  Ararat  in  Is.  xxxvii.  38  belongs  to  the 
period  in  which  the  prophet  himself  Uved,  is  a 
question  which  cannot  be  here  discussed.  In  the 
prophetical  passages  to  which  we  shall  refer,  it  will 


acquainted,  than  for  any  more  definite  purpose. 
(1.)  Ararat  is  noticed  as  the  place  whitlier  the 
sons  of  Sennacherib  fled  (Is.  xxxvii.  38).  In  the 
prophecies  of  Jeremiah  (li.  27)  it  is  summoned 
along  with  Minni  and  Ashkenaz  to  the  destruction  of 
Babylon,  —  the  LXX.  however  only  notice  the  last. 
It  was  the  central  district  surrounding  the  moun- 

tam  of  that  name.  (2.)  Minni  C"?^)  is  only 
noticed  in  the  passage  just  referred  to.  It  is  prob- 
ably identical  with  the  district  Minyas,  in  the 
upper  valley  of  the  Muvnd-su  branch  of  the  Eu- 
phrates (Joseph.  Ant.  i.  3,  §  G).  It  contains  tht 
root  of  the  name  Aimenia  according  to  the  gen- 
erally received  derivation,  Har-Minni,  "  the  moun- 
tains  of  Minni."  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the 
spot  where  Xenophon  ascertains  that  the  name  of 
the  country  through  which  he  was  passing  was  Ar- 
menia, coincides  with  the  position  here  assigned  to 
Minni   (Xen.   An.  iv.   5;    Ainsworth,    Track  of 

10,000,  p.  177).  (3.)  ToGAKMAH  (na~15"m  : 
Qoyapfid,  and  Qopjojxd.)  is  noticed  in  two  passages 
of  Ezekiel,  both  of  which  support  the  idea  of  its 
identity  with  Armenia.  In  xxvii.  14  he  speaks  of 
its  commerce  with  the  Tyrians  in  "  horses,  horse- 
men, and  mules"  (A.  V.),  or,  as  the  words  mean, 
"carriage-horses,  riding-horses, and  mules"  (Ilitzig, 
Comment.),  which  we  have  already  noticed  as  the 
staple  productions  of  Armenia.  That  the  house 
of  Togarmah  "  traded  in  the  fairs  of  Tyre,"  as  the 
A.  V.  expresses  it,  is  more  than  the  Hebrew  text 
seems  to  warrant.  The  words  simply  signify  that 
the  Armenians  carried  on  commerce  with  the  Tyr- 
ians in  those  articles.  In  this  passage  Togarmah 
is  mentioned  in  connection  with  Meshech  and 
Tubal;  in  xxxviii.  6,  it  is  described  as  "of  the 
north  quarters  "  in  connection  with  Gomer.  Coup- 
hng  with  these  particulars  the  relationship  between 
Togarmah,  Ashkenaz,  and  Kiphat  (Gen.  x.  3),  the 
three  sons  of  Gomer,  and  the  nations  of  which 
these  patriarchs  were  the  progenitors,  we  cannot 
fail  in  coming  to  the  conclusion  that  Togai-mah 
represents  Armenia.  We  will  only  add  that  the 
traditional  beUef  of  the  Armenians  themselves,  that 
they  are  descended  from  Thorgomass  or  Tiorgar- 
mah,  strongly  confirms  this  view."        W.  L.  B. 

ARMLET  (n"T^"-'W,  Num.  xxxi.  50,  8 
Sam.  i.  10:  ^A.iSti;';  Aquila  [in  2  Sam.]  )3pox»- 
liKiov  •  \^periscelis,  ]  armilla,  brachiale ;  prop- 
erly a  fetter,  from  ip^,  o  ztep;  comp.    Is.  iii 


a  *  We  are  indebted  for  a  valuabV  Tork  on  Armenia 
tud  Persia  to  the  American  missionaries,  Messrs.  H.  Q. 
0.  Dwight  and  Eli  Smith,  who  mauu  a  tour  of  observa- 
dnn  In  tb«8e  countri'8  in  1830.      We  have  a  still  later 


Assyrian  Armlet. 


From  Nineveh  Marbles,  Britis 
Museum. 


2C,  and  ANKi^ax),  an  ornament  universal  W  <'  ■r 

work  from  Dr.  Dwight  (1850)  entitled  "Cb-jKstirjity 
revived  in  the  East,"  treating  espwially  of  •  i  g^eti 
moral  clianges  which  are  taking  place  am<  .-,:  the  A»' 
menians  »f  Turk*;  " 


lo8 


ARMLET 


East,  especially  among  women ;  used  by  princes  m 
one  of  the  insignia  of  royalty,  and  by  distinguished 
persons  in  general.  The  word  is  not  used  in  the 
A.  v.,  as  even  in  2  Sam.  i.  10,  they  render  it  "  by 
the  bracelet  on  his  arm."  Sometimes  only  one  was 
worn,  on  the  right  arm  (Ecclus.  xxi.  21).  From 
Cant.  viii.  6,  it  appears  that  the  signet  sometunes 
consisted  of  a  jewel  on  the  annlet. 

These  ornaments  were  worn  by  most  ancient 
princes.  They  are  fre<iuent  on  the  sculptures  of 
Persepolis  and  Nineveh,  and  were  set  in  rich  and 
faatastic  shapes,  resembling  the  heads  of  animals 
(Layard,  Nineveh,  ii.  298).  The  kings  of  Persia 
wore  chem,  and  Astyages  presented  a  pair  among 
other  ornaments  to  Cyrus  (Xen.  Cijr,  i.  3).  The 
Ethiopians,  to  whom  some  were  sent  by  Cam- 
byses  scornfully  characterized  them  as  weak  fetters 
(Herjd.  ii.  23).  Nor  were  they  confined  to  the 
king?,  since  Herodotus  (viii.  113)  calls  the  Persians 
genei'ally  juKwspSpot.  In  the  Egyptian  monu- 
ments "kings  are  often  represented  with  armlets 
and  bivelets,  and  in  the  Leyden  Museum  is  one 
bearing  the  name  of  the  third  Thothmes."  [A 
gold  biacelet  figured  below.]     (Wilkinson's  Anc. 


Kgyptian  Armlet.     From  the  Leyden  Mnseum. 


Egypt,  lii.  375,  and  Plates  1,  2,  14).  Tliey  were 
even  used  by  the  old  British  chiefs  (Turner,  Anyl. 
Sax.  i.  383).  The  story  of  Tarpeia  shows  that 
they  were  common  among  the  ancient  Sabines,  but 
the  Romans  considered  the  use  of  them  effeminate, 
although  they  were  sometimes  given  as  military  re- 
wards (Liv.  X.  44).  Finally,  they  are  still  worn 
among  the  most  splendid  regalia  of  modern  Oriental 
sovereigns,  and  it  is  even  said  that  those  of  the 
king  of  Persia  are  worth  a  million  sterling  (Kitto, 
Pict.  Hist,  of  Pal.  i.  499).  They  form  the  chief 
wealth  of  modern  Hindoo  ladies,  and  are  rarely 
taken  off.  They  are  made  of  every  sort  of  material 
from  the  finest  gold,  jeweb,  ivory,  coral,  and  pearl, 
down  to  the  common  glass  rings  and  varnished  earth- 
enware bangles  of  the  women  of  the  Deccan.  Now, 
^  in  ancient  times,  they  are  sometimes  plain,  some- 
times enchased,  sometimes  with  the  ends  not  joined, 
and  sometimes  a  complete  circle.  The  arms  are 
aometimes  quite  covered  with  tliem,  and  if  the 
wearer  be  poor,  it  matters  not  how  mean  they  are, 
provided  only  that  they  glitter.  It  is  thought  essen- 
tial to  beauty  that  they  should  fit  close,  and  hence 
llarmer  calls  them  "rather  manacles  than  brace- 
lets," and  Buchanan  says  "that  the  poor  girls 
rarely  get  them  on  without  drawing  blood,  and 
rubbing  part  of  the  skin  from  the  hand ;  and'  as 
they  wear  great  numl)ers,  which  often  break,  they 
■uffer  much  fi-om  tlieir  love  of  admiration."  Their 
enormous  weight  may  be  conjectured  from  Gen. 
txiv.  24.     [Bracklet.]  F.  W.  F. 

ARMOTfl    ('»3b-lS    [Pnladms,  pnlace  in- 


ABMS 

maU]:  'Epfixeuot  [Vat.  Ep/myoef,  Atex.  -y,u 
Aid.  'Epfiwi/fl ;  Comp.  'Apfxan/i :]  Ai-nioni),  oon  ol 
Saul  by  Rizpah  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8). 

*  ARMORY  (r:r>\3,  which  Luther  renders  Har^ 
nischhaus  and  De  Wette  Zeuyhaus)  occurs  only  is 
Neh.  lii.  19  (A.  V.),  and  is  mentioned  there  as  being 
opposite  the  part  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  built  by 
Ezra  (3)  after  the  captivity.  The  same  place,  no 
doubt,  is  meant  in  Is.  xxii.  8  (pQJS),  whether  we 
render  there  "  armorer  "  (A.  V.)  or  "  armory  of  the 
house  of  the  forest,"  i.  e.  (as  more  fully  in  1  King« 
vii.  2  ff.)  "of  the  forest  of  l^ebanon,"  and  so  called 
because  built  with  cedars  brought  from  Lebanon. 
See  Knobel,  Exeget.  Ilatidt).  v.  153;  and  Uesen- 
ius,  iihtv  den  Jesnia,  ii.  690.  This  "armory," 
therefore,  was  an  apartment  in  this  "house"  or 
palace  of  Solomon,  in  which,  as  we  see  expressly 
from  1  Kings  x.  16,  17,  he  deposited  his  "goldai 
targets  and  shields  "  (Keil,  Biicher  der  Kimiffe,  p. 
153).  It  appears  to  have  existed  still,  or  remains 
of  it,  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah.  Gesenius  infers 
from  Neh.  iii.  19  (though  the  local  indication  thoe 
is  very  indefinite)  that  it  was  situated  on  Ophel, 
the  southern  projection  of  Moriah  (Thesaur.  ii. 
612);  but  a  difterent  view  is  presented  under 
Palace.  h. 

ARMS,  ARMOR.  In  the  records  of  a 
people  hke  the  Children  of  Israel,  so  large  a  part 
of  whose  history  was  passed  in  warfare,  we  nat- 
urally look  for  much  information,  direct  or  indirect, 
on  the  arms  and  modes  of  fighting  of  the  nation 
itself  and  of  those  with  whom  it  came  into  con- 
tact. 

Unfortunately,  however,  the  notices  that  we  find 
in  the  Bible  on  these  points  are  extremely  few  and 
meagre,  while  even  those  few,  owing  to  the  uncer- 
tainty which  rests  on  the  true  meaning  and  force 
of  the  terms,  do  not  convey  to  us  nearly  all  the  in- 
fonuation  which  they  might.  This  is  the  more  to 
be  regretted  because  the  notices  of  the  history, 
scanty  as  tliey  are,  are  literally  everything  we  have 
to  depend  on,  imismuch  as  they  are  not  yet  sup- 
plemented and  illustrated  either  by  remains  of  the 
arms  themselves,  or  by  those  commentaries  which 
the  sculptures,  vases,  bronzes,  mosaics,  and  paint- 
ings of  other  nations  furnish  to  the  notices  of 
manners  and  customs  contained  in  their  literature. 
In  remarkable  contrast  to  Greece,  Rome,  F^gypt, 
and  we  may  now  add  Assyria,  Palestine  has  not  yet 
yielded  one  vestige  of  the  implements  or  utensils 
of  life  or  warfare  of  its  ancient  inhabitants;  nor 
has  a  single  sculptm-e,  piece  of  pottery,  coin,  or 
jewel,  been  discovered  of  that  people  with  whose 
life,  as  depicted  in  their  literature,  we  are  more  fa- 
miliar than  with  that  of  our  own  ancestors.  Even 
the  relations  which  existed  between  the  customs  of 
Israel  and  those  of  Egypt  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Assyria  on  the  other,  have  still  to  be  investigate*!, 
so  that  we  ai-e  prevented  from  applymg  to  the  his- 
tory of  the  Jews  the  immense  amount  of  informa- 
tion which  we  possess  on  the  warlike  customs  of 
these  two  nations,  the  former  especially.  Perhap* 
the  time  will  arrive  for  investigations  in  Palestine 
of  the  same  nature  as  those  which  have,  within  the 
last  ten  years,  given  us  so  much  insight  into  As- 
syrian manners ;  but  in  the  meantime  all  that  can 
be  done  here  is  to  examine  the  various  terms  bj 
which  instruments  of  war  appear  to  be  designated 
in  the  Bible,  in  the  light  of  such  help  as  can  ht 
got  from  the  comparison  of  parallel  passages,  frt>i> 


ARMS 

Ihe  derivation  of  the  words,  and  from  the  render- 
ingB  of  the  ancient  versions. 

The  subject  naturally  divides  itself  into  —  I. 
Offensive  weapons :  Arms.  II.  Defensive  weapons : 
Armor. 

I.  Offensive  weapons :  1.  Apparent!;-  the  e&rliest 
known,  and   most  widely  used,  was   the    Cheveb 

{iryCX  "Sword,"  from  a  root  signifying  to  lay 
wasted 

Its  first  mention  in  the  history  is  in  the  narra- 
tive of  the  massacre  at  Shechem,  when  "  Simeon 
and  Levi  took  each  man  his  sword,  and  came  upon 
the  city  boldly  and  slew  all  the  males  "  (Gen.  xxxiv. 
25).  But  tliere  is  an  allusion  to  it  shortly  before 
in  a  passage  undoubtedly  of  the  ear- 
liest date  (I'^wald,  i.  446  noli:):  the 
expostulation  of  Laban  with  Jacob 
(Gen.  xxxi.  26).  After  this,  during 
the  account  of  the  conquest  and 
of  the  monarchy,  the  mention  of 
the  sword  is  frequent,  but  very 
little  can  be  gathered  from  the  cas- 
ual notices  of  the  text  as  to  its 
shape,  size,  material,  or  mode  of 
use.  Perhaps  if  anything  is  to  be 
inferred  it  is  that  the  cliereh  was 
not  either  a  heavj'  or  a  long  weapon. 
That  of  I2hud  was  only  a  cubit,  i.  e. 
18  inches  long,  so  as  to  have  been 
concealed  under  his  garment,  and 
nothing  is  said  to  lead  to  the  infer- 
ence tliat  it  was  shorter  than  usual, 
for  the  "dagger"  of  the  A.  V.  is 
without  any  ground,  unless  it  be  a 
rendering  of  the  fidxaipa  of  the 
LXX.  But  even  assuming  that 
Ehud's  sword  was  shorter  than  us- 
ual, yet  a  consideration  of  the  nar- 
ratives in  2  Sam.  ii.  16  and  xx.  8- 
10,  and  also  of  the  ease  with  which 
David  used  the  sword  of  a  man  so  much  larger 
than  himself  as  Goliath  (1  Sam.  xvii.  51,  xxi.  8, 


ARMS  159 

K.  ii.  5.  A  ghastly  picture  is  there  given  us  of 
the  murdered  man  and  his  murderer.  The  unfor- 
tunate Amasa  actually  disemlwwelled  by  the  single 
stroke,  and  "  wallowing  "  in  his  blood  in  the  uiiddle 
of  the  road  —  the  treacherous  .Foab  standing  over 
him,  bespattered  from  his  "girdle"  to  his  "shoes" 
with  the  blood  which  had  spouted  from  his  victim ! 

Tlie  chereb  was  carried  in  a  sheath  ("l}7ijl,  1 
Sam.  xvii.  51;  2  Sam.  xx.  8,  only:  ]"T3,  1  Chr. 

xxi.  27,  only)  slung  by  a  girdle  (1  San  xxv.  13) 
and  resting  upon  the  thigh  (Ps.  xlv.  3;  Tudg.  ill. 
16),  or  upon  the  hips  (2  Sam.  xx.  8).  '  Girding 
on  the  sword  "  was  a  symbolical  expression  for  com- 


Jsgyptian  Sword. 

9),  goes  to  show  that  the  chereb  was  both  a  lighter 
and  a  shorter  weapon  than  the  modem  sword. 
What  frightful  wounds  one  blow  of  the  sword  of 
the  Hebrews  could  inflict,  if  given  even  with  the 
lefl  hand  of  a  practiced  swordsman,  may  be  gaith- 
ered  from  a  comparison  of  2  Sam.  xx.  8-12  witk  1 


Persian  Sword,  or  Aciuaces. 

mencing  war,  the  more  forcible  because  in  times  of 
peace  even  the  king  in  state  did  not  wear  a  sword 
(1  K.  iii.  24);  and  a  similar  expression  occurs  to 
denote  those  able  to  serve  (.Judg.  viii.  10;  1  Chr. 
xxi.  5).  Other  phrases,  derived  from  the  chereb 
are,  "to  smite  with  the  edge"  (literally  "mouth," 
comp.  (rr6fxa,  and  comp.  -'devour,"  Is.  i.  20)  of 
the  "  sword  "  —  "  slain  with  the  sword  "  —  "  men 
that  drew  sword,"  &c. 

Swords  with  two  edges  are  occasionally  i-eferred 
to  (Judg.  iii.  16;  Ps.  cxlix.  6),  and  allusions  are 
found  to  "whetting"  the  sword  (Deut.  xxxii.  41; 
Ps.  bciv.  3;  Ez.  xxi.  9).  There  is  no  reference 
to  the  material  of  which  it  was  composed  (unless 
it  be  Is.  ii.  4;  Joel  iii.  10);  doubtless  it  was  of 
metal  from  the  allusions  to  its  brightness  and  "  glit- 
tering "  (see  the  two  passages  quoted  above,  and 
others),  and  the  ordinary  word  for  blade,  namely, 

^n^?  "^  flame."     From  the  expression  (Josh.  v. 

2,  3)  "swords  of  rock,"  A.  V.  "sharp  knives,"  we 
may  perhaps  infer  that  in  early  times  the  material 
was  flint. 

2.  Next  to  the  sword  was  the  Spear;  and  of 
this  weapon  we  meet  with  at  least  three  distinct 
kinds. 

a.  The  Chanith  {r\'^Zn),  a  "Spear,"  and  that 
of  the  largest  kind,  as  appears  from  various  circum- 
stances attending  its  mention.  It  was  the  weapon 
of  Goha.,a  —  its  staff  like  a  weaver's  beam,  the  iron 
head  alone  weighing  600  shekels,  about  25  11 «.  (1 


160  ARMS 

Sam.  xvil.  7,  45 ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  19 ;  1  Chr.  xx.  5), 
and  also  of  otlier  gknts  (2  Sara,  xxiii.  21 ;  1  Chr. 
xi.  23)  and  mighty  warriors  (2  Sam.  ii.  23,  xxiii. 
18;  1  Chr.  xi.  11,  20).  The  chanith  was  the 
habitual  companion  of  King  Saul  —  a  fit  weapon 
for  one  of  liis  gigantic  stature  —  planted  at  the  head 
of  liis  fJeeping-place  when  on  an  expedition  (1  Sam. 
xxvi.  7,  8,  11,  12,  16,  22),  or  held  in  his  hand 
when  mustering  his  forces  (xxii.  6);  and  on  it  the 
dying  king  is  leaning  when  we  catch  our  last 
glimpse  of  his  stately  figure  on  the  field  of  GUboa 
(2  Sam.  i.  6).  His  fits  of  anger  or  madness  be- 
come even  more  terrible  to  us,  when  we  find  that  it 
was  this  heavy  weapon  and  not  the  lighter  "jave- 
lin "  (as  the  A.  V.  renders  it)  that  he  cast  at  David 
(1  Sam.  xrai.  10,  11,  xix.  9,  10)  and  at  Jonathan 
(xx.  33).  A  striking  idea  of  the  weight  and  force 
of  this  ponderous  arm  may  lie  gained  fram  the  fact 
that  a  mere  back  thrust  from  the  hand  of  Abner 
was  enough  to  drive  its  butt  end  through  the  body 
of  Asahel  (2  Sam.  ii.  23).  The  chanith  is  men- 
tioned also  in  1  Sam.  xiii.  19,  22,  xxi.  8 ;  2  K.  xi. 
10;  2  Chr.  xxiii.  9,  and  in  numerous  passages  of 
poetry. 

I    Apparently  lighter  than  the  preceding,  and 
in  more  than  one  passage  distinguished  from  it,  was 

the  Cidon  (pT^^),  to  which  the  word  "Javelin" 
perhaps  best  answers  (Ewald,  Wurjspiess).  It 
would  be  the  appropriate  weapon  for  such  ma- 
neuvering as  that  described  in  Josh.  viii.  14-27,  and 
could  with  ease  be  held  outstretched  for  a  consid- 
erable time  (18,  26;  A.  "V.  "spear").  When 
not  in  action  the  cidon  was  carried  on  the  back  of 


Persian  Spean. 

the  wamor,  between  the  shoulders  (1  Sam.  xvii.  6, 
"target,"  and  margin  "gorget").  Both  in  this 
passage  and  in  verse  4.5  of  the  same  chapter  the 
cidm  is  distinguished  from  the  chanith.  In  Job 
xxxix.  23  ("spear")  the  allusion  seems  to  be  to 
the  quivering  of  a  javelin  when  poised  before  hurl- 
jig  it. 

c.  Another    kind   of    spear  was  the  Rmnnch 

(HQ^).  In  the  historical  books  it  occurs  in  Num. 
XXV.  7  ("javelin"),  and  1  K.  xviii.  28  ("lancets;" 
161],  "lancers").  Also  frequently  In  the  later 
books,  espe<;ially  in  the  often  recurring  formula  for 
arms,  "  shield  and  gpear."  1  Chr.  xii.  8  ("  buck- 
ler"), 24  ("spear"),  2  Chr.  xi.  12,  xiv.  8,  xxv.  5, 
And  Neh.  iv.  13,  16-21 ;  Ez.  xxxix.  9,  Ac. 

d.  A  lighter  missile  or  "dart"  was  probably  the 

Shehch  (P!  .  IT).  Its  root  signifies  to  project  or 
send  out,  but  unfortunately  there  is  nothing  beyond 
the  derivation  to  guide  us  to  any  knowledge  of  its 
lature.  See  2  Chr.  xxiii.  10,  xxxii.  5  ("dart.«i"); 
*Tch.  iv.  17,  23  (see  margin);  Job  xxxiil.  18,  xxxvi. 
13;  Jod  U.  8. 


ARMS 

e.  The  word  Shebet  (t^5^.!'),  the  ordinary  raean 
ing  of  which  is  a  rod  or  staff,  with  the  derived  fore* 
of  a  baton  or  sceptre,  is  used  once  only  with  a  mil- 
itary signification,  for  the  "darts"  with  which 
Joab  despatched  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xviii.  14). 

3.  Of  missile  weajjons  of  oflense  the  chief  was 
undoubtedly  the  Bow,  Kesheth  (H^'P);  it  is  met 
with  in  the  earliest  stages  of  the  history,  in  use 
both  for  the  chase  (Cen.  xxi.  20,  xxvii.  3)  and  war 
(xlviii.  22).  In  later  times  archers  accompanied  the 
armies  of  the  Philistines  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  3 ;  1  Chr. 
x.  3)  and  of  the  Syrians  (1  K.  xxii.  34).  Among 
the  Jews  its  use  was  not  confined  to  the  common 
soldiers,  but  captains  high  in  rank,  as  Jehu  (2  K. 
ix.  24),  and  even  kings'  sons  (1  Sam.  xviii.  4)  car- 
ried the  l)Ow,  and  were  expert  and  sure  in  its  use 
(2  Sam.  i.  22).  The  tril)e  of  Benjamin  seems  t« 
have  been  especially  addicted  to  archery  (1  Chr. 
viii.  40,  xii.  2;  2  Chr.  xiv.  8,  xvxi.  17):  but  there 
were  also  bowmen  among  lieuben,  Gad,  Mau<isseb 
(1  Chr.  V.  18),  and  Ephraim  (Pa.  Ixxviii.  £,. 


Egyptian  Bows. 


Of  the  form  or  structure  of  the  bow  we  can 
gather  almost  nothing.  It  seems  to  have  been  bent 
with  the  aid  of  the  foot,  as  now,  for  the  word  com- 
monly used  for  it  is  ""TIJ-  <«  tread  (1  Chr.  v.  18 
viii.  40;  2  Chr.  xiv.  8;  Is.  v.  18;  Ps.  vil.  12,  Ac.) 
Bows  of  steel  (or  perhaps  brass,  "  ^*Jin3)  aiv 
mentioned  as  if  specially  strong  (2  Sam.  xxii.  35 ; 
Ps.  xviii.  34).     The  string  is  occa-sionally  named, 

"'0.*.  or  "''P'*^'  It  was  probably  at  first  some 
bind-weed  or  natural  cord,  since  the  same  word  is 
used  in  Judg.  xvi.  7-9  for  "green  withs." 

In  the  allusion  to  bows  in  1  Chr.  xii.  2,  it  wiD 
be  observed  that  the  sentence  in  the  original  stands 
"could  use  both  the  right  hand  and  the  left  in 
stones  and' arrows  out  of  a  l)Ow,"  the  words  "  hurl- 
ing" and  "shooting"  being  interpolated  by  the 
translators.  It  is  possilile  that  a  kind  of  l)ow  for 
shooting  bullets  or  stones  is  here  alluded  to,  like 
the  pellet-bow  of  India,  or  the  "stone-bow"  in  us** 
in  the  middle  ages  —  to  which  allusion  is  made  by 
Shakespeare  ('I'welfth  Night,  ii.  5),  and  which  ii 
Wisd.  V.  22  is  employed  as  the  translation  of  v» 
Tpo$6\os.  This  latter  word  occurs  in  the  LXX. 
text  of  1  Sam.  xiv.  14,  in  a  curious  variation  of  a 
passage  which  in  the  Hebrew  is  hardly  intellicible  — 
iv  fio\l(Ti,  Koi  4p  TTfrpofiSKois,  Koi  4v  K6x\a^ 
Tov  TTfSlov  '■  "  with  things  thrown,  and  with  stone- 
bows,  and  with  flints  of  the  fleW."      If  this  h« 


ARMS 

accepted  as  the  true  reading,  we  have  here  by  com- 
parison with  xiv.  27,  43,  an  interesting  confirma- 
tion of  the  statement  (xiii.  19-22)  of  tlie  degree  to 
which  the  Philistines  had  deprived  the  people  of 
arms;  leaving  to  tlie  king  himself  nothing  but  his 
faithful  spear,  and  to  his  son,  no  sword,  no  shield, 
and  nothing  but  a  stone-bow  and  a  staff  (A.  V. 
'rod"). 

The  Arrows,  Chitzim   (C^'P),  were  carried 

in  a  quiver,  Theli  0^^^,  Gen.  xxvii.  3,  only),  or 

Ashpah  (n^''*>%  Ps.  xxii.  6,  xlix.  2,  cxxvii.  4). 
From  an  allusion  iu  Job  vi.  4,  they  would  seem  to 
have  been  sometimes  poisoned ;  and  the  "  sharp 
arrows  of  the  mighty  mth  coals  of  juniper,"  in  Ps. 
cxx.  4,  may  point  to  a  practice  of  using  arrows 
with  some  burning  material  attached  to  them. 

4.  The  Sling,  Kela'  (V  "P),  is  first  mentioned 
.n  Judg.  XX.  16,  where  we  hear  of  the  300  Beiya- 
mites  who  with  their  left  hand  could  "  sUng  stones 
at  an  hairbreadth,  and  not  miss."  The  simple 
weapon  with  which  David  killed  the  giant  Philis- 
tine was  the  natural  attendant  of  a  shepherd,  whose 
duty  it  was  to  keep  at  a  distance  and  drive  off  any- 
thing attempting  to  molest  his  flocks.  The  sling 
would  be  familiar  to  all  shepherds  and  keepers  of 
sheep,  and  therefore  the  bold  metaphor  of  Abigail 
has  a  natural  propriety  in  the  mouth  of  the  wife  of 
a  man  whose  possessions  in  flocks  were  so  great  as 
those  of  Nabal  —  "as  for  the  souls  of  thine  ene- 
mies, them  shall  God  sling  out,  as  out  of  the 
middle  of  a  sling"  (1  Sam.  xxv.  2!)). 

I^ter  in  the  monarchy  slingers  formed  part  of 
the  regular  army  (2  K.  iii.  25),  though  it  would 
seem  that  the  slings  there  mentioned  must  have 
been  more  ponderous  than  in  earlier  times,  and 
that  those  which  could  break  down  the  fortifications 
of  so  strong  a  place  as  Kir-haraseth  must  have 
been  more  like  the  engines  which  king  Uzziah  con- 
trived to  "shoot  great  stones"  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  15). 
In  verse  14  of  the  same  chapter  we  find  an  allusion 
(concealed  in  the  A.  V.  by  two  interpolated  words) 
to  stones  specially  adapted  for  slings  —  "  Uzziah 
prepared  throughout  all  the  host  shields  and  spears 
.  .  .  bows  and  sling-stones." 

II.  Passing  from  weapons  to  Armor  —  from  of- 
fensive to  defensive  arms  —  we  find  several  ref- 
erences to  what  was  apparently  armor  for  the  body. 

1.  The  Shiryon   {]V~\^'^■,  or  in  its  contracted 

form 'p'^t^"',  and  once  n^~lt?");  according  to  the 
I.XX.  dcopa^,  Vulg.  Imicn,  —  a  Breastplate. 
This  occurs  in  the  description  of  the  arms  of  Go- 
liath—C'^Ptr'n  *|V^^*%  a  "coat  of  mail," 
literally  a  •'  breastplate  of  scales  "  (1  Sam.  xvii.  5), 
and  fiuther  (38),  where  shirym,  alone  is  rendered 
"  coat  of  mail."  It  may  be  noticed  in  passing  that 
this  passage  contains  the  most  complete  inventory 
of  the  furniture  of  a  warrior  to  be  found  in  the 
whole  of  the  sacred  history.  Goliath  was  a  Philis- 
tine, and  the  minuteness  of  the  de«-;ription  of  his 
equipment  may  be  due  either  to  the  fact  that  the 
Philistines  were  usually  better  armed  than  the  He- 
brews, or  to  the  impression  produced  by  the  con- 
trast on  this  particular  occasion  between  this  ftilly 
armed  champion  and  the  wretchedly  appointed 
Roldicrs  of  the  Israelite  host,  stripped  as  they  had 
'jeen  very  shortly  before,  both  of  arms  and  of  the 
cneans  of  supplying  them,  sc  completely  tJat  no 
11 


ARMS 


161 


smith  could  be  found  in  the  country,  nor  anj 
weapons  seen  among  the  people,  and  that  even  the 
ordinary  implements  of  husbandry  had  to  be  re- 
paired and  sharjiened  at  the  forges  of  the  con- 
querors (1  Sam.  xiii.  19-22.  Shirytm,  also  occurs 
in  1  K.  xxii.  34,  and  2  Chr.  xviii.  33).  Tlie  last 
cited  passage  is  very  obscure ;  the  A.  V.  follows  the 
Syriac  translation,  but  the  real  meaning  is  prob- 
ably "  between  the  joints  and  the  l)reastplate." 
Ewald  reads  "between  the  loins  and  the  chest;" 
LXX.  and  Vulgate,  "  between  the  lungs  and  the 
breastbone."  It  is  further  found  in  2  Chr.  xxvi. 
14,  and  Neh.  iv.  16  ("  hal)ergeons  " ).  also  in  .lob 
xli.  26  and  Is.  lix.  17.  This  word  has  furnished 
one  of  the  names  of  Mount  Hernion  (see  Deut.  iii. 
9;  Stanley,  p.  403),  a  parallel  to  which  is  found  in 
the  name  &wpa^  given  to  Mount  Sipylus  in  Lydia 

It  is  possible  that  in  Deut.  iv.  48,  Sion  ("|*S"'J£7) 
is  a  corruption  of  shivyon  [or  siryon,  cf.  Jer.  li.  3] 

2.  Another  piece  of  defensive  armor  was  the 
Tnchara  (j^'^HiTl),  which  is  mentioned  but  twice, 
namely,  in  reference  to  the  Mail  or  gown  of  the 
priest,  which  is  said  to  have  had  a  hole  in  the 
middle  for  the  head,  with  a  hem  or  binding  round 
the  hole  "  as  it  were  the  '  mouth '  of  an  hnberyeon  " 

(S~inn),  to  prevent  the  stuff  from  tearing  (Ex 
xxviii.  32).  The  Englisli  "  hal)ergeon,"  was  the 
diminutive  of  the  "  hauberk  "  and  was  a  quilted 
shirt  or  doublet  put  on  over  the  head. 

3.  The  Helmet  is  but  seldom  mentioned.  The 
word  for  it  is  Coba'  (37^13,  or  twice  37.21"?),  from 
a  root  signifying  to  be  high  and  round.  Reference 
is  made  to  it  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  5;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  14; 
Ez.  xxvii.  10. 


Assyrian  Hehnets. 

4.  Greaves,  or  defenses  for  the  feet  (not  "legs  " 
as  in  the  A.  V.)  —  nn^JJ^  Mkzchah,  made  of 

brass,  nt^TO  —  are  named  in   1    Sam.   xvii.   6, 
only. 

Of  the  defensive  arms  borne  by  the  warrior  the 
notices  are  hardly  less  scanty  than  those  just  ex- 
amhied. 

5.  Two  kinds  of  Shield  are  distinguishable. 

n.  The  Tzinnnh  (nS!-*;  from  a  root  p'',  ti# 
protect).  This  was  the  large  shield,  encomi)assing 
(Ps.  V.  12)  and  forming  a  protection  for  the  whole 
person.  When  not  in  actual  conflict,  the  tzinnah 
was  carried  before  the  warrior  (1  Sam.  xvii.  7,  41). 
The  definite  article  in  the  fonner  passage  ("  the  " 
shield,  not  "a  shield  "  as  in  the  A.  V.)  denotes  the 
importance  of  the  weapon.  The  word  is  used  with 
romnch  (1  Chr.  xii.  8,  24;  2  Chr.  xi.  12,  Ac;  and 
chanith  (1  Chr.  xii.  34)  as  a  formula  for  weaponi 
generally. 


162 


ARMY 


b.  Of  smaller  dimensions  waa  the  Magen  ("|3tt, 

from  ]?3,  to  cover),  a  buckler  or  target,  probably 
for  use  in  Land  to  hand  fight.  The  difference  in 
size  between  this  and  the  tzinnah  is  evident  from 
1  K.  X.  16,  17;  2  Chr.  ix.  15,  16,  where  a  much 
larger  quantity  of  gold  is  named  as  being  used  for 
the  latter  than  for  the  former.  The  jiortability  of 
the  mnijen  may  be  inferred  from  the  notice  in  2 
Chr  xi).  9,  10;  and  perhaps  also  from  2  Sam.  i. 
21.     The  word  is  a  favorite  one  with  the  poets  of 


Assyrian  Shields.  Egyptian  Shield. 

the  Bible  (see  Job  xv.  26;  Ps.  iii.  3,  xviii.  2,  Ac). 
Like  tzinnah^  it  occurs  in  the  formulistic  expres- 
sions for  weapons  of  war,  but  usually  coupled  with 
hght  we.ipons  —  the  Iww  (2  Chr.  xiv.  8,  xvii.  17), 

darts,    n^tt'  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  5). 

6.  What  kind  of  arm  was  the  Shdet  {'^\X^) 
it  is  imiKissible  to  determine.  By  some  translators 
it  is  rendered  a  "quiver,"  by  some  "weapons" 
generally,  by  others  a  "shield."  Whether  either 
or  none  of  these  are  correct,  it  is  clear  that  the 
word  had  a  very  individual  sense  at  the  time.  It 
denoted  certain  special  weapons  taken  by  David 
from  lladadezer  king  of  Zobali  (2  Sam.  viii.  7;  1 
Chr.  xviii.  7),  and  dedicated  in  the  temple,  where 
they  did  senice  on  the  memorable  occasion  of 
Joa.sh's  proclamation  (2  K.  xi.  10;  2  Chr.  xxiii.  !>), 
and  where  their  remembrance  long  lingered  (Cant. 
iv.  4).  From  the  fact  that  these  arms  were  of 
gold  it  would  seem  that  they  caimot  have  been  for 
offense. 

In  the  two  other  passages  of  its  occurrence  (Jer. 
li.  11;  Vjl.  xxvii.  11)  the  word  has  the  force  of 
a  foreign  arm.  G. 

ARMY.  I.  Jewish  Army. — The  mihtary 
orsatiization  of  the  Jews  commenced  with  their  de- 
])arture  from  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  was  adapted 
to  the  nature  of  the  expedition  on  which  they  then 
entered.  Every  man  above  20  years  of  age  was  a 
soldier  (Num.  i.  3):  each  tribe  fonned  a  regiment, 
with  its  own  banner  and  its  own  leader  (Num.  ii. 
2,  X.  14):  their  positions  in  the  camp  or  on  the 
march  were  accurately  fixed  (Num.  ii.):  the  whole 
army  started  and  stopped  at  a  given  signal  (Num. 
X.  5,  6):  thus  they  came  up  out  of  Egypt  ready  for 
tlie  fight  (Ex.  xiii.  18).  That  the  Israelites  pre- 
sened  the  same  exact  order  throughout  their  march, 
may  be  inferred  from  Balaam's  language  (Num. 
xxiv.  C).  On  the  approach  of  an  enemy,  a  con- 
icription  was  made  fh)m  the  general  body  under  the 
direction  of  a  muster-master    (originally  named 

"T^iC*,  Deut.  XX.  5,  "officer,"  afterwards  "1D1D, 


ARMY 

2  K.  XXV.  19,  "  scribe  of  the  host,"  both  tcruiD  oc 
curring,  however,  together  in  2  Chr.  xxvi.  11,  tht 
meaning  of  each  being  primarily  a  writer  or  sa-ibe) 
by  whom  also  the  officers  were  appointed  (Deut.  xx 
9).  From  the  number  so  selected,  some  might  b* 
excused  serving  on  certain  specified  grounds  (Deut 
XX.  5-8;  1  Mace.  iii.  56).  The  army  was  then  di- 
vided into  thousands  and  hundreds  under  their  re 

spective captains  (Clbsn  ^'W,  n^STiH  *-;L-, 
Num  xxxi.  14),  and  still  further  into  familiea 
(Num.  ii.  34;  2  Chr.  xxv.  5,  xxvi.  12)  —  the  family 
l)eing  regarded  as  the  unit  in  the  Jewish  polity 
From  the  time  the  Israelites  entered  the  land  of 
Canaan  until  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom 
Uttle  progress  was  made  in  military  affairs.  Theii 
wars  resembled  border  forays,  and  the  tactics 
turned  upon  stratagem  rather  than  upon  the  die- 
cipUne  and  disposition  of  the  forces.  Skillfully 
availing  then)selves  of  the  opportunities  which  the 
country  offered,  they  gained  the  victory  sometimeii 
by  an  ambush  (Josh.  viii.  4);  sometimes  by  sur- 
prising the  enemy  (Josh.  x.  9,  xi.  7 ;  Judg.  vii.  21 ) ; 
and  sometimes  by  a  judicious  attack  at  the  time  of 
fording  a  river  (Judg.  iii.  28,  iv.  7,  vii.  24,  xii.  5) 
No  general  nuister  was  made  at  this  period;  but 
the  combatants  were  summoned  on  the  spur  of  the 
moment  either  liy  trumpet-call  (Judg.  iii.  27),  by 
messengers  (Judg.  vi.  35),  by  some  significant  token 
(1  Sam.  xi.  7).  or,  as  in  later  times,  by  the  erection 

of  a  stajidard  (D",  Is.  xviii.  3;  Jer.  iv.  21,  li.  27), 
or  a  beacon-fire  on  an  eminence  (Jer.  vi.  1 ). 

With  the  kings  arose  the  custom  of  maintaining 
a  l)ody-guard,  which  formed  the  nucleus  of  a  stand- 
ing army.  Thus  Saul  had  a  band  of  3000  select 
waniors  (1  Sam.  xiii.  2,  xiv.  52,  xxiv.  2),  and  Da- 
vid, before  his  accession  to  the  throne,  600  (1  Sam. 
xxiii.  13,  xxv.  13).  Tliis  band  he  retained  after  he 
became  king,  and  added  the  Chkrkthites  and 
PKLKTHi-rKs  (2  Sam.  xv.  18,  xx.  7),  together  with 

another  class,  whose  name  Shnliskim  (Ct*  "^  T", 
TpiardTai,  LXX.)  has  been  variously  interpreted 
to  mean  (1)  a  corps  of  veteran  guards  =  Roman 
triarii  (Winer,  s.  v.,  Kriet/sheir);  (2)  chariot- 
warriors,  as  being  thr-ee  in  each  chariot  (Gesen. 
Thes.  p.  1429);  (3)  officers  of  the  guard,  thirty 
in  number  (Ewald,  Gesc/i.  ii.  601).  The  fact  that 
the  Egyptian  war-chariot,  with  which  the  Jews 
were  first  acquainted,  contained  but  two  warriors, 
forms  an  objection  to  the  second  of  these  opinions 
(Wilkinson,  Anc.  L'(/ypt.  i.  335),  and  the  frequent 
use  of  the  term  in  the  singular  number  (2  K.  vii. 
2,  ix.  25,  XV.  25)  to  the  third.  Whatever  be  the 
meaning  of  the  name,  it  is  evident  that  it  indicatetl 

oflBcei-s  of  high  rank,  the  chief  of  whom  (^!  "'^f*'  n. 
"lord,"  2  K.  vii.  2,  or  C"?*  b'^'H  CS"',  "  chief 

of  the  captains,"  1  Chr.  xii.  18)  was  immediately 
about  the  king's  person,  as  atljutant  or  secretary-at- 
war.  David  further  organized  a  national  militia, 
divided  into  twelve  regiments,  each  of  which  waa 
called  out  for  one  month  in  the  year  under  their 
respective  officers  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  1);  at  the  head 
of  the  army  when  in  active  service  he  appointed  a 

commander-in-chief  (S3*'"'^C"',  "captain  of  the 
host,"  1  Sam.  xiv.  50). 

Hitherto  the  army  had  consisted  entirely  of  in- 
fantry (""^27,  1  Sam.  iv.  10,  xv.  4),  the  use  oJ 
horses  having  been  restrained  by  divine  oomniaDd 


ARMY 

3)eut.  xvii.  16).  The  Jews  had,  however,  experi- 
'iiced  the  great  advantage  to  be  obtained  by  char- 
ols,  both  in  their  encounters  with  the  Canaanites 
(Josh.  xvii.  16;  Judg.  i.  19),  and  at  a  later  period 
with  the  Sjrians  (2  Sara.  viii.  4,  x.  18).  The  in- 
terior of  Palestine  was  indeed  generally  unsuited 
to  the  use  of  chariots.  The  Canaanit«s  had  em- 
ployed them  only  in  the  plains  and  valleys,  such  as 
Jezreel  (Josh.  xvii.  16),  the  plain  of  Philistia  (Judg. 
i.  19;  1  Sam.  xiii.  5),  and  the  upper  valley  of  the 
Jordan  (Josh.  xi.  9;  Judg.  iv.  3).  But  the  border, 
both  on  the  side  of  Egypt  and  Syria,  was  admi- 
rably adapted  to  their  use ;  and  accorduigly  we  find 
that  as  the  foreign  relations  of  the  kingdoms  ex- 
tended, much  importance  was  attached  to  them. 
Uavid  had  reserved  a  hundred  chariots  from  the 
spoil  of  the  Syrians  (2  Sam.  viii.  4).  These  prob- 
ably served  as  the  foimdation  of  the  force  which 
Solomon  afterwards  enlarged  through  his  alliance 
with  Egj-pt  (1  K.  X.  28,  29),  and  applied  to  the 
protection  of  his  border,  stations  or  barracks  being 
erected  for  them  in  different  localities  (1  K.  ix.  19). 
The  force  amounted  to  1400  chariots,  4000  horses, 
at  the  rate  (in  round  numbers)  of  three  horses  for 
each  chariot,  the  third  being  kept  as  a  reserve,  and 
12,000  horsemen  (1  K.  x.  26;  2  Chr.  i.  14).  At 
this  period  the  organization  of  the  army  was  com- 
plete ;  and  we  have,  in  1  K.  ix.  22,  apparently  a 
list  of  the  various  gradations  of  rank  in  the  ser- 
vice, aa  foUows:  — (1)  H^nbsin  ^y'>',  "men 
oi'mx"  ^privates;  (2)  D''"T32?»  "  servants,"  the 
lowest  rank  of  officers  =  ^ieMtewan/.s  ,•  (3)  E"'"]tt), 

" princes "  =  coptoiris ;  (4)  C'^U'^y^-'j  "captains," 
fclready  noticed,  ^vha,T^^  =  staff  -  officers ;  (5) 
3!D-in  "'"IJC  and  S^^^l^n  ^-^W,  "rulers  of 
his  chariots  and  his  horsemen  "  =  cavalry  officers. 

It  does  not  appear  tliat  the  system  established  by 
David  was  maintained  by  the  kings  of  Judah ;  but 
in  Israel  the  proximity  of  the  hostile  kingdom  of 
Syria  necessitated  the  maintenance  of  a  standing 
anny.  The  militia  was  occasionally  called  out  in 
time  of  peace,  as  by  Asa  (2  Chr.  xiv.  8),  by  Je- 
hoshaphat  (2  Chr.  xvii.  14),  by  Amaziah  (2  Chr. 
XXV.  5),  and  lastly  by  Uzziah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  11); 
but  these  notices  prove  that  such  cases  were  ex- 
reptional.  On  the  other  hand  the  incidental  notices 
of  the  body-g)iard  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
wa»  regularly  kept  up  (1  K.  xiv.  28;  2  K.  xi.  4, 
11).  Occasional  reference  is  made  to  war-chariots 
(2  K.  viii.  21),  and  it  would  appear  that  this  branch 
of  the  service  was  maintained,  until  the  wars  with 
the  Syrians  weakened  the  resources  of  the  king- 
dom (2  K.  xiii.  7).  It  was  restored  by  Jotham 
(fs.  ii.  7),  but  in  Hezekiah's  reign  no  force  of  the 
kind  couH  be  maintained,  and  the  Jews  were 
')bUged  to  seek  the  aid  of  Eg>'pt  for  horses  and 
ihaiiots  (2  K.  xviii.  23,  24).  This  was  an  evident 
breach  of  the  injunction  in  Deut.  xvii.  16,  and  met 
irith  strong  reprobation  on  the  part  of  the  prophet 
[saiah  (xxxi.  1). 

With  regard  to  the  arrangement  and  maneu- 
vering of  the  army  in  the  field,  we  know  but  little. 
A  division  into  three  bodies  ie  frequently  mentioned 
(Judg.  vii.  16,  ix.  43;  1  Sam.  xi.  11:  2  Sam. 
iviii.  2).  Suclv  a  division  served  various  purposes. 
fi  action  there  would  be  a  centre  and  two  wings ; 
m  camp,  relays  for  the  night-watches  (Judg.  vii. 
19);  and  by  the  comliination  of  two  of  the  di- 
dsions,  there  would  l)e  a  mair   xidy  and  a  reserve. 


ARMY 


163 


or  a  strong  advanced  guard  (1  Sam.  xiii.  2,  xxr 
13).  Jehoshaphat  divided  his  army  into  five  bodies, 
corresponding,  according  to  Ewald  ( Geschichle,  iii. 
192),  to  the  geographical  divisions  of  the  kingdom 
at  that  time.  May  not,  however,  the  threefold 
principle  of  division  be  noticed  here  also,  the  heavy- 
armed  troops  of  Judah  being  considered  as  the 
proper  army,  and  the  two  divisions  of  light-armed 
of  the  tribe  of  Iteujamin  as  an  appendage  (2  Chr. 
xvii.  14-18)? 

The  maintenance  and  equipment  of  the  soldiers 
at  the  public  expense  dates  from  the  establishment 
of  a  standing  army,  before  which  each  soldier  armed 
himself,  and  obtained  his  food  either  by  voluntary 
offerings  (2  Sam.  xvii.  28,  29),  by  forced  exactions 
(1  Sam.  XXV.  13),  or  by  the  natural  resources  of 
the  country  (1  Sam.  xiv.  27).  On  one  occasion 
only  do  we  hear  of  any  systematic  arrangement  for 
provisioning  the  host  (Judg.  xx.  10).  It  is  doubt- 
ful whether  the  soldier  ever  received  pay  even  under 
the  kings  (the  only  instance  of  pay  being  mentioned 
applies  to  mercenaries,  2  (^hr.  xxv.  6);  but  that  lie 
was  maintained,  while  on  active  service,  and  pro- 
vided with  arms,  appears  from  1  K.  iv.  27,  x.  16, 
17 ;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  14.  Notices  occxu-  of  an  arsenal 
or  armory,  in  which  the  weapons  were  stored  (1  K. 
xiv.  28;  Neh.  iii.  19;  Cant.  iv.  4). 

The  numerical  strength  of  the  Jewish  army 
cannot  be  ascertained  with  any  degree  of  accuracy. 
The  numbers,  as  given  in  the  text,  are  manifestly 
incorrect,  and  the  discrepancies  in  the  various  state- 
ments irreconcilable.  At  the  Exodus  the  number 
of  the  warriors  was  600,000  (Ex.  xii.  37),  or  603.- 
350  (Ex.  xxxviii.  26;  Num.  i.  46);  at  the  entrance 
into  Canaan,  601,730  (Num.  xxvi.  51).  In  Ba- 
nd's time  the  army  amounted,  according  to  one 
statement  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  9),  to  1,300,000,  namely, 
800,000  for  Israel  and  500,000  for  Judah;  but  ac- 
cording to  another  statement  (1  Chr.  xxi.  5,  6)  to 
1,470,0(;0,  namely,  1,000,000  for  Israel  and  470,000 
for  Judah.  The  militia  at  the  same  period 
amounted  to  24,000  X  12  =  288,000  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
1  ff.).  At  a  later  period  the  army  of  Judah  under 
Abijah  is  stated  at  400,000,  and  that  of  Israel 
under  Jeroboam  at  300,000  (2  Chr.  xiii.  3).  Still 
later,  Asa's  army,  derived  from  the  tribes  of  Judah 
and  Benjamin  alone,  is  put  at  580,000  (2  Chr.  xiv 
8),  and  Jehoshaphat's  at  1,160,000  (2  Chr.  xvii. 
14  ff.). 

Little  need  be  said  on  this  subject  with  regard  to 
the  period  that  succeeded  the  return  from  the  Baby- 
lonish captivity  until  the  organization  of  military 
affairs  in  Judaea  under  the  Romans.  The  system 
adopted  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  was  in  strict  con- 
formity with  the  Mosaic  law  (1  Ma«c.  iii.  55);  and 
though  he  maintain<»d  a  standing  army,  varying 
from  3000  to  6000  men  (1  Ma«c.  iv.  6;  2  Mace, 
viii.  16),  yet  the  custom  of  paying  the  soldiers  ap- 
pears to  have  been  still  unknown,  and  to  have 
originated  with  Simon  (1  Mace.  xiv.  32).  The  in- 
troduction of  mercenaries  cf"nmenced  with  John 
Hyrcanus,  who,  according  to  Josephus  (Ant-  xiii 
8,  §  4),  rifled  the  tombs  of  the  kings  in  order  U 
pay  them.  The  intestine  commotions  that  pre- 
\'ailed  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  Jarnaeus  obliged 
him  to  increase  the  number  to  6200  men  (Joseph. 
Ant.  xiii.  13,  §  5,  14,  §  1);  and  the  same  policy 
was  followed  by  Alexandra  (Ant.  xiii.  16,  §  2)  and 
by  Herod  the  Great,  who  had  in  his  pay  Thracian. 
German,  and  Gallic  troops  (Ant.  xvii.  8,  §  3).  Th« 
discipline  and  arrangement  of  the  army  was  grad- 
ually assimilated  to  that  of  the  Romans,  and  th« 


164 


ARNA 


titles  of  the  officers  borrowed  from  it  (Joseph.  B. 
:.  ii.  20,  §  7). 

II.    Ko.MAN    Armv.  —  The  Roman  army  was 
divide<l  into  legions,  the  number  of  which  varied 
ronsidcrably,  each  under  six  tribu7ii  (xiXiapxos, 
"  chief  captain,"  Acts  xxi.   .31),  who  commanded 
by  turns.     The  legion  was  suljdinded  uito  ten  co- 
horts {(rvfipa,  "band,"  Acts  x.  1),  tlie  cohort  into 
three  maniples,  and  the  maniple  into  two  centuries, 
containing  originally  100  men,  as  the  name  implies, 
but  subsequently  from  50  to  100  men,  according  to 
the  strength  of  the  legion.     There  were  thus  (JO 
centuries  in  a  legion,  each  under  the  conmiand  of  a 
centnrion  (eKaToindpxvs,  Acts  x.  1,  22;  eKaT6v- 
rapxos,  ilatt.  viii.  5,  xxvii.  54).     In  addition  to 
the  legionary  cohorts,  independent  cohorts  of  vol- 
unteers served  under  the  Homan  standards;   and 
Biscoe  {History  of  Acts,  p.  220)  supposes  that  all 
the  Roman  forces  stationed  in  Judaa  were  of  this 
class.     Josephus  speaks  of  five  cohorts  as  stationed 
at  Csesarea  at  the  time  of  Herod  Agrippa's  death 
{Ant.  xix.  9,  §  2),  and  frequently  mentions  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Csesarea  and  Sebaste  served  in 
the  ranks  {Ant.  xx.  8,  §  7).     One  of  these  cohorts 
was  named  the  Italian  (Acts  x.  1),  not  as  being  a 
portion  of  the  Jtnlica  legio  (for  this  was  not  em- 
bodied until  Nero's  reign),  but  as  consisting  of 
volunteers  from  Italy  ("  Cohors  militum  voluntaria, 
qua?  est  in  Syria,"  Gruter,  Inscr.  i.  4.34).     This 
cohort  probably  acted  as  the  body-guard  of  the  proc- 
urator.   The  cohort  named  "  Augustus's  "  (o-TreZpo 
Se/SafT^,  Acts  xxvii.  1)  may  have  consisted  of  the 
volunteers  from  Sebaste  {B.  J.  ii.  12,  §  5;  Biscoe, 
p.  223).     Winer,  however,  thinks  that  it  was  a 
cohors    Augusta,    similar   to    the    leyio    Augusta 
{Realm,  s.  v.  Rimer).     The  head-quarters  of  the 
Roman  forces  in  Judaea  were  at  (,'a'sarea.    A  single 
cohort  was  probably  stationed  at  Jerusalem  as  the 
ordinary  guard.     At  the  time  of  the  great  feasts, 
however,  and  on  other  public  occasions,  a  larger 
force  was  sent  up,  for  the  sake  of  preserving  order 
{B.  J.  ii.  12,  §  1,  15,  §  3).     Frequent  disturbances 
arose  in  reference  to  the  images  and  otlier  emblems 
carried  by  the  Roman  troops  among  their  military 
ensigns,  which  the  Jews  regarded  as  idolatrous: 
deference  was  paid  to  their  prejudices  i)y  a  removal 
of  the  objects  from  Jerusalem  {Ant.  xviii.  3,  §  1,  5, 
§  3).     The  ordinary  guard  consisted  of  four  sol- 
diers   {riTpdhiov,   "  quaternion  "),  of  which  there 
were  four,  corresponding  to  the  four  watches  of  the 
night,  who  relieved  each  other  every  three  hours 
(Acts  xii.  4;  cf.  John  xix.  23;  Polyb.  vi.  33,  §  7). 
\Mien  in  charge  of  a  prisoner,  two  watched  outside 
the  door  of  the  cell,  while  the  other  two  were  in- 
sids  (Acts  xii.  6).     The  officer  mentioned  in  Acts 
xxA'iii.    16     (o-rpoToireScipxTjJ,    "captain    of    the 
guard")  was  perhaps  the  jrrcefectus  jn-celorui,  or 
commander  of  the  I'rsetorian  troops,  to  whose  care 
prisoners  from  the  provinces  were  usually  consigned 
(Plin.  A/J.  X.  65).    The  Se^i6\a0oi  (lanvt'mi,  Vulg. ; 
"spitarmen,"  A.  V.),  noticed  in  Acts  xxiii.  23,  ap- 
pear to  have  been  light-armed,   irregular  tiw)ps. 
TTie  origin  of  the  name  is,  however,  quite  uncertain 
'Alford,  Comm.  in  I.  c).  W.  L.  Ii. 

AR'NA  {Arnn),  one  of  the  forefathers  of  Ezra 
(2  Esdr.  i.  2),  occupving  the  place  of  Zerahiah  or 
Zaraias  in  his  genealogy. 

ATl'NAN    ('J3"^S    [active]:    'Opvi;   [Comp. 


a  This  appears  to  have  been  the  branch  e»lle<l  the 
Seil  tt-Sdideh,  which  flows  N    W    from   Kaiant  el- 


ARNON 

^Apvd>v.]  Arnan).  In  the  received  Hebrew  texj 
"  the  sons  of  Arnan  "  are  mentioned  in  the  geneal- 
ogy of  Zerubbabel  (1  Chr.  iii.  21).  But  according 
to  the  reading  of  the  LXX.,  Vulgate,  and  SjTiat 
versions,  which  Houbigant  adopts,  Arnan  was  the 
son  of  Rephaiah.  W.  A.  W. 

AR'NON  (p3"^S:  derivable,  according  to 
Ges.,  Thts.  p.  153,  from  roots  signifying  "swift" 
or   "noisy,"   either  suiting  the  character  of   the 

stream:  'Apvuv'-  Ai-non),  the  river  (^P3,  ac- 
curately "torrent")  which  formed  the  l>oundaiy 
between  Moab  and  the  Amorites,  on  the  north  <  f 
Moab  (Num.  xxi.  13,  14,  24,  26:  Judg.  xi.  22), 
and  afterwards  between  Moab  and  Israel  (Reuben) 
(Deut.  ii.  24,  36,  iii.  8,  12,  16,  iv.  48;  Josh.  xii.  1, 
2,  xiii.  9,  16;  Judg.  xi.  13,  26).  From  Judg.  xi. 
18,  it  would  seem  to  have  been  also  the  east  Iwrder 
of  Moab."  See  also  2  K.  x.  33 ;  Jer.  xlviii.  20. 
In  many  of  the  above  passages  it  occurs  in  the  for- 
nmla  for  the  site  of  Aroer,  "  which  is  by  the  brink 
of  the  river  Amon."  In  Numbers  it  is  simply 
"  Amon,"  but  in  Deut.  and  Joshua  generally  "  the 
river  A."  (A.  V.  sometimes  "  river  of  A.").  Isaiah 
(xvi.  2)  mentions  its  fords;  and  in  Judg.  xi.  26  a 

word  of  rare  occurrence  (1*,  hand,  comp.  Num. 
xiii.  20)  is  used  for  the  sides  of  the  stream.  The 
"  high  places  of  A."  (  "'^"3,  a  word  which  gen- 
erally refers  to  worship)  are  mentioned  in  Num.  xxi. 
28.  By  Josephus  {Ant.  iv.  5,  §  1)  it  is  described 
as  rising  in  the  mountains  of  Arabia  and  flowing 
through  all  the  wildeniess  {epHfios)  till  it  falls  into 
the  Dead  Sea.  In  the  time  of  Jerome  it  was  still 
known  as  Anion;  but  in  the  Samarito-Arabic  ver- 
sion of  the  Pentateuch  by  Abft  Said  (10th  to  12th 
cent.)  it  is  given  as  el~.^fqjeb.  There  can  l)e  no 
doubt  that  the  Wa<ly  el^Mijth  of  the  present  day 
is  the  Anion.  It  has  been  visited  and  described 
by  Burckhardt  (pp.  372-375);  Irby  (p.  142);  and 
Seetzen  {Rtise,  1854,  ii.  347;  and  in  Ritter,  Syiia, 
p.  11!)5).  The  ravine  through  which  it  flows  is 
still  the  "  locum  vallis  in  pra^rupta  demcrsaa  satia 
hoiTibilem  et  periculosum  "  which  it  was  in  the 
dajs  of  Jerome  {Omyin.).  The  lioman  road  from 
Rahba  to  Dliihan  crosses  it  at  about  two  hours'  dis- 
tance from  the  former.  On  the  south  eds;e  of  the 
ravine  are  some  ruins  called  A/e/iatel  el-llnj,  and 
on  the  north  edge,  directly  opposite,  those  still  bear- 
ing the  name  of  'AuVlr  [AnoKJi].  The  width 
across  between  these  two  spots  seemed  to  Burck- 
hardt to  be  aliout  two  miles,  —  the  descent  on  the 
south  side  to  tlie  water  occupied  Irlty  1 J  hours,  — 
"  extremely  steep  "  (Jerome,  j)er  abnipta  i/escen- 
dens),  and  almost  impassal)le  "with  rocks  and 
stones."'  On  each  face  of  the  ravine  traces  of  the 
paved  Roman  road  are  still  found,  with  mile-stones; 
and  one  arch  of  a  bridge,  31  fieet  6  inches  in  span, 
is  standing.  'Hie  stream  nins  through  a  level  strip 
of  gra.ss  some  40  yards  in  width,  with  a  few  olean- 
ders and  willows  on  the  margin.  Tliis  was  in  .lune 
and  .Inly,  but  the  water  nni.st  often  \x?  much  more 
swollen,  many  water-worn  rocks  lying  liir  ahove  its 
then  level. 

Where  it  bursts  into  the  Dead  Sea  this  stream 
is  82  ft.  wide  and  4  ft.  deep,  flowin<r  tliiDu^h  a 
chasm  with  perpendicular  sides  of  red,  lirown,  and 
yellow  sandstone,  97  ft.  wide  (romantische  Felsen- 


Kntrnnr,  joining  the  Watty  Mojeb,  two  or  thr»»  mile* 
east  from  Mrfi'tr. 


{■■  ABOD 

^^Tior:  Seetzen).     It  then  i-uns  through  tne  delta  in 
S.  W.  course,  narrowing  as  it  goes,  and  is  10  ft. 
ieep  where  its  waters  meet  those  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
(Lynch,  Reiwl,  May  3,  1847,  p.  20.) 

According  to  the  information  given  to  Burck- 
hardt,  its  principal  source  is  near  Kalrane,  on  the 
Haj  route.  Hence,  under  the  name  of  Sell  es- 
Saideh,  it  flows  N.  W.  to  its  junction  with  the  W. 
Lejuni,  one  hour  E.  of  'ArdHi;  and  then,  as  W. 
Mojeb,  more  directly  W.  to  tlie  Dead  Sea.  The 
W.  Mojeb  receives  on  the  north  the  streams  of 
the  W.  Wale,  and  on  the  south  those  of  W.  She- 
kik  and   fV.  Saliheh  (S). 

At  its  junction  with  the  Lejum  is  a  piece  of 
pasture  ground,  in  the  midst  of  which  stands  a 
hill  with  ruins  on  it  (Burck.  p.  374).  May  not 
these  ruins  be  the  site  of  the  mysterious  "  city  that 
is  in  the  midst  of  the  river"  (Josh.  xiii.  9,  16; 
Deut.  ii.  36),  so  often  coupled  with  Aroer?  From 
the  above  description  of  the  ravine  it  is  plain  that 
that  city  cannot  have  been  situated  immediately 
below  Aroer,  as  has  been  conjectured.  G. 

A'ROD  (I'^'^S  [descendant,  Vivcsi]:  ['ApooS^; 
Vat.l  ApoSet,  2.  m.  ApoaSfi  ;  Comp.  'ApoaS:] 
Arod),  a  son  of  Gad  (Num.  xxvi.  17),  called  Arodi 

("^"inS)  in  Gen.  xlvi.  16.     His  family  are  called 
THE  Aroditks  (Num.  xxvi.  17). 

AR'ODI  ("1''^':  'AporjSers;  Alex.  AporjSty: 
Arodi).     Arod  the  son  of  Gad  (Gen.  xlvi.  16). 

A'RODITES,  THE  ("I'^'^^f  H :  6  'ApoaSi 
[Vat.  -Set] :  Arodita).  Descendants  of  Arod  tne 
Bon  of  Gad  (Num.  xx\'i.  17).  W.  A.  W. 

AR'OER  (13?  117,  occasionaUy  "'3?'l~'37,  = 
ruins,  places  of  which  the  foundations  are  laid  bare, 
Gesenius:"  'hpoitp-  Aroer),  the  name  of  several 
towns  of  Eastern  and  Western  Palestine. 

1.  [In  Josh.  xii.  2,  Kom.  and  Vat.  M.  ^ApvwV, 
in  Jer.  xlviii.  19,  Rom.  ' Ap'^p.]  A  city  «'  by  the 
brink,"  or  "on  the  bank  of"  (both  the  same  ex- 
pression —  "  on  the  lip  "'>  or  "  by  "  the  torrent  Ar- 
non,  the  southern  point  of  the  territory  of  Sihon 
king  of  the  Amorites,*  and  afterwards  of  the  tribe 
of  Keuben  (Deut.  ii.  36,  iii.  12,  iv.  48;  Josh.  xii. 
2,  xiii.  9,  16;  Judg.  xi.  26;<^  2  K.  x.  33;  1  Chr. 
v.  8),  but  later  again  in  possession  of  Moab  (Jer. 
xlviii.  19).  It  is  described  in  the  Onomasticon 
(Aroei')  as  '■'■iLsque  hodie  in  vertice  montis,''''  '■'■su- 
per npnm  (;^eiAos)  torrentis  Arnon,'"  an  account 
agreeing  exactly  with  that  of  the  only  traveller  of 
modem  times  who  has  noticed  the  site,  namely, 
Burckhardt,  who  found  ruins  with  the  name  M/'d'tV 
oil  the  old  Roman  road,  upon  the  very  edge  of  the 
precipitous  north  bank  of  the  Wady  Mojeb.  [Ae- 
NDN.]  Like  all  the  topography  east  of  the  Jordan, 
this  site  requires  further  examination.  Aroer  is 
often  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  city  that  is 
"  in,"  or  "  in  the  midst  of,"  "  the  river."  The  na- 
ture of  the  cleft  through  which  the  Amon  flows  is 
luch  that  it  is  impossible  there  can  have  been  any 


a  May  It  not  with  equal  probability  be  derived  from 
"13713^,  juniper,  the  modem  Arabic  ^Ar'ar  (see  Rob. 
f.  124,  note)?  Comp.  Luz,  Rimmon,  Tappuach,  and 
stlier  places  deriving  their  names  from  trees. 

6  From  the  omission  of  the  name  in  the  r:.Lutrk- 
}ble  fragment,  Num.  xxi.  27-30,  where  the  principal 
places  taken  by  the  Amorites  from  Moab  are  named, 
4roer  would  appear  not  to  be  one  of  the  very  oldest 
^itie&      Possibly  it  wa;  built  by  the  Amorites  after 


ARPHAXAD  166 

town  in  such  a  position  immediately  near  Aioer ;  but 
a  suggestion  has  been  made  above  [Arnon],  which 
on  investigation  of  the  spot  may  clear  up  this  point 

2.  [In  Josh.  xiii.  25,  Rom.  and  Vat.  M.  'Ap 

aj8a.]  Aroer  "that  vs  -facing'  (\32"'^1?)  l^b- 
bah"  (Rabbah  of  Amnion),  a  town  "built"  by 
and  belonging  to  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.  34 ;  Josh.  xiii. 
25;  2  Sara.  xxiv.  5).  This  is  probably  the  plac« 
mentioned  in  Judg.  xi.  33,  which  was  shown  in 
Jerome's  time  ( Onom.  Ar-uir)  "  in  monte,  vigesimo 
ab  .^lia  lapide  ad  septentrionem."  Ritter  (Syria, 
p.  1130)  suggests  an  identification  with  Ayr  a,  found 
by  Burckhardt  2^  hours  S.  W.  of  es-Sult.  There 
is  considerable  difference  however  in  the  radical 
letters  of  the  two  words,  the  second  Ain  not  being 
present. 

3.  Aroer,  in  Is.  xvii.  2,  if  a  place  at  all,''  must 
be  still  further  north  than  either  of  the  two  akeady 
named,  and  dependent  on  Damascus.  Gesenius, 
however,  takes  it  to  be  Aroer  of  Gad,  and  the  "  for- 
saken "  state  of  its  cities  to  be  the  result  of  the 
deportation  of  Galilee  and  Gilead  by  Tiglath-Pileser 
(2  K.  XV.  29).     See  Ges.  Jesaia,  p.  556. 

4.  A  town  in  Judah,  named  only  in  1  Sam.  xxx. 
28.  Robinson  (ii.  199)  believes  that  he  has  iden- 
tified its  site  in  Wady  'Ar'drah,  on  the  road  from 
Petra  to  Gaza,  about  11  miles  W.  S.  W.  of  Bir 
es-Seba,  a  position  which  agrees  very  fairly  with 
the  slight  indications  of  the  text.  G. 

AR'OERITE  C^V'nV  :  'Apapi,  Vat.  Alex. 
-pet'  Arorites].  Hothan  the  Aroerite  was  the 
father  of  two  of  David's  chief  captains  (1  Chr.  xi. 
44). 

ATIOM  CAp6ix;  [Aid.  'Apd/j.:]  Asonus).  The 
"sons  of  Arom,"  to  the  number  of  32,  are  enu- 
merated in  1  Esdr.  v.  IG  among  those  who  returned 
with  Zorobabel.  Unless  it  is  a  mistake  for  Asom, 
and  represents  Hashum  in  Ezr.  ii.  19,  it  has  no 
parallel  in  the  lists  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiai. 

W.  A.  W. 

ARTAD  (''^"'S  [suppwt,  =  a,  strong  city]: 
'AppdS;  ['Ap<pdd,  Alex.  Ap((>aT,  etc.:]  Arphad),  a. 
city  or  district  in  Syria,  apparently  dependent  on 
Damascus  (Jer.  xlix.  23).  It  is  invariably  named 
with  Hamath  (now  Hamah,  on  the  Orontes),  but 
no  trace  of  its  existence  has  yet  been  discovered, 
nor  has  any  mention  of  the  place  been  found  out 
of  the  Bible  (2  K.  xviii.  34,  xix.  13;  Is.  x.  9, 
xxxvi.  19,  xxxvii.  13.  In  the  two  last  passages  it 
is  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  Arphad).  Arpad  has  been 
identified,  but  without  any  ground  beyond  the  sim- 
ilarity in  the  names,  with  Arvad,  the  island  on  the 
coast  of  Phoenicia  (Winer).  G 

AR'PHAD.     [Arpad.] 

ARPHAX'AD  (1fr^5-!S  :  'Apcpa^dS;  Jos. 
' Apcpa^d5r}s ■  Arphaxad),  the  son  of  Shem  and  the 
ancestor  of  Eber  (Gen.  x.  22,  24,  xi.  10),  and  said 
to  be  of  the  Chaldseans  (Joseph,  i.  6,  4).  Bochart 
{Phaleg,  ii.  4)  supposed  that  the  rmme  was  pre- 


their  conquest,  to  guard  the  important  boundary  of 
the  Amon. 

c  In  this  plac*  the  letters  of  the  name  are  tran«- 

posed,  ~ly"T^. 

d  The  LXX.  have  KaTa\e\6if;i/x€'vT}  eis  t6i/  aiwca, 
apparently  reading  "^V  ''"Tl?  for  "TT7"1V  >"1"TT;  noj 
ao  any  of  the  ancient  versions  agree  with  the  Hebrew 
text. 


166  ARROWS 

icrved  in  that  of  the  province  Arrapachitis  ('Ap- 
ianaxtris,  I't^J-  ^i-  1,  §  'i;  "Ap^aira)  in  northern 
Assyria  (comp.  Ewald,  Gesch.  des  Volkes  hi:,  i. 
378).  Different  interpretations  of  tlie  name  have 
been  given;  but  that  of  Ewald  {I.  c.)  api)ear8  to 
be  the  best,  who  supposes  it  to  mean  tht  stron(,hold 
vf  the  Chaldees  (Arab,  araph,  to  bind,  and  Kurd, 
Kurd,  pi.  Akritd,  Chald.  Comp.  Niebuhr,  Gesch. 
/Isswr'.'*,  p.  414,  n.). 

2.  Ari»haxad,  a  king  "who  reigned  over  the 
Medes  in  Ecbatana,  and  strengthened  the  city  by 
vast  fortifications  "  (Jud.  i.  1—1).  In  a  war  with 
"  Nabuchodonosor,  king  of  AssjTia,"  he  was  en- 
tirely defeated  "  in  the  great  plain  in  tlie  borders 
of  Kagau  "  ( V  Rages,  Raya,  Tobit  i.  14,  Ac),  and 
afterwards  taken  prisoner  and  put  to  death  (Jud.  i. 
13-15).  From  the  passage  in  Judith  (i.  2,  tfKo- 
i6fir)(Tfv  eV  'EK$ardvwv)  he  has  been  frequently 
identified  with  Deioces  (Artaeus,  Ctes.),  the  founder 
of  I'xbatana  (Herod,  i.  98);  but  as  Deioces  died 
peaceably  (Herod,  i.  102),  it  seems  better  to  look 
tor  the  original  of  Arphaxad  in  his  son  Phraortes 
(Artynes,  ("tes.),  who  greatly  extended  the  Median 
empire,  and  at  last  fell  in  a  battle  with  the  Assyr- 
ians, 633  B.  c.  (Herod,  i.  102,  avT6s  re  dtf(l)e(ipri 
.  .  .  Koi  6  a-Tparhs  aiirov  6  ttoKKAs).  Niebuhr 
(Gesch.  Assur's,  p.  32)  endeavors  to  identify  the 
name  with  Astyages  =  Ashdahak,  the  common 
title  of  the  Jkledian  djiiasty,  and  refers  the  events 
to  a  war  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
king  of  Babylon,  b.  c.  592  (ibid.  pp.  212,  285). 
[JoDirn;  Nebuchadnezzar.]  B.  F.  W. 

ARROWS.     [Arms.] 

AR'SACES  VI.,  a  king  of  Parthia,  who  as- 
wimed  the  royal  title  Ai-saces  ('ApffdKrfs,  Armen. 
Arschag,  probably  containing  the  roots  both  of 
Anja  and  Sncce)  in  addition  to  his  proper  name, 
MiTiiRiDATES  I.  (Phraates,  App.  Syr.  p.  67  from 
confusion  with  his  successor)  according  to  universal 
custom  (Strab.  xv.  p.  702),  in  honor  of  the  founder 
of  the  Parthian  monarchy  (Justin  xli.  5,  §  5).  He 
made  great  additions  to  the  empire  by  successful 
wars;  and  when  Demetrius  Xicator  entered  his 
dominions  to  collect  forces  or  otherwise  strengthen 
his  position  against  the  usm-per  Tryphon,  he  de- 
spatched an  officer  against  him  who  defeated  tlie 
great  army  after  a  campaign  of  varied  success 
(Justin,  xxxvi.  1),  and  took  the  king  prisoner,  b.  c. 
138  (1  Mace.  xiv.  1-3;  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  5,  §  11; 
Justin,  xxx\i.  1,  xxxviii.  9).  Mithridates  treated 
his  prisoner  vrith  respect,  and  gave  him  his  daughter 
in  man-iage  (App.  Syr.  pp.  67,  68),  but  kept  him 
in  confinement  till  his  own  death,  c.  b.  c.  130. 
(App.  Syr.  p.  68;  Died.  ap.  Miiller,  Fragm.  Hist. 
ii.  19.)  B.  F.  W. 

AR'SARETH,  a  region  beyond  Euphrates, 
apparentl}'  of  gi-eat  extent  (2  F^dr.  xiii.  45,  only). 

G. 

*  Volkraar  (Handb.  d.  EirU.  in  die  Apokr.  ii. 

193)  supposes  the  word  to  represent  fT^S  V^'^S, 
"  I^nd  of  Arat "  or  "  Ararat,"  in  northern  Ar- 
menia. A. 

ARTAXERCXES      (Sril?"rr7ri-1«      or 

KriDtiTiri'^S,  Artachshashta  or  Artach- 
ihasta:  ' Ap0cura<Ted;  [Tat.  ApaapBa,  etc.:]  Ar- 
taxerxes),  the  name  probably  of  two  different  kings 
"f  Persia  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament.  The 
»ord,  according  to  Herod,  vi.  98,  means  d  fityas 
ipfjioi,  the  great  waninr,  and  i'  poni])0und<Hl  of 


ARTAXERXES 

aria,  great  or  honored  (cf  'ApraToi,  Herod,  vii 
61,  the  old  national  name  of  the  Persians,  also  Arii 
and  the  Sanscrit  Arya,  which  is  applied  to  the  ibl. 
lowers  of  the  Brahminical  law),  and  kshatra  o« 
kshershe,  a  king,  grecixed  into  Xerxes.     [Ahasue- 

RUS.] 

1.  The  first  Artaxerxes  is  mentioned  in  Ezr.  iv. 
7,  as  induced  by  "the  adversaries  of  Judah  and 
Beiyamin  "  to  obstruct  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple, 
and  appears  identical  with  Smerdis,  5ie  Magian  im- 
postor, and  pretended  brother  of  Cambyses.  Fjr 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Ahasuerus  of  I<>,r.  iv.  6 
is  Cambyses,  and  that  the  Darius  of  iv.  24  is  Da- 
rius Hystaspis,  so  that  the  intermediate  king  must 
be  the  Pseudo-Smerdis  who  usurped  the  throne 
B.  c.  522,  and  reigned  eight  months  (Herod,  iii. 
61,  67  ff.).  We  need  not  wonder  at  this  variation 
in  his  name.  Artaxerxes  may  have  been  adopted 
or  conferred  on  him  as  a  title,  and  we  find  the  true 
Smerdis  called  Tanyoxares  (the  younger  Oxares)  by 
Xenophon  (Cyrop.  viii.  7)  and  Ctesias  (Pe>-B.fr. 
8-13),  and  Oropastes  by  Justin  (Hist.  i.  9).  Ox- 
ares appears  to  be  the  same  name  aa  Xerxes,  of 
which  Artaxerxes  is  a  compound. 

2.  In  Neh.  ii.  1,  we  have  another  Artaxerxes, 
who  permits  Nehemiah  to  spend  twelve  years  at 
Jerusalem,  in  order  to  settle  the  affairs  of  the  col- 
ony there,  which  had  Men  into  great  confusion. 
We  may  safely  identify  him  with  Artaxerxes  Ma- 
crocheir  or  I^ngimanus,  the  son  of  Xerxes,  who 
reigned  b.  c.  464-425.  And  we  believe  that  this 
is  the  same  king  who  had  previously  allowed  Fara 
to  go  to  Jerusalem  for  a  similar  puq)ose  (Ezr.  vii. 
1).  There  are  indeed  some  who  maintain  that  as 
Darius  Hystaspis  is  the  king  in  the  sixth  chapter 
of  Ezra,  the  king  mentioned  next  after  him,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  seventh,  must  be  Xerxes,  and  thus 
they  distinguish  three  Persian  kings  called  Arta- 
xerxes in  the  Old  Testament,  (1)  Smerdis  in  I'^r. 
iv.,  (2)  Xerxes  in  Ezr.  vii.,  and  (3)  Artaxerxes  Ma- 
crocheir  in  Nehemiah.  But  it  is  almost  demon- 
strable that  Xerxes  is  the  Ahasuerus  of  the  book 
of  l'2sther  [Ahasuerus],  and  it  is  hard  to  suppose 
that  in  addition  to  his  ordinary  name  he  would 
have  been  called  both  Ahasuerus  and  Artaxerxes 
in  the  0.  T.  It  seems,  too,  very  probable  that  the 
policy  of  Neh.  ii.  was  a  continuation  and  renewal 
of  that  of  Ezr.  vii.,  and  that  the  same  king  was 
the  author  of  both.  Now  it  is  not  possible  for 
Xerxes  to  be  the  Artaxerxes  of  Nehemiah,  as  Jo- 
sephus  asserts  (Ant.  xi.  5,  §  6),  for  Xerxes  only 
reigned  21  years,  whereas  Nehemiah  (xiii.  6)  speaks 
of  the  32d  year  of  Artaxerxes.  Nor  is  it  neces- 
sary to  believe  that  the  Artaxerxes  of  l^r.  vii.  is 
necessarily  the  inmiediate  successor  of  the  Darius 
of  Ezr.  vi.  'Ilie  book  of  Ezra  is  not  a  contmuoug 
history.  It  is  exident  from  tlie  first  words  of  ch. 
vii.  that  there  is  a  pause  at  the  end  of  ch.  vi.  In- 
deed, as  ch.  vi.  concludes  in  the  6th  year  of  Darius, 
and  ch.  vii.  begins  with  the  7th  year  of  Artaxerxes, 
we  cannot  even  believe  the  latter  king  to  be  Xerxes, 
without  assuming  an  interval  of  36  years  (b.  c. 
515-479)  between  the  chapters,  and  it  is  not  mora 
difficult  to  imagine  one  of  58,  which  will  carry  u« 
to  B.  c.  457,  the  7th  year  of  Artaxerxes  Macro- 
cheir.  We  conclude  therefore  that  this  is  the  king 
of  Persia  under  whom  lx)th  lizra  and  Nehemiah 
carried  on  their  work;  that  in  b.  c.  457  he  sent 
I'jtra  to  Jenisalem ;  that  after  13  years  it  became 
evident  that  a  civil  as  well  as  an  ecclesiastical  heao 
was  required  for  the  new  settlement,  and  therefor» 
that  in  444  he  lUowed   ITehemiah  to  go  up  iti  th» 


ARTEMAS 

at/«r  capacity.  From  the  testimony  of  profane 
historians  this  king  appears  remarkable  among  Per- 
sian monarchs  for  wisdom  and  right  feeling,  and 
with  this  character  his  conduct  to  the  Jews  coin- 
cides (Diod.  xi.  71). 

It  remains  to  say  a  word  in  refutation  of  the  view 
ttiat  the  Artaserxes  of  Nehemiah  was  Artaxerxes 
Mnemon,  elder  brother  of  Cyrus  the  Younger,  who 
reigned  b.  c.  404—359.  As  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
were  contemporaries  (Neh.  viii.  U),  this  theory 
transfers  the  whole  history  contained  in  Elzra  vii. 
ad  fin.  and  Nehemiah  to  this  date,  and  it  is  hard 
to  believe  that  in  this  critical  period  of  Jewish  an- 
nals there  are  no  events  recorded  between  the  reigns 
of  Darius  Hystaspis  (Ezr.  vi.)  and  Artaxerxes 
Mnemon.  Besides,  Eliashib,  who  was  high-priest 
*lien  Nehemiah  reached  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  1), 
L  e.  on  this  last  supposition,  e.  c.  397,  was  grand- 
son of  Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  10),  high-priest  in  the 
time  of  Zerubbabel,  b.  c.  530.  We  cannot  think 
that  the  grandfather  and  grandson  were  separated 
by  an  interval  of  139  years.  G.  E.  L.  C. 

AR'TEMAS  CAprefias,  i-  e.  'AprefxlScopos), 
a  companion  of  St.  Paul  (Tit.  iii.  12).  According 
to  tradition  he  was  bishop  of  Lystra. 

*  Paul  was  about  to  send  Artemas  to  Crete  at 
the  time  of  his  writing  to  Titus  in  that  island,  and 
hence  Artemas  must  have  been  then  with  the 
iipostle  at  Nicopolis  or  on  the  way  thither  (Tit. 
iii.  12).  The  name,  which  signifies  "gift  of  Ar- 
temis," was  a  common  one  among  the  Greeks. 
(See  Pape'i  Griech.  Eigennamen,  p.  77.)        H. 

*  AR'TEMIS  {"Aprffiis,  Acts  xix.  24).  [Di- 
ana.] 

♦ARTILLERY  (no  longer  applied,  as  in 
the  older  English,  to  the  smaller  missive  weapons) 

is  the  translation  of  V^3  in  1  Sam  xx.  40,  i.  e. 
his  arms,  namely,  the  bow  and  airows  with  which 
Jonathan  had  been  shooting,  at  the  tune  of  his 
memorable  interview  with  David  at  the  stone  Ezel. 
The  A.  V.  has  "  his  instruments  "  in  the  margui, 
which  is  the  rendering  of  the  Bishops'  Bible. 

H. 

AR'UBOTH  (Arubboth,  n'l2l")S :  'Apa- 
^(hO:  Aruboth),  the  third  of  Solomon's  commis- 
gariat  districts  (1  K.  iv.  10).  It  included  Sochoh, 
and  was  therefore  probably  a  name  for  the  rich 
corn-growing  country  of  the  Sheftlnh.  In  any 
case,  the  significance  of  the  word  is  entirely  lost  at 
present.     Josephus  omits  all  mention  of  it.     G. 

ARU'MAH  (np^-lS  [height]  :  'Ap7jfj.d,  Vat. 
[not  Vat.,  but  Comp.  Aid.  Alex.]  ^Apifid:  in  Ruma), 
a  place  apparently  in  the  neighborhood  of  She- 
chem,  at  which  Abimelech  resided  (Judg.  ix. 
41).     It  is  conjectured  that  the  word  in  verse  31, 

•^^"'^S)  rendered  "privily,"  and  in  the  margin 
"at  Tormah,"  should  be  read  "at  Arumah  "  by 
changing  the  D  t«  an  S,  but  for  this  there  is  no 
lupport  beyond  the  apparent  probability  of  the 
ehange.  Arumah  is  possibly  the  same  place  as 
Ruma,  under  which  name  it  is  given  by  Eusebius 
ind  Jerome  in  the  Onomasticon.  According  to 
khem  it  was  then  called  Arimathaea  (see  also 
A.RIMA).  But  this  is  not  consonant  with  its 
ipparent  position  in  the  story.  G. 

*  Raumer  (Palcistina,  p.  148,  4te  Aufl.)  tnmks 
inimah  was  prolrably  el-Avmah,  of  the  ruins  of 


ARVAD  167 

which  Van  de  Velde  speaks  {Mem.  p.  288),  a  littk 
S.  W.  of  NMbis. 

Bunsen  {Bibelwerk  on  Judg.  ix.  31)  and  Ber- 
theau  {Bichter,  p.  145)  make  Tormah,  referred  t€ 
above,  a  proper  name  =  Arumah.  Keil  and  De- 
litzsch  (on  Judges,  p.  368,  English  trans.)  are 
undecided.  But  critics  generally,  as  Gesenius, 
Dietrich,  De  Wette,  Cassel,  Fiirst,  retain  the  ad- 
verbial sense,  secretly  {iv  Kpv<p-p,  in  Sept.  Cod. 
Vat.);  which  is  better,  both  as  agreeing  with  the 
text,  and  on  exegetical  grounds.  Zebul,  who  had 
command  in  the  city,  was  friendly  to  Abimelech ; 
but  in  order  to  advance  the  uiterest  of  the  latter 
without  betraying  himself  to  the  Shechemites,  he 
must  confer  with  him  secretly,  and  for  this  purpose 
sent  messengers  to  him  (ix.  31)  for  concerting  meas- 
ures against  Gaal,  the  common  enemy.  If  the  term 
suggests  the  idea  of  deceit  as  well  as  secrecy,  it  is 
none  the  less  appropriate,  since  acting  in  this  way 
Zebul  was  deceiving  Gaal  as  well  as  intriguing  with 
Abimelech.     [Tokjiah.]  H. 

AR'VAD  (TT^W,  from  a  root  signifying 
"  wandering,"  Ges.  p.  1268),  a  place  in  Phoenicia,  the 
men  of  which  are  named  ui  close  connection  with 
those  of  Zidon  as  the  navigators  and  defenders  of 
the  ship  of  Tyre  in  Ez.  xxvii.  8,  11.  In  agree- 
ment with  this  is  the  mention  of  "  the  Arvadite  " 

C"  iP^n)  in  Gen.  x.  18,  and  1  Chr.  i.  16,  as  a 
son  of  Canaan,  with  Zidon,  Hamath,  and  other 
northern  localities.  The  LXX.  have  in  each  of 
the  above  passages  'ApdSios,  and  in  Josephus  {Atit. 
i.  6,  §  2)  we  find  'Apoi/Saios  "ApaSoy  ri]y  vr/ffov 
iarx^^-     Ti'^re  is  thus  no  doubt  that  Ar\ad  is  the 

island  of  Ruad  ( t>  ( • »  j,  which  Ues   off  Tortosa 

( Tartus),  2  or  3  miles  from  the  Phoenician  coast, 
(not  at,  but)  some  distance  above,  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Eleutherus,  now  the  Nahr  el-Ke/ur  (Maund.  p. 
403;  Burckh.  p.  161),  and  at  the  northern  extrem- 
ity of  the  great  bay  which  stretches  above  Tripoli 
(Kiepert's  Map,  1856).  The  island  is  high  and 
rocky,  but  very  small,  hardly  a  niUe  in  circum- 
ference (see  Maimd.  p.  399 ;  "  800  yards  in  extreme 
length,"  Allen,  ii.  178).  According  to  Strabo  (xvi. 
2,  §  13)  Arvad  was  founded  by  fugitives  from 
Sidon,  and  he  testifies  to  its  prosperity,  its  like- 
ness to  Tyre,  and  especially  to  the  well  known 
nautical  skill  of  the  inhabitants."  (See  the  notices 
by  Stralx),  I'hny,  and  others  in  Gesenius,  p.  1269, 
and  Winer,  ArvadKen.)  Opposite  Arvad,  on  the 
mainland,  was  the  city  Antaradus,  by  which  name 
the  Targum  Jerus.  renders  the  name  Arvad  in 
Gen.  X.  18.  [Araous.^  A  plan  of  the  island 
will  be  found  in  Allen's  Dev'  S'er/,  end  of  vol.  ii. ; 
also  in  the  Admiralty  Charts,  p.  2050,  "  Island  of 
Kuad."  G. 

*  Dean  Stanley  has  a  brief  notice  of  this  island, 
"  a  six)t  rarely  seen,  but  full  of  interest  in  connec- 
tion both  with  Phcenicia  and  with  tne  cedars  of 
I^banon,"  in  his  Notices  of  Some  Localities,  &c. 
p.  220  (1863):  "Just  where  Lebanon,  with  its 
white  line  of  snow,  ends,  and  melts  away  in  the 
north  into  a  range  of  low  gr^rfn  hiUs,  Phcenicia  and 
the  last  remains  of  Phoeni'-ia  also  end  in  the  north- 
ernmost of  the  Phoenician  cities,  Aixad,  Aruad, 
by  the  Greeks  called  Aradus,  and  now  Ruad.'"  Mr. 
Thomson,  author  of  The  Land  aivl  the  Book,  had 
already  visited  and  described  this  place  in  1845  (se» 


a  These  nautical  propensities  i-cmain  in  full  fiftm 
(Se<>  Allan's  Dead  Sea,  ii.  18?.) 


168  AHVADITE 

Bibl.  Sacra,  v.  251  ff.).  "  On  the  very  margin  of 
'.he  sea  there  are  the  remains  of  double  I'hitnician 
walls  of  huge  beveled  stones,  which  remind  one  of 
the  outer  foundations  of  Baalbek.  In  one  part  the 
wall  is  still  30  or  40  feet  high,  and  was  originally 
15  or  20  feet  thick.  It  must  have  been  a  stronger 
pla«e  than  Tyre,  for  its  distance  from  the  shore 
a«d  depth  of  channel  rendered  it  inipt)ssible  for 
even  an  .Uexander  to  destroy  its  insular  character. 
The  harbor  was  on  the  northeast  side,  formed  by 
carrying  out  uito  the  sea  two  walls  of  great  stones, 
to  move  any  one  of  which  would  puzzle  our  best 
modem  engineers."  Tyre  drew  important  supplies 
of  military  and  naval  strength  from  this  little 
island.  "  The  inhabitants  of  Arvad  were  thy  mar- 
iners: the  men  of  Arvad  with  thine  army  were 
upon  thy  walls  round  about"  (l-js.  xxvii.  8,  11). 
Many  Greek  inscriptions  are  found  "graven  on 
columns  of  hard  black  basalt."  Mr.  Thomson 
copied  some  of  them,  wliich  are  inserted  in  the 
Bibl.  Sacra  as  above.  H. 

All'VADITE,  THE  Cl^":SrT:  6  'Apo5<oj: 
Aradltts).  One  of  the  families  of  Canaan  (Gen. 
X.  18;  1  Chr.  i.  16).  [Akvad.]  Probably  the 
inhabitants  of  the  little  island  Aradus,  or  Kuad, 
opposite  Antaradus  on  the  N.  coast  of  Phoenicia. 

W.  A.  W. 

AR'ZA  (S^nS  [earth]:  'n.(rd;  Alex.  Aptra; 
[Comp.  'fipo-S:]  Arsn).  Prefect  of  the  palace  at 
Tirzah  to  Elah  king  of  Israel,  who  was  assassinated 
at  a  banquet  in  his  house  by  Zimri  (1  K.  xvi.  !)). 
In  the  Targum  of  Jonathan  the  word  is  taken  as 
the  name  of  an  idol,  and  in  the  Arabic  version  in 
the  Ix^ndon  Polyglot  the  List  clause  is  rendered 
"  which  belongs  to  the  idol  of  Beth-Arza." 

W.  A.  W. 

A'SA  (i*DS,  curing,  physician:  'Atra  ;  Jos. 
'hffavos'  Asa).  1.  Son  of  Abijah,  and  third  king 
of  Judah,  was  conspicuous  for  his  earnestness  in 
supporting  the  worship  of  God  and  rooting  out 
idolatry,  with  its  attendant  immoralities;  and  for 
the  vigor  and  wisdom  with  which  he  provided  for 
the  prosperity  of  his  kingdom.  In  his  zeal  against 
heathenism  he  did  not  spare  his  grandmother,  Maa- 
chah,  who  occupied  the  sjiecial  dignity  of  "  King's 
Mother,"  to  which  great  iiniwrtance  was  attached 
in  the  Jewish  court,  as  afterwards  in  Persia,  and 
to  which  parallels  have  been  found  in  modern  F.ast- 
ern  countries,  as  in  the  position  of  the  Sulbina 
Valide  in  Turkey  (see  1  K.  ii.  19  :  2  K.  xxiv.  12; 
Jer.  xxix.  2  ;  also  Calmet,  Frayi/i.  xvi.  ;  and 
Bruce's  Tnivtls,  vol.  ii.  p.  537,  and  iv.  244-).  She 
had  set  up  some  impure  worship  in  a  grove  (the 
word  translated  iiM,  I  K.  xv.  13,  is  in  Hebrew 
horror,  while  in  the  Vulgate  we  read,  ne  esset 
{Maacha)  princeps  in  sucris  Priapi)  ;  but  Asa 
bunit  the  symbol  of  her  religion,  and  threw  its 
ashes  into  the  brook  Kidron,  as  Moses  had  done  to 
the  golden  calf  (Ex.  xxxii.  20),  and  then  deposed 
Maachah  i'rom  her  dignity.  He  also  pkiced  in  the 
temple  certain  gifts  which  his  father  had  dedicated, 
probably  in  the  earlier  and  better  period  of  his 
reign  [Abi.jam],  and  which  the  heathen  priests 
must  have  used  for  their  own  worship,  and  renewed 
the  great  altar  which  they  apparently  had  dese- 
mited  (2  Chr.  xv.  8).  Besides  this,  he  fortified 
»ities  on  his  frontiers,  and  raised  an  army,  amount- 
uig,  according  to  2  (^hr.  xiv.  8,  to  580,000  men, 
Dut  the  uncertainty  attaching  to  the  numbers  in 
lur  presetit  text  of  Chronicles  has  been  pointed  out 


ASA 

by  Kennicott  [Abijah],  and  by  Davidson  (intrih 
duction  to  the  0.  'J'.,  p.  686),  who  considers  thai 
the  copyists  were  led  into  error  by  the  differenl 
modes  of  marking  them,  and  by  confounding  the 
different  letters  which  denoted  them,  bearing  as 
they  do  a  great  resemblance  to  each  other.  Thu» 
Asa's  reign  marks  the  return  of  Judah  to  a  con- 
sciousness of  the  high  destiny  to  which  God  had 
called  her,  and  to  the  belief  that  the  Divine  Power 
was  truly  at  work  within  her.  The  good  effects  of 
this  were  visible  in  the  enthusiastic  resistanc«; 
offered  by  the  people  to  Zerah,  an  invader,  who  is 
called  a  Cushite  or  Ethiopian,  and  whom  several 
authors,  as  Ewald  {G'esch.  des  P.  J.,  iii.  470),  iden 
tify  with  Osorkon  I.,  the  second  king  of  the  22d 
dynasty  of  Egy])t,  inheritor  therefore  of  the  quai 
rel  of  ins  father  Shishak,  to  whom  Asa  had  proba 
bly  refused  to  pay  tribute.  [Zekah.J  At  the 
h«id  of  an  enonnous  host  (a  million  of  n;en,  we 
read  in  2  Chr.  xiv.  9)  he  attacked  Mareshah  or 
Marissa  in  the  S.  W.  of  the  country,  near  the  later 
EleutheropoUs  (Kobinson,  B.  Ji.,  ii.  67),  a  town 
afterwards  taken  by  Judas  JNIaccabajus  (1  Mace.  v. 
65),  and  finally  destroyed  by  tlie  Parthians  in  theii 
war  against  Herod  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  13,  §  9). 
There  he  was  utterly  defeated,  and  driven  back 
with  immense  loss  to  Gerar.  As  Asa  returned 
laden  with  spoil,  he  was  commended  and  encour- 
aged by  a  prophet,  and  on  his  arrival  at  Jerusalem 
convoked  an  assembly  of  his  own  i)eople  and  of 
many  who  had  come  to  him  from  Israel,  and  with 
solemn  sacrifices  and  ceremonies  renewed  the  cov- 
enant by  which  the  nation  was  dedicated  to  God. 
The  peace  which  followed  this  victory  was  broken 
by  the  attempt  of  lijiasha  of  Israel  to  fortify  Kamah 
as  a  kind  of  Deceleia,  "  that  he  might  not  suflTer 
any  to  go  out  or  to  come  in  unto  Asa  king  of 
Judah."  To  stop  this  he  purchased  the  hilp  of 
Benhadad  I.,  king  of  Damascus,  by  a  large  payment 
of  treiisure  left  in  the  temple  and  palace  from  the 
Egyptian  tribute  in  Kehoboam's  time,  and  thus  he 
forced  Baasha  to  abandon  his  puqjose,  and  destroyed 
the  works  which  he  had  begun  at  Pamah,  using  the 
materials  to  fortif^y  two  towns  in  Benjamin,  Geba  {the 
hill),  and  Mizpeh  (the  iratch-tumr),  as  checks  to 
any  future  invasion.  The  wells  which  he  sunk  at 
Mizpeh  were  famous  in  Jeremiah's  time  (xli.  9). 
The  means  by  which  he  obtained  this  success  were 
censured  by  the  prophet  Hanaiii,  who  seems  even 
to  have  excited  some  discontent  in  Jerusalem,  in 
consequence  of  which  he  was  imprisoned,  and  some 
other  punishme^its  inflicted  (2  Chr.  xvi.  9).  The 
prophet  threatenefl  Asii  with  war,  which  a])|iears  to 
have  been  fulfilled  by  the  continuance  fur  some 
time  of  that  with  Baasha,  as  we  infer  from  an  allu- 
sion, in  2  Chr.  xvii.  2,  to  the  cities  of  Ephraim 
which  he  took,  and  which  can  hardly  refer  to  any 
events  prior  to  the  destruction  of  Hamah. 

In  his  old  age  Asa  suffered  from  the  gout,  and 
it  is  mentioned  that  "  he  sought  not  to  the  Lord 
but  to  the  physicians."  If  any  blame  be  intended, 
we  must  suppose  that  he  acted  in  an  arrogant  and 
independent  spirit,  and  without  seeking  God's 
blessing  on  their  remedies.  He  died  greatly  loved 
ani  honored  in  tlie  4l8t  year  of  his  reign.  Thei» 
ar°  difficulties  connected  with  its  chronology,  aris 
ing  perhaps  from  the  reasons  already  mentioned  as 
to  the  numbers  in  Chronicles.  lor  instance,  in  2 
Chr.  xvi.  1,  we  read  that  Baasha  fortified  Hamah 
in  the  3fith  year  of  Asa's  reign.  In  1  K.  xv.  33. 
Baasha  is  said  to  have  dieil  in  the  20th.  If  th» 
former  number  be  genuine,  it  is  supposed  by  tnt 


ASADIAS 

tot«  in  the  margin  of  the  English  Ilible,  by  Clin- 
ton, and  with  some  little  hesitation  by  Ewald,  that 
the  chronicler  is  referring  to  the  years  not  of  Asa's 
reign,  but  of  the  separate  kingdom  of  Judah, 
which  would  coincide  with  the  16tli  of  Asa  and  the 
13th  of  Baasha,  and  leave  11  years  for  the  state- 
ment of  1  K.  XV.  16,  and  for  the  fulfillmenl  of  Ha- 
nani's  threat.  According  to  Clinton  (F,  II.,  i. 
■i21)  the  date  of  Asa's  accession  was  b.  c.  956. 
In  his  15th  year  (b.  c.  942)  was  the  great  festival 
after  the  defeat  of  Zerah.  In  b.  c.  941  was  the 
league  with  Benhadad,  and  in  a.  c.  916  Asa  died. 
The  statement  in  2  Chr.  xv.  19  must  be  explained 
of  the  35th  year  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  if  we 
adopt  that  view  of  the  date  in  xvi.  1.  Clinton, 
with  an  inconsistency  very  unusual  in  him,  does 
adopt  it  in  the  latter  place,  but  imagines  a  fresh 
war  with  Ethiopia  in  3.  c.  922  to  account  for  the 
former.  G.  E.  L.  C. 

*  In  Matt.  i.  7,  8,  Lachm.,  Tisch.  (8th  ed.),  and 
Tregelles  read  'Affd^)  for  'Atrd-  A. 

2.  {'Offffi;  Alex.  [Comp.  Aid.]  'A(rd.)  An- 
cestor of  I3erechiah,  a  Levite  who  resided  in  one  of 
the  villages  of  the  Netophathites  after  the  return 
from  Babylon  (1  Chr.  ix.  16).  W.  A.  W. 

ASADI'AS  ('AiraSfos;  Alex.  :iaSaias--  Se- 
detis).  Sou  of  Chelcias,  or  Hilkiah,  and  one  of  the 
ancestors  of  Baruch  (Bar.  i.  1).  The  name  is 
probably  the  same  as  that  elsewhere  represented  by 
Hasadiah  (1  Chr.  ui.  20).  W.  A.  W. 

AS'AEL  ('Atri^A;  Vulg.  omits),  of  the  tribe 
of  Naphtali,  and  forefather  of  Tobit  (Tob.  i.  1). 
[Jahzeel?] 

AS'AHEL  (bsnbl^  made  by  God:  'Aa- 
a'fi\  •  Asael  [Asahel] ).  1.  Nephew  of  David,  being 
the  youngest  son  of  his  sister  Zeniiah.  He  was 
celebrated  for  his  swiftness  of  foot,  a  gift  much  val- 
ued in  ancient  times,  as  we  see  by  the  instances  of 
Achilles,  Antilochus  (Hom.  II.  xv.  570),  Fapirius 
Cursor  (Liv.  ix.  16),  and  others.  When  fighting 
under  the  command  of  his  brother  Joab  against 
Ishbosheth's  army  at  Gibeon,  he  pursued  Abner, 
who,  after  vainly  warning  him  to  desist,  was  obliged 
to  kill  him  in  self-defense,  tliough  with  great  reluc- 
tance, probably  on  account  of  his  extreme  youth 
(2  Sam.  ii.  18  ff.  [iii.  27,  30,  xxiu.  24;  1  Chr.  xi. 
26,  xxvu.  7.]).     [Abnek.]  G.  E.  L.  C. 

2.  CAo-i^A;  Alex.  lao-tr/A.,  [Vat.  laaeirjK: 
Asnel].)  One  of  the  I^evites  in  the  reign  of  Je- 
hoshaphat,  who  went  throughout  the  cities  of  .Judah 
to  instruct  the  people  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Law, 
at  the  time  of  the  revival  of  the  true  worship  (2 
Chr.  xvii.  8). 

3.  ['Aca^A.:  Asael.]  A  Invite  in  the  reigr«  of 
Hezekiah,  who  had  charge  of  the  tithes  and  dedi- 
cated things  in  the  Temple  under  Cononiah  and 
Shimei  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  13). 

4.  (['Ao-a^A;  Vat.  Ao-rjA.-]  Azahel.)  A  priest, 
bther  of  Jonathan  in  the  time  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x. 
15).     He  is  called  Azael  in  1  Esdr.  ix.  14. 

W.  A.  W. 

ASAHI'AH,  or  ASA'IAH  (n^t2737  Iwhom 
Jehovah  made]:  'Affatas;  [Alex.  2  K.  xxii.  14, 
Icuraii]  Asaia),  a  servant  of  king  Josiah,  sent  by 
him,  together  with  others,  to  seek  informatio*:  of 

'•  'The  contents  of  the  Psalms  in  question  are  stp- 
poiied  to  require  a  later  author  that  the  Asaph  in 
David's  time.  Hut  the  title  which  ascrl'jes  these 
PnIbu  to  Asaph  is  not  necessarily  io correct;  for  the  i 


ASAREEL 


109 


Jehovah  respecting  the  book  of  the  law  which  Hii 
kiah  found  in  the  temple  (2  K.  xxii.  12,  14;  al8« 
caUed  Asaiah,  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20).  K.  W.  B. 

ASA'IAH  [3  8yl.]  (H^'tt^p  [Jehoinh  made]. 
'Ao-aia;  [Vat.  Aaria;  Aid.  'Affafos:]  Asaia).  1 
A  prince  of  one  of  the  families  of  the  Simeonitei 
in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  who  drove  out  the  Ham- 
ite  shepherds  from  Gedor  (1  CJhr.  iv.  36). 

2.  ('Ao-otas,  [Vat.  Atra^a,,]  Alex.  [Comp.] 
'Aaaia  in  1  Chr.  vi. ;  ' Ao-aia  [Vat.  Affoi,  Atraia]  \ 
Alex.  [Aid.]  'A(ratoj  in  1  Ch.'-.  xv.)  A  Levite  in 
the  reign  of  David,  chief  of  the  family  of  Merari 
(1  Chr.  vi.  30).  With  120  of  his  brethren  he  took 
part  in  the  solemn  service  of  bringing  the  ark  from 
the  house  of  Obed-edom  to  the  city  of  David  (1 
Chr.  XV.  6,  11). 

3.  ('A(ro«a;  Alex.  Airo.)  ITie  firstborn  of 
"the  Shilonite,"  according  to  1  Chr.  ix.  5,  who 
with  his  family  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  after  the  return 
from  Babylon.  In  Neh.  xi.  5  he  is  called  Maa- 
SKIAH,  and  his  descent  is  there  traced  from  Shiloni, 
which  is  explained  by  the  Targura  of  K.  Joseph 
on  1  Chr.  as  a  patronymic  from  Shelah  the  son  of 
Judah,  by  others  as  "  the  native  or  inhabitant  of 
ShUoh." 

4.  ([Vat.  I«ro«a:]  Asms.)  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  20 
[ASAHIAH.]  W.  A.  W. 

AS'ANA  {'Atrffavd;  [Aid.  Alex.  'Aflrwcf:] 
Asana),  name  of  a  man   (1  Esdr.   v.   31).     [As- 

NAH.] 

A'SAPH  (P.DS  [collector] :  'Aa-d<p  :  Asaph). 
1.  A  I>evite,  son  of  Berechiah,  one  of  the  leaders 
of  David's  choir  (1  Chr.  vi.  39).  Psalms  1.  and 
kxiii.  to  Ixxxiii.  are  attributed  to  him,  but  proba- 
bly all  these,  except  1.,  Ixxiii.,  and  bcxvii.,  are  of 
later  origin"  (Vaihinger,   Vers,  oj"  Psalms);  and 

he  was  in  aftertimes  celebrated  as  a  seer  (n^n)  aa 
v/ell  as  a  musical  composer,  and  was  put  on  a  par 
with  David  (2  Chr.  xxix.  30;  Neh.  xii.  46).  The 
office  appears  to  have  remained  hereditary  in  hia 
family,  unless  he  was  the  founder  of  a  school  of 
poets  and  musical  composers,  who  were  called  after 
him  "  the  sons  of  Asaph  "  (comp.  the  Homeridsf!) 
(1  Chr.  XXV.  1;  2  Chr.  xx.  14;  Ezr.  ii.  41). 

2.  (2a<^iT  [Vat.  'Scupau]  in  2  K.,  'Aad^  in  Is.; 
Alex.  [Comp. J  'Aadcp  in  2  K.  xviii.  37.)  The 
father  or  ancestor  of  Joah,  who  was  recorder  or 
chronicler  to  the  kingdom  of  Judah  in  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  18,  37 ;  Is.  xxxvi.  3,  22).  It 
is  not  improbable  that  this  Asaph  is  the  same  as 
the  preceding,  and  that  Joah  was  one  of  his  nu- 
merous descendants  known  as  the  Bene-Asaph. 

3.  i'A(rd(p.)  The  keeper  of  the  royal  forest  or 
"paradise"  of  Artaxerxes  (Neh.  ii.  8).  His  name 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  he  was  a  Jew,  who, 
like  Nehemiah,  was  at  high  office  at  the  court  of 
Persia. 

4.  CA<Td<l>  [Vat.  Ao-afi  in  Neh.].)  Ancestor 
of  Mattaniah,  the  conductor  of  the  temple-choir 
after  the  return  from  Babylon  (1  Chr.  ix.  15;  Neh 
xi.  17).     Most  probably  the  same  as  1  and  2. 

W.  A.  W. 
*  ASAR'AEL.     [AzARAEL.] 
ASA'REEL    (bS"!CpS   [whom    God  bownd 


Asaph  who  wrote  them  may  have  been  a  descendani 
<A  lihe  founder  of  ''ha  family,  which,  aa  Ezr.  li.  41 
shows,  existed  through  many  generationi).  H. 


170  ASARELAH 

K.  by  a  vow,  Ges.] :  'Eo-ep^X;  [Vat.  lo-epaTjA.;] 
AJcx.  EffepoTjA;  [Comp.  AcrapTiK-]  Asrnel).  A 
ion  of  JehaJeleel,  whose  name  is  abruptly  intro- 
inceA  into  the  geneabgies  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  16). 

W.  A.  W. 

ASAREXAH  (H^W'^trW :  'Epa^A.;  [Alex. 
UffitiX'i  Comp.  'A(T€jp7jA.e{;  Aid.  ' A<rfp7jAo :]  Am- 
rtln).  One  of  the  sons  of  Asaph,  set  apart  by 
David  to  "  prophesy  with  harps  and  with  psalteries 
and  with  cymbals"  (1  Chr.  mv.  2);  called  Jesh- 
ARKLAH  in  ver.  14.  W.  A.  W. 

*  ASBAZ'ARETH.  So  A.  V.  ed.  1611  in 
1  Esdr.  X.  69  for  "  Azbazareth,"  the  le.ss  correct 
reading  of  later  editions.     See  Azbazaketh. 

A. 

AS'CALON.     [AsHKELON.] 

ASE'AS  ('Ao-ams  ;  [Aid  'Ao-fosO  Aseas), 
name  of  a  man  (1  Esdr.  ix.  <32).     [Ishijah.] 

ASEBEBI'A  CAffffiv&ia:  Sebebias),  a  Levite 
(1  Esdr.  Wii.  47).     [Shkrebiah.] 

ASEBI'A('Ao-e)8/a;  [Aid. 'A(r6)8eia:]  Asbia), 
1  Esdr.  nil.  48.     [Hashabiah  7.] 

AS'ENATH  (n3DS  :  'Ao-ere'fl;  Alex.  Aafp- 
vf$:  Aseneth),  daughter  of  Potiphei-ah,  priest,  or 
possibly  prince,  of  On  [Potiphkkaii],  wife  of 
Joseph  (Gen.  xU.  45  ;,  and  mother  of  Manasseh  and 
Ephraim  (xli.  50,  xlvi.  20).  Her  name  has  been 
considered  to  be  necessarily  Egj'ptian  (I^psius, 
Chrmohffie  d.  ^■^^(jypter,  i.  382),  and  I'.gj'ptiaji 
etymologies  have  therefore  been  proposed.  Gese- 
nius  (T^es.  g.  V.)  suggests  <J,C-J1GIX  "she 
who  is  of  Neith,"  the  Egyptian  Minerva;  but  this 
word  has  not  been  found  in  the  ancient  Egyptian 
or  Coptic ;  and  it  must  be  regarded  as  very  doubt- 
ful. If  we  are  guided  by  the  custom  of  the  He- 
brews, and  the  only  parallel  case,  that  of  Bithiah, 
whose  Hebrew  name,  "daughter,"  that  is,  "ser- 
^•ant,  of  Jehovah,"  implying  conversion,  must  have 
been  given  her  on  her  mamage  to  Mered.  at  a  time 
probably  not  long  distant  from  Joseph's  rule  [Bi- 
thiah], we  must  suppose  that  his  Egyptian  wife 
received  a  Hebrew  name  from  Joseph  especially  if 
her  native  name  implied  devotion  to  the  gods  of 
the  country.  Such  a  new  name  would  have  been 
preserved  in  preference  to  the  other  in  the  0.  T. 
If  Hebrew,  Aseuath  may  be  compared  to  the  male 

proper  name  Asnah,  H^pS  (Ezr.  ii.  50),  and  de- 
rived like  it  from  'JOS  or  CDS,  in  which  case 
both  names  would  signify  storehottse  ;  unless  both 
may  be  cognate  with  n3D,  and  mean  bramble,  a 
sense  not  repugnant  to  Semitic  usage  in  proper 
names.  The  former  derivation  is  perhaps  the  more 
probable,  in  connection  with  Joseph's  history  and 
I  ho  name  of  Ephraim.  R.  S.  T. 

*ASER  ('Aff^p;  FA.  Aa-arrjp:  Naasson)  oc- 
curs in  Tob.  i.  2  as  the  name  of  a  city  in  GaJilee 
near  Thisbe,  which  see.  Hazor  is  probably  the 
place  intended.  A. 

A'SER,  Luke  ii.  36 ,  Hey.  vii.  6.     [Asher.] 


"  0*jLo,  jrinus,  aliis  ejus  nuces  (Gel.  L.  Arab.). 

Dr.  Wilson  (Lands  of  the  Bible,  ii.  392)  Identtfles  the 
Mnimon"fir"  (Pimis  si/lvestris)  with  the  berosh  of 
Scripture,  and  states  that  it  is  "  frequently  seen  in  Leb- 
uion,  where  it  is  known  by  the  name  of  snooar,'  but 


ASH 

ASE'RER  {^fodp;  [Aid.  'Aavpdp--]  Harte] 
name  of  a  man  (1  Esdr.  v.  32).     [Sisera.] 

ASH  IjS,  aren:  ttZ-us:  pimts)  occurs  onlj 
in  Is.  xliv.  14,  as  one  of  the  trees  out  of  the  wood 
of  which  idols  were  carved :  "  He  heweth  him  down 
cedars,  and  taketh  the  cypress  and  the  oak,  which 
he  strengtheneth  for  himself  among  the  trees  of  the 
forest :  he  planteth  an  ash,  and  the  rain  doth  nour- 
ish it."  It  is  impossible  to  determine  what  is  the 
tree  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  word  07-en;  the  LXX. 
and  the  Vulg.  understand  some  species  of  pine-tree, 
and  this  rendering  is  supported  by  many  learned 
commentators,  amongst  whom  may  be  named  Mun- 
ster,  Calvin,  and  Bochart ;  and  some  of  the  Jewish 
Rabbis,  according  to  Celsius  {Hierob.  i.  191),  believa 
that  the  oren  is  identical  with  the  Arabic  sanauber, 
a  kind  of  pine,"  and  assert  that  the  aran  is  often 
coupled  with  the  arez  and  berosch,b  as  though  all 
the  three  trees  belonged  to  the  same  nature.  Lu- 
ther understands  the  cedar  by  oren.'^  Kosenmiiller 
thinks  that  the  stone-pine  (Pinus  jnnia,  Linn.)  is 
the  tree  denoted.  Celsius  is  incUned  to  think  that 
the  oren  is  identical  with  a  tree  o£  Arabia  Petrsea, 
of  which  Abul  I'adli  makes  motion,  called  aran 
Of  the  same  opinion  are  Michaelis  (Supp.  ad  Lex. 
Heb.  129),  Dr.  Royle  (Cyc.  Bib.  Lit.  art.  Oren), 
and  Dr.  Lee  (Lex.  Heb.  s.  v.).  This  tree  is  de- 
scribed as  growing  chiefly  in  valleys  and  low  dis- 
tricts ;  it  is  a  thorny  tree,  bearing  grape-like  clus- 
ters of  berries,  which  are  noxious  and  bitter  when 
green,  but  become  rather  sweet  when  they  ripen, 
and  turn  black.  Gesenius  (T/ies.  s.  v.)  is  in  favor 
of  some  species  of  pine  being  the  tree  mtended. 

Nothing  is  known  of  the  tree  of  which  Abul 
Fadli  sj)eaks.  Sprengel  (Hist.  Rei  Herb.  i.  14) 
thinks  the  nran  is  the  caper-tree  (Cappaiis  spi- 
nasn,  Linn.).  Dr.  Royle  says  the  tree  appears  to 
agree  in  some  respects  with  S<dvadora  persica. 
Other  attempts  at  identification  have  been  made  by 
Faber  in  his  posthumous  MS.  notes  on  Biblical  Bot- 
any, and  Link  (Schroeder's  Baton.  Journ.  iv.  152), 
but  they  are  mere  conjectures.  The  A.  V.  adopted 
the  translation  of  ash  in  all  probability  from  the 
similarity  of  the  Hebrew  oren  with  the  Latin  ornvs; 
and  Dr.  Royle  states  that  the  Ormis  Lurojxcvs  is 
found  in  Syria,  but  thinks  it  is  not  a  true  native. 

Until  future  investigation  acquaints  us  with  the 
nature  of  the  tree  denoted  by  the  aran  of  Abul 
Fadli,  it  will  be  far  better  to  adopt  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  LXX.,  and  understand  some  kind  of 
pine  to  be  the  oren  of  Scripture.  Pinvs  halipensis 
or  P.  mari/ima  may  be  intended.  Celsius  (Hierob. 
i.  193)  objects  to  any  pine  representing  the  oren 
because  he  says  pines  are  difficult  to  transplant 
and  therefore  that  the  pine  would  ill  suit  the  words 
of  the  prophet,  "  he  planteth  an  oren."  This, 
however,  is  not  a  valid  objection :  the  larch,  for  in 
stance,  is  readily  transplanted,  and  grows  with  great 
rapidity,  but  it  is  not  a  native  of  Syria.  The  He- 
brew oren  is  probably  derived  from  the  Arabic  verb 
ai-an,  "  to  be  agile,"  "  to  be  slender,"  or  "  grace- 
ful." W.  H. 


Dr.  Hooker  says  he  never  heard  of  P.  sylvestrU  io 
Syria,  and  thinks  P.  halipensis  is  meant. 

6  T"nS  and  C  T1D,  cedar  and  cypress. 

e  Beading  T~1S  instead  of  ^"'S,  "quia  "|~1S  nun 
final!  minusculo,  in  multis  codicis  Ebrsei  editionibui 
scribatur,  quod  tc|>  Sam  siniilliniuni  est "  (Hint*  '• 
191). 


ASMAN 

A'SBAN  il^l""^  [Krmke]-  [Avdx^]  'A<rav, 
Piiffdp;  [Alex.  Ie(|)fla,  Atrav,  AiaaV-]  Anan),  a 
jity  m  the  low  country  of  Judah  named  in  Josh. 
XV.  42  with  Libnah  and  Ether.  In  Josh.  xix.  7, 
and  1  Chr.  iv.  32.  it  is  mentioned  again  as  belonging 
to  Simeon,  but  in  company  with  Ain  and  Rimmon, 
which  (see  Josh.  xv.  .SI)  appear  to  have  been  much 
more  to  the  south.  In  1  Chr.  vi.  59,  it  is  given 
as  a  priests'  city,  occupying  the  same  place  as  the 

somewhat  similar  word  Ain  0"]?)  does  m  the  list 
of  Josh.  xxi.  16. 

In  1  Sam.  xxx.  30,  Chor-ashan  is  named  with 
Herman  and  other  cities  of  "the  South."     [The 

compound  name  {1K7y  "15^3)  means  (Ges.)  smok- 
ing Jumace,  or  (Fiirst)  smelting  furnace.'] 

Eusebius  and  Jerome  {Onoin.)  mention  a  village 
named  Bethasan  as  15  miles  west  of  Jerusalem; 
but  this,  though  agreeing  sufficiently  with  the  posi- 
tion of  the  place  in  Josh.  xv.  42,  is  uot  far  enough 
south  for  the  indications  of  the  other  passages; 
and  indeed  Euseb.  and  Jer.  discriminate  Bethasan 
from  "  Asan  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon."  It  has  not 
yet  been  identified,  unless  it  be  the  same  as  Ain :  in 
which  case  liobmson  found  it  at  Al  Ghuweir.    G. 

*  The  identification  of  Ain  with  Ghuweir,  Dr. 
Robinson  recalls  in  his  Res.   ii.  204  (ed.   1858). 


ASHDOD  171 

See  Anim.  The  Ashan  of  Simeon,  situated  on  the 
northern  limit  of  Palestine,  may  be  a  different  onf 
from  the  Ashan  of  Judah  (Jos.  xix.  7;  1  Chron. 
iv.  32).    (Kaumer,  Paldsiina,  p.  173).    See  Choii 

ASHAX.  n. 

ASHBE'A  (272f  S. [/a^wre,  Ges.] :  'E<ro/3<f 
[Comp.  'Affefia-]  Juramentum).  A  proper  name 
but  whether  of  a  person  or  plate  Ls  uncertain  (1 
Chr.  iv.  21).  Houliigant  would  understand  it  of 
the  latter,  and  would  render  "  the  house  of  Ash- 
bea"  by  Beth-ash bea.  The  whole  clause  is  ob- 
scure. The  Targiun  of  K.  Joseph  (ed.  Wilkius) 
paraphrases  it,  "and  the  family  of  the  house  of 
manufacture  of  the  fine  linen  for  the  garments  ot 
the  kings  and  priests,  which  was  handed  down  to 
the  house  of  Eshba."  W.  A.  \V. 

ASH'BEL  ("^a^'S:  'a<t/3*j\,  'Aev^-hp-  -'«■•'- 
bel),  a  son  of  Benjamin  (Gen.  xlvi.  21 ;  Num.  xxvi. 
38;  1  Chr.  viii.  1).  Respecting  the  soas  of  Ben 
jamin,  see  Bkchek. 

ASH'BELITES,  THE  C^y^tt'SH  :  d 
'Aa-vfiripl;  [Vat.  -pei;  Comp.  ' A(ni;8rjA.( :]  Asbt- 
liUe).  The  descendants  of  Asiibkl  the  .son  of  Ben 
jaram  (Num.  xxvi.  38).  W.  A.  W. 

ASH'CHENAZ  (T:3tt"S :  'A(rxo;'aC,  oi 
'Axavo^e'oj  [Vat.  Atrx-J !   Alex.  Atrxeye^,  oi  Aff- 


Xa^aCfO'  ["C«'<"]=  Ascenez.)    Ashkenat;  (1  Chr. 
i.  6;  ,Jer.  li.  27).  W.  A.  W. 

ASH'DOD,orAZO'TUS  (iT^tt'S  [strong- 
holdor  castle]  :  "aCojtos,  LXX.  [commonly]  and  N. 
T.),  one  of  the  five  confederate  cities  of  the  Philis- 
tines, situated  alwut  30  miles  from  the  southern 
frontier  of  Palestine,  3  from  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 
and  nearly  midway  between  Gaza  and  .loppa.  It 
stood  on  an  elevation  overlooking  the  plain,  and  the 
natural  advantages  of  its  position  were  improved 
oy  fortifications  of  great  strength.     For  this  reason 


it  was  probably  selected  as  one  of  the  seats  of  the 
national  worship  of  Dagon  (1  Sam.  v.  5).  It  was 
assigned  to  the  tribe  of  .Tudah  (.Josh.  xv.  47),  but 
was  never  subdued  by  the  Israelites :  it  appears  on 
the  contrary  to  have  been  the  point  for  conducting 
offensive  operations  against  them,  so  much  so,  that 
after  Uzziah  ha/i  succeeded  in  breaking  down  the 
wall  of  the  towii,  he  secured  himself  against  future 
attacks  by  esta.blishing  forts  on  the  adjacent  hilla 
v2  Chr.  xxvi.  6):  even  dovm  to  Nehemiah's  age  it 
preserved  its  distinctiveness  of  race  and  language 
(Neh.  xiii.  23).     But  its  chief  importance  aroso 


172 


ASHDODITES 


from  its  position  on  the  high  road  from  Palestine 
to  J'^ypt,  commanding  the  entrance  to  or  from  the 
latter  country :  it  was  on  this  account  besieged  by 
rartan,  the  general  of  the  Assyrian  king,  Sargon, 
about  B.  c.  716,  apparently  to  frustrate  the  league 
formed  between  Hezekiah  and  Egypt  (Is.  xx.  1). 
Its  importance  as  well  as  strength  is  testified  by 
the  protracted  siege  which  it  afterwards  sustained 
under  Psammetichus,  about  n.  c.  G30  (Herod,  ii. 
157),  the  effects  of  which  are  incidentally  referred 
to  by  Jer.  (xxv.  20).  That  it  recovered  from  this 
blow  appears  from  its  being  mentioned  as  an  inde- 
pendent power  in  alliance  with  the  Arabians  and 
others  against  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iv.  7).  It  was  de 
stroyed  by  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  v.  68,  x.  84), 
and  lay  in  niins  until  the  Roman  conquest  of  Ju- 
daa,  when  it  was  restored  by  Gabinius,  b.  c.  55 
(Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  5,  §  3;  B.  J.  i.  7,  §  7),  and  was 
one  of  the  towns  assigned  to  Salome  after  Herod's 
death  (Joseph.  Ant.  xvii.  8,  §  1).  The  only  notice 
of  Azotus  in  the  N.  T.  is  in  connection  with  Phil- 
ip's return  from  Gaza  (Acts  viii.  40).  It  Is  now 
an  insignificant  village,  with  no  memorials  of  its 
ancient  importance,  but  is  still  called  £sdud. 

W.  L.  B. 
*  Yet  the  present  site  is  not  wholly  destitute  ot 
vestiges  of  its  ancient  fame.  A  few  discoveries  still 
reward  the  traveller's  search.  The  high  mound 
which  probably  formed  the  acropolis  of  the  old  city 
cannot  be  mistaken,  covered  with  fragments  of  pot- 
tery, and  with  remains  of  cellars  or  cisterns  which 
excavations  recently  made  (1852)  have  laid  open. 
Here  must  have  been  the  citadel  which  for  29  years 
baffled  the  efforts  of  Psammetichus  for  its  capture, 
the  longest  siege  (says  Herodotus)  on  record  (see 
Rawlinson  on  Herod,  ii.  242).  From  the  top  of  this 
hill  may  be  seen  the  Mediterranean,  and  here  doubt- 
less, stood  the  fish-god,  Uagon  (1  Sam.  v.  3  ff.), 
where  he  could  survey  the  domain  over  which  he 
was  supposed  to  preside.  Two  marble  columns  re- 
main, one  prostrate  in  the  court  of  the  neighboring 
khan,  and  the  other  wrought  into  a  drinking  trough 
not  far  from  it:  and  a  few  fragments  of  columns 
and  capitals  are  to  be  seen  buUt  into  a  Sakieh  or 
watering-machine,  or  into  the  walls  of  goat  and 
sheep  pens.  Some  traces  of  masonry  occur  near 
the  Jaffa  road,  which  may  have  belonged  to  the  city 
walls,  so  nearly  concealed  as  to  be  found  only  with 
ipecial  pains.  There  is  also  a  large  caravanserai 
on  the  edge  of  an  adjacent  marsh  (see  wood-cut), 
now  entu'ely  deserted,  but  once  an  important  sta- 
tion, when  the  traffic  at  present  transferred  to  the 
lea  passed  this  way  between  Syria  and  Egypt.  H. 

ASHTDODITES,  THE  (D''Y"^"=T?:'Sn : 
om.  in  LXX.  [but  Comp.  and  9  MSS.  have  'A(dr- 
not] :  Azotii).  The  inhabitants  of  Ashdod,  or  Azo- 
tus (Neh.  iv.  7);  called  Ashdothites  in  Josh, 
xiu.  3  W.  A.  W. 

ASHTDOTH  PIS'GAH  (n2!pQn  ni":iCS. 

from  "T^'i^,  "  to  pour  forth ; "  'Ao-rjSifl  ^aayd, 
[once r))w iaayd-]  radices  [montis]  Phasga,  [Asv- 
doth  Phasya]),  a  curious  and  (since  it  occurs  in 
none  of  the  later  books)  probably  a  very  ancient 
term,  found  only  in  Deut.  iii.  17 ;  Josh.  xii.  3,  xiii. 
20:  and  in  Deut.  iv.  49,  A.  V.  "  springs  of  Pisgah." 
In  the  two  passages  from  Deuteronomy  the  words 
form  part  of  a  formula,  by  which  apparently  the 
oiountains  which  enclose  the  Dead  Sea  on  the  east 
dde  are  defined.  Thus  in  iii.  17,  we  read,  "  the 
Arabah '  also  (\  e.  the  Jordan  vallev^  and  the 


ASHER 

'border.'  from  Cinnereth  (Sea  of  Galilee)  uuto  the 
sea  of  the  '  Arabah,'  the  Salt  Sea,  under  Ashdotk 
hap-Pisgah  ea.stward ;  "  and  so  also  in  iv.  49,  though 
here  our  translators  have  chosen  to  vary  the  for- 
mula for  English  readers.  The  same  intention  ia 
evident  in  the  pxssages  quoted  from  Joshua ;  and  in 
X.  40,  and  xii.  8  of  the  same  book,  Ashdoth  is  used 
alone  —  "  the  springs  "  —  to  denote  one  of  the  main 
natural  divisions  of  the  country.  The  only  other 
instance  of  the  use  of  the  word  is  in  the  highl} 
jx)etical  passage.  Num.  xxi.  15,  "the  ^jxmHvy 
forth '  of  the  '  torrents,'  which  extendeth  to  She- 
beth-Ar."  This  undoubtedly  refers  also  to  the  east 
of  the  Dead  Sea. 

What  the  real  significance  of  the  term  may  be, 
it  is  impossible  in  our  present  ignorance  of  the 
country  east  of  the  Dead  Sea  to  determine.  Doubt- 
less, like  the  other  topographical  words  of  the  Bible. 
it  has  a  precise  meaning  strictly  observed  in  its  use; 
but  whether  it  be  the  springs  jwured  forth  at  the 
base  of  the  mountains  of  Moab,  or  the  roots  oi 
spui"s  of  those  mountains,  or  the  mountains  them- 
selves, it  is  useless  at  present  to  conjecture.      G. 

ASHTDOTHITES,  THE  (''7^'^lt'SrT :   i 

'A^wTtos  [Vat.  -eios]'  Azotii).  The  inhabitants 
[strictly  "  inhabitant,"  but  collective]  of  Ashdod 
or  Azotus  (Josh.  xiii.  3).  W.  A.  W. 

ASHER,  Apocr.  [only  Tobit  i.  2,  see  Aser] 
and  N.  T.  A'SER  ("!C'S :  'Ao^p  [Rom.  'A«r- 
(rfip  in  Ez.  xlviii.] :  Aser),  the  8th  son  of  Jacob, 
by  Zilpali,  I-eah's  handmaid  (Gen.  xxx.  13).  The 
name  is  interpreted  as  meaning  "  happy,"  in  a  pas- 
sage full  of  the  paronomastic  turns  which  distin- 
guish these  very  ancient  records :  "  And  l>eah  said, 

'In  my  happiness  am  I  (''"]U'S3),  for  the  daugh- 
ters will  call  me  happy '  (^3^~!l^S),  and  she  called 

his  name  Asher"  ("1^^  S),  i.  e.  "happy."  A  sim- 
ilar play  occurs  in  the  blessing  of  Moses  (Deut. 
xxxiii.  24).  Gad  was  Zilpah's  other  and  elder  son, 
but  the  fortunes  of  the  brothers  were  not  at  all 
connected.  Of  the  tribe  descended  from  Asher  no 
action  is  recorded  during  the  whole  course  of  the 
sacred  history.  Its  name  is  found  in  the  various 
lists  of  the  tribes  which  occur  throughout  the  ear- 
lier books,  as  Gen.  xxxv.,  xlvi. ;  Ex.  i. ;  Num.  i.,  ii., 
xiii.,  &c.,  and  hke  the  rest  Asher  sent  his  chief  as 
one  of  the  spies  from  K.adesh-bamea  (Num.  xiii.). 
During  the  march  through  the  desert  his  place  was 
between  Dan  and  NaphtaJi  on  the  north  side  of  the 
tabernacle  (Num.  ii.  27);  and  after  the  conquest 
he  toi>k  up  his  allotted  position  without  any  special 
mention. 

The  limits  of  the  territory  assigned  to  Asher  are, 
like  those  of  all  the  tribes,  and  especially  of  the 
northern  tril)es,  extremely  difficult  to  trace.  I'hig 
is  ])artly  owing  to  our  ignorance  of  the  principle  on 
which  these  ancient  boundaries  were  drawn  and  re- 
corded, and  partly  from  the  absence  of  identification 
of  the  majority  of  the  places  named.  The  general 
position  of  the  tribe  was  on  the  sea-short  from  Car- 
mel  northwards,  with  Manasseh  on  the  south,  Zeb- 
ulun  and  Issachar  on  the  southeast,  and  Naphtali 
on  the  northeast  (Jos.  Ant.  v.  1,  §  22).  The 
boundaries  and  towns  are  given  in  Josh.  xix.  24- 
31,  xvii.  10,  11,  and  Judg.  i.  31,  32.  From  a  com- 
parison of  these  passages  it  seems  plain  that  Dor 
( Tantura)  must  have  \>een  within  the  Hmits  of  th» 
tribe,  in  which   case  the  wuthem  boundary  wa» 


ASHEB 

probably  one  of  the  streams  which  enter  the  Med- 
iterranean south  of  that  place — either  Nahr  el- 
Dtfnth  or  Nahr  Zurka.  Fallowing  the  beach 
round  the  promontorj'  of  Caniel,  the  tribe  tlien 
possessed  the  maritime  portion  of  the  rich  plain  of 
Esdraelon,  probably  for  a  distance  of  eight  or  ten 
miles  from  the  shore.  The  boundary  would  then 
appear  to  have  run  northwards,  possibly  bending  to 
the  east  to  embrace  Ahlab,  and  reachuig  Zidon  by 
Kanah  (a  name  still  attached  to  a  site  six  miles  in- 
land from  Said),  whence  it  turned  and  came  down 
by  T)Te  to  Achzib  (Ecdippa,  now  es-Zib).'* 

This  territory  contained  some  of  the  richest  soil  in 
ill  Palestine  (Stanley,  p.  2G5 ;  Kenrick,  Phoen.  p.  35), 
and  in  its  productiveness  it  well  fulfilled  the  prom- 
ise involved  in  the  name  "  Asher,"  and  in  the  bless- 
ings which  had  been  pronounced  on  him  by  Jacob 
and  by  Moses.  Here  was  the  oil  in  which  he  was 
to  "dip  his  foot,"  the  "bread"  wluch  was  to  be 
"fet,"  and  the  "royal  dainties"  in  which  he  was 
to  indulge ; ''  and  here  in  the  metallic  manufactures 
of  the  Phoenicians  (Kenrick,  p.  38)  were  the  "  iron 
and  brass "  for  his  "slices."  The  Phoenician  set- 
tlements were  even  at  that  early  period  in  full  vig- 
or ;c  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  Asher  was  soon 
contented  to  partake  their  luxuries,  and  to  "  dwell 
among  tliem "  without  attempting  the  conquest 
and  extermination  enjoined  in  r^ard  to  all  the 
Canaanites  (Judg  i.  31,  32).  Accordingly  he  did 
not  drive  out  the  inhabitants  of  Accho,  nor  Dor,'' 
nor  Zidon,  nor  Ahlab,  nor  Achzib,  nor  Helbah,  nor 
Aphik,  nor  Rehob  (Judg.  i.  31),  and  the  natural 
consequence  of  this  inert  acquiescence  is  immedi- 
ately visible.  While  Zebulun  and  Naphtali  "jeop- 
arded their  hves  unto  the  death"  in  the  struggle 
against  Sisera,  Asher  was  content  to  forget  the  peril 
of  his  fellows  in  the  creeks  and  harbors  of  his  new 
allies  (Judg.  v.  17,  18).  At  the  numbering  of 
Israel  at  Sinai,  Asher  was  more  numerous  than 
either  Ephraim,  Manasseh,  or  Benjamin  (Num.  i. 
32-41),  but  in  the  reign  of  David  so  insignificant 
had  the  tribe  become,  that  its  name  is  altogether 
omitted  from  the  Ust  of  the  chief  rulers  (1  Chr. 
sxvii.  16-22);  and  it  is  with  a  kind  of  astonish- 
ment that  it  is  related  that  "  divers  of  Asher  and 
Manasseh  and  Zebulun  "  came  to  Jerusalem  to  the 
f'assover  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxx.  11).  With  the 
exception  of  Simeon,  Asher  is  the  only  tribe  west 
of  the  Jordan  which  furnished  no  hero  or  judge  to 
the  nation.''  "  One  name  alone  shines  out  of  the 
general  obscurity  —  the  aged  widow  '  Amia  the 
daughter  of  Phanuel  of  the  tribe  of  Aser,'  who  ui 
the  very  close  of  the  history  departed  not  from  the 
temple,  but  '  served  God  with  fastings  and  prayers 
night  and  day  '  "  (Stanley,  p.  265).  G. 

ASH'ER  (~ia7W  [fortress,  Furst :  Comp.] 
Alex.  'Aa-fip'-  Aser).  A  place  which  formed  one 
boundary  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  on  the  south 
(Josh.  xvii.  7).  It  is  placed  by  Eusebius  on  the 
road  from  Shechem  to  Bethshan  or  Scythopohs, 
about  15  miles  from  the  former.     Three  quarters 


a  Achshaph  (LXX.  Ke<£<^  or  Kaiaijia)  must  be  Ckaifa. 
Robinson's  identification  (iii.  55)  is  surely  too  far  in- 
land. Alammelech  was  probably  on  the  Nakr  el-Me- 
'ech,  a  tributary  of  the  Kishon.  Jlphthah-el  may  be 
Tefat  (Rob.  iii.  107).  Bethlehem  (Beit  Lafim)  is  10 
Biiies  inland  from  the  shore  of  the  tiay  of  Chaifa  (Bob. 
f.  113) ;  and  as  it  was  in  Zebulun,  it  tixes  the  distance 
rf  Asher's  boundary  as  less  than  that  from  the  sea. 

fi  For  the  crops,  see  Rob.  iii.  102 ;  for  the  oil,  Ken- 
Hck,  p.  SI ;  Reland,  p.  817. 


ASHES  178 

I  of  an  boat  from  Tubas,  the  ancient  Thebez,  is  tht 
I  hamlet  of  Teydsir,  which  Mr.  Porter  suggests  may 
be  the  Asher  of  Manasseh  {Uandb.  p.  318).  It 
the  Vat.  MS.  the  LXX.  of  this  passage  is  entirely 
corrupt.  W.  A   W. 

ASHE'BAH  (^:^lr^<),  the  name  of  a  Phoe- 
nician goddess,  or  rather  of  the  idol  itself.  Our 
translators,  following  the  rendering  of  the  LXX. 
{&\(Tos)  and  of  the  Vulg.  {lucus),  translate  the 
word  by  "grove."  Almost  all  modern  interpreters 
however,  since  Selden  (De  Diis  Syriis,  p.  343), 
agree  that  an  idol  or  image  of  some  kind  must  be 
intended,  as  seems  sufKciently  proved  from  such 
passages  as  2  K.  xxi.  7,  xxiii.  6,  in  the  latter  of 
wliich  we  find  that  Josiah  "  brought  out  the  Ash&- 
rah  "  (or  as  our  version  reads  "  the  yrme  ")  "  from 
the  house  of  the  Lord."  There  can,  moreover,  be 
no  doubt  that  Asherah  is  very  closely  connected 
with  AsHTOKETH  and  her  worship,  indeed  the  two 
are  so  placed  in  connection  with  each  other,  and 
each  of  them  with  Baal  (e.  g.  Judg.  iii.  7,  comp. 
ii.  3;  Judg.  vi.  25;  1  K.  xviii.  19),  that  many 
critics  have  regarded  them  as  identical.  There  ai-e 
other  passages,  however,  in  which  these  terms  seem 
to  be  distuiguished  from  each  other,  as  2  K.  xxiii. 
13,  14, 15.  Movers  {Phon.  i.  561)  first  pointed  out 
and  estabhshed  the  difference  between  the  two 
names,  though  he  probably  goes  too  far  in  consid 
ering  them  g.s  names  of  distinct  deities.  The  view 
maintained  by  Bertheau  {Exeg.  Handb.,  Richt., 
p.  67)  apptjars  to  be  the  more  correct  one,  that 
Ashtoreth  is  the  proper  name  of  the  goddess,  whilst 
Asherah  is  the  name  of  the  image  or  symbol  of  the 
goddess.  This  symbol  seems  in  all  cases  to  have 
been  of  wood  (see  e.  g.  Judg.  vi.  25-30;  2  K. 
xxiii.  14),  and  the  most  probable  etymology  of  the 

term  (it?  S  :=  "lf2^,  to  be  straight,  direct)  indi- 
cates that  it  was  formed  of  the  straight  stem  of  a 
tree,  whether  living  or  set  up  for  the  purpose,  and 
thus  points  us  to  the  phallic  rites  with  which  no 
doubt  the  worship  of  Astarte  was  connected. 
[Ashtoreth.]     See  also  Egyit.       F.  W.  G. 

ASH'ERITES,  THE  (""Itt'^n :  ^  'A^^p: 
Alex.  Kffrip-  Vulg.  om.).  The  descendants  of 
Asher  and  members  of  his  tribe  (Judg.  i.  32). 

W.  A.  VV. 

ASHES.  The  ashes  on  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offering  were  gathered  into  a  cavity  in  its  surface, 

on  a  heap  called  the  apple  (H^SFl),  from  its  round 
shape  (Cramer,  de  Ara  exteriori),  said  to  hav» 
sometimes  amounted  to  300  Cors ;  but  this  Maimon. 
and  others  say  is  spoken  hyperbolice.  On  the  days 
of  the  three  solemn  festivals  the  ashes  were  nut  re- 
moved, and  the  aecumulation  taken  away  afterwards 
in  the  morning,  the  priests  casting  lots  for  the  of 
fice  (Afishnn,  Tamid,  i.  2,  and  ii.  2).  The  asfae.i 
of  a  red  heifer  burnt  entire,  according  to  regulatitms 
prescribed  in  Num.  xix.,  had  the  ceremonial  effi- 
cacy of  purifying  the  unclean  (Heb.  ix.  13),  but 
of  polluting  the  clean.      [Sacrifice.]      Ashes 

c  Zidon  was  then  distinguished  by  the  name  Kab- 
bah =  "  the  Strong,"  Josh.  xix.  28. 

"^  This  name  is  added  by  the  LXX.  Compare  Josh 
xvii.  11. 

e  This  would  be  well  compensated  for  if  the  ancient 
legend  could  be  proved  to  have  any  foundation,  that 
the  parents  of  St.  Paul  resided  at  Giscala  or  Gusb 
Chaleb,  i.  e.  the  Ahlab  of  Asher  (Judg.  i.  31).  Stw 
KoUnd,  p.  813.     [But  see  Acts  xxii.  3.] 


174  ASHIMA 

ibout  the  person,  especially  on  the  head,  were  used 
M  a  sign  of  sonow.     [Moukning.]  H.  H. 

•  Jeremiah  (xxxi.  40)  speaks  of  "a  valley  of 
»8hes;"  and  from  his  mention  of  "  the  brook  of 
Kidron "  in  the  same  passage,  he  may  possibly 
ittfer  to  a  "valley"  which  bore  tliis  name,  near 
Jerusalem.  But  the  prophet's  representation  tliere 
being  symlwlic,  it  is  not  easy  to  decide  how  far  we 
are  to  regard  the  scenery  under  which  he  couches 
the  allegory  as  hteral  and  how  fai-  as  fictitious. 

At  a  little  distance  north  of  Jerusalem  are  several 
large  mounds  of  ashes  (one  of  them  40  feet  high), 
which  some  conjecture  may  be  as  old  as  the  age  of 
the  temple,  having  been  built  up  by  the  ashes  carried 
out  thither  from  the  altar  of  sacrifice  (Lev.  vi.  10, 
11).  So  much  curiosity  was  felt  respecting  these 
ashes  that  two  small  specimens  of  them  were  sub- 
mitted to  Professor  Liebig,  who  found  them  on 
analysis  to  consist  largely  of  animal  and  not  of  veg- 
etable elements.  But  the  genend  opinion  is  that 
they  are  the  accumulations  of  ashes  deposited  there 
from  soap  manufactories  which  formerly  existed  at 
Jerusalem.  The  fact  that  similar  mounds  occur  in 
the  vicinity  of  Nabulus  (Shkchkm),  which  are 
known  to  be  formed  in  this  way,  would  seem  to  l)e 
decisive  on  this  question.  Travellers  have  observed 
them  also  near  Ghuzzeh  (Gaza),  iMcid  (Lydda), 
and  EamleJi,  where  the  Jews  never  offered  sacrifices. 
See  Dr.  Robinson's  Later  lies.  iii.  201.  The 
chemical  test,  as  he  suggests,  is  too  limited  for  de- 
termining the  character  of  the  entire  mass,  and  a 
few  particles  of  bones  might  easily  be  intermixed 
with  the  other  sediments.  Dr.  Sepp  takes  notice 
of  these  ash-heaps  {Jerusalem  u.  das  lieil.  Land, 
i.  250),  and  expresses  the  same  opinion  of  their 
origin.  H. 

ASHIMA  (Sa^ti^t;^ :  'Am^u^e  [Vat.  -cr«-]; 
[Comp.  'Afft^oU  -Asima),  a  god  worehipped  by  the 
people  of  Hamath.  The  worship  was  introduced 
mto  Samaria  by  the  Hamathite  colonists  whom 
Shalmanezer  settled  in  that  land  (2  K.  xvii.  30). 
The  name  occurs  only  in  this  single  instance.  The 
Talmudists  say  that  the  word  signifies  a  goat  with- 
out hair,  or  rather  with  short  hair  (Buxtorf,  Ltx. 
Talm.),  and  from  this  circumstance  Ashima  has 
oeen  regarded  as  identical  with  the  Mendesian  god 
of  the  Egyptians  (considered  by  the  Greeks  to  be 
Pan),  to  whom  the  goat  was  sacred.  This  god  has 
also  by  some  been  identified  with  the  Phcenician 
god  Esmun  (see  Winer,  Rerdic),  whose  name  is 
frequently  found  in  Phoenician  inscriptions  as  a 
component  of  the  names  of  persons,  and  who  is 
regarded  as  the  Pha?nician  /Esculapius  (Gesen. 
Mon.  Pkoen.  pp.  136,  347).  The  two  conjectures 
are  not  necessarily  discrepant,  since  to  the  Phoeni- 
cian Esmun  belong  the  characteristics  both  of  Pan 
and  of  yEsculapius  (Jlovers,  Phmizier,  i.  532). 
niere  are  many  other  conjectures  of  Jewish  writers 
respecting  this  god,  but  they  are  of  no  authority 
whatever.  F.  W.  G. 

ASH'KELON,  AS'KELON,  Apocr.  AS'- 
CALON  (^l^pti'S «  [perh.  migration,  Ge- 
len.;  stony,  Dietr.];  once  "the  Eshkalonite," 
'3'lbn^'^n:  'kffKaKuv:  Saad.  ^i^LywX 
;note  the  change  from  Aleph  to  Ain):  Ascahn), 


«  The  usual  form  would  be  7pC*"  S,  Ashkal.  R6- 
Uger  (in  Gesenius,  p.  1476)  suggests'  that  the  uncom- 
non  termination  is  a  Philistiue  form. 


ASHKELON 

one  of  the  five  cities  of  the  lords  of  the  Philistinet 
(Josh.  xiii.  3;  1  Sam.  vi.  17),  but  less  often  men- 
tioned, and  apparently  less  known  to  the  Jews  thatt 
the  other  four.  This  doul)tless  arose  from  its  re- 
mote situation,  alone,  of  all  the  Philistine  towns, 
on  the  extreme  edge  of  the  shore  of  the  Mediter 
ranean  (Jer.  xlvii.  7),  and  also  well  down  to  tht 
south.  Gaza,  indeed,  was  still  further  south,  but 
then  it  was  on  the  main  road  from  Egypt  to  the 
centre  and  north  of  Palestine,  while  Ashkelon  lay 
considerably  to  the  left.  The  site,  which  retaini 
its  ancient  name,  fully  bears  out  the  above  infer- 
ence; but  some  uidications  of  the  fact  may  be 
traced,  even  in  the  scanty  notices  of  Ashkelon  which 
occur  ui  the  Bible.  'ITius,  the  name  is  omitted 
from  the  list  in  Josh.  xv.  of  the  Philistine  (owns 
falling  to  tlie  lot  of  Judah  (but  comp.  Joseph.  Ant. 
V.  1,  §  22,  where  it  is  specified),  althougli  Ekron, 
Ashdod,  and  Gaza  are  all  named ;  and  considerable 
uncertainty  rests  over  its  mention  in  Judg.  i.  18 
(see  Bertheau  in  Kxtg.  Ilandb.).  Samson  went 
down  from  Timnath  to  Ashkelon  when  he  slew  the 
thirty  men  and  took  their  spoil,  as  if  to  a  remote 
place  wlience  his  exploit  was  not  likely  to  be  heard 
of;  and  the  only  other  mention  of  it  in  the  histor- 
ical books  is  in  the  formuh.stic  passages,  Josh.  xiii. 
3,  and  1  Sam.  vi.  17,  and  in  tlie  casual  notices  of 
Jud.  ii.  28;  1  Mace.  x.  86,  xi.  60,  xii.  33.  ITie 
other  Philistine  cities  are  each  distmguished  by 
some  special  occurrence  or  fact  coimected  with  it, 
but  except  the  one  exploit  of  Samson,  Ashkelon  is 
to  us  no  more  tlian  a  name.  In  the  poetical  books 
it  occurs  2  Sam.  i.  20;  Jer.  xxv.  20,  xlvii.  5,  7; 
Am.  i.  8;  Zeph.  ii.  4,  7;  Zech.  ix.  5. 

In  the  post-biblical  times  Ashkelon  rose  to  con- 
siderable importance.  Near  the  town  —  though  all 
traces  of  them  have  now  vanished  —  were  the  temple 
and  sacred  lake  of  Derceto,  tlie  Syrian  Venus;  and 
it  shared  with  Gaza  an  infamous  reputation  for  the 
steadfastness  of  its  heathenism  and  for  the  cruel- 
ties there  practiced  on  Christians  by  Julian  (Ke- 
land,  pp.  588,  590).  "  The  soil  around  the  town 
was  remarkable  for  its  fertility ;  the  wine  of  Asca- 
lon  was  celebrated,  and  the  Al-henna  plant  flom*- 
ished  better  than  in  any  other  place  except  Can- 
opus  "  (Kenrick,  p.  28).  It  was  also  celebrated  for 
its  cypresses,  for  figs,  olives,  and  pomegranates,  and 
for  its  bees,  which  gave  their  name  to  a  vaUey  in 
the  neighborhood  (Kenrick,  p.  28;  Edrisi  and  Ibn 
Batuta  hi  Kitter,  Palxistina,  p.  88).  Its  name  is 
familiar  to  us  in  the  "  Eschalot  "  or  "  Shiillot,"  a 
kuid  of  onion,  first  grown  there,  and  for  which  this 
place  was  widely  known.  "  The  sacred  doves  of 
Venus  still  fill  with  their  cooincs  the  luxuriant  gar- 
dens which  grow  in  the  sandy  hollow  withui  the 
ruined  walls"  (Stanley,  p.  257).  Ashkelon  played 
a  memorable  part  in  the  struggles  of  the  Crusades. 
"  In  it  was  intrenched  the  hero  of  the  la.st  gleam 
of  history  which  has  thrown  its  light  over  the 
plains  of  Philistia,  and  within  the  walls  and  towers 
now  standing  Richard  held  his  court"  (Stanley, 
ibid.).  By  the  Mohammedan  geographers  it  was 
called  "  the  bride  of  Syria "  (Schultens,  Index 
Geof/r.). 

"  The  position  of  the  town  is  naturally  very 
strong.  The  walls  are  built  on  a  ridge  of  rock 
which  winds  in  a  semicircular  curve  around  the 
town  and  terminates  at  each  end  in  the  sea.  There 
is  no  bay  or  shelter  for  ships,  but  a  small  harl)OT 
towards  the  east  advanced  a  little  way  into  tht 
town,  and  anciently  bore,  like  tliat  of  (5aza.  th« 
ri£;.me  of  Majumas"  (Kenrick,  p.  281. 


ASHKENAZ 

Id  th*  time  of  Origen  some  wells  cf  remarkable 
ihape  were  Bhown  near  the  town,  which  were  be- 
lieved to  be  those  dug  by  Isaac,  or  at  any  rate,  to 
be  of  the  time  of  the  patriarchs.  In  connection 
with  this  tradition  may  be  mentioned  the  fact  that 
in  the  Samaritan  version  of  Gen.  jk.  1,  2,  and 

xxvi.  1,  Askelon  (7lbrD>  «)  is  put  for  the  "Ge- 
rar  "  of  the  Hebrew  text.  G. 

*  A  word  shoidd  be  said  of  the  present  site  of 
Ashkelon.  Gesenius  speaks  of  a  village  there  still, 
bearing  the  ancient  name;  but  in  fact  not  a  living 
soul  dwells  any  longer  within  the  proper  precincts 
of  the  old  city,  though  a  little  east  of  the  rums  is 
a  cluster  of  some  twenty  mud  hovels  surroimded 
by  a  few  palms  and  other  trees.  The  name  is  un- 
known on  the  spot  except  by  tradition.  The  tes- 
timony of  all  travellers  is  the  same:  it  is  difficult 
to  conceive  of  a  more  desolate  scene,  a  sadder  spec- 
tacle of  the  wasting  effects  of  time,  and  of  the  havoc 
of  war,  thaji  the  ruins  of  Ashkelon  present  to  us. 
"  A  lofty  and  abrupt  ridge  begins  near  the  shore, 
runs  up  eastward,  bends  round  to  the  south,  then 
to  the  west,  and  finally  northwest  to  the  sea  again, 
forming  an  irregular  amphitheatre.  On  the  top  of 
this  ridge  ran  the  wall,  which  was  defended  at  its 
salient  angles  by  strong  towers.  The  specimens 
which  still  exist  along  the  southeast  and  west  sides 
show  that  it  was  very  high  and  thick,  built,  how- 
ever, of  small  stones,  and  bound  together  by  broken 
columns  of  granite  and  marble.  .  .  .  These  extra- 
ordinary fragments,  tilted  up  in  strange  confusion 
along  the  sandy  ridge,  are  what  generally  appear 
in  the  pictures  of  Askelon,  and  impart  such  an  air 
of  desolation  to  the  view.  .  .  .  The  whole  area  is 
now  planted  over  with  orchards  of  the  various  kinds 
of  finiit  which  flourish  on  this  coast.  .  .  .  From  the 
top  of  these  tall  fragments  at  the  southeast  ajigle 
of  the  wall,  we  have  the  whole  scene  of  desolation 
before  us,  stretching,  terrace  after  terrace,  quite 
down  to  the  sea  on  the  northwest.  The  walls 
must  have  been  blown  to  pieces  by  powder,  for  not 
even  earthquakes  could  toss  these  gigantic  masses 
of  masonry  into  such  extraordinary  attitudes" 
(Thomson's  Land  and  Book,  ii.  328  ff.).  "  Not  a 
solitary  colunm  stands  upright,  and  not  a  building 
can  be  traced  even  in  outline,  though  a  few  stones 
of  a  wall  are  here  and  there  seen  in  their  places. 
Deep  wells  ai-e  frefjuently  met  with,  with  curb-stones 
of  marble  or  granite;  columns,  mostly  of  granite, 
exist  everj-where  in  vast  numbers  —  scores  of  them 
may  be  seen  projecting  from  the  ruinous  wall  along 
the  cliff  over  the  sea,  and  some  lie  half  buried  in 
the  sands  below"  (Porter's  Handbotik,  i.  269). 
We  seem,  as  we  stand  there,  to  hear  echoing  through 
the  ruins  those  words  of  Zephaniah  (ii.  4),  spoken 
25  centuries  ago:  "Ashkelon  shall  be  a  desola- 
tion ";  and  of  Zechariah  (ix.  5):  "Ashkelon  shall 
not  be  inhabited."  H. 

ASH'KENAZ  (T^^r^'S:  'AaxavdC-  Asce- 
nez),  one  of  the  three  sons  of  Gomer,  son  of  Ja- 
phet  (Gen.  x.  3),  that  is,  one  of  the  peoples  or 
tribes  belonghig  to  the  great  Japlietic  division  of 
the  human  race,  and  springing  immediately  from 
hat  part  of  it  which  bears  the  nanie  of  Gomer. 
rhe  original  seat  of  the  people  of  Ashkenaz  was 
undoubtedly  in  the  neighborhood  of  Armenia,  since 
<hey  are  mentioned  by  Jeremiah  (Ii.  27 )  in  connec- 
tion with  the  kingdoms  of  Ararat  and  Mmni.    We 


ASHTAROTH 


176 


«  Note  here,  as  in  the  Arabic,  the  substitution  of 
tin  for  Aleph 


are  not,  however,  on  this  account  to  conclude  that 
they,  any  more  than  the  Gomerites  in  general,  were 
confined  to  this  locality.  Assuming  here,  what 
wiU  be  more  properly  discussed  under  the  word  Ja- 
phet,  that  the  Japhetic  tribes  migrated  from  their 
original  seats  westward  and  northward,  thus  peo- 
pling Asia  Minor  and  Europe,  we  may  probaltly 
recognize  the  tribe  of  Ashkenaz  on  the  northern 
shore  of  Asia  Minor,  in  the  name  of  l>ake  Ab- 
canius,  and  in  Europe  in  the  name  ScamlAa,,  Scand- 
inavia,.     Knobel  ( Volkerta/el,  p.  35)  regards  the 

word  as  a  compound  (T23"C27S),  the  latter  element 
being  equivalent  to  the  Gr.  ytvos,  Lat.  gens,,  genus, 
Eng.  kind,  kin;  the  meaning  tlierefore  being  the 
As-race.  Ii  this  be  so,  it  would  seem  that  we  here 
find  the  origin  of  the  name  Asia,  which  has  sub- 
sequently been  extended  to  the  whole  eastern  part 
of  the  world.  Knobel  considei-s  that  Ashkenaz;  ig 
to  be  identified  with  the  German  race.  It  is  worthy 
of  notice,  though  possessing  little  weight  as  ev- 
idence for  this  view,  that  the  rabbins,  even  to  the 

present  day,  call  Germany  T32trS.  The  opinion 
of  Gorres  ( VulkertaJ'el,  p.  92)  that  Ashkenaz  is  to 
be  identified  with  the  Cymry  or  Gaelic  race  seems 
less  probable  than  tliat  of  Knobel.        F.  W.  G. 

*In  1  Chr.  i.  6  and  Jer.  Ii.  27  the  word  ia 
spelled  in  the  A.  V.,  as  in  the  Genevan  version, 

ASIICHENAZ.  A. 

ASH'NAH  (nv;>5  [the  strong,  frm]),  the 
name  of  two  cities  of  Judah,  both  in  the  Slie/elah 
or  Lowland;  (1)  named  between  Zorea  and  Zaiioah, 
and  therefore  probably  N.  W.  of  Jerusalem  (Josh. 
XV.  33;  "Acro-o;  [Comp.  Aid.  Alex.  ^Aa-ud-]  As- 
ena);  and  (2;  between  Jiphthah  and  Nezib,  and 
therefore  to  the  S.  W.  of  .rerusalem  (Josh.  xv.  43; 
[lava;  Aid.  Alex.  'Acewa;  Comp.  'Ao-awcJ:] 
Esna).  Each,  according  to  Robinson's  map  (1857), 
would  be  about  10  miles  from  Jerusalem,  and  there- 
fore corresponding  to  the  Bethasan  of  the  Ono- 
mast.  Eusebius  names  another  place,  'Ao-fa,  but 
with  no  indication  of  position.  G. 

ASH'PENAZ  (t3?t{'S,  of  uncertain  origin, 
yet  see  Hitzig  on  Dan.  i.  3,  and  compare  the  form 
T3?^'S,Gen.x.3:  LXX., 'A3i€o-5pr  =  "'~!T'^  "^^S 
(?);  'A(r<pave(,  Theodot. :  [Asphenez,  Vulg.], 
Asphaz,  Abiezer,  Syr. ),  the  master  of  the  eunuchs 
of  Nebuchadnezzar  (Dan.  i.  3).  B.  F.  W. 

ASH'RIEL  (bs"^-i:?'«  :  'Eo-p.^X;  [Vat.  Ao- 
epejrjA.:]  Esiiel).  Probably  A.SRIEL,  the  son  of 
Manasseh  (1  Chr.  vu.  14).  W.  A.  W. 

ASH'TERATHITE  {^rrm^'3r\  :  ^'at- 
rapaiOi  [Vat.  -Bei]  ■  Astarothites).  A  native  or 
inhabitant  of  Ashtaroth  (1  Chr.  xi.  44)  beyond 
Jordan.  Uzzia  the  Ashterathite  was  one  of  Da- 
vid's guard.  W.  A.  W. 

ASH'TAROTH,  and  (once)  ASTAROTll 
(m~irnt^"'T7  :  'Aa-TapdO:  Astarolh  [in  Josh.  xiii. 
31,  Alex.  AffOapai/x;  in  1  Chr.  vi.  71,  'AtrTjpcoff; 
Alex  ■^  Pafj.co6 ;  Comp.  Aid.  'Ao-Tapcifl]),  a  city  on 
the  E.  of  Jordan,  in  Bashan,  in  the  kingdom  of 
Og,  doubtless  so  called  from  being  a  seat  of  the 
worship  of  the  goddess  of  the  same  name.  [Ash- 
TORETH.]  It  is  generally  mentioned  as  a  descrip- 
tion or  definition  of  Og,  —  who  "  dwelt  in  Ashta- 
roth in  Edrei"  (Deut.  i.  4),  "at  Ashtaroth  and  at 
Edrei "  (Josh.  xii.  4,  xiii.   12),  or  "  who  was  al 


176 


ASHTAROTH 


Ashtaroth  "  (ix.  10).  It  fell  into  possession  of  the 
naif  tribe  of  Manasseh  (Josh.  xiii.  31),  and  was 
given  with  its  suburbs  or  surrounding  pasture-lands 

ftt^'^att)  to  the  Gershonites  (1  Chr.  vi.  71  [56], 
the  other  Levitical  city  in  this  tribe  being  (Jolan. 
Di  the  Ust  in  Josh.  xxi.  27,  the  name  is  <riven  as 

Beeshterah  (quasi  2'  •"^''3  =  "house  of  A.;" 
KeLind,  p.  621;  Gesenius,  Thts.  pp.  175  «,  196 
uu,  1083).  Nothing;  more  is  heaid  of  Ashtaroth. 
It  is  not  named  in  any  of  the  lists,  such  as  those 
in  Chronicles,  or  of  Jeremiali,  in  which  so  many 
of  the  trans-Jordanic  places  are  enumerated.  Je- 
rome (Onom.  Astaroth)  states  that  in  his  time  it 
lay  six  miles  from  Adra,  which  again  was  25  from 
Bostra.  He  further  {Astaroth  Cnnuiiiu)  and  Eu- 
sebius  speak  of  two  Kco/xai,  or  castella,  wliieh  lay 
nine  miles  apart,  "  inter  Adaram  et  Abilam  civita- 
tes."  One  of  these  was  possibly  that  first  named 
above,  and  the  other  may  have  been  Ashteroth- 
Kamaim.  The  only  trace  of  the  name  yei  recov- 
ered in  these  interesting  districts  is  Ttll-Ashterah 
or  Asherah  (Hitter,  Syria,  p.  819;  Porter,  ii.  212), 
and  of  this  nothing  more  than  the  name  is  known. 
Uzziah  the  Ashterathite  is  named  in  1  Chr.  xi.  44. 

G. 

♦ASH'TAROTH  {^r\^^n^V :  Judg.  ii. 
13,  al  ^AardpTaii  x.  6,  at  'Aarapdd;  1  Sam.  vii. 
3,  xii.  10,  Tci  SAotj;  vii.  4,  ret  fiAonj  'Aarapuid; 

xixi.  10,  with  "1*2,  ri  'Aa-Tapreiov,  Alex,  -rt-: 
Astaroth),  the  plural  of  Ashtoketh,  which  see. 

A. 

ASHTEROTH-KARNA'IM  {n'^.r\V^V 

D^5'!'r2^=  "  Ashtaroth  of  the  two  horns  or  peaks;  " 

Sam.   Vers.    r?"n""3'^-:37  :    Saad.   ^.A*,A-oJf  : 

'Acrrapccd  Ka\  (Alex,  omits  koI)  Kapvdtvi  Astaruth 
Carnaim),  a  place  of  very  great  antiquity,  the 
abode  of  the  Rephaim  at  the  time  of  the  incursion 
of  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.  5),  while  the  cities  of 
the  plain  were  still  standing  in  their  oasis.  The 
name  reappears  but  once,  and  that  in  the  later  his- 
tory of  the  Jews,  as  Carnaim,  or  Carnion  (1  Mace. 
V.  26,  43,  44;  2  Mace.  xn.  21,  2G;  Joseph.  Ant.  xii. 
8,  §  4),  "  a  strong  and  great  city  "  "  hard  to  be- 
siege," with  a  "  temple  (rh  refxepos)  of  Atargatis  " 
(rb  'ArapyaTfTov),  but  with  no  indication  of  its 
locality,  beyond  its  being  in  "  the  land  of  Galaad.' 
It  is  usually  assumed  to  be  the  same  place  as  the 
preceding  [Ashtahotii],  but  the  few  facts  that 
can  be  ascertained  are  all  against  such  an  identifi- 
cation. 1.  The  affix  "  Kamaim,"  which  certainly 
indicates  some  distinction,"  and  which  in  thf  times 
of  the  Maccabees,  as  quoted  above,  appears  to  have 
supei-seded  the  other  name.  2.  The  fact  that  Eu- 
sebius  and  Jerome  in  the  Ononiasticon,  though  not 
very  clear  on  the  point,  yet  certainly  make  a  dis- 
tinction between  Ashtaroth  and  Astaroth-Camaim, 
desci  ibing  the  latter  as  a  koo/j.^  ixeyiar^  rfjs  ' Apa- 
Bias,  vicus  grandis  in  angulo  Batanceae.  3.  Some 
weight  is  due  to  the  renderings  of  the  Samaritan 
irersion,  and  of  the  Arabic  version  of  Saadiah,  which 
^ve  Ashtaroth  as  in  the  text,  but  Ashteroth-Kar- 
oaim  by  entirely  different  names  (see  above).  The 
first  of  these,  AphinilJi,  does  not  appear  to  have  been 


a  This  was  held  by  the  Jews  at  the  date  of  the  Tal- 
mud to  refer  to  its  situation  between  two  high  peaked 
tiUs  (see   Sukkan,  fol.  2),  though  it  more   probably 


ASHTORETH 

yet  recognized;  but  the  second,  es-Sattninetn,  can 
hardly  be  other  than  the  still  important  place  which 
continues  to  bear  precisely  the  same  name,  on  th« 
Haj  route,  about  25  miles  south  of  Damascus,  anc 
to  the  N.  W.  of  the  Lejafi  (Burckh.  p.  55;  Hitter 
Syria,  p.  812).  Perhaps  it  is  some  confimiatior. 
of  this  view  that  while  the  name  Kamaim  refers  U 
some  double  character  in  the  deity  there  worshipped 
es-Saname.in  is  also  dual,  meaning  "  the  two  idols.' 
There  accordingly  we  are  disposed  to  fix  the  site  of 
Ashteroth-Karnaim  in  the  absence  of  further  evi- 
dence. G. 

*  Mr.  Porter  is  very  confident  that  "  Kamabu  " 
refers  to  the  figure  of  Ashteroth.  At  KunawAt 
(Kenath,  Num.  xxxii.  42)  in  Lej'ah,  the  ancient 
Argob,  he  found  "a  colossal  head  of  Ashteroth, 
sadly  broken,  in  front  of  a  little  temple,  of  which 
probably  it  was  once  tlie  chief  idol.  The  crescent 
moon  which  gave  the  goddess  the  name  '  (^arnaim  ' 
(two-horned)  is  on  her  brow."  Elsewhere  also 
among  the  massive  ruins  of  the  deserted  cities  there 
he  saw  "sculptured  images  of  Astarte,  with  the 
crescent  moon,"  showing  how  prevalent  was  this 
form  of  worship,  and  what  its  characteristic  symbol 
was  (AsuToitKTir).  See  his  Giant  Cities  of 
Bashan,  pp.  12,  43.  H. 

ASH'TORETH  (H-^hrv  ;  'Aardprv-  As- 
tarthe  [Astaroth]),  the  principal  female  divinity  of 
the  Phoenicians,  as  Paal  was  the  principal  male  di- 
vinity. It  is  a  pecuharity  of  both  names  that  they 
frequently  occur  in  the  plural,  and  are  associated 
together  in  this  form  (.ludg.  x.  6;  1  Sam.  vii.  4, 
xii.  10).  Gesenius  {Thes.  s.  w.)  maintained  that  by 
these  plurals  were  to  be  understood  statues  of 
Haal  and  Astarte ;  but  the  more  correct  view  seems 
to  be  that  of  Movers  {Phon.  i.  175,  602),  that  the 
plurals  are  used  to  indicate  different  modifications 
of  the  divinities  themselves.  In  the  earlier  books 
of  the  0.  T.,  only  the  plural,  Ashtauoth,  occurs, 
and  it  is  not  till  the  time  of  Solomon,  who  intro- 
duced the  worship  of  the  Sidonian  Astarte,  and 
only  in  reference  to  that  particular  goddess,  Ashtc- 
reth  of  the  Sidonians,  that  the  singular  is  fbund  in 
the  0.  T.  (1  K.  xi.  5,  33;  2  K.  xxiii.  13).  The 
worship  of  Astarte  was  very  ancient  and  very 
widely  spread.  We  find  the  plural  Ashtaroth 
united  with  the  adjunct  Karnaim  as  the  name  of  a 
city  as  early  as  the  time  of  Abraham  ((Jen.  xiv.  5), 
and  we  read  of  a  temple  of  this  goddess,  appar- 
ently as  the  goddess  of  war,  amongst  the  Philis- 
tines in  the  time  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  10).  From 
the  connection  of  th's  goddess  with  Baal  or  Bel, 
we  should  moreover  naturally  conclude  that  she 
would  be  found  in  the  As.syrian  pantheon,  and  in 
fact  the  name  Ishtar  appears  to  be  clearly  identified 
in  the  Ust  of  the  great  gods  of  Assyria  (Layard, 
N.  and  B.,  pp.  352,  629 ;  Hawlinson,  F.arhj  History 
of  Brdrylon,  Loud.  1854,  p.  23;  Hawlinson,  Herod- 
otus, i.  634).  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
this  Assyrian  goddess  is  the  Ashtoreth  of  the  Old 
Testament  and  tiie  Astarte  of  the  Greeks  and  Ko- 
mans.  The  worship  of  Astarte  seems  to  hai  e  ex- 
tended wherever  Phoenician  colonies  were  founded. 
Thus  we  find  her  name  in  inscriptions  still  existing 
in  the  island  of  Cyprus  on  the  site  of  ihf  ancient 
Citium,  and  also  at  Carthage  (Gesen.  M<m.  Phoin. 
pp.  125,  449),  and  not  unfrequently  as  an  element 


alludes  to  the  worship  of  the  honied  goddess,  tht 
"  mooned  Ashtaroth." 


ASHTORETH 

In  Phoenician  proper  names,  as  "karapros,  'Aj8So- 
ffripTos,  ^eKeicurrdpTO^  (Joseph,  c.  Ap.  i.  18).  The 
name  occurs  moreover  written  in  ligyptian  hiero- 
glyphics, as  Astart  (Ges.  Thes.  s.  v.  lor  evidence 
of  her  wide-spread  worship  see  also  Eckhel,  Doct. 
Num.  iii.  369  ff.).  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that 
Kodiger,  in  his  recently  published  Addenda  to  Ue- 
senius's  Thesaurus  (p.  106),  notices  that  in  the 
inscription  on  the  sarcophagus  of  a  king  named 
Ksmunazar,  discovered  in  January,  1355  (see  Kob- 
inson,  iii.  36,  note),  the  founding,  or  at  least  resto- 
ration, of  the  temple  of  this  goddess  at  Sidon,  is 
attributed  to  him  and  to  his  mother  Amashtoreth, 
who  i.s  further  styled  priestess  of  Ashtoreth. 

If  now  we  seek  to  ascertain  the  character  and 
attributes  of  this  goddess,  we  find  ourselves  in- 
volved in  considerable  perplexity.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  the  general  notion  symbolized  is 
that  of  productive  power,  as  Baal  symbolizes  that 
of  generative  power,  and  it  would  be  natural  to 
eoncluda  that  as  the  sun  is  the  great  symbol  of  the 
latter,  and  therefore  to  be  identified  with  Baal,  so 
the  moon  is  the  symbol  of  the  former  and  must  be 
identified  with  .\starte.  That  this  goddess  was  so 
typified  can  scarcely  be  doubted.  The  ancient 
name  of  the  city,  •Ashtaroth-Karnaim,  already  re- 
ferred to,  seems  to  indicate  a  horned  Astarte,  that 
s,  an  image  with  a  crescent  moon  on  her  head  like 
the  Egyptian  Athor.  At  any  rate  it  is  certain  that 
she  was  by  some  ancient  writers  identified  with  the 
moon;  thus  Lucian  (/>«  Syria  Dta,  4)  says,  'Acr- 
rdpTTif  5'  iyai  SoKfco  SeArjj'afrjj'  ffx.fj.euat'  And 
again  Herodian,  v.  6,  10,  Oupavlav  *oi/  t/ces  'Aa- 
rpod,pxy)v  (a  grecized  form  of  Astarte)  ovoixd^ovirii 
CfKrivrjv  fhai  OeKovres.  On  these  grounds 
Movers,  Winer,  KeU,  and  others  maintain  that 
originally  Ashtoreth  was  the  moon-goddess.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  appears  to  be  now  ascertained 
that  the  A.ssyrian  Ishtar  was  not  the  moon-god- 
dess, but  the  planet  Venus  (Rawlinson,  Herod. 
1.  c),  and  it  is  certain  that  Astarte  was  by  many 
ancient  writers  identified  with  the  goddess  Venus 
(or  Aphrodite)  as  well  as  also  with  the  planet  of  that 
name.  The  name  itself  seems  to  be  identical  with 
our  word  Star,  a  word  very  widely  spread  (San- 
skrit,   tara  ;    Zend,   stardnm ;    Pehlevi,    setaran  ; 

Pers.  SvUCwwf,  istarah;  Gr.  ourriip  ;  Lat.  Stella. 

Though  this  derivation  is  regarded  as  doubtful  by 
Keil,  from  the  absence  of  the  initial  '^  in  all  the 
presimied  representatives  of  the  word  {Konige,  \. 
168,  F.ng.  tr.  i.  189),  it  is  admitted  by  Gesenius, 
Fiirst,  Movers,  and  most  Hebrew  critics  on  appar- 
ently good  grounds.  On  the  whole  it  seems  most 
likely  that  both  the  moon  and  the  planet  were 
looked  upon  as  symbols,  under  different  aspects 
and  perhaps  at  different  periods,  of  the  goddess, 
just  as  each  of  them  may  in  different  aspects  of 
the  heavens  be  regarded  as  the  "  queen  of  heaven." 
The  inquiry  as  to  the  worship  paid  to  the  god- 
dess is  not  less  peiplexed  than  that  of  the  heavenly 
body  in  which  she  was  symbolized.  Movers  (Pk&n. 
607)  distinguishes  two  Astartes,  one  Carthaginian- 
Sidonian,  a  virgin  goddess  symbolized  by  the  moon, 
the  other  Syro-Phcenician  symbolized  by  the  planet 
Venus.  Whether  this  be  so  or  not.  it  is  certain 
that  the  worship  of  Astarte  became  identified  with 
that  of  Venus:  thus  Gicero  (de  Nat.  Dew.  iii.  23) 
gpeaks  of  a  fourth  Venus,  "  Syria  Tyroque  concepta, 
qua;  Astarte  vocatur,"  and  that  this  worship  was 
ooDiiected  with  the  most  impure  and  licentious 
12 


ASIA  177 

rites  is  apparent  from  the  close  connection  of  thif 
goddess  with  Ashkkah,  or,  as  our  translators  ren 
dered  the  word,  "  groves."  It  is  not  necessary 
that  we  should  here  enter  further  into  the  very  per- 
plexed and  levolting  subject  of  the  worship  of  thia 
goddess.  The  reader  who  wishes  to  pursue  the 
inquu-y  may  find  ample  details  in  Movers'  Plu'mi- 
zier,  already  referred  to,  and  in  Creuzer's  Symbolik. 

F.  W.  G. 

ASH'UR  ("'^"'rS  [WacA-,  Ges., po.ssibly  Aero, 
Fiirst] :  'Aax  '•  'A-ffovp  [Vat.  2apa] ;  [Alex.  Atr- 
SwS,  Aaxoup;  Comp.  'A<Tocip:]  Ashur,  Asxiir), 
the  "father  of  Tekoa,"  1  Chr.  ii.  2-1,  iv.  5  [which 
probably  means  that  he  was  the  founder  or  prince 
of  that  village.     See  Tkkoa]. 

ASHTTRITES,  THE  ("n^tt'Sn  :  &  Qaa-tpl; 
[Vat.  ©offeipet ;]  Alex,  ©airoup ;  [Comp.  'Atrept':] 
Gessuri).  This  name  occurs  only  in  the  enumer- 
ation of  those  over  whom  Ishbosheth  was  made 
king  (2  Sam.  ii.  9).  By  some  of  the  old  inter- 
preters —  Arabic,  Syriac,  and  Vulgate  versions  — 
and  in  modern  times  by  Ewald  (O'esrh.  iii.  145), 
the  name  is  taken  as  meaning  the  Geshurites,  the 
members  of  a  small  kingdom  to  the  S.  or  S.  E.  of 
Damascus,  one  of  the  petty  states  which  were  in- 
cluded under  the  general  title  of  Aram.  [Aram 
Geshur.]  Tlie  difficulty  in  acceptuig  this  sub 
stitution  is  that  Geshur  had  a  king  of  its  own, 
Talraai,  whose  daughter  moreover  was  married  to 
David  somewhere  about  this  very  time  (1  (^hr.  iii. 
2,  compared  with  4),  a  circumstance  not  consistent 
with  his  being  the  ally  of  Ishbosheth,  or  with  the 
latter  being  made  king  over  the  people  of  (ie- 
shur.  Talmai  was  still  king  many  years  after  this 
occurrence  (2  Sam.  xiii.  37).  In  addition,  Geshur 
was  surely  too  remote  from  Mahanaim  and  from  the 
rest  of  Ishbosheth's  territory  to  be  intended  here. 

It  would  therefore  be  perhaps  safer  to  follow 
the  Targum  of  Jonathan,  which  has  Beth-Asher, 

"IW'S  n^?,  "  the  house  of  Asher,"  a  reading  sup- 
ported by  several  MSS.  of  the  original  text,  which, 
omitting  the  Van,  have  ^"1i7Sn  (Davidson,  Ilebr 
Text,  ad  loc.).  "  The  Asherites  "  will  then  denote 
the  whole  of  the  country  west  of  the  Jordan  above 
Jezreel  (the  district  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon),  and 
the  enumeration  will  proceed  regularly  from  north 
to  south,  Asher  to  Benjamin.  The  form  "  Ash- 
erite"  occurs  in  Judg.  i.  32. 

The  reading  of  the  LXX.  was  evidently  quite 
different ;  but  what  it  was  has  not  been  yet  recog- 
nized. 

There  is  clearly  no  reference  here  to  the  Asshiirim 
of  Gen.  XXV.  3.  (i. 

ASH'VATH  (nr''V:  'Ao-.'fl;  [Vat]  Alex. 
A<Teie;  [Comp.  'AaovdO;  Aid.  'A<rooid:]  Asoth). 
One  of  the  sons  of  Japhlet,  of  the  tribe  of  Ashei 
(1  Chr.  vii.  33).  W.  A.  W. 

A'SIA  (t]  'Affla-  [.4.sjrt]).  The  passages  in 
the  N.  T.  where  this  woi-d  occurs  are  the  following  • 
Acts  ii.  9,  vi.  9,  xvi.  6,  xix.  10,  22,  26,  27,  xx.  4, 
16,  18,  xxi.  27,  xxvii.  2;  Rom.  xvi.  5  (w^here  the 
true  reading  is  'Acrlas)',  1  Cor.  xvi.  19;  2  Cor.  i. 
8 ;  2  Tim.  i.  15 ;  1  Pet.  i.  1 ;  Rev.  i.  4, 1 1.  [Chief 
OF  Asia.  See  Asiakch.e.]  In  all 'these  passages 
it  may  be  confidently  stated  that  the  word  is  used, 
not  for  "  the  continent  of  Asia,"  nor  for  what  we 
commonly  understand  by  "  Asia  Minor,"  but  for  a 
Roman  province  which  embraced  the  western  part 
of  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor  and  of  which  F,ph- 


178 


ASIA 


B8U8  was  the  capital.  This  province  originated  in 
rhe  bequest  of  Attains,  king  of  Pergamus,  or  king 
of  Asia,  who  left  by  will  to  the  Roman  Republic 
nis  hei-editary  domuiions  iii  the  west  of  the  |)enin- 
sula  (b.  c.  133).  Some  rectifications  of  the  fron- 
tier were  made,  and  "Asia"  was  constituted  a 
province.  Under  the  early  Kmperors  it  was  rich 
and  flourishing,  though  it  had  Ijeen  severely  plun- 
dered under  the  Republic.  In  the  division  made 
by  Augustus  of  senatorial  and  imperial  provinces, 
it  was  placed  in  the  former  class,  and  was  governed 
by  a  pr'^consul.  (Hence  avdviraToi,  Acts  xix.  38, 
and  on  coins.)  It  contained  many  important  cities, 
among  which  were  the  seven  churches  of  the  Apoc- 
alypse, and  it  was  divided  mto  a.ssize  districts  for 
judicial  business.  (Hence  ayopa7oi,  «•  e.  fititpai, 
Acts,  ifjid.)  It  is  not  possible  absolutely  to  define 
the  inland  boundary  of  this  province  during  the 
life  of  St.  Paul :  indeed  the  limits  of  the  provmces 
were  frequently  undergoing  change ;  but  generally 
it  may  be  said  that  it  included  the  territory  an- 
ciently subdivided  into  vEolis,  Ionia,  and  Doris,  and 
afterwards  into  Mysia,  Lydia,  and  Caria.     [Mysia, 

LyCIA,  UiTHYXIA,  PhKYGIA,  (JALATIA.] 

Meyer's  comment  on  Acts  xvi.  6  is  curious,  and 
neither  necessary  nor  satisfactory.  He  supposes 
that  the  divuie  intimation  given  to  St.  Paul  had 
reference  to  tiie  continent  of  Asia,  as  opposed  to 
Euroj)e,  and  that  tlie  aiwstle  supiwaed  it  might 
have  reference  simply  to  Asia  cis  Taurum,  and 
therefore  attempted  to  penetrate  into  Bithynia." 
The  \iew  of  Meyer  and  De  Wette  on  Acts  xxvii.  2 
(and  of  the  former  on  Acts  xix.  10),  namely,  that 
the  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor  is  intended,  involves  a 


ASIARCH^ 

bad  geographical  mistake;  for  thig  term  "Ask 
Minor"  does  not  seem  to  hare  been  so  apphed  tiD 
some  centuries  after  the  Christian  era.  Moreover 
the  mistake  introduces  confusion  into  both  narra- 
tives. It  is  also  erroneous  to  speak  of  Asia  in  the 
N.  T.  as  A.  procoimddris ;  for  this  phrase  also 
was  of  later  date,  and  denoted  one  of  Constantine's 
subdivisions  of  the  province  of  which  we  axe  speak- 
ing. 

In  the  books  of  Maccabees,  where  reference  is 
made  to  the  pre-provincial  period  of  this  district 
(b.  c.  200-150),  we  frequently  encounter  the  word 
Asia  in  its  earUer  sense.  The  title  "  King  of  Asia  " 
was  used  by  the  Seleucid  monarchs  of  Anlioch,  and 
was  claimed  by  them  even  after  it  more  properly 
belonged  to  the  immediate  predecessors  of  Attalua 
(see  1  Mace.  xi.  13;  Conybeare  and  Howson's  Life 
and  Jipistles  of  St.  Patd,  ch.  xiv. ;  Marquardfi 
Bom.  Alterthumer,  iii.  130-140  \  J.  S.  H. 

ASIAR'CH.4!j  CAffidpxat'  pi'incipts  Asias, 
Vulg.:  chUfuf  Asia,  A.  V.:  Acts  xix.  31),  ofiicerg 
chosen  annually  by  the  cities  of  that  part  of  the 
province  of  Asia  of  which  Ephesus  was,  under  Ro- 
man government,  the  metropolis.  They  had  charge 
of  the  public  games  and  religious  theiitrical  spec- 
tacles, the  expenses  of  which  the3»  bore,  as  was  done 
by  the  holders  of  Kdrovpyiat  at  Athens,  and  the 
sediles  at  Rome  (Niebuhr,  iii.  35;  Gibbon,  xv.  ii. 
205,  ed.  Smith).  Their  office  was  thus,  in  great 
measure  at  least,  religious,  and  they  are  in  conse- 
quence sometimes  called  apxieptTs,  and  their  office 
Upwavvi}  {Mart.  S.  Pulycarp.  in  Patr.  Ap.  c.  21 
[cf.  c.  12] ).  Probably  it  represented  the  religious 
element  of  the  ancient  Panionian  league;  to  the 


Greek  Imperial  Copper  Coin  ("  medallion  ")  of  Laodicea  of  Phrygia ;  Commodus  ;  with  name  of  Asiarcu. 

Dbv. :  AYTKAIMAYP  .  ANTflNEINOCCE.     Bust  of  Emperor  to  right.     Rev. :  EniAIAHirP  HTOCACIAP 
AAOAIKEfiN  NEOKOPnN.     Figure  in  trimnphal  quadriga  of  lions,  to  left. 


territorial  limits  of  which  also  the  circle  of  the 
■tmctions  of  the  Asiarchs  nearly  corresponded. 
(See  Herod,  i.  142.)  Officers  called  Ai»/ci<£px'"  *** 
mentioned  by  Strabo  (xiv.  665),  who  exercised  ju- 
dicial and  civil  fnnctions,  subject  to  the  Roman 
goverimient;  but  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that 
the  Asiarchs  exercised  any  but  the  religious  func- 
tions above-mentioned.  Modestinus  names  Bj- 
Ovviapxia  and  KamraSoKapxia  as  religious  offices 
in  Bithynia  and  Cappadocia.  The  office  of  Asiarch 
was  annual,  and  subject  to  tlie  approval  of  the  pro- 
>)u.sul,  but  might  be  renewed ;  and  the  title  appears 
to  have  been  continued  to  those  who  had  at  any 


"  *  Meyer  has  cancelled  this  remark  in  his  later  ecU- 
tioog.    He  now  limits  Asia  in  Acts  xvi.  6  to  the  weetem 


time  held  the  office.  From  its  costliness,  it  was 
often  (d«0  conferred  on  a  citizen  of  the  wealthy 
city  of  Tralles  (Stratio,  xiv.  649).  Philip,  the 
Asiarch  at  the  time  of  St.  Polycarp's  martyrdom, 
was  a  TraUian.  Coins  or  inscriptions  bearing  the 
names  of  jjersons  who  had  served  (he  office  of 
Asiarch  once  or  more  times,  are  known  as  lielong- 
ing  to  the  following  cities:  Aj)hrodisias,  (^yzicus, 
Hypfepa,  I.aodicea,  Perganms,  Philadelphia,  Sardis, 
Smyrna,  Thyatira.  (Aristid.  Or.  xxvi.  518,  ed. 
Dind.;  Eckhel,  ii.  507,  iv.  207;  Rlckh,  Jnscr.  vol. 
ii. ;  Vaj)  Dale,  Dissert,  p.  274  fF. ;  Krause,  Civita- 
tes  Neocoi-ce,  p.  71;  Wetstein,  ()n  Acts  xix.;  Aker- 


coast  c*'   he  Peninsular  Asia,  as  io  Acta  U.  9  and  ri.  i 


ASIBIAS 


p.  51; 


ASP 


in 


Herod.  V.  38, 
H.  W.  P. 


iian,  Numismatic  lUustr 
Haramoud,  On  N.  T.) 

ASIBI'AS  {'Affffiias  [Vat.  -fiei-]  ;  Alex.  Acri- 
3ios;  [Ald.'AffL&ias-]  Jammebias).  One  of  the 
ions  of  Phoros,  or  Farosh,  iii  1  Esdr.  ix.  26,  whose 
uame  occupies  the  place  of  Malchuah  in  Ezr.  x. 
25.  ^  ^  W.  A.  W. 

A'SIEL  (^?t5"'Ji^^  [created by  God]:  'A(ri^\: 
Asiel).  1.  A  Sinieonite  whose  descendant  Jehu 
lived  in  the  /eign  of  Uezekiah  (1  Chr.  iv.  35). 

2.  One  of  the  five  swift  writers  whom  Esdras 
was  conimauded  to  take  to  write  the  law  and  the 
aistory  of  the  world  (2  Esdr.  xiv.  24). 

W.  A.  W. 

AHl'VHAVAffKpd;  [Vat.  M.  Taj-«i</)a:  Gas- 
pha),  1  Fsdr.  v.  29.     [Hasupha.] 

AS'KELON,  Judg.  i.  18;  1  Sam.  vi.  17;  2 
Sam.  i.  20.     [Ashkelon.] 

*  ASMA'VETH.     [Azmaveth.] 

ASMODE'US  C'lPE'S :  'AfffxaSuios,  Tob. 

iii.  8),  the  same  as  1^^.?^*,  which  in  Job  xxxi.  12, 
&c.,  means  "destruction,"  and  'AttoWvwv,  Kev. 
ix.  11  [Ai'OLLyon],  where  he  is  called  "a  king, 
the  angel  of  the  bottomless  pit,"  and  6  '0\o6pevwv, 
Wisd.  xviii.  25,  where  he  is  represented  as  the 
"Evil  angel"  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  49)  of  the  plague. 
(Schleusner's  Thesaur.  s.  v.)  From  the  fa«t  that 
the  Talmud  (cod.  GUtin,  Eccles.  i.  12)  calls  him 
■^T"!?^"!  M"3bc,rex  dcemmum  (cf.  Lightfoot,  Eor. 
Hebr.  et  Talin.  in  Luke  xi.  15),  some  assume  him 
to  be  identical  with  Beelzebub,  and  others  with  Az- 

rael.  ITie  name  is  derived  either  from  "fQ^?',  to 
destroy,  or,  according  to  Keland  (Winer,  s.  v.), 
from  a  Persian  word  =  ireipa^eij'.  In  the  book 
of  Tobit  this  evil  spirit  is  represented  as  loving 
Sara,  the  daughter  of  Kaguel,  and  causing  the 
death  of  seven  husbands,  who  married  her  in  suc- 
cession, on  the  bridal  night ;  gaining  the  power  to 
do  80  (as  is  hinted)  through  their  incontinence. 
Tobias,  instructed  by  Rai)hael,  burns  on  "  the  ashes 
of  perfume"  the  heart  and  Uver  of  the  fish  which 
he  caught  in  the  Tigris ;  "  the  which  smell  when  the 
evil  spirit  had  smelled,  he  fled  into  the  utmost  parts 
of  B^ypt,  and  the  angel  bound  him"  (Tob.  viii. 
3). 

It  is  obviously  a  vain  endeavor  to  attempt  to  ra- 
tionalize this  story  of 

.     .     .     "  Asmodijus  with  the  fishy  tume 

That  drove  him,  tliough  enamored,  from  the  spouse 

Of  Tobit's  son,  and  with  a  vengeance  sent 

From  Media  post  to  Egypt,  there  fast  bound," 

»ince  it  is  throughout  founded  on  Jewish  demon- 
ology,  and  "the  loves  of  the  angels,"  a  strange 
fancy  derived  from  Gen.  vi.  2.  Those,  however, 
who  attempt  this  task  make  Asmodiius  the  demon 
•>f  impurity,  and  suppose  merely  that  the  fumes 
leailened  the  passions  of  Tobias  and  his  wife.  The 
Itabbis  (among  other  odd  fables)  make  this  demon 
he  oftspring  of  the  incest  of  Tubal-cain  with  his 
lister  Noema,  and  say  (in  allusion  to  Solomon's 
many  wives)  that  Asmodinis  once  drove  him  from 
his  kingdom,  but  beuig  dispossessed  was  forced  to 


serve  in  builduig  the  temi)le,  which  he  did  noise 
lessly,  by  means  of  a  mysterious  stone  Shamir 
((Jalmet,  s.  v.  and  Fragments,  p.  271,  where  there 
is  a  great  deal  of  fenciful  and  groundless  si)ecula- 
tion).  P.  W.  P. 

AS'NAH  (naps  [thorn- bush]  :  ' Afffvi  '• 
Asena).  Tlie  children  of  Asnah  were  among  the 
Nethinim  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (I'^r.  ii. 
50).  In  the  parallel  list  of  Neh.  vii.  52  the  nam* 
is  omitted,  and  hi  1  Esdr.  v.  31  it  is  wTitt«n  As- 
ana.     [See  also  Asenath.]  W.  A.  NV. 

[ASNAP'PAR  (so  con-ectly  A.  V.  ed.  Kill, 
ui  later  eds.)]  ASNAP'PER  ("123DS :  Syr. 
Espid:  'Affo-evacpdp;  [Vat.  Affevva^ap ;  Alex 
No</)ap:]  Asenaphar),  mentioned  in  t>,r.  iv.  10, 
with  the  epithets  "great  and  noble,"  as  the  person 
who  settled  the  Cutha-ans  in  the  cities  of  Samaria. 
He  has  been  variously  identified  with  Shalmaneser, 
Sennacherib,  and  l<:sar-haddon.  Of  the  tliree  the 
third  is  the  most  probable,  as  Gesenius  says,  since 
in  ver.  2  of  the  same  chapter  the  CuthiKans  at^ 
tribute  their  settlement  to  that  king.  But  on  the 
whole,  as  this  is  but  slight  evidence,  it  seems  better 
to  accept  Patrick's  view  (Comm.  in  loco),  that 
Asnapper  was  "  some  great  commander,  who  wa.<i 
hitrusted  by  one  of  these  kings  to  conduct  them, 
and  bring  them  over  the  river  Euphrates,  and  see 
them  settled  in  Samaria."  G.  E.  L.  G. 

A'SOJVi  {'A(r6fA.:  Asom),  1  Esdr.  ix.  33.     [Ha- 

SHUM.] 

ASP  CjnQ,  pethen:  aavls,  SpaKoiv,  fiaai- 
\i(TKos-  aspis,  bdsiliscus.  The  Hebrew  word  oc- 
curs in  the  six  following  passages:  Deut.  xxxii.  33; 
Ps.  Iviii.  4,  xci.  13;  Job  xx.  14,  16;  Is.  xi.  8.  It 
is  expressed  in  the  passages  from  the  Psalms  by 
adder  in  the  text  of  the  A.  V.,  and  by  asp  in  the 
margin.  Elsewhere  the  text  of  the  A.  V.  has 
asp"  as  the  representative  of  the  original  word 
pethen. 

That  some  kind  of  poisonous  serpent  is  denoted 
by  the  Hebrew  word  is  clear  from  the  passages 
quoted  above.  We  further  learn  from  Ps.  Iviii.  4, 
that  the  pethen  was  a  snake  upon  which  the  ser- 
pent-cliarmers  practiced  their  art.  In  this  passage 
the  wicked  are  compared  to  "  the  deaf  adder  that 
stoppeth  her  ear,  which  will  not  hearken  to  the 
voice  of  charmers,  charming  never  so  wisely; "  and 
from  Is.  xi.  8,  "  the  sucking  child  shall  play  on 
the  hole  of  the  asp,"  it  would  api)ear  that  the 
ptthen  was  a  dweller  in  holes  of  walls,  &c.  The 
question  of  identity  is  one  which  is  by  no  means 
easy  to  determine.  Bochart  contributes  nothing  hi 
aid  to  a  solution  when  he  attempts  to  prove  that 
the  pethen  is  the  asp  {Hieroz.  iii.  156),  for  this 
species  of  serpent,  if  a  species  be  signified  by  the 
term,  has  been  so  vaguely  described  by  autliors, 
that  it  is  not  possible  to  say  what  known  kind  i« 
represented  by  it.  The  t«nn  nsp  in  modern  zo(  logy 
is  generally  restricted  to  the  Vipera  aspis  >f  I-a- 
treille,  but  it  is  most  probable  that  the  name, 
amongst  the  ancients,  stood  for  different  kinds  of 
venomous  serpents.  SoUnus  (c.  xxvii. )  says,  "  plures 
diversaeque  sunt  aspidum  species;  "  and  yElian  (A'. 
A7ii-i.  X.  31)  asserts  that  the  Egyptians  enumerate 


a  Asp  (the  Greek  a<mi<i,  the  Latin  aspis)  has  by 
icme  been  derived  from  the  Ileb.  ^DS,  "to  gather 
ip,"  in  allusion  to  the  coiling  habits  of  the  snake  wh'-n 
t  rest ;  but  thia  etymology  is  very  improbable.     V'l 


ti.iuk  that  the  words  are  onomatopoetio,  alluding  to 
the  hissing  sounds  serpents  make :  cf.  Lat.  n.sp-iran 
The  shield  (ao-ni';)  is  no  doubt  derived  from  the  form 
of  the  animal  at  rest. 


180  ASP 

dxteen  kinds  of  asp.  Bruce  thought  that  the  asp 
of  the  ancients  should  be  referred  (o  the  cenistts, 
wiiile  (Juvier  considered  it  to  be  the  Egyptian  cobrn 
(Ndlii  linje).  Be  this,  liowever,  as  it  may,  there 
can  lie  little  doubt  that  the  Hebrew  name  petlien 
is  sjiecific,  as  it  is  mentioned  as  distinct  £rom  acshub, 
ghepliijthon,  tsiplimi,  &c.,  names  of  other  members 
of  the  Ophidla. 

Oedraaim  ( Vermisch.  Saviml.  v.  81)  identifies 
the  pvtlitn  with  the  Coluber  lebetinvs,  Linn.,  a 
species  described  by  Forskal  {Dtsc.  Anim.  p.  15). 
Kosenmiiller  {Not.  ad  Ilitroz.  iii.  150),  Dr.  Lee 

(lltb.  Lex.  8.  V.  inS),  Dr.  Harris  {Nat.  Hist,  of 
Bible,  art.  Aep),  Col.  H.  Smith  {Cyc.  Bib.  Lit. 
art.  SerperA),  believe  that  the  petlien  of  Scripture 
is  to  l>e  identified  with  the  Coluber  bwlan  of  Fors- 
kal. Oedmann  has  no  hesitation  in  establishing  an 
identity  between  the  C.  lehetinns  and  the  C.  Imtan  ; 
but  from  Forskal's  descriptions  it  is  most  probable 
that  the  two  species  are  distinct.  The  whole  ar- 
gument that  seeks  to  establish  the  identity  of  the 
Colu/>er  hcetan  with  the  pethen  of  Scripture  is  based 
entirely  upon  a  similarity  of  sound.  Rosenmiiller 
thinks  that  the  Arabic  word  Ixetan  ought  to  be 
writiei!  jxelan,  and  thinks  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  this  species  represents  the  pethen  of  Scripture. 
Oetlmann's  argument  also  is  based  on  a  similarity  of 
sound  in  the  words,  though  he  adduces  an  addi- 
tional proof  in  tlie  fact  that,  according  to  the 
Swedish  naturalist  quoted  above,  the  common  people 
of  Cyprus  bestow  the  epithet  of  kouphe  ',Kov(p-l)), 
"  deaf,"  upon  the  C.  lebetinus.  He  does  not,  how- 
ever, believe  that  this  species  is  absolutely  deaf,  for 
he  says  it  can  hear  well.  This  epithet  of  deafness 
attributed  to  the  C.  lebetinus  Oedmann  thinks  may 
throw  light  on  the  passage  in  Ps.  Iviii.  5,  about 
"  the  deaf  adder." 

As  regards  the  opinion  of  Rosenmiiller  and  others 
who  recognize  the  pethen  under  the  hmtnn  of  Fors- 
k&I,  it  may  be  stated  that,  even  if  the  identity  is 
allowed,  we  are  as  n)uch  in  the  dark  as  e\er  on  the 
subject,  for  the  Coluber  b<etnn  of  Forskal  has  never 
been  determined.  If  C.  bcetan  =  C.  lebetinm,  the 
species  denoted  may  be  the  Ediis  arenicola  (wx- 
icon)  of  F-gypt  {Catalogue  of  Snakes  in  Brit.  M. 
i.  29).  Probably  all  that  naturalists  have  ever 
heard  of  the  C.  Ixetnn  is  derived  from  two  or  three 
lines  of  description  given  by  Forskal.  "  The  whole 
body  is  spotted  with  black  and  white :  it  is  a  foot 
in  length,  and  of  the  thickness  of  two  thumbs; 
oviparous;  its  bite  kills  in  an  instant,  aid  the 
wounded  body  swells."  The  evidence  afforded  by 
the  deaf  snake  of  Cyprus,  and  adduced  in  support 
of  his  argument  by  Oedmann,  is  of  no  value  what- 
ever ;  for  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  audition 
in  all  the  ophidia  is  very  imperfect,  as  all  the  mem- 
bers of  this  order  are  destitute  of  a  tympanic 
cavity.  The  epithet  "deaf,"  therefore,  as  far  as 
relates  to  the  power  all  serpents  possess  of  hearing 
ordinary  sounds  may  reasonably  be  applied  to  any 
snake.  Vulgar  opinion  in  this  country  attributes 
■'deafness"  to  the  adder;  but  it  would  be  very 
unreasonable  to  infer  from  thence  that  the  adder 
of  this  country  {Pelias  Beru.»)  is  identical  with  the 
"<  deaf  adder  "  of  the  58th  Psalm !  Vulgar  opin- 
ion in  Cyprus  is  of  no  more  value  in  the  matter  of 
Identification  of  species  than  vulgar  opinion  in  Eng- 
land. A  preliminary  proof,  moreover,  is  necessary 
for  the  argument.  The  snake  of  CjTjrus  must  be 
rlemonstrate<l  to  occur  in  Egj-pt  cr  the  Holy  I>and  — 
»  fiict  which  has  never  yet  beien  proved,  though,  as 


ASP 

was  stated  above,  the  snake  of  ( lyprus  ( C.  M'<.tim,i. 
may  be  the  same  a&  the  Echis  arenia>la  of  Norti 
Alrica. 

Very  absurd  are  some  of  the  explanations  which 
commentators  have  given  of  the  passage  concerning 
the  "deaf  adder  that  st-oppeth  her  ears;"  the 
Rabbi  Solomon  (according  to  Bochart,  iii.  162] 
asserts  that  "  this  snake  becomes  deaf  when  old  in 
one  ear;  that  she  stops  the  other  with  dust,  lest 
she  should  hear  the  charmer's  voice."  Other* 
maintain  that  "  she  appUes  one  ear  to  the  ground 
and  stops  the  other  with  her  tail."  That  such 
errors  should  have  prevailed  in  former  days,  wheii 
little  else  but  foolish  marvels  filled  the  pages  of 
natural  history,  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  and  no 
allusion  to  them  would  have  been  made  here,  if  this 
absurd  error  of  "  the  adder  stopping  her  esu-g  with 
her  tail  "  had  not  been  perpetuated  m  our  own  day 
In  Bythner's  Lyre  of  David,  p.  165  (Dee's  transla- 
tion, 1847!),  the  following  explanation  of  the  word 
pethen,  without  note  or  comment,  occurs:  '■^ Asp, 
whose  dea&iess  marks  the  venom  of  his  malice,  as 
though  impenetrable  even  to  charms.  It  is  deaf  of 
one  ear,  and  stops  the  other  with  dust  or  its  tail, 
that  it  may  not  hear  incantations."  Dr.  niomson 
also  {Land  and  Book,  p.  155,  Ix)ndon,  1859 !)  seems 
to  give  credence  to  the  fable  when  he  writes: 
"  There  is  also  current  an  opinion  that  the  adder 
will  actually  stop  up  his  ear  with  his  tail  to  fortily 
himself  against  the  influence  of  music  and  other 
charms."  It  is  not,  then,  needless  to  observe,  in 
confuta,tion  of  tlie  above  error,  that  no  serpent  pos- 
sesses external  openings  to  the  ear. 

The  true  explanation  of  Ps.  Iviii.  4  is  simply  as 
follows:  Tliere  are  some  serpents,  individuals  of 
the  same  species  perhaps,  which  defy  all  the  at- 
tempts of  the  charmer :  in  the  language  of  Script- 
ure such  individuals  may  l)e  termed  deaf.  The 
jx)int  of  the  rebuke  consists  in  the  fact  that  the  pe- 
then was  capable  of  hearing  the  charmer's  song,  but 
refused  to  do  so.  The  individual  case  in  question 
was  an  exception  to  the  rule.  If,  as  some  have  sup- 
po.sed,  the  expres.sion  "deaf  addei'"  denoted  some 
species  that  was  incapable  of  hearing,  whence  it 
had  its  specific  name,  how  could  there  be  any  force 
in  the  comparison  which  the  psalmist  makes  with 
wicked  men  ? 


iSgyptian  Cobra.     {Naia  liaje.\ 

Serpents,  though  comparatively  speaking  deaf  tc 
ordinary  sounds,  are  no  doubt  capable  of  hearing 
the  sharp,  shrill  sounds  which  the  charmer  produce* 
either  by  his  voice  or  by  an  instrument;  and  thi» 
comparative  deafiiess  is,  it  appears  to  us   the  ver} 


ASPALATHU?! 

reason  why  such  sounds  as  the  charmer  makes  pro- 
duce the  desired  effect  in  the  subject  under  treat- 
ment. [Serpent -CHARMING.]  As  the  Egyptian 
jobra  is  more  frequently  than  any  other  species  the 
subject  upon  which  the  serpent-charmers  of  the 
Bible  lands  practice  their  science,  as  it  is  fond  of 
concealing  itself  in  walls  and  in  holes  (Is.  xi.  8), 
and  as  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  derivation  of 
the  Hebrew  word  pethen"  has  reference  to  the  ex- 
panding powers  of  this  serpent's  neck  when  irri- 
tated, it  appears  to  us  to  have  a  decidedly  better 
claim  to  represent  the  pethen  than  the  very  doubt- 
ful species  of  Coluber  bmtan,  which  on  such  slender 
grounds  has  been  so  positively  identified  with  it. 

W.  H. 

ASPAL'ATHUS  iaffird\ados  apw/jidTcov ; 
Comp.  irdAados'  balsamum),  the  name  of  some 
iweet  perfume  mentioned  in  Ecclus.  xxiv.  15,  to 
which  Wisdom  compares  herself:  "  I  gave  a  sweet 
amell  like  cinnamon  and  aspalathus."  The  question 
as  to  what  kind  of  plant  represents  the  aspalathus 
of  the  ancients  has  long  been  a  puzzling  one.  From 
Theocritus  (M.  iv.  57)  we  learn  that  the  aspalathus 
was  of  a  thorny  nature,  and  (from  Id.  xxiv.  87) 
that  the  dry  wood  was  used  for  burning.  Pliny 
(H.  N.  xii.  24)  says  that  aspalathus  grows  in 
Cyprus ;  that  it  is  a  white  thorny  shrub,  the  size 
of  a  moderate  tree;  that  another  name  for  this 
plant  was  erysceptrum  or  scepfrum,  "sceptre,"  or 
"red  sceptre,"  a  name  perhaps  which  it  owed  to 
the  feet  of  the  flowers  clustering  along  the  length 
of  the  branches;  but  in  another  place  (xxiv.  13) 
he  speaks  of  aspalaihm  aa  distinct  from  the  ei-y- 
sceptrum,  as  growing  in  Spain,  and  commonly  em- 
ployed there  as  an  ingredient  in  perfumes  and  oint- 
ments. He  states  that  it  was  employed  also  in  the 
washing  of  wool.  Theophrastus  {Hist.  Plant,  ix. 
7,  §  3,  ed.  Schneider)  enumerates  nspalathus  with 
cinnamon,  cassia,  and  many  other  articles  which 
were  used  for  ointments,  and  appears  to  speak  of  it 
as  an  Eastern  production.  In  Fr.  iv.  33  he  says 
it  is  sweet-scented  and  an  astringent.  Dioscorides 
(i.  19)  says  that  the  aspalathus  was  used  for  the 
purpose  of  thickening  (Jlntment. 

It  appears  that  there  were  at  least  two  kinds  or 
varieties  of  plants  known  by  the  name  of  aspnl- 
athm;  for  all  the  authorities  cited  above  clearly 
make  mention  of  two:  one  was  white,  inodorous, 
and  inferior;  the  other  had  red  wood  under  the 
bark,  and  was  highly  aromatic.  The  plant  was  of 
RO  thorny  a  nature  that  Plato  {Repub.  p.  616  A, 
ed.  Bekker)  says  cruel  tyrants  were  punished  with 
it  in  the  lower  world. 

Gerarde  {Herbal,  p.  1625)  mentions  two  kmds 
of  aspahthm:    aspal.  albicans  tm-ulo  citreo,  and 


ASS 


181 


•  a^al.  rube.ns.  "  The  latter,"  he  says,  "  is  the  liettei 
!  of  the  two :  its  smell  is  like  that  of  the  rose,  whenc<? 
the  name  Liynum  Rhodium,  rather  than  from 
Rhodes,  the  place  where  it  is  said  to  grow."  The 
Lignum  Rhodianum  is  by  some  supposed  to  be  the 
substance  indicated  by  the  aspalathus;  the  plant 
which  yields  it  is  the  Convolmdus  scoparius  of 
Linnaeus.*  Dr.  Royle  {Cycl.  Bib.  Lit.  s.  v.)  is 
inclined  to  beheve  that  the  bark  of  a  tree  of  the 
Himalayan  mountains,  the  Myrica  sapidn  of  Dr. 
Wallich,  is  the  article  indicated,  because  in  India 
the  term  Barshishan,  which  by  Avicenna  and 
Serapion  are  used  as  the  Arabic  sjmonyms  of 
aspalathus,  is  applied  to  the  bark  of  this  tree.  If 
the  aspalathus  of  the  Apocrypha  be  identical  with 
the  aspalathus  of  the  Greeks,  it  is  clear  that  the 
locality  for  the  plant  must  be  sought  nearer  home, 
for  Theocritus  evidently  mentions  the  aspalathtis  as 
if  it  were  familiar  to  the  Greek  colonists  of  Sicily 
or  the  s*uth  of  Italy  in  its  growing  state.  For 
other  attempts  to  identify  the  aspalathus  see  Sal- 
masius,  Hyl.  fat.  cap.  Ixjtxiv. ;  Dr.  Royle,  in  pas 
sage  referred  to  above;  Sprengel,  Hist.  Rei  Hei-b 
i.  45,  183;  but  in  all  probability  the  term  has  been 
applied  to  various  plants.  W.  H. 

AS'PATHA  (SngpW  :  *a(r7<£;  [Alex.  FA. 
^aya\  Comp.  ' Xatpadtk'}  Esphatha),  third  son  of 
Haman  (Esth.  ix.  7). 

AS'PHAR, THE  POOL  {\dKKos  'A(r<pdp;  [Alex. 
\.  AacfiaK".  lacus  Asphar] )  in  the  "  wilderness  of 
Thecoe."  By  this  "pool"  Jonathan  and  Simon 
Maccabaeus  encamped  at  the  beginning  of  their 
struggle  with  Bacchides  (1  Mace.  ix.  33;  Joseph. 
Ant.  xiii.  1,  §  2).  Is  it  possible  that  the  name  is  a 
corruption  of  \dKKos  'Ac^xxXt/ttjs?  G. 

ASPHAR' ASUS  ('A(r^ap«{<ros:  Mechpaato- 
chor),  1  Esdr.  v.  8.     [Mispereth.] 

AS'RIEL  (^S''-;^\<  [vowofGody.  'E<Tpiii\ 
'leftTjA  [Vat.  -^c£-] ;  Alex.  EptTjA  in  .Josh. :  Asriel, 
Esritl).  The  son  of  Gilead,  and  great-grandson 
of  Manasseh  (Num.  xxvi.  31;  Josh.  xvii.  2).  He 
was  the  founder  of  the  family  of  the  Asrielites. 
The  name  is  erroneously  written  Ashriel  in  the 
A.  V.  of  1  Chr.  vii.  14.*^  According  to  the  render- 
ing of  the  latter  passage  by  the  LXX.,  Asriel  wa« 
the  son  of  Manasseh  by  his  SjTian  concubine. 

W.  A.  W. 

AS'RIELITES,  THE  (^bs-lti7Sn  :  b  'Eo- 
piTfXi  [Vat.  -A.e»]:  Asrielitce).  Num.  xxvi.  31. 
[Asriel,.] 

ASS.  The  five  following  Hebrew  names  of  the 
genus  Asinus  occur  in  the  O.  T. :  Chamor,  'Atlion, 
^Ayir,  Pere,  and  ^Arod. 


(^^} 


"  1 0?  *  1  '"D -»  ''•  CO™?-  'nus.  distendere,  whence 
l^nCD,  limen,  utpote  ad  conculcandum  expansum. 
The  Greek  nvdyuv  seems  to  be  connected  with  this  word. 
B«*  Fiirsi.  f'^ncord.  a.  v.  The  Arab,  beetan  ( 
vlanum,  may  have  reference  to  expansion 

b  On  this  subject  Sir  \V.  Ilooker  in  a  letter  writes, 
•'  We  must  not  go  to  Convol.  scnparius,  a,  "jeit  that  may 
possess  the  two  needful  qualifications.  It  is  peculiar 
JO  the  Canary  Islands.  Many  plants  with  fragmnt 
•cots  are  called  Rose-roots.  Such  is  the  Lignum  aloes, 
J»e  lign  aloes  of  Scrip^u-^ ;  and  there  is  the  poStapi'fa 
»f  Dioscorides,  which  came  tr»m  Macedonia.  A  late 
teamed  friend  of  mine  writes,  '  This  was  certainly  'Jn- 
MBas'$i  R/wdiola  rosea,  figured  as  such  by  Parkinson 
n  hia  Thfatrum  Botanicum,  ,vfter  Lobol.     Soon  after 


the  discovery  of  the  Canary  Islands  this  name  wa» 
transferred  to  Convol.  scoparius,  and  afterwards  to  sev- 
eral American  plants.  It  is  called  in  the  Canary 
Islands  Lena  Noel,  a  corruption  of  Li^iim  alnes,  and. 
though  now  in  little  request,  large  quantities  of  it 
were  formerly  exported,  and  the  plant  nearly  extir- 
pated. The  apothecaries  sold  it  both  as  Lignum  Hho- 
dium  and  as  the  aspalathus  of  Dioscorides  ;  it  soon, 
however,  took  the  latt«r  name,  which  was  handed  ovei 
to  a  wood  brought  from  India,  though  the  origiaai 
plant  was  a  thorny  shrub  growing  on  the  shores  of 
the  Mediterranean,  probably  Spartium  vUlosum,  ac- 
cording to  sibthorpe  (Kor.  Grmc.  vol.  vii.  p.  69). '  " 

c  *So  ir>  the  Genevan  ver.«ion.  This  accords  wltb 
the  Hebrew  in  2  MSS.  and  one  edition  cited  by  MI- 
chaelis.  A. 


182  ASS 

1  Chanuk-  ("^^firT":  6vos,  vno^vyiov,  yofidp 
h)  1  Sam.  xvi.  20:  aslntis,  "ass,"  "he-ass")  de- 
notes the  male  domestic  ass,  though  the  word  was 
no  doubt  used  in  a  general  sense  to  express  any  ass 
whether  male  or  female.  Tlie  ass  is  frequently 
mentioned  in  the  Bible;  it  was  used  (a)  for  carry- 
ing burdens  (1  Sam.  xxv.  18 ;  Gen.  xlii.  26,  xlv. 
23;  2  Sam.  xvi.  1;  1  Chr.  xii.  40;  Neh.  xiii.  15; 
1  Sam  xvi.  20).  (b)  for  riding  (Gen.  xxii.  3; 
Ex.  iv.  20;  Num.  xxii.  21;  1  K.  xiii.  23;  Josh, 
sv.  18:  Judg.  i.  14,  v.  10,  x.  4,  xii.  14;  1  Sam. 
xrv  20;  2  Sam.  xvii.  23,  xix.  26;  Zech.  ix.  9: 
Malt.  xxi.  7) :  (c)  for  ploughing  (Is.  xxx.  24, 
xxxii.  20;  Deut.  xxii.  10),  and  perhaps  for  tre;idini; 
out  corn,  though  there  is  no  clear  Scriptural  allu- 
sion to  the  fact.  In  Egypt  asses  were  so  employed 
(Wilkinson's  Anc.  Egypt,  iii.  34),  and  by  the  Jews, 
according  to  Josephus  {Contr.  Apion.  ii.  §  7):  (c/) 
for  grinding  at  the  mill  (Matt,  xviii.  6 ;  ^uke  xvii. 
2)  —  this  does  not  appear  in  the  A.  V.,  but  the 
Greek  has  fivXos  wik6s  for  "  millstone  " :  (e)  for 
(carrying  baggage  in)  wars  (2  K.  vii.  7,  10):  and, 
perhaps  from  the  time  of  David,  (/)  for  the  pro- 
creation of  mules  (Gen.  xxxvi.  24;  1  K.  iv.  28; 
Esth.  viii.  10,  <fec.). 

It  is  almost  needless  to  obsen-e  that  the  a.ss  in 
eastern  countries  is  a  very  diflferent  animal  from 
what  he  is  in  westeni  Europe.  There  the  greatest 
care  is  taken  of  the  animal,  and  much  attention  is 
paid  to  cultivate  the  breed  by  crossing  the  finest 
specimens ;  the  riding  on  the  a.ss  therefore  conveys 
a  very  different  notion  from  the  one  which  attaches 
to  such  a  mode  of  conveyance  in  our  ovm  country. 
The  most  noble  and  honorable  amongst  the  Jews 
were  wont  to  be  mounted  on  asses ;  and  in  this 
manner  our  Lord  himself  made  his  triumphant 
entry  into  Jerusalem.  He  came,  indeed,  "meek 
and  lowly,"  but  it  is  a  mistake  to  sup^wse,  as  many 
do,  that  the  ftict  of  his  riding  on  the  ass  had,  ac- 
cording to  our  English  ideas,  aught  to  do  with  his 
meekness;  although  thereby,  doubtless,  he  meant 
to  show  the  peaceable  nature  of  his  kingdom,  a.s 
horses  were  used  only  for  war  purposes. 

In  illustration  of  the  passage  in  Judg.  v.  10, 
"  Speak  ye  that  ride  on  white  asses,"  it  may  he 
mentioned  that  Buckingham  (Tr-au.  p.  389)  tells 
us  that  one  of  the  peculiarities  of  liagdad  is  its 
race  of  whit*  a.sses,  which  are  saddled  and  bridled 
for  the  conveyance  of  passengers  ....  that  they 
are  lai^e  and  spirited,  and  have  an  easy  and  steady 
pace.  Bokhara  is  also  celebrated  for  its  breed  of 
white  asses,  which  are  sometimes  more  than  thir- 
teen hands  high ;  they  are  imported  into  Peshawar, 
and  fetch  from  80  to  100  nipees  each. 

In  Deut.  xxii.  10  "  plowing  with  an  ox  and  an 
ass  together"  wa.9  forbidden  by  the  law  of  Moses. 
Michaelis  ( Comment,  on  the  Jmws  of  Moses,  transl. 
vol.  ii.  p.  392)  believes  that  this  prohibition  is  to  be 
traced  to  the  economic  importance  of  the  ox  in  the 
estimation  of  the  Jews ;  that  the  coupling  together, 
therefore,  so  valued  an  animal  as  the  ox  with  the 
inferior  ass  was  a  dishonor  to  the  former  animal ; 
others,  I>e  Clerc  for  instance,  think  that  this  law 
^ad  merely  a  symtolical  meaning,  and  that  by  it 
«e  are  to  understand  improper  alliances  in  civil 


ASS 

and  religious  life  to  be  forbiddei. ;  he  compares  i 
Cor.  vi.  14,  "  Be  ye  not  imetiually  yoked  with  ur- 
believers."  It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  su:l; 
a  lesson  was  intended  to  be  conveyed;  but  w< 
think  that  tte  main  reason  in  the  prohibition  is  a 
physical  one,  namely,  that  the  ox  and  the  ass  could 
not  puU  pleasantly  together  on  account  of  the  dif 
ference  in  size  and  strength ;  perhaps  iUso  this  pro- 
hibition may  have  some  reference  to  the  law  given 
in  Lev.  xix.  19. 

Tlie  expression  used  in  Is.  xxx.  24,  "  The  young 
asses  that  ew  the  ground,"  would  be  more  intel- 
hgible  to  modern  understandings  were  it  translated 
the  assra  that  till  the  ground ;  the  word  eai-  from 
aro  "I  till,"  "I  plough,"  being  now  obsolete 
(comp.  also  1  Sam.  viii.  12).     [Ear,  Eaking.] 

Although  the  flesh  of  the  wild  ass  was  deemed  a 
luxury  amongst  the  I'ersians  and  Tartars,  yet  it 
does  not  appear  that  any  of  the  nations  of  Canaan 
used  the  ass  for  food.  The  Mosaic  law  considered 
it  unclean,  as  "  not  dividing  the  hoof  and  chewing 
the  cud."  In  extreme  cases,  however,  as  in  the 
great  famine  of  Samaria,  when  "  an  ass's  head  was 
sold  for  eighty  pieces  of  silver"  (2  K.  vi.  25),  the 
flesh  of  the  ass  was  eaten.  Many  commentators 
on  this  passage,  followuig  the  LXX.,  have  under- 
stood a  measure  (a  chomer  of  bi-ead)  by  the  He 
brew  word.  Dr.  Harris  says,  —  "  no  kind  of  ex 
tremity  could  compel  the  Jews  to  eat  any  part  of 
this  animal  for  foot!;  "  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  in  cases  of  extreme  need  piu^nts  ate  their  owi: 
offspring  (2  K.  vi.  29;  Ez.  v.  10).  This  argument 
therefore  falls  to  the  ground ;  nor  is  there  sufficient 
reason  for  abandoning  the  common  acceptation  of 
these  passages  (1  Sam.  xvi.  20,  xxv.  18),  and  for 
understanding  a  measure  and  not  the  animal.  For 
an  example  to  illustrate  2  K.  /.  c.  comp.  IMutareh. 
Artax.  i.  1023,  "  An  ass's  head  could  hardly  be 
bought  for  sixty  drachmas."'  * 

The  Jews  were  accused  of  worshipping  the  head 
of  an  ass.  Josephus  {Contr.  Apion.  ii.  §  7)  very 
indignantly  blames  Apion  for  having  the  impudence 
to  pretend  that  the  Jews  placed  an  ass's  head  of 
gold  in  their  holy  place,  which  the  grammarian 
asserted  Antiochus  Epiphanes  discovered  when  he 
spoiled  the  temple.  Plutarch  {Sympos.  iv.  ch.  5) 
and  Tacitus  (Hist.  v.  §§  3  and  4)  seem  to  have 
believed  in  this  slai.Jer.  It  would  lie  out  of  place 
here  to  enter  further  into  this  question,  as  it  has 
no  Scriptural  bearing,  but  the  reader  may  find  much 
curious  matter  relating  to  this  subject  in  Bochart 
{Hieroz.  ill.  199  if.). 

2.  'Athm.  i)'^ni^(^:  ^  uvos,  Svos,  Hyos  0-r)\fla, 
Tifiiovos,  ovos  e-nKela  vofiis-  asina.  asinus,  "ass." 
"she-ass"),  lliere  can  be  no  doubt  that  this 
name  represents  the  common  domestic  she-ass,  not 
do  we  think  there  are  any  grounds  for  believing  that 
the  'athon  indicates  some  particular  valuable  breed 
which  judges  and  great  men  only  possessed,  as  Dr. 
Kitto  {Phys.  Hist.  Pal.  p.  383),  and  Dr.  llarrii! 
{Nat.  Hist,  of  Bible,  art.  Ass)  have  s-  pposen. 
'Athon  in  Gen.  xii.  16,  xlv.  23  is  clearly  contrasted 
with  cham&r.  Balaam  rode  on  a  she-ass  {'athm). 
The  asses  of  Kish  which  Saul  sought  were  she-asses. 
The  Shunammite  (2  K.  iv.  22,  24)  rode  on  on« 


n  "^'^lOn,  from  root  "HCP,  "  to  be  red,"  from  the 
reddish  color  of  the  animal  in  southern  countries, 
aesenius  compares  the  Spanish  burro,  biirrico.  In  2 
Bun.  xix.  27,  the  word  is  umvI  as  a  feminine. 


6  The  Talmudists  say  the  flesh  of  the  «8S  cause* 

avarice  in  those  who  eat  it ;  but  it  cures  the  avaricioui 
of  the  complaint  {Zobl.  des  Talm.  §  166). 

c  A  word  of  uncertain  derivation,  usually  derive* 
from  an  unused  raot,  "to  be  slow,"  «  to  walk  wJtt 


ASS 

»lien  she  went  to  seek  Elisua.  They  were  she- 
i-sses  which  formed  the  especial  care  of  one  of  Da- 
vid's officers  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  30).  While  on  the 
atlier  liand  Abraham  (Gen.  xxii.  3,  &c.),  Achsah 
(.losh.  XV.  18),  Abigail  (1  Sam.  xxv.  20),  the  dis- 
obedient prophet  (1  K.xiii.23),rode  on  a  chamor. 

3.  ^Aylr  (1^37  :  irciA.os,  iru\os  veos,  ovos,  fiovs 
I  ill  Is.  XXX.  24) :  puUus  asinue,  pullus  onagri,  Jip- 
inentum,  pullus  aslni,  "  foal,"  "ass  colt,"  "young 
MS,"  "colt"),  the  name  of  a  young  ass,  which 
occurs  Gen.  xlix.  11,  xxxii.  15;  Judg.  x.  4,  xii.  14; 
.1  )b  xi.  12;  Is.  xxx.  6,  24;  Zech.  ix.  9.     In  the 

usages  of  the  books  of  Judges  and  Zechariah  the 
'////•  Ls  sicken  of  as  being  old  enough  for  riding 
upon;  in  Is.  xxx.  6,  for  carrying  burdens,  and  in 
ver  24  for  tilling  the  ground.  Perhaps  the  word 
'ayir  is  intended  to  denote  an  ass  rather  older  than 
the  age  we  now  understand  by  the  term  foal  or 
colt;  the  derivation  "to  be  spirited  "  or  "impet- 
uous "  would  then  be  peculiarly  appropriate." 

4.  /*ere  (S'^^:  6vos  &ypios,  ovos  if  o,ypw, 
ivaypos,  ovos  iprifi'iTris,  iypotKos  ivOpcoiros  '• 
ferus  homo,  Vulg. ;  "wild  man,"  A.  Y.,  in  Gen. 
xvi.  12;  oiuujev,  "wild  ass").  The  name  of  a 
species  of  wild  ass  mentioned  Gen.  xvi.  12;  Ps. 
civ.  11;  Job  vi.  5,  xi.  12,  xxxix.  5,  xxiv.  5;  Hos. 
viii.  9 ;  Jer.  ii.  24 ;  Is.  xxxii.  14.  In  Gen.  xvi.  12, 
Pet-e  A(ldin,  a  "wild  ass  man,"  is  applied  to  Ish- 
mael  and  his  descendants,  a  character  that  is  well 
suited  to  the  Arabs  at  this  day.  Hosea  (viii.  9) 
compares  Israel  to  -k  wild  ass  of  the  desert,  and 
Job  (xxxix.  5)  gives  <tn  animated  description  of  this 
animal,  and  one  which  is  amply  confirmed  by  both 
ancient  and  modern  writers. 

5.  'Arod  {i^'^\^,f>  omitted  by  the  LXX.  and 
Vulg.,  which  versions  probably  supposed  'ardd  and 
pere  to  be  sjTionjinous :  "wild  ass").  The  He- 
brew word  occurs  only  in  Job  xxxix.  5,  "  Who  hath 
gent  out  the  pere  free,  or  who  hath  loosed  the 
bands  of  the  Uirodf"     The  Chaidee  plural  \trad- 

aynh  (S'l^I*^)  occurs  in  Dai;  f.  21.  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's "  dwelling  was  with  the  wild  asses."  Bo- 
chart  {Hieroz.  ii.  218)  and  Kosenmiiller  {Sch.  in  V. 
T.  I.  c),  Lee  {Comment,  on  Job  l.  c),  Gesenius 
{Thes.  a.  v.)  suppose  Uirod  and  per'e  to  be  iden- 
tical in  meaning.  The  last-named  writer  says  that 
tere  is  the  Hebrew,  and  'aroc?  the  Aramaean;  but 
it  is  not  improbable  that  the  two  names  stand  for 
different  animals. 

The  subject  which  relates  to  the  different  animals 
Known  as  wild  asses  has  recently  received  very  val- 
uable elucidation  from  Mr.  Blythe  in  a  paper  con- 
r.ributed  to  the  Joiirn  d  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Hf'.gal  (1859),  a  reprint  of  which  appears  in  the 
Oct  jber  No.  of  The  Annah  awl  Magazine  of  Nat- 
ural History  (1800).  This  writer  enumerates  seven 
species  of  the  division  Asinus.  In  all  probability 
the  specie*  known  to  the  ancient  Jews  are  Asinus 
lemippus,  which  inhabits  the  deserts  of  SjTia, 
Mesopotamia,  and  the  northern  parts  of  Arabia; 
Mid  Asinus  vulgaris  of  N.  E.  Africa,  the  true 
imager  oi  aboriginal  wild  ass,  whence  the  domes- 
'i«ated  breed  is  sprung;  probably  also  the  Asinus 
■'fiager,  the  Koulan  or  Ghorkhur,  which  is  found 
ji  Western  Asia  from  48°  N.  latitude  southward 


ASS  18-^ 

to  Persia,  Beluchistan,  and  Western  India,  was  not 
unknown  to  the  ancient  Hebrews,  though  in  all 
probability  they  confounded  these  sijeciea.  The 
Asinus  hemionus  or  Dshiggetai,  which  was  separ- 
ated from  Asinus  hemippus  (with  which  it  had  lon^ 


Syrian  Wild  Ass.     {Asinus  Hemippus.)     Specimen  Id 
Zoological  Gardens 

been  confounded)  by  Is.  St.  Hilaire,  could  hardly 
have  been  known  to  the  Jews,  as  this  animal,  which 


ihort  steps ;  '   but  Flirsv  {Heb.  Ctz.  ^ori.  a.  v.)  demun 
ttrongb'  to  this  etymology. 

1  Vrom  "1^37,  fervere. 


QUor-Kh«r  or  Koulan.     {A^nus  Onager.)     Specimen 
in  British  Museum. 

is  perhaps  only  a  variety  of  Asinus  onager,  inhabits 
Thibet,  Mongolia,  and  Southern  Siberia,  countries 
witli  which  the  Jews  were  not  familiar.  We  may 
therefore  safely  conclude  that  the  'athm  and  pere 
of  the  sabred  writings  stand  for  the  different  species 
now  discriminated  under  the  names  of  Asinus 
hemippus,  the  Assyrian  wild  ass,  Asinus  vulgarii, 
the  true  onager,  and  perhaps  Asinus  onager,  the 
Koulan  or  Ghorkhur  of  Persia  and  Western  India. 
The  following  quotation  from  Mr.  Blythe's  val- 
uable paper  is  given  as  illustrative  of  the  Scriptural 
allusions  to  wild  asses :  "  To  the  west  of  the  range 
of  the  Ghor-khur  lies  that  of  Asinus  hemippus,  or 
trae  Hemionus  of  ancient  writers  —  the  particular 
species  apostrophized  in  the  book  of  Job,  and  again 
that  noticed  by  Xenophon.  There  is  a  recent  ac- 
count of  it  by  Mr.  I^yard  in  Nineveh  and  its  Re,- 
mains  (p.  324).  Returning  from  the  Sinher,  he 
was  riding  through  the  desert  to  Tel  Afer,  and  there 
he  mistook  a  troop  of  them  for  a  body  of  horse 
with  the  Bedouin  riders  concealed !  '  The  reader 
will  remember,'  he  adds,  '  that  Xenophon  men- 
tions these  beautiful  animals,  which  he  must  have 
seen  during  his  march  over  these  very  plains  .  . 
"  The  country,"  says  he,  "  was  a  plain  throughout, 

6    I'lnV,  from  root  intJ,  «  to  flee,"  "  to  be  un 
t'  -  t  ' 

tamed."     Bocbart  thinks  t'lc  wrrd  U  onomatopoetin 


184 


ASS 


as  even  as  the  sea,  and  full  of  wormwood ,  if  any 
other  kind  of  shrubs  or  reeds  grew  there  they  had 
all  an  aromatic  smell,  but  no  trees  apjjeared  .  .  . 
The  asses,  when  they  were  pursued,  having  gained 
ground  on  tlie  horses,  stood  still  (for  they  exceeded 


_^U^J'tt0^''''' 


Ozjggetai  or  Kyang.    {Asinus  Hemioniu.)    Specimen 
in  Zoological  Gardens. 

them  much  in  speed);  and  when  these  came  up 
with  them  they  did  the  same  thing  again  .  .  .  The 
flesh  of  those  that  were  taken  was  hke  that  of  a 
red  deei  but  more  tender"  {Anab.  i.  ^  5).  'In 
fleetnass,'  continues  Mr.  Layard,  'they  equal  the 
gazelle,  and  to  overtake  them  is  a  feat  which  only 
one  or  two  of  the  most  celebrated  mares  have  been 
known  to  accomplish '  "  (Annals  and  May.  of 
Nat.  Hist.  vol.  vi.  No.  34,  p.  243). 

The  subjoined  wood-cut  represents  some  kind  of 
wild  ass  depicted  on  monuments  at  Persepolis. 

W.  H. 


— *vi'      I'   —       .,..,r^        ^rf/f*" 

Wild  Ass.     On  monuments  of  Persepolis. 
son's  Uerodotus.) 


(Rawlin- 


ASSABI'AS  ('AffajS/aj;  [Vat.  Alex.  Aid. 
2a/8/as:]  Hasabias),  1  I':sdr.  i.  9.     [Hashabiaii.] 

ASSAL'IMOTH  (-ZaKifide;  [Vat.  ^aXftuwd: 
Alex.  Aid.  'Aa-a-oKifx^e-.]  Salivwth  (39)),  1  Esdr. 
viii.  36.     [Shelomith.] 

ASSANI'AS  ilanlas;  [A^'at.  Aid.  'Ao-o-a^/as; 
Alex.  Airayuiay;  2  MSS.  'A(ro/3/oiO  Aisannas),  1 
Esdr.  viii.  54.     [Hash a  bi ah.] 

•ASSARETVIOTH.  This  word  is  given  in 
Uw  mai^gin  of  the  A.  V.  in  1  Mace.  iv.  16  m  the 


ASSOS 

Greek  correspondent  of  Gazera  in  the  text.  [Ga 
zera.]  The  Complutensian  and  Aldine  editions 
of  the  .Sept.,  with  6  MSS.,  read  ' Aa-aaprjfjiaid  in 
the  passage  referred  to  for  Ta^rjpwi/  of  the  Roman 
edition.  'Acrapr]fuid  is  also  fourid  in  the  Sept.  in 
Jer.  xxxviii.  (Heb.  xxxi.)  40  as  tlie  representative  ol 

the  Heb.  r\^1';)W^l.  a. 

ASSH'UR.     [Assyria.] 

ASSHU'RIM  (^--VrS:  ' A(r<rovp.,l,x;  Alex 
Affovpijx'  Assunm).  A  tribe  descended  from  De- 
dan,  the  grandson  of  Abraham  (Gen.  xxv.  3). 
They  have  not  been  identified  with  any  degree  of 
certainty.  Knobel  considers  them  the  same  with 
the  Asshur  of  I'lz.  xxvii.  23,  and  connected  with 
southern  Arabia.  W.  A.  W. 

ASSIDE'ANS  CAffiSoToi;  [in  1  Mace.  vii. 
Alex.    AffiSeoj,    Sin.    AcetSoio*:]    Assidcei,  i.   e. 

^""T^PlT?  thepimis,  "puritans;"  oi  (hat^us,  oi 
iffioi),  the  name  assumed  by  a  section  of  the  or- 
thodox Jews  (1  Mace.  ii.  42  [so  Comp.  Aid.  Alex.], 
aKi  [Rom.  Sin.]  'louSafojc,  probably  by  correction ; 
1  Mace.  vii.  13;  2  Mace.  xiv.  6),  as  distinguished 
from  "the  impious"  {oi  aaefieTs,  1  Mace.  iii.  8, 
vi.  21,  vii.  5,  &c.),  "the  lawless"  {oi  ivofioi,  1 
Mace.  iii.  6,  ix.  23,  &c.),  "tlie  transgressors"  (ol 
Trapdfo/j.oi,  1  Mace.  i.  11,  &c.),  that  is,  the  Hel- 
lenizing  faction.  They  appear  to  have  existed  as  a 
party  before  the  Maccabtean  rising,  and  were  prob- 
abl)  bound  by  some  peculiar  vow  to  the  external 
observance  of  the  Law  (1  Mace.  ii.  42,  (Kovaid- 
Ce(r6ai  rijJ  vSficp)-  ITiey  were  among  the  first  to 
join  Mattathias  (1  Mace.  /.  c);  and  seem  after- 
wards to  have  been  merged  in  the  general  body  of 
the  faithful  (2  Mace.  xiv.  6,  oi  \ey6fifyoi  t«» 
'lovSaicDy'AatSa7oi,  wv  a<pr]y(7Tai  'lovSas  6  Mok- 
Kafidios  .  .  .).  When  liacchides  came  against 
.Jerusalem  they  used  their  influence  (1  Mace.  vii. 
13,  irpuroi  oi  'A(7»5,  ^<rav  iv  viols  '\<xpai)\)  to 
conclude  a  peace,  because  "  a  priest  of  the  seed  of 
Aaron  "  (Alcimus)  was  with  him,  and  sixty  of  them 
fell  by  his  treachery  [Alciwus].  The  name  Chas- 
uliin  occurs  frequently  in  the  Psalms  (e.  g.  Ps 
Ixxix.  2  =  1  Mace.  vii.  17;  cxxxii.  9,  &c.);  and  it 
has  been  adopted  in  recent  times  by  a  sect  of  Polish 
Jews,  who  take  as  the  basis  of  their  mystical  sys- 
tem the  doctrines  of  the  Cabalistic  book  Zohar 
(Beer,  Ersch  und  Gi-uber,  s.  v.  Chassidder). 

B.  F.  W. 

AS'SIR  ("^'^eS  [captive]:  'Aa^lp,  'Kaio'- 
Ater,  Asir).  1.  Son  of  Korah  (Ex.  vi.  24;  1  Cht. 
Ti.  22). 

2.  Son  of  Ebiasaph,  and  a  forefather  of  Samuei 

(1  Chr.  vi.  23,  37). 

3.  Son   of  Jeconiah    (1    Chr.    iii.    17),   unless 

"ISS  n^?~^  he  translated  "Jeconiah  the  captive" 
(Bertheau  flr//oc.).  G. 

AS'SOS  or  AS'SUS  ("Aaa-os),  a  town  and  se*. 
port  of  the  Roman  province  of  Asia,  in  the  district 
anciently  called  Mysia.  It  was  situated  on  the 
northern  shore  of  the  gulf  of  Adkajiyttium,  and 
was  only  about  seven  nules  from  the  opposite  coast 
of  Lesbos,  near  Methymna  (Strab.  xiii.  p.  618).  A 
good  Roman  road,  connecting  the  towns  of  the 
central  parts  of  the  province  with  Alexandria  Troaa 
[Tkoas]  passed  through  Assos,  the  distance  be- 
tween the  two  latter  places  being  about  20  miied 
(Itin.  Anton.).  These  geogiaphical  points  illus- 
trate St.  Paul's  rapid  passage  through  the  toxn  a* 


ASSUERUS 

iiieutioned  in  Acts  xx.  13,  14.  The  ship  in  *nich 
ne  was  to  accomplish  his  voyage  from  Troas  to  (Jses- 
area  [to  Ptolemais,  Acts  xxi.  7]  went  round  Cape 
Lectum,  wliile  he  took  the  much  shorter  journey 
by  laud.  Thus  he  was  al)Ie  to  join  the  ship  with- 
out difficulty,  and  in  sufficient  time  for  her  to 
anchor  oft'  Mitylene  at  the  close  of  the  day  on 
which  Troas  had  been  left. 

The  chief  characteristic  of  Assos  was  that  it  was 
singularly  Greek.  Fellows  found  there  "  no  trace  of 
the  Romans."  Ixake  says  that  "the  whole  gives 
I)erhap9  the  most  perfect  idea  of  a  Greek  city  that 
anywhere  exists."  The  remahis  are  numerous  and 
remarkably  well  presei-ved,  partly  because  many  of 
the  buildings  were  of  granite.  The  citadel,  above 
the  theatre,  commands  a  glorious  view,  and  must 
itself  have  been  a  noble  object  from  the  sea.     The 


ASSYRIA  18t5 

Street  of  Tombs,  leading  to  the  Great  Gate,  is  on« 
of  the  most  remarkable  features  of  Assos.  Illus- 
trations of  the  ancient  city  will  be  found  in  Texier, 
Clarac,  Fellows,  and  Choiseul-Gouffier.  It  is  now 
utterly  desolate.  Two  monographs  on  the  subject 
are  mentioned  by  Winer:  Quandt,  Da  Assort.  Ke- 
giom.  1710;  Amnell,  De  " Xaau),  Upsal.  1758. 

It  Ls  now  a  matter  of  curiosity  to  refer  to  the 
interpretation  which  used  to  be  gnen  to  the  words 
aaaov  irapf\eyoyTO,  in  Acts  xxvii.  1-3.  In  the 
Vulgate  they  were  rendered  "  cum  sustulinsent  de 
Asson,"  and  they  were  supposed  to  point  to  a  city 
of  this  name  in  Crete.  Such  a  place  is  actually 
inserted  by  Padre  Georgi,  in  the  map  which  accom- 
panies his  Faulus  Naufragus  (Venet.  17.30,  p, 
181).  The  true  sense  of  the  passage  was  first 
given  by  Ifeza.  J.  S.  H 


Assos.     The  Acropolis. 


ASSUE'RUS  {'Aavrjpos  [Alex.  Acrourypos: 
Comp.  Aid. 'AcTfTourjpos:  Assuerus]),  Tob.  xiv.  15. 
[Aha.sukuus.] 

AS'SUR  ("IT^S:  'A<raoip:iAssur]).l.  Ezr, 
iv  2;  Ts.  Ixxxiii.  8;  2  Esdr.  ii.  8;  Jud.  ii.  14;  v. 
I;  vi.  1,  17;  vii.  20,  24;  xiii.  15;  xiv.  3;  xv.  G; 
vvj.  4.     [A.ssiiuu;  Assyria.] 

'J.  {'A(TovP\  [AM.]  Alex.  Acrovp'  Aziu.)  1  Esdr. 
r  31      [Hauiiuk.] 

ASSYRIA,  AOSH'UR  ("l^'£?S  :  'Atrao6p\ 
>*'.  'Affffvpia'  Assur),  was  a  great  and  powerful 
e  )untry  lying  on  the  Tigris  (Gen.  ii.  14),  the  cap- 
Lttl  of  whicii  was  Nineveh  (Gen.  x.  11,  &c.).  It 
deri\-ed  its  name  apparently  from  As.shur,  the  son 
^{  Shem  ({;en.  x.  22  [1  Chr.  i.  17]),  who  in  later 
■imes  wiis  worshipped  as  their  chief  god  by  the 
Assyrians.  [Asshur  occurs  also  Gen.  x.  11  (prob- 
ably);  Num.  xxiv.  22,  24;  Ez.  xxvii.  23,  ?xxii. 
22;  Hoa.  xiv.  3,  as  the  name  of  the  country  or 
people.]  The  boimdaries  of  Assyria  differed  greatly 
at  different  periods.  Probably  in  the  earliest  times 
it  was  confined  to  a  sniall  tract  of  low  country  be- 
Iween  the  Gebel  Makhub  and  the  Lesser  /.ab,  or 
Zab  At/al,  lying  shiefly  on  the  left  bank    .f  the 


Tigris.  Gradually  its  limits  were  extended,  until 
it  came  to  be  regarded  as  comprising  the  whole 
region  between  tlie  Armenian  mountains  (lat.  37® 
30')  upon  the  north,  and  upon  the  south  the  coun- 
I  try  about  Baghdad  (lat.  33°  30).  Eastward  its 
boundary  was  the  high  range  of  Zagros,  or  moun- 
tains of  Kurdistan ;  westward,  it  was,  according  to 
the  views  of  some,  bounded  by  the  Mesopotamiaii 
d&sert,  whUe,  according  to  otliers,  it  reached  the 
Euphrates.  Taking  the  greatest  of  these  dimen- 
sions, Assyria  may  be  said  to  have  extended  in  a 
direction  from  N.  E.  to  S.  W.  a  distance  of  nearly 
500  miles,  with  a  width  varying  from  350  to  100 
miles.  Its  area  would  thus  a  little  exceed  100,000 
square  miles,  or  about  equal  that  of  Italy. 

1.  General  charncter  of'  the  country.  —  The 
country  within  these  limits  is  of  a  varied  character. 
On  the  north  and  east  the  high  mountain-chains 
of  Armenia  and  Kurdistan  are  succeeded  by  low 
ranges  of  limestone  hills  of  a  somewhat  arid  aspect, 
which  detach  themselves  from  the  principal  ridges, 
running  pa'-allel  to  them,  and  occasionally  inclosing, 
between  their  northern  or  northeastern  flank  and 
the  main  mountain-line,  rich  plaujs  ami  fertile  val- 
leys.    To  these  ridges  there  succeeds  at  first  an 


186 


ASSYRIA 


undulating  zone  of  country,  well  watered  and  fairly 
productive,  which  finally  sinks  down  with  some  sud- 
denness u[K3n  the  great  Mesopotamian  plain,  the 
modem  district  of  El-Jvzireh.  This  vast  flat, 
which  extends  ui  length  for  250  miles  from  the  lat- 
itude of  Mardin  (37o  20  )  to  that  of  Tehiit  (34° 
33'),  and  which  is,  in  places,  of  nearly  equal  width, 
\%  interrupted  only  by  a  single  limestone  range  — 
a  narrow  ridae  rising  abruptly  out  of  the  plain; 
which,  splitting  off  from  Zagros  in  lat.  33°  30 , 
may  ije  traced  under  the  names  of  Sarazur,  Hatn- 
rin,  and  Shijar,  from  Jwan  in  Liuristan  nearly  to 
Rukkah  on  the  Euphrates.  "  From  all  parts  of 
the  plain  the  Sinjar  is  a  beautiful  object.  Its  lime- 
stone rocks,  wooded  here  and  there  with  dwarf  oak, 
are  of  a  rich  golden  color;  and  the  numberless 
ravines  which  furrow  its  sides  form  ribs  of  deep 
purple  shadow "  (Layard,  Nineveh  ami  Babyhn, 
p.  265).  Above  and  below  this  barrier,  stretching 
southward  and  westward  further  than  the  eye  can 
peach,  and  extending  northward  and  eastward  70 
or  80  miles  to  the  hill-country  before  mentioned,  is 
an  immense  level  tract,  now  for  the  most  part  a 
wilderness,  scantly  watered  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  Tigris,  but  abundantly  supplied  on  the  left, 
which  liears  marks  of  having  been  in  early  times 
throughout  well  cultivated  and  thickly  peopled. 
This  plain  is  not  alluvial,  and  most  parts  of  it  are 
even  considerably  raised  al)0ve  the  level  of  the  riv- 
ers. It  is  covered  in  spring  time  with  the  richest 
vegetetion,  presenting  to  the  eye  a  carpet  of  flowers, 
varying  in  hue  from  day  to  day;  but  as  the  sum- 
mer advances  it  is  parched  up,  and  gradually 
changes  to  an  arid  and  yellow  waste,  except  along 
the  courses  of  the  rivers.  All  over  this  vast  flat, 
on  both  sides  of  the  Tigris,  rise  "grass-covered 
heaps,  marking  the  site  of  ancient  habitations  " 
(Layard,  p.  245).  Mr.  Layard  counted  from  one 
spot  nearly  a  hundred  {Nineveh  and  its  Remains, 
i.  315);  from  another,  above  200  of  these  lofty 
mounds  (Nin.  and  Bab.  p.  245).  Those  which 
have  been  examined  have  been  uniformly  found  to 
present  appearances  distinctly  connecting  them  with 
the  remains  of  Nineveh.  [Ninkvkh.]  It  may 
therefore  be  regarded  as  certain  that  they  belong  to 
the  time  of  Assyrian  greatness,  and  thus  they  will 
serve  to  mark  the  extent  of  the  real  Assyrian  do- 
minion. They  are  numerous  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Tigris  from  Bavian  to  the  Diyaleh,  and  on  the 
right  they  thickly  stud  the  entire  country  both 
north  and  south  of  the  Sinjar  range,  extending 
eastward  beyond  the  Khabour  (Layard,  chs.  xii.- 
xiv.),  northward  to  Mardin^  and  southward  to  the 
vicinity  of  Baghdad. 

2.  Provinces  of  Assyria.  —  Assyria  hi  Scripture 
's  commonly  spoken  of  in  its  entirety,  and  unless 

the  Huzzab  (I2??n)  of  Nahum  (ii.  7)  is  an  equiv- 
alent for  the  Adiabene  of  the  geographers,  no  name 
of  a  district  can  be  said  to  be  mentioned.  The 
classical  geographers,  on  the  contrary,  divided  As- 
tyria  into  a  number  of  regions  —  Strabo  (xvi.  §  1 
and  §  4)  uito  Alui-in,  Arbelitis,  Artacene,  Apollo- 
aiatis,  Chalo».i',is,  Duloniene,  Calachene,  Adiabene, 
Mesopotamia,  &c. ;  Ptolemy  (vi.  1)  into  Arrapa- 
thilis,  Adiabene,  the  Oaramcean  country,  ApoUo- 
niatis,  Arbt'itis,  the  country  of  the  Sambat/£, 
Calacine,  and  Sittacene.  These  regions  appear  to 
be  chiefly  named  from  cities,  as  Arbelitis  from  Ar- 
oela;  Calacene  (or  Calachine)  from  (^alah  or  Halah 
'Gen.  X.  11;  2  K.  xvii.  6);  Apolloniatis  from  Apol- 
onia;  Sittacene  from  Sittace,  &c.    Adiabene,  how- 


ASSYRIA 

ever,  the  richest  region  of  all,  derived  its  appeUa 
tiou  from  the  Zab  (Diab)  rivers  on  which  it  lay 
as  Anuuianus  MarceUinus  informs  us  (xxiii.  20) 
Ptolemy  (v.  18)  made  Mesofwtamia  (which  he  un- 
derstood Utei'illy  as  the  whole  country  between  the 
Euphrates  ai,l  the  Tigris)  distinct  from  Assyria. 

just  as  the  sacred  writers  distinguish  C'lllS 
i^i-U?  from  "l^'rh*.  Strabo  (xvi.  §  1^  extended 
Assyria  to  the  Euphrates,  and  even  across  it  into 
Arabia  and  Syria ! 

3.  Chief  cities.  —  The  chief  cities  of  .Assyria  in 
the  time  of  its  greatness  appear  to  have  i)een  the 
following:  —  Nineveh,  which  is  marked  by  the 
mounds  opposite  Mosul  {Nebbi-  Y'unus  and  Koyun- 
jik);  Calah  or  Ilalah,  now  Nimrud;  Assliur,  now 
Kileh  Sherr/hat;  Sar^ina  or  Dur-Sargina,  now 
Khm-sabad ;  Arbela,  still  Arbil;  Opis,  at  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Diyaleh  with  the  Tigris;  and  Sittace, 
a  little  further  down  the  latter  river,  if  this  place 
should  not  rather  be  reckoned  to  Babylonia. 

4.  Nations  bordennt/  on  Assyria.  —  Towards  the 
north,  Assyria  bordered  on  tlie  strong  and  raoim- 
tainous  region  of  Armenia,  which  may  have  been 
at  times  under  Assyrian  dominion,  but  was  never 
reckoned  an  actual  part  of  the  country.  (See  2  K. 
xix.  37.)  Towards  the  east  her  neighbors  were 
originally  a  multitude  of  independent  tribes,  scat- 
tered along  the  Zagros  chain,  who  have  their  fitting 
representatives  in  the  modem  Kurds  and  Lurs  — 
the  real  sovereigns  of  that  mountain-range.  Be- 
yond these  tribes  lay  Meflia,  which  ultimately  sub- 
jected the  mountaineers,  and  was  thereby  brought 
into  direct  contact  with  Assyria  in  this  quarter. 
On  the  south,  Ham  or  Susiana  was  the  border- 
state  east  of  the  Tigris,  while  Babylonia  occupied 
the  same  position  l)etween  the  rivers.  West  of  tlie 
Euphrates  was  Arabia,  and  higher  up  SvTia,  and 
the  country  of  the  Ilittites,  which  last  reached  from 
the  neighborhood  of  Damascus  to  Anti-Taurus  and 
Amanus. 

5.  Hi.ftory  (^'  Assyiia  —  crriyinal  peoi>linfj.  —  On 
the  suijject  of  the  original  peopling  and  early  con- 
dition of  Assyria  we  have  more  information  than  is 
generally  possessed  with  regard  to  the  first  begin- 
nings of  nations.  Scripture  uifornis  us  that  As- 
syria was  peopled  from  Bal)ylon  (Gen.  x  11),  and 
both  classical  tradition  and  the  monuments  of  the 
country  agree  in  this  representation.  In  Herodotua 
(i.  7),  Niims,  the  mythic  founder  of  Nineveh,  is 
the  son  (descendant)  of  Belus,  the  mythic  founder 
of  Babylon  —  a  tradition  in  which  the  derivation 
of  AssjTia  from  Babylon,  and  the  greater  antiquity 
and  superior  jwsition  of  the  latter  in  early  times 
are  shadowed  forth  sufficiently.  That  Ctesias  (ap. 
Diod.  Sic.  ii.  7)  inverts  the  relation,  making  Semir- 
amis  (according  to  him,  the  wife  and  successor  of 
Ninus)  found  IJabylon,  is  only  one  out  of  ten  thou- 
sand proofs  of  the  untrustworthy  character  of  his 
history.  Tlie  researches  recently  carried  on  in  the 
two  countries  clearly  show,  not  merely  by  the  state- 
ments which  are  said  to  have  l)een  deciphered  on 
the  historical  monuments,  but  by  the  wliole  char- 
acter of  the  remains  discovered,  that  Babylonian 
greatness  and  civilization  was  earlier  than  Assyrian, 
and  that  wliile  the  former  was  of  native  growth 
the  latter  was  derived  from  the  neighlioring  coun- 
try. The  cuneiform  writing,  for  instance,  which  i* 
rapidly  punched  with  a  very  simple  instniment 
upon  moist  clay,  but  is  only  with  much  labor  and 
trouble  inscribed  by  the  chisel  upon  rock,  muM 


ASSYRIA 

nave  been  invented  in  a  country  where  men  "  had 
brick  for  stone"  (Gen.  xi.  3),  and  ha.e  thence 
()assed  to  one  where  the  material  was  unsuited  for 
it.  It  may  be  observed  also,  that  while  writing 
)(;curs  in  a  very  rude  form  in  the  earlier  Babylo- 
nian ruins  (Loftus's  Chalduen,  p.  169),  and  grad- 
ually improves  in  the  later  ones,  it  is  in  Assyria 
iiiiformly  of  an  advanced  type,  having  apparently 
lieeti  introduced  there  after  it  had  attain©!  to  per- 
fection. 

(J.  Diite  of  the  foundation  of  the  kingdom.  — 
W'iih  respect  to  the  exact  date  at  which  Assyria 
I  H!came  a  separate  and  independent  country,  there 
i  s  an  important  difference  between  classical  author- 
ities.  Herodotus  and  Ctesias  were  widely  at  vari- 
ance on  this  point,  the  latter  placing  the  commence- 
ment of  the  empire  almost  a  thousand  years  before 
die  former!  Scripture  does  but  little  to  determine 
tlie  controversy;  that  little,  however,  is  in  favor  of 
the  earlier  author.  Geographically  —  as  a  country 
-  Assyria  was  evidently  known  to  Moses  (Gen.  ii. 
U,  XXV.  18;  Num.  xxiv.  22,  24);  but  it  does  not 
appear  in  Jewish  history  as  a  kingdom  till  the  reign 
o(  Menahem  (ab.  a.  c.  770).  In  Abraham's  time 
(B.C.  1900?)  it  is  almost  certain  that  there  can 
have  been  no  Assyrian  kingdom,  or  its  monarch 
would  have  been  found  among  those  who  invaded 
Palestine  with  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.  1 ).  In 
the  time  of  the  early  Judges  (u.  c.  1400?)  As- 
syria, if  it  existed,  can  have  been  of  no  great 
strength;  for  Chushan-Kishathaim,  the  first  of  the 
foreigners  who  oppr&ssed  Israel  (Judg.  iii.  8),  is 
master  of  the  whole  country  between  the  rivers 
{Aram^Nnharuim  =  "  Syria  between  the  two  riv- 
ers"). These  facts  militate  strongly  against  the 
views  of  Ctesias,  whose  numbers  produce  for  the 
founding  of  the  empire  the  date  of  b.  c.  2182 
(Clinton,  F.  II.  i.  263).  The  more  modest  ac- 
count of  Herodotus  is  at  once  more  probable  in 
itself,  more  agreeable  to  Scripture,  and  more  in 
accordance  with  the  native  writer  Berosus.  Herod- 
otus relates  that  the  AssjTians  were  "lords  of 
Asia"  for  520  years,  when  their  empire  wa-s  par- 
tially broken  up  by  a  revolt  of  the  subject-nations 
(i.  95).  After  a  period  of  anarchy,  the  length  of 
which  he  does  not  estimate,  the  Median  kingdom 
was  formed,  179  years  before  the  death  of  Cyrus, 
or  B.  c.  708.  lie  would  thus,  it  appears,  have 
assigned  to  the  foundation  of  the  Assyrian  empire 
a  date  not  very  greatly  anterior  to  b.  c.  1228. 
Berosus,  who  made  the  empire  last  526  years  to 
the  reign  of  Pul  (ap.  Euseb.  Chron.  Can.  i.  4), 
must  have  agreed  nearly  with  this  view;  at  least 
he  would  certainly  have  placed  the  rise  of  the  king- 
ilom  within  the  13th  century.  This  is,  perhaps, 
the  utmost  that  can  be  determined  with  any  ap- 
proach to  certainty.  If,  for  convenience'  sake,  a 
more  exact  date  be  desired,  the  conjecture  of  Dr. 
Brandis  has  some  claim  to  be  adopted,  which  fixes 
the  year  b.  c.  1273  as  that  from  which  the  526 
years  of  Berosus  are  to  be  reckoned  {Rerun  Assyr- 
invum  Tempora  Kmemlntn,  p.  17). 

7.  Early  kings,  from  the  foundation  of  the  king- 
ihm  to  Pill.  —  The  long  list  of  Assyrian  kings, 
which  nas  come  down  to  us  in  two  or  three  forms, 
only  slightly  varied  (Chnt.  F.  fl.  i.  267),  and 
which  is  almost  certainly  derived  from  Ctesias. 
must  of  necessity  be  discarded,  together  with  his 
date  for  the  kingdom.  It  covers  a  space  of  above 
c200  yeiirs,  and  bears  marks  besides  of  audacious 
&-iud,  being  composed  of  names  snatched  from  all 
martyrs,  Ajriaii,  Semitic,  and  Greek,  —  na-nes  of 


ASSYRIA  187 

gods  names  of  towns,  names  of  rivers,  —  and  in  iti 
estimate  of  time  presenting  the  impossible  average 
of  34  or  35  years  to  a  reign,  and  the  very  improb- 
able phenomenon  of  reigns  in  half  the  instances 
amomiting  exactly  to  a  deciuuil  number.  IJnfor 
tunately  we  have  no  authentic  list  to  substitute  foi 
the  forgery  of  Ctesias  Berosus  spoke  of  45  kings 
as  reigning  during  his  period  of  526  years,  and 
mentioned  all  their  names  (Euseb.  1.  s.  c);  but 
they  have  unluckily  not  been  preserved  to  us.  The 
work  of  Herodotus  on  Assyrian  history  (Herod,  i 
106  and  184)  has  likewise  entirely  jKrishetl;  and 
neither  Greek  nor  Oriental  sources  are  available  to 
supply  the  loss,  which  has  hitherto  proved  irrepa- 
rable. Recently  the  researclies  in  Mesopotamia  havj 
done  something  towards  filling  up  this  sad  gap  in 
our  knowledge ;  but  the  reading  of  names  is  stiD 
so  doubtful  that  it  seems  best,  in  the  present  con- 
dition of  cuneiform  inquiry,  to  treat  the  early  pe- 
riod of  Assyrian  history  in  a  very  general  way,  oidy 
mentioning  kings  by  name  when,  through  the  sat- 
isfactory identification  of  a  cuneiform  royal  desig- 
nation with  some  name  known  to  us  from  sacred  or 
profane  sources,  finn  ground  has  been  reached,  and 
serious  error  rendered  almost  impossible. 

The  Mesopotamian  researches  have  rendered  it 
apparent  that  the  original  seat  of  government  was 
not  at  Nineveh.  The  oldest  Assyrian  remains  have 
been  found  at  Kileh-Sherghnt,  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Tigris;  60  miles  south  of  the  later  capital, 
and  this  place  the  monuments  show  to  have  been 
the  residence  of  the  earliest  kings,  as  well  as  of  the 
Babylonian  governors  who  previously  exercised  au- 
thority over  the  country.  The  ancient  name  of 
the  town  appears  to  have  been  identical  with  that  of 
the  country,  namely,  Asshur.  It  was  built  of  brick, 
and  has  yielded  but  a  very  small  number  of  sculpt- 
ures. The  kings  proved  to  have  reigned  there  are 
fourteen  in  number,  divisible  into  three  groups ;  and 
their  reigns  are  thought  to  have  covered  a  space  of 
nearly  350  years,  from  b.  c.  1273  U)  b.  c.  930.  The 
most  remarkable  monarch  of  the  series  was  called 
Tiglath-Pileser.  He  appears  to  have  been  king 
towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  thus 
to  have  been  contemporary  with  Samuel.  He  over- 
ran the  whole  country  between  Assyria  Proper  and 
the  Euphrates;  swept  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates 
from  south  to  north,  from  the  borders  of  Babylon 
to  Mount  Taurus ;  crossed  the  Euphrates,  and  con- 
tended in  northern  Syria  with  the  Hittites;  invaded 
Armenia  and  Cappadocia;  and  claims  to  have  sub- 
dued forty-two  countries  "from  the  channel  of  the 
Lower  Zab  (Zal>  Asfal)  to  the  Upper  Sea  of  the 
Setting  Sun."  All  this  he  accomplished  in  the  first 
five  years  of  his  reign.  At  a  later  date  he  appears 
to  have  sutlered  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  king  of 
Babylon,  who  had  invaded  his  territory  and  suc- 
ceeded in  carrying  off  to  Babylon  various  idols  fron. 
the  Assyrian  temples. 

The  other  monarchs  of  the  Kileh-Sheryhat  se- 
ries, both  before  and  after  Tiglath-Pileser,  are  com- 
paratively insignificant.  The  later  kings  of  the 
series  are  only  known  to  us  as  the  ancestors  of  the 
two  great  monarohs,  Sardanapalus  the  first,  and  hia 
son  Shalmanesei  or  Shalmanubar,  who  were  among 
the  most  warlike  of  the  Assyrian  princes.     Sarda- 

I  uapalus  the  first,  who  appears  to  have  been  the 
warlike  Sardanapalus  of  the  Greeks  (Suidas,  s.  v. ; 
comp.  Hellan.  Fr.  158),  transferred  the  seat  of  jrov- 
ernmentfrom  Kilth-Sherghat  to  Nimrad  (probably 
the  Scriptural  Calih),  where  he  built  the  lirst  of 

i  those  magnificent  palaces  which  have  recently  'o«a> 


188 


ASSYRIA 


exhuiued  by  our  countrymen.  A  great  portion  of 
tbeAbsyiian  sculptures  now  in  the  British  Museum 
are  derived  from  this  edifice.  A  description  ol  the 
building  has  been  given  by  Mr.  I^yard  (Nin.  ami 
its  lieiimins,  vol.  ii.  ch.  11).  By  an  inscription 
repeated  more  than  a  hundred  times  upon  its  sculpt- 
ures, we  learn  that  Sardanapalus  carried  his  arms 
tar  and  wide  through  Western  Asia,  warring  on 
the  one  hand  in  l»wer  Babylonia  and  Chaldaia,  on 
the  other  in  Syria  and  upon  the  coast  of  the  Med- 
itenunean.  His  sou,  Shalmaneser  or  Shalmauubar, 
the  monai'ch  wlio  set  up  the  Black  Obelisk,  now  in 
the  British  Museum,  to  commemorate  his  victories, 
was  a  still  greater  conqueror.  He  appears  to  have 
overrun  Cappadocia,  Armenia,  Azerbijan,  great  por- 
tions of  Media  Magna,  the  Kurdi-sh  mountains. 
Babylonia,  Mesopotamia,  Syria,  and  Phoenicia; 
everj  where  making  the  kings  of  the  countries  trib- 
utary to  him.  If  we  may  trust  the  reading  of 
certain  names,  on  which  cuneiform  scholars  appear 
to  be  entirely  agreed,  he  came  in  contact  with  vari- 
ous Scriptural  personages,  being  opposed  in  his 
Syrian  wars  by  lienbadad  and  tiazael,  kings  of  Da- 
mascus, and  taking  tribute  from  Jehu,  king  of 
Israel.  His  son  and  grandson  followed  in  his  steps, 
but  scarcely  ecjualled  his  glory.  The  latter  is 
thought  to  be  identical  with  the  Biblical  Pul,  Phul, 
or  Plialoch  [Pul],  who  is  the  first  of  the  Assyrian 
kings  of  whom  we  have  mention  in  Scripture. 

8.  The  kinfjs  from  Pul  to  Esarhaddon.  —  The 
succession  of  the  Assyrian  kings  from  Pul  almost 
to  the  close  of  the  empire  is  rendered  tolerably  cer- 
tain, not  merely  by  the  inscriptions,  but  also  by  the 
Jewish  records.  In  the  2d  book  of  Kings  we  find 
the  names  of  Pul,  Tiglath-Pileser,  Shalmaneser, 
Sennacherib,  and  Esarhaddon,  following  one  another 
in  rapid  succession  (2  K.  xv.  19  and  2!),  x\ii.  3, 
xviii.  13,  xix.  37 ) ;  and  in  lyaiah  we  have  the  name 
of  "  Sargon,  king  of  Assyria"  (xx.  1),  who  is  a 
contemporary  of  the  prophet,  and  who  must  evi- 
dently therefore  belong  to  the  same  series.  The 
inscriptions,  by  showing  us  that  Sargon  was  the 
father  of  Sennacherib,  fix  his  place  in  the  list,  and 
give  us  for  the  monarchs  of  the  last  half  of  the 
8th  and  the  first  half  of  the  7th  century  i$.  c.  the 
(probably)  com[)lete  Ust  of  Tiglath-Pileser  II.,  Shal- 
maneser 1 1.,  Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and  ICsarhaddon. 
It  is  not  intended  in  this  place  to  enter  into  any 
detailed  account  of  the  actions  of  these  kings,  which 
will  be  ujore  properly  related  in  the  articles  specially 
demoted  to  them.  [Pul,  Shalmankskk,  Sak- 
GON,  «fec.]  A  few  remarks,  however,  will  Ije  made 
on  the  general  condition  of  the  empire  at  this 
period. 

9.  Estahlishment  of  the  Lower  Dyn/tsty.  —  It 
seems  to  be  certain  that  at,  or  near,  the  accession 
of  Pul,  a  great  change  of  some  kind  or  other  oc- 
oun-ed  in  Assyria.  Berosus  is  said  to  have  brought 
his  grand  dynnsty  of  45  kings  in  526  years  to  a 
close  at  the  reign  of  Pul  (Polyhist.  ap.  Euseb. 
L  8.  c. ),  and  to  have  made  him  the  first  king  of  a 
new  series.  By  the  synchronism  of  Menahem  (2 
K.  XV.  19),  the  date  of  Pul  may  be  determined  to 
about  n.  c.  770.  It  was  only  23  years  later,  as  we 
find  by  the  Canon  of  Ptolemy,  that  the  Babyloni- 
ans considered  their  independence  to  have  com- 
nenced  (n.  c.  7-17).  Herodotus  probalily  intended 
•o  asaign  nearly  to  this  same  era  tlie  great  commo- 
tion which  (according  to  him)  broke  up  the  As- 
syrian empire  into  a  numter  of  fragments,  out  of 
•rhich  were  formed  the  Median  and  other  klngdonls. 
rhese  traditiona  may  none  of  them  be  altogether 


ASSYRIA 

trustworthy;  but  their  coincidence  is  at  least  re 
markable,  and  seems  to  show  that  about  the  middl* 
of  the  eighth  century  n.  c.  there  nmst  have  l)een  a 
break  in  the  line  of  Assyrian  kings,  —  a  revolution 
foreign  or  domestic,  —  and  a  consequent  weakening 
or  dissolution  of  the  bonds  which  united  the  con- 
quered nations  with  their  conquerors. 

It  was  related  by  Bion  and  Polyhi-stor  (Agathias, 
ii.  25),  that  the  origuial  dynasty  of  Assyrian  kings 
ended  with  a  certain  Belochus  or  BeleQs,  who  wa» 
succeeded  by  a  usurjjer  (called  by  them  Beletara« 
or  Balatorus),  in  whose  family  the  crown  continued 
until  the  destruction  of  Nineveh.  The  general 
character  of  the  circumstances  narrated,  coml)ined 
with  a  certain  degree  of  resemblance  in  the  names. 
—  for  Belochas  is  close  upon  Phaloch,  and  Beletarat 
may  represent  the  second  element  in  Tiglath-P/Yese/' 
(who  in  the  inscriptions  is  called  "  Tiglath-Z^'f^/^- 
gii-a  "), —  induce  a  suspicion  that  probably  the  Pul 
or  Phaloch  of  Scripture  was  really  the  last  king  of 
the  old  monarchy,  and  that  Tiflath  Pileser  II.,  his 
successor,  was  the  fouml-M  oi  what  has  been  called 
the  "  Ix)wer  Empire."  It  may  be  8usf)ected  that 
Berosus  really  gave  this  account,  and  that  Poly- 
histor,  who  rejjeated  it,  has  been  misreported  by 
Eusel)ius.  The  synchronism  between  the  revolution 
in  Assyria  and  the  era  of  Bai>ylonian  independence 
is  thus  brought  almost  to  exactness,  for  Tiglath- 
Pileser  is  known  to  have  been  ujwn  the  throne 
about  B.  c.  740  (Clinton,  F.  II.  i.  278),  and  may 
well  have  ascended  it  in  b.  c.  747. 

10.  Supimsed  loss  of  the  empire  at  this  period.  — 
Many  writers  of  repute  —  among  them  Clinton  and 
Niebuhr  —  have  been  inclined  to  accept  the  state 
ment  of  Herodotus  with  respect  to  the  breaking  up 
of  the  whole  empire  at  this  period.  It  is  evident, 
however,  both  from  Scripture  and  from  the  mon- 
uments, that  the  shock  sustained  through  the  do- 
mestic revolution  has  been  greatly  exaggerated. 
Niebuhr  himself  observes  (  Vortra</e  iiber  atte  Ge- 
schichte,  I.  38)  that  after  the  revolution  Assyria 
soon  "recovered  herself,  and  displayed  the  most 
extraordinary  energy."  It  is  plain,  from  Scripture, 
that  in  the  reigns  of  Tiglath-Pileser,  Shalmaneser, 
Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and  l-lsarhaddon,  Assyria  was 
as  great  as  at  any  former  era.  These  kings  all 
warred  successfully  in  Palestine  and  its  neighbor- 
hood ;  some  attacked  Egypt  (Is.  xx.  4) ;  one  apjjears 
as  master  of  Media  (2  K.  xvii.  6);  while  another 
has  authority  over  Babylon,  Susiana,  and  Elymais 
(2  K.  xvii.  24;  Ezr.  iv.  9).  So  far  from  our  ob- 
serving symptoms  of  weakness  and  curtailed  domin- 
ion, it  is  clear  that  at  no  time  were  the  Assyrian 
arms  pushed  further,  or  their  efforts  more  sustaine*! 
and  vigorous.  The  Assyrian  annals  for  the  period 
are  in  the  most  complete  accordance  with  these 
representations.  They  exhibit  to  us  the  above- 
mentioned  monarchs  as  extending  their  dominions 
ftirther  than  any  of  their  predecessors.  'l"he  em- 
pire is  continually  rising  under  them,  and  reaches 
its  culminating  jwint  in  the  reign  of  Esarhaddon. 
The  statements  of  the  inscriptions  on  these  subjecw 
are  fully  borne  out  by  the  indications  of  greatness 
to  be  traced  in  the  architectural  monuments.  N" 
palace  of  the  old  monarchy  equalled,  either  in  size 
or  splendor,  that  of  Sennacherib  at  Nineveh.  No 
series  of  kings  belonging  to  it  left  buildings  at  all 
to  be  compared  with  those  which  were  erected  by 
Sargon,  his  son,  and  his  grandson.  Tlie  magnifi- 
cent remains  at  Koyunjik  and  Khmsabod  belong 
entirely  to  these  later  kings  while  those  it  Niini~u4 
are  about  equally  divided  between  thero  and  tbei' 


ASSYRIA. 

ssors.  It  is  further  noticeable  that  the  writ- 
ers who  may  be  presumed  to  have  drawn  from 
Berosus,  aa  Polyhistor  and  Abydenus,  particularly 
expatiated  upon  the  glories  of  these  later  kings. 
Polyhistor  said  (ap.  Euseb.  i.  5)  that  Sennacherib 
wnquered  Babylon,  defeated  a  Greek  army  in  Cili- 
eia,  and  built  there  Tarsus,  the  capital.  Abydenus 
related  the  same  facts,  except  that  he  substituted 
for  the  (ireek  army  of  Folyiiistor  a  Greek  fleet;  and 
added,  that  Esarhaddon  (his  .\xerdis)  conquered 
lower  Syria  and  Egypt  {ibixl.  i.  !»)•  Similarly  .Me- 
nander,  the  Tyrian  historian,  assigned  to  Shalina- 
neser  an  expedition  to  Cyprus  (ap.  Joseph.  AnI. 
Jwl.  ix.  14),  and  Herodotus  himself  admitted  that 
Sennacherib  invaded  Egypt  (ii.  141).  On  every 
ground  it  seems  necessary  to  conclude  that  the 
second  .\ssyrian  kingdom  was  really  greater  and 
more  glorious  than  the  first;  that  under  it  the  lim- 
its of  thp  empire  reached  their  fullest  extent,  and 
the  internal  prosperity  was  at  the  highest. 

The  statement  of  Herodotus  is  not,  however, 
without  a  basis  of  truth.  It  is  certain  that  Baby- 
lon, about  the  time  of  Tiglath-Pileser's  accession, 
ventured  upon  a  revolt,  which  she  seems  afterwards 
to  have  reckoned  the  commencement  of  her  inde- 
pendence [Babylon].  The  knowledge  of  this  fact 
may  have  led  Herodotus  into  his  error,  for  he  would 
naturally  suppose  that  when  Babylon  became  free 
there  was  a  general  dissolution  of  the  empire.  It 
has  been  shovm  that  this  is  far  from  the  trutli; 
and  it  may  further  be  oV>served  that,  even  as  re- 
gards Babylon,  the  AssjTian  loss  was  not  perma- 
nent. Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and  Esarhaddon  all 
exercised  full  authority  over  that  country,  which 
appears  to  have  been  still  an  AssjTian  fief  at  the 
close  of  the  kingdom. 

11.  Siiccessors  of  Esarhaddon.  —  By  the  end  of 
the  reign  of  Esarhaddon  the  triumph  of  the  .Vssyr- 
ian  arms  had  been  so  complete  that  scarcely  an 
enemy  was  left  who  could  cause  her  serious  anxiety. 
The  kingdoms  of  ITamath,  of  Damascus,  and  of 
Samaria  had  been  successively  absorbed ;  Phoenicia 
had  been  conquered ;  Judaea  had  been  made  a  feud- 
atory; Philistia  and  Idumaea  had  been  sulyected, 
Elgy])t  chastised,  Babylon  recovered,  cities  planted 
in  Media.  Unless  in  Ai-raenia  and  Susiana  there 
was  no  foe  left  to  chastise,  and  the  consequence 
appears  to  have  been  that  a  time  of  profoimd  peace 
succeeded  to  the  long  and  bloody  wars  of  Sargon 
and  his  immediate  successors.  In  Scripture  it  is 
remarkable  that  we  hear  nothing  of  Assyria  after 
the  reign  of  Esarhaddon,  and  profane  history  is 
equally  silent  until  the  attacks  begin  which  brought 
about  her  downfall.  The  monuments  show  that 
the  son  of  Esarhaddon,  who  was  called  Sardanapa- 
lus  by  Abydenus  (ap.  Euseb.  i.  9),  made  scarcely 
any  military  expeditions,  but  occupied  almost  his 
whole  time  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  pleasures  of 
the  chase.  Instead  of  adorning  his  residence  —  as 
his  predecessors  had  been  accustomed  to  do  —  with 
It  record  and  representation  of  his  conquests,  Sarda- 
fiapalus  II.  covered  the  walls  of  his  palace  at  Nin- 
eveh with  sculptures  exhibiting  his  skill  and  prow- 
ess .18  A  hunter.  No  doubt  the  military  spirit  rap- 
idly decayed  under  such  a  niler,  and  the  advent 
of  fresh  enemies,  synchronizing  with  this  decline, 
produced  the  ruin  of  a  power  which  had  for  six 
centuries  been  dominant  in  Western  Asia. 

12.  Full  of  Amjiia.  —  The  fall  of  .\.ss\Tia,  long 
previously  prophesied  by  Isaiah  (x.  5-19),  was  ef- 
tcted  (humanly  speaking)  by  tne  growing  strength 
uid  boldness  of  the  M^es.     If  we  may  trust  He- 


ASSYRIA 


I8y 


rodotus,  the  first  Median  attack  o\\  Niu«r»<fn  tool 
place  about  the  year  ».  c.  033.  By  what  ctrcuni 
stances  this  people,  who  had  so  long  bceti  erg.age(i 
in  contests  with  the  Assyriatis,  and  had  hitheilo 
shown  themselves  so  utterly  unal)le  to  I'esist  them, 
became  suddenly  strong  enough  to  aasume  an  ag  ■ 
gressive  attitude,  and  to  force  the  Ninevites  to  suli- 
mit  to  a  siege,  can  only  be  conjectured.  Whether 
mere  natural  increase,  or  whether  fresh  immigra- 
tions from  the  east,  had  raised  the  Median  nation 
at  this  time  so  far  above  its  former  condition,  it  ia 
impossible  to  detennine.  We  can  only  say  that, 
soon  after  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  they 
began  to  press  uj)on  the  Assyrians,  and  that,  grad- 
ually increasing  in  strength,  they  proceeded,  about 
the  year  b.  c.  633,  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  tha 
country.  For  some  time  their  ettbrts  were  unsuc- 
cessful; but  after  a  while,  having  won  over  the 
Bai)ylonians  to  their  side,  they  Itecame  superior  to 
the  Assyrians  in  the  field,  and  alwut  n.  c.  025,  or 
a  little  earlier,  laid  final  siege  to  the  capital  [.Mk- 
dia].  Saracus,  the  last  king,  —  [irobably  the  grand- 
son of  Esarhaddon,  —  tnade  a  stout  and  prolonged 
defense,  but  at  length,  finding  resistance  vain,  he 
collected  his  wives  and  his  treasures  in  his  palaw, 
and  with  his  own  hand  setting  fire  to  the  building, 
perished  in  the  flames.  This  account  is  given  in 
brief  by  Abydeims,  who  probably  follows  Berosus; 
and  its  outline  so  far  agrees  with  Ctesias  (ap.  Diod. 
ii.  27)  as  to  give  an  important  value  to  that  writer's 
details  of  the  siege.  [Ninkvkh.]  In  the  general 
fact  that  Assyria  wxs  overcome,  and  Nineveh  cap- 
tured and  destroyed,  by  a  conibined  attack  of  Medea 
and  Babylonians,  .losephus  {Ant.  Jud.  x.  5)  and 
the  book  of  Tobit  (xiv.  15)  are  agreed.  Polyhistor 
also  implies  it  (ap.  Euseb.  i.  5);  and  these  authori- 
ties must  be  regarded  as  outweighing  the  silence 
of  Herodotus,  who  mentions  only  the  Medes  in  con- 
nection with  the  capture  (i.  106),  and  says  nothing 
of  the  Babylonians. 

13.  Fulfillment  of  prophecy.  —  The  prophecies 
of  Nahum  and  Zephaniah  (ii.  13-15)  against  Assyria 
were  probably  delivered  shortly  before  the  catas- 
trophe. The  date  of  Nahum  is  very  doubtful 
[Nahum],  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  wrote 
about  n.  c.  645,  towards  the  close  of  the  reign 
of  Manasseh.  Zephaniah  is  even  later,  since  he 
prophesied  under  Josiah,  who  reigned  from  n.  c.  639 
to  608.  If  B.  c.  625  be  the  date  of  the  destruction 
of  Nineveh,  we  may  place  Zephaniah's  prophecy 
about  B.  c.  630.  I'>'"tiel,  writing  about  b.  c.  584, 
bears  witness  histoncaUy  to  the  complete  destruc- 
tion which  had  come  upon  the  Assyrians,  using  the 
example  as  a  warning  to  Pharaoh-Hophnt  and  the 
Egyptians  (ch.  xxxi.). 

It  was  declared  by  Nahum  emphatically,  at  the 
close  of  his  prophecy,  that  there  should  oe  "  no 
healing  of  Assyria's  bruise"  (iii.  19).  In  accord- 
ance with  this  announcement  we  find  that  Assyria 
never  rose  again  to  any  importance,  nor  even  suc- 
ceeded in  maintaining  a  distinct  nationality.  Once 
only  was  revolt  attempted,  and  then  iri  conjtmction 
with  Armenia  and  Media,  the  latter  heading  the 
rebellion.  Tliis  attempt  took  place  about  a  century 
after  the  Median  conquest,  during  the  troubles 
which  followed  upon  the  accession  of  Darius  Hys- 
taspia.  It  failed  signally,  and  apjiears  never  to  have 
been  repeated,  the  Assyrians  remaining  thence- 
fvjrth  sTibniissive  subjects  of  the  Persian  empire. 
They  were  reckoned  in  the  same  satrapy  with  Barf>y- 
lon  (Herod,  iii.  92:  comp.  i.  192).  and  paid  an 
annual  tribute  of  a  thousand  talenN  of  sil  -er.      In 


190 


ASSYRIA 


the  Persian  armies,  which  were  drawn  in  great  part 
from  the  subject- nations,  they  appear  never  to  have 
been  held  of  much  account,  though  they  fought,  in 
common  with  the  other  levies,  at  Thermopylse,  at 
(.'unaxa,  at  Issus,  and  at  Arbela. 

14.  General  character  oj' the  empire.  — In  con- 
sidering the  general  character  of  the  Assjrian  em- 
pire, it  is,  in  the  first  place,  to  be  noticed,  that  like 
all  the  early  monarchies  which  attained  to  any 
great  extent,  it  was  composed  of  a  number  of  sepa- 
rate kingdoms.  In  the  East,  conquest  has  scarcely 
ever  been  followed  by  amalgamation,  and  in  the 
primitive  empires  there  was  not  even  any  attempt 
at  that  governmental  centralization  which  we  find 
at  a  later  period  in  the  satrapial  system  of  Persia. 
As  Solomon  "  reigned  over  all  Uie  kin<,doms  from 
the  river  (Euphrates)  unto  the  land  of  the  Philis- 
tines and  the  border  of  Egypt,"  so  the  Assyrian 
monarchs  bore  sway  over  a  number  of  {.etty  kings 
—  the  native  rulers  of  the  several  countries  — 
through  the  entire  extent  of  their  dominions.  These 
native  princes  —  the  s<jle  governors  of  their  own 
kingdoms  —  were  feudatories  of  the  (jreat  Monarch, 
of  whom  they  held  their  crown  by  the  double  tenure 
of  homage  and  tribute.  Menahem  (2  K.  xv.  19), 
Hoshea  {ilrid.  xvii.  4),  Ahaz  {ibid.  xvi.  8),  Keze- 
kiah  {ibid,  xviii.  14),  and  Manas.seh  (2  Chr.  xxxiii. 
11-13),  were  certainly  in  this  position,  as  were  many 
native  kings  of  lJal)yloii,  Ixjth  prior  and  subsequent 
to  Nabonassar;  and  this  system  (if  we  may  trust 
the  inscriptions)  was  universal  throughout  the  em- 
pire. It  naturally  involved  the  fre<|uent  recurrence 
of  troubles.  Princes  circumstanced  as  were  the 
Assyrian  feudatories  would  Imj  always  locking  for 
an  occasion  when  they  might  revolt  and  reestablish 
their  independence.  The  ofler  of  a  foreign  alliance 
would  be  a  bait  which  they  could  scarcely  resist, 
and  hence  the  continual  warnings  given  to  the 
Jews  to  beware  of  trusting  in  Egypt.  Apart  from 
this,  on  the  occurrence  of  any  imperial  misfortune 
or  difficulty,  such  for  instance  as  a  disastrous  ex- 
pedition, a  formidable  attack,  or  a  sudden  death, 
natural  or  %'iolent,  of  the  reigning  monarch,  there 
would  be  a  strong  temptation  to  throw  oft'  the  yoke, 
which  would  lead,  almost  of  necessity,  to  a  rebellion. 
The  history  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  suf- 
ficiently illustrates  the  tenifency  in  question,  which 
requirwi  to  be  met  by  checks  and  remedies  of  the 
severest  character.  The  deposition  of  the  rebel 
prince,  the  wasting  of  his  country,  the  plunder  of 
his  capital,  a  considerable  increase  in  the  amomit 
of  the  tribute  thenceforth  required,  were  the  usual 
consequences  of  an  unsuccessful  revolt;  to  which 
were  added,  upon  occasion,  still  more  stringent 
measures,  as  the  wholesale  execution  of  those  chiefly 
concerned  in  the  attempt,  or  the  transplantation 
of  the  rebel  nation  to  a  distant  locality.  The  cap- 
tivity of  Israel  is  only  an  instance  of  a  practice  long 
previously  known  to  the  Assyrians,  and  by  them 
handed  on  to  the  Babylonian  and  Persian  govern- 
ments. 

It  b  not  quite  certain  how  far  Assyria  required 
a  religious  conformity  fix)m  the  subject  people.  Her 
•eligion  was  a  gross  and  complex  polytheism,  com- 
prising the  worship  of  thirteen  principal  and  numer- 
ous minor  divinities,  at  the  head  of  the  whole  of 
whom  stood  the  chief  god,  Asshur,  who  seems  to 
be  the  deified  patriarch  of  the  nation  (Gen.  x.  22). 
The  inscriptions  appear  to  state  that  in  all  coun- 
Iries  over  which  the  Assjxians  established  their 
nipremacy,  they  set  up  "  the  laws  of  Asshur,"  and 
•  altars  to  the  Great  God«  "     It  was  probably  in 


ASSYRIA 

connection  with  this  Assyrian  requirement  tha< 
Ahaz,  on  his  return  firom  Damascus,  where  he  had 
made  his  submission  to  Tiglath-Pileser,  incurred 
the  guilt  of  idolatry  (2  K.  xvi.  10-lC).  The  history 
of  Hezekiah  would  seem,  however,  to  show  that  the 
rule,  if  resisted,  was  not  rigidly  enforced;  for  it 
cannot  be  supposed  that  he  would  have  consented 
to  reestablish  the  idolatry  which  he  had  removed, 
yet  he  certainly  came  to  terms  with  Sennacherib, 
and  resumed  his  position  of  tributary  (2  K.  xviii. 
14).  In  any  case  it  must  be  imderstood  tliat  the 
worship  which  the  conquerors  introduceil  was  not 
intended  to  sujiersede  the  religion  of  tlie  conquered 
race,  but  wa-s  only  required  to  be  superadded  as  a 
mark  and  badge  of  subjection. 

15.  Its  extent.  —  With  regard  to  the  extent  of 
the  empire  very  exaggerated  views  have  been  en- 
tertained by  many  writers.  Ctesias  took  Semira- 
mis  to  India,  and  made  the  empire  of  Assjria  at 
least  co-extensive  with  that  of  Persia  in  his  own 
day.  ITiis  false  notion  has  long  been  exploded,  but 
even  Niebuhr  appears  to  have  lielieved  in  the  ex- 
tension of  Assyrian  influence  over  Asia  Minor,  in 
the  expedition  of  Menmon  —  whom  he  considered 
an  A.ssyrian  —  to  Troy,  and  in  the  derivation  of  the 
Lydian  Ileracleids  from  the  first  dynasty  of  Nine- 
vite  monarchs  (^/<.  Geschichl.  i.  28-9).  The  in- 
formation derived  from  the  native  monuments  tends 
to  contract  the  empire  within  more  reasonable 
bounds,  and  to  give  it  only  the  expansion  which  is 
indicated  for  it  in  Scriptm*.  On  the  west,  the 
Mediterranean  and  the  river  Halys  appear  to  have 
been  the  boundaries;  on  the  north,  a  fluctuating 
line,  never  reaching  the  Euxine  nor  extending  be- 
yond the  northern  frontier  of  Armenia :  on  the  east, 
the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  Great  Salt  Desert ;  on  the 
south,  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the  Desert  of  Arabia. 
The  countries  included  within  these  limits  are  the 
following :  —  Susiana,  C'halda?a,  Babylonia,  Media, 
Matiene,  Armenia,  Assyria  Proper,  Meso])otamia, 
parts  of  Cappadocia  and  Cilicia,  Syria,  Phoenicia, 
I^alestine,  and  Iduma^a.  Cypnis  was  also  for  a 
while  a  dependency  of  the  Assyrian  kings,  and  they 
may  perhaps  have  held  at  one  time  certain  portions 
of  Lower  J^ypt.  Lydia,  however,  Phrygia,  Lycia, 
Pamphylia,  Pontus,  Iberia,  on  the  west  and  north, 
Bactria,  Sacia,  Parthia,  India,  —  even  Carmania  and 
Persia  Proper,  —  upon  the  east,  were  altogether  be- 
yond the  limit  of  the  Assyrian  sway,  and  appear 
at  no  time  even  to  have  been  overrun  by  tlie  Assyr- 
ian armies. 

16.  Civilization  of  the  Assyrians.  —  Tlie  civiliza- 
tion of  the  Assyrians,  as  has  been  already  observed, 
was  derived  originally  from  the  Babylonians.  They 
were  a  Semitic  race,  originally  resident  in  Baby- 
lonia (which  at  that  time  was  Cushite),  and  thus 
acquainted  with  the  Babylonian  inventions  and  dis- 
coveries, who  ascended  the  valley  of  the  Tigris  and 
established  in  the  tract  immediately  below  the  Ar- 
menian mountains  a  separate  and  distinct  nation- 
ality. Their  modes  of  writing  and  building,  the 
form  and  size  of  their  bricks,  their  architectural 
ornamentation,  their  religion  and  worship,  in  a 
great  measure,  were  drawn  from  Babylon,  which 
they  always  regarded  as  a  sacred  land  —  the  orig- 
inal seat  of  their  nation,  and  the  true  home  of  all 
their  gods,  with  the  one  exception  of  Asshur.  Still, 
as  their  civilization  developed,  it  became  in  many 
respects  peculiar.  Their  art  is  of  home  growth. 
The  alabaster  quarries  in  their  neighborhood  sup- 
plied them  with  a  material  unknown  to  theb 
southern  neighbois,  on  which  they  could  repnsent 


ASSYRIA 

iar  better  than  upon  enamelled  bricks,  the  scenea 
which  interested  them.  Their  artists,  faithful  and 
laborious,  acquired  a  considerable  power  of  render- 
ing the  human  and  animal  forma,  and  made  vivid 
and  striking  representations  of  the  principal  occu- 
pations of  human  life.  If  they  do  not  greatly  affect 
the  ideal,  and  do  not,  in  this  branch,  attain  to  any 
very  exalted  rank,  yet  even  here  their  emblematic 
figures  of  the  gods  have  a  dignity  and  grandeur 
which  is  worthy  of  remark,  and  which  implies  the 
possession  of  some  elevated  feeUngs.  But  their 
chief  glory  is  in  the  representation  of  the  actual. 
Their  pictures  of  war,  and  of  the  chase,  and  even 
sometimes  of  the  more  peaceful  incidents  of  human 
life,  have  a  fidelity,  a  spirit,  a  boldness,  and  an 
appearance  of  hfe,  which  place  them  high  among 
realistic  schools.  Their  art,  it  should  be  also  noted, 
is  progressive.  Unlike  that  of  the  Egyptians,  which 
continues  comparatively  stationary  from  the  earliest 
to  the  latest  times,  it  plainly  advances,  becoming 
continually  more  natural  and  less  uncouth,  more 
life-like  and  less  stiff,  more  varied  and  less  conven- 
tional. The  latest  sculptures,  which  are  those  in 
the  hunting-palace  of  the  son  of  Esarhaddon,  are 
decidedly  the  best.  Here  the  animal-forms  ap- 
proach perfection ;  and  in  the  striking  attitudes,  the 
new  groupings,  and  the  more  careful  and  exact 
drawing  of  the  whole,  we  see  the  beginnings  of  a 
taste  and  a  power  which  might  have  expanded  un- 
der favorable  circiunstances  into  the  finished  excel- 
lence of  the  tjreeks. 

The  advanced  condition  of  the  Assyrians  in  vari- 
ous other  respects  is  abundantly  evidenced  alike  by 
the  representations  on  the  sculptures  and  by  the 
remains  discovered  among  their  buildings.  They 
are  found  to  have  understood  and  applied  the  arcii; 
to  have  made  tunnels,  aqueducts,  and  drains;  to 
have  used  the  lever  and  the  roller ;  to  have  engraved 
gems  ;  to  have  understood  the  arts  of  inlaying, 
enamelling,  and  overlajing  with  metals;  to  have 
manufactured  glass,  and  been  acquainted  with  the 
lens ;  to  have  possessed  vases,  jars,  bronze  and  ivory 
ornaments,  dishes,  bells,  ear-rings,  mostly  of  good 
workmanship  and  elegant  forms  —  in  a  word,  to 
have  attained  to  a  very  high  pitch  of  material  com- 
fort and  prosperity.  They  were  still,  however,  in 
the  most  important  points  barbarians.  Their  gov- 
ernment was  rude  and  inartificial;  their  religion 
coarse  and  sensual;  their  conduct  of  war  cruel; 
even  their  art  materialistic,  and  so  deha.sing ;  they 
had  served  their  purpose  when  they  had  prepared 
the  East  for  centrahzed  government,  and  been  God's 
scourge  to  punish  the  people  of  Israel  (Is.  x.  5-6); 
til.;.-  were,  therefore,  swept  away  to  allow  the  rise 
'  ■  that  Arian  race  which,  with  less  appreciation  of 
lit,  was  to  introduce  into  Western  Asia  a  more 
spiritual  fonu  of  religion,  a  better  treatment  of 
■iiptives,  and  a  superior  governmental  organization. 

(See  for  the  geography  Capt.  Jones's  paper  in  the 
xiv'h  volume  of  the  Asiatic  Society's  Journal  (part 
i);  Col.  Chesney's  Euphrates  £xpeditian ;  Mr. 
I>ayard'3  Works ;  Rich's  Kurdistan,  &c.  For  the 
historiciil  views,  Kawlinson's  Herodotus,  vol.  i.; 
Brandis's  Rerum  Assynarum  Tempora  Emendata  ; 
Sir  H  Gawlinson's  Contributions  to  the  Asiat.  Soc. 
fouTH.  and  the  Athenceum;  Bosanquet's  Sabred 
ind  Profane  Chromhgy ;  M.  Oppert's  Rapport 
:  son  Excellence  M.  le  Ministre  de  f  Instruction ; 
Dr.  Hincks's  Contributions  to  the  Dublin  University 
Mag. ;  Jlr.  Vance  Smith's  Exposition  of  the  Proph- 
tcies  relating  to  Nineveh  and  Assyria ;  and  comp. 
B.  G.  Niebuhr's  Voi'trdge  uber  alter  Geschichte, 


ATAD 


191 


vol.  i. ;  Clinton's  Fasti  Hell.,  vol.  i.;  and  M.  Ni* 
buhr's  Geschichte  Assut-''s  und  Bubtts.)      G.  K. 

*  The  work  of  Mr.  Kawlinson,  the  writer  of  tha 
preceding  article,  is  now  tlie  classical  work  on  this 
subject:  The  Five  Great  Monarchies  of  the  An- 
cient Eastern  World;  or,  the  f/istory,  Geography, 
ami  Antiquities  of  Chakhea,  Assyria,  liadyloii,  Me- 
dia, and  Persia  (vols.  i.  in  iii.  Ix)nd<)n,  18t)-2-65). 
For  some  of  the  important  Biblical  connections,  Dr. 
i'usey's  Introduction  to  ./onnh  (pp.  247-54)  may 
be  read  with  advantage.  There  is  a  good  account 
of  the  Assyrian  inscriptions,  and  of  the  progress 
made  in  reading  them,  as  well  as  other  information, 
by  Spiegel,  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  art.  Ninivt 
und  Assy  lien,  vol.  x.  pp.  361-81,  and  supplementary 
article,  vol.  xx.  pp.  219-235.  See  also  the  elaborat« 
article  on  Assyria  by  Brandis,  in  the  2d  ed.  (1866) 
of  the  first  vol.  of  I'auly's  Real-EncychpanUe,  where 
will  be  found  a  very  fuU  account  of  the  literature 
of  the  sulyect.  H. 

ASSYRIANS  (~1J|t^S :  'Aaaipioi,  'Aaaoip, 
viol  'Pi.(T(Tovp.  Assur,  Assyni,  Jilii  Assyriorum). 
The  inhabitants  of  Assyria.  'Fhe  name  in  Hebrew 
is  simply  Asshur,  the  same  as  that  of  the  country, 
and  there  appears  to  be  no  reason  in  most  cases  for 
translating  it  a,s  a  gentiUc  (Is.  x.  5,  24,  xiv.  25, 
xxxi.  8;  I>am.  v.  6;  Ez.  xvi.  28;  Jud.  xii.  13,  &c.). 

W.  A.  W. 

AS'TAROTH  (Hiridl^:  'AcrTaptifl:  Astn^ 
roth),  Deut.  i.  4.     [Ashtaroth.] 
ASTAR'TE.     [AsHTORETH.] 
AS'TATH  {'\ar<i.e:  Ezead),  1  Esdr.  viii.  38. 

[AZOAD.J 

*  ASTROLOGER.    [Divination;   Magi; 

STAR.J 

ASTRONOMY.  [Magi;  Star  of  thf 
Wise  Men.] 

AST Y' AGES  {'karviyns;  Herod.  'Kcrvi- 
yas,  CX&s.  'AcTraSaj),  the  last  king  of  the  Medes 
B.  c.  595-501),  or  u.  c.  592-558,  who  was  con- 
quered by  Cyrus  (Bel  and  Dragon,  1).  The  namt 
is  identified  by  Kawlinson  and  Niebuhr  {Gesch 
Assures,  p.  32)  with  Deioces  =  Ashdahdk  (Aru.) 
Ajis  Dahaka  (Pers.),  ^'■tht  biting  snake,'"  the  em 
blem  of  the  Median  power.  [Darius  the  Mede 
CvKus.J  B.  F.  W. 

ASUP'PIM,  and  HOUSE  OF  (C^SDS^m 

and  D'^SD^^n  n"'2  :  oIkos 'Eaetplfi,  &  'E(re<plfi. 
[Vat.  E(rf<pfiv,  -cpei/x'-  Alex.  Aa-a<p(iv,  Etr«l)eifx.:] 
in  qua  parte  domus  erat  seniorum  concilium,  ubi 
erat  concilium),  1  Chr.  xxvi.  15,  17,  literally 
"house  of  the  gatherings."  Some  understand  it 
as  a  proper  name  of  chambers  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Temple.  Gesenius  and  Bertheau  explain  it  of 
certain  store-rooms,  and  Ftirst,  following  the  Vul- 
gate, of  the  council-chambers  in  the  outer  court  of 
the  Temple  in  which  the  elders  held  their  deliber- 
ations- The  same  word  in  A.  V.  of  Neh.  xii.  25, 
is  rendered  "thresholds,"  and  is  translated  "  lin- 
tels "  in  the  Targum  of  R.  Joseph.    W.  A.  W. 

ASYN'CRITUS  {' AffvyKoiros  [incompara- 
ble,  unlike] :  Asyncritus),  a  Cnristian  at  Rome, 
saluted  by  St.  Paul  (Rom.  xvi.  14). 

ATAD,     THE     THRESHING-FLOCK    OF    (^112 

^^S^  =:  thejlo&r  (or  trodden  space)  of  the  thorn 
Sam.  Vers.  Tll^V  "^SIN  :  Saad. 


^^' 


192  ATARAM 

t\<09  'ArdS-  ni-ea  Atad),  a  spot  "  beyond  Jordan," 
at  rhljh  Joseph  and  his  brethren,  on  their  way 
from  Egypt  to  Hebron,  matle  their  seven  days' 
"great  and  very  sore  mourning"  over  the  body  of 
Jacob;  in  consequence  of  which  we  are  told  it  ac- 
quired from  the  Canaanites  the  new  name  of  Abel- 
Mitzraim  (Gen.  1.  10,  11).  According  to  Jerome 
(Oiioiii.  s.  V.  Areaatm/)  it  was  in  his  day  called 
Bethi^La  or  IMIiacIa  (Iteth-IIogla),  a  name  which 
he  connects  with  the  gyratory  dances  or  races  of 
the  funeral  ceremony :  "  locus  gyri ;  eo  quod  ibi 
more  plangentium  circumierint."  Betli-Hoglah 
is  known  to  have  lain  between  the  .Jordan  and  Jer- 
icho, therefore  on  the  west  side  of  Jordan  [Bkth- 
H<.>(;i.AH] ; "  and  with  this  agrees  tlie  fact  of  the 
mention  of  the  Canaanites,  "  the  inhabitants  of 
the  land,"  who  were  confined  to  the  west  side  of 
the  river  (see  amongst  others  verse  13  of  this  chap- 
ter), and  one  of  wliose  si)ecial  haunts  was  the  sunken 
district  "  by  the  '  side  '  of  Jordan  "  (Num.  xiii.  29). 

[Canaan.]  The  word  "^^^,  "beyond,"  although 
usually  signifying  tiie  east  of  Jordan,  is  yet  used 
for  eitlier  ea.st  or  west  according  to  the  position  of 
the  speaker!  [Khkk.]  That  Jerome  should  have 
defined  tlie  situation  as  ^'^  trans  Jordanem,"  at  the 
same  time  tliat  lie  explains  it  as  between  the  river 
and  Jericho,  may  be  accounted  for  either  by  the 
words  being  a  mere  quotation  from  the  text,  or 
by  some  subsequent  corruption  of  copyists.  The 
passage  does  not  survive  in  Kusebius.  G. 

AT'ARAH  (n:^^??  [a  cnm-n]  :  'ATa,.a: 
[Alex.  Erepa:]  Atara),  a  wife  of  Jerahmeel,  and 
mother  of  Onam  (1  Chr.  ii.  2tj). 

ATAR'GATIS     'CArapyans,     Sirab.     xvi. 

p.  785,  'ATop7aT(oi'  5*  t?;**  'Addpap ol 

'EWrjves  (KaKovv).  or  according  to  another  form 
of  the  word  Dkuckto  {AfpKfrw,  Strab.  I.  c; 
Luc.  fJt  Si/ria  den,  p.  884  ed.  Hened. ;  Plin.  //.  ;V. 
V.  1  J,  irf<xli(jii)sa  Alaryiitis  Graicis  Dercvto ;  Ov. 
Mel.  iv.  45,  Dercetus),  a  Syrian  goddess,  represented 
generally  with  the  body  of  a  woman  and  the  tail 
of  a  fish  (Luc.  /.  c. ;  Ovid.  /.  c.  comp.  Dahon). 
Her  most  famous  temples  were  at  Ilierapolis  (Ma- 
bug)  and  Ascalon.  Herodotus  identified  her  with 
Aphrwlitt  Unmia  (i.  105,  compared  with  Diod. 
Sic.  ii.  4).  Luci^n  compared  her  with  Here, 
though  he  allowed  that  she  combined  traits  of 
other  deities  (Aphrodite,  Uhea,  Selene,  Ac. ;  see 
AsHTOKKTH).  Plut;irch  {Crags.  17)  says  that 
some  regarded  her  as  "  Aphrodite,  others  as  Here, 
others  as  the  cause  and  natural  power  which  pro- 
vides the  principles  and  seeds  for  all  things  from 
aioisture "  {t)\v  apx^s  Ka\  fftrfpfiara  iracriv  i^ 
vypwv  irapacrxov(rai>  alrlau  Kal  (pvciv)-  ThLs  last 
view  is  probably  an  accurate  description  of  the  at- 
tributes of  the  goddess,  and  explains  her  fish-like 
form  and  [wpular  identification  with  Aphro<lite. 
f^ucian  also  mentions  a  ceremony  in  her  worship 
at  Hierajxilis  which  appears  to  be  connected  with 
the  same  belief,  and  with  the  origin  of  her  name. 
Twice  a  year  water  wiis  brought  from  distant  places 
and  poured  into  a  chasm  in  the  temple;  because, 
he  adds,  according  to  tradition,  the  waters  of  the 
Deluge  were  drained  away  through  that  opening 
\de  Sipia  i/en,  p.  883).  Compare  Burm.  ad  Ovid. 
Met.  iv.  45,  where  most  of  the  references  are  given 
at  length ;  Movers,  Phoniz.  i.  684  ff. 


•«  •  see  note  on  Abel-Mizraim.    All  that  the  Script- 
r*  account  states  is   that  Atad  was   "  beyond    the 


ATAROTH 

There  was  a  temple  of  Atargatis  ('ATopTOTero' 
Alex.  Arepy.  —  2  Mace.  xii.  26)  at  Karni«.n  (Kar 
naim,  1  Mace.  v.  43;  i.  e.  Ashtarofh-Kai-natm 
which  was  destroyed  by  Judas  Maccaba-us  (1  Mace 
V.  44). 

The  name  is  rightly  derived  by  Michaelis  (Lex 
Syr.  pp.  975  f.)  from  Syr.  Tarf/eto,  an  opening 
{tnrag,  he  opened).  Comp.  ISlovers,  I'lionh.  i. 
594  f.  Others  have  deduced  it,  with  little  prob- 
ability, from  "73  "^7!^)  (jreutness  of  fortune  (V), 
or  3"7  "^"""?^>  great  fsh.  Gesenius  (T/ies.  s.  v. 
I^y^)  suggests  Syr.  dargeio  =  dagto,  &  fish.  It 
has  been  supposed  that  Atargatis  was  the  tutelary 
goddess  of  the  first  Assyrian  djTia.«ty  (Derketada, 
fr.  Derketo:  Niebuhr,  6^(7/.  Assures,  pp.  131, 138), 
and  that  the  name  appears  in  Tiglath-  or  TUgatlv- 
I'ileser  (/</.  p.  37). 

An  interesting  coin  rejiresenting  Atargatis  ii 
enjgraved  and  described  in  the  PhiU)soi>hic.al  Trans- 
nctimi.i,  vol.  Ixi.  pp.  346  ff. 

AT'AROTH  (nHni^r,  and  once  ri-^X^V  = 
rnnrii.i:  rj  'ATapu>6'  Ataroth),  the  name  of  several 
places  in  I'alestine  both  on  the  E.  and  W.  of  Jor- 
dan 

1.  [Ale-..  Arapa/y  in  Num.  xxxii.  3.]  One  of 
the  towns  in  the  "  land  of  Jazer  and  land  of  Gil- 
ead  "  (Num.  xxxii.  3),  taken  and  "built  by  the 
tribe  of  (iad  (xxxii.  34).  From  its  mention  with 
places  which  have  been  identified  on  the  N.  E.  of 
the  Dead  Sea  near  the  mountain  of  Jebel  Attariia 

(^>wX£J,  a  connection  has  been  assumed  be- 
tween Ataroth  and  that  mountain.  But  Jebel  AUa- 
rm  lies  considerably  to  the  S.  of  Heshbon  (lltsban), 
which  was  in  the  tribe  of"  Keuben,  and  which  is 
named  apparently  as  the  southernmost  limit  of  Gad 
(Josh.  xiii.  26),  so  that  some  other  identification  ia 
necessary.  Atroth-Shophan  was  probably  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Ataroth ;  the  Shophan  serving  as 
a  distinction;  but  for  this  see  Atijoth. 

2.  [LXX.  corrupt  in  Josh.  xvi.  2.]  A  place  oj 
the  (South  V)  l)oundary  of  Ephraim  and  IManasseh 
(Josh.  xvi.  2,7).  The  whole  specification  of  this 
Iwundary  is  exceedingly  obscure,  and  it  is  not 
jwssibl^  to  say  whether  Ataroth  is  or  is  not  the 
same  place  as, 

3.  [In  Josh,  xvi.,  'ArapiiiQ  (Vat.  Ao-rapwC) 
KoX  'Ep(i>K  (Vat.  M.  EpoK,  (  omp.  Aid.  Alex.  'AMp)- 
in  .losh.  xviii.,  Maarapw^  'Optx,  ^'*t.  Maaropcoft 
opeK,  Alex.  ATapaiO  AS5op,  Aid.  'Arapud  'E5- 
Sdp  ■     Ataroth     Adiliir.]        Atakoth-adak,    oi 

-addak  ("'^S"  r),  on  the  west  border  of  Berya- 
min.  "near  the  'mountain'  that  is  on  the  soutk 
side  of  the  nether  Beth-boron  "  ^losh.  xviii.  13). 
In  xvi.  5  it  is  accurately  rendered  Ataroth-addar. 

In  the  Onomasticon  mention  is  made  of  an 
Atharoth  in  Ephiuim,  in  the  mountains,  4  miles 
N.  of  Sebaste:  as  well  as  of  two  places  of  the  name 
"  not  far  from  "  Jeni.salem.  The  former  caimot  be 
that  seen  by  Robinson  (ii.  265),  now  Atara.  Rob- 
inson discovered  another  alwut  6  miles  S.  of  Bethel 
(i.  575).  Tliis  is  too  far  to  the  E.  of  Beth-horos 
to  be  Ataroth-addar,  and  too  far  S.  to  be  that  on 
the  lioundary  of  Ephraim  (2). 


Jordan,"  the  point  of  reckoning  being  left  indetenn> 
nace.  tt. 


ATER 

4.  "  Ataroth,"  the  house  of  Joab  "  (t.  e. 

ALtarotli-l)eth-Joab),  a  place  (?)  occurring  in  tiie 
list  of  the  descendants  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  5-1; 

Arapcie  oUou  'Iw<£j3  [Alex.  I«0aj3] :  Corona  do- 
mus  Joab)fi  G. 

ATER  ("'tp^',  bouml  [perh.  dumb']:  'Kr-hp; 
Alex.  Arrrip  in  Ezr. :  Ater).  1.  The  children  of 
Ater  were  among  the  porters  or  gate-keepers  of  the 
Temple  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  42 ; 
Neh.  vii.  45).  They  are  called  in  1  Esdr.  v.  28, 
"the  sons  of  .Iatal." 

2.  The  children  of  Ater  of  Hezekiah,  to  the 
number  of  ninety-eight,  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.  ii.  IG;  Neh.  vii  21),  and  were  among  the 
heads  of  the  people  who  signed  the  covenant  with 
Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  17).  The  name  appears  in  1 
Esdr.  V.  15,  as  Atekezias.  W.  A.  W. 

ATEREZI'AS  ('Ar^jp  'ECfKloV,  [Vat.  aCv 
pe(eKiov  ;  Wechel  'ArTjpeC'""  '•]  Aderectis).  A 
corruption  of  "Ater  of  Hezekiah"  (1  Esdr.  v.  15; 
comp.  Ezr.  ii.  16).  W.  A.  W. 

A'THACH  ("iT^^  [lodging-place]:  tJofi^e; 
[Vat.  Noo;]  Alex.  Aday;  [Comp.  'AfldixO  Athach). 
One  of  the  places  in  the  tribe  of  Judah,  which  Da- 
vid and  his  men  frequented  during  the  time  of 
his  residence  at  Ziklag  (1  Sam.  xxx.  30).  As  the 
name  does  not  occur  elsewhere,  it  has  been  sug- 
gested that  it  is  an  error  of  the  transcriber  for 
Ether,  a  to^vn  in  the  low  country  of  Judah  (Josh. 
XV.  42).  W.  A.  W. 

ATHA'IAH  [3  syl.]  (nrnj^ ;  'Aflaia;  [Vat. 
AOeo;  FA.  Aflee;]  Alex.  ASaiai:  Athaias).  A 
descendant  of  Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah,  who  dwelt 
at  Jerusalem  after  the  return  from  Babylon  (Neh. 
xi.  4),  called  Uthai  in  1  Chr.  ix.  4.    W.  A.  W. 

ATHALFAH  {'^'l^.T^V  [whom  Jehovah  af- 
Aicts]:  roOoXia'-  Athalia).  1.  Daughter  of  Ahab  and 
Jezebel,  married  Jehoram  the  son  of  -lehoshaphat, 
king  of  Judah,  and  introduced  into  the  vS.  king- 
dom the  worship  of  Baal,  which  had  already  defiled 
and  overspread  the  N.  After  the  great  revolution 
by  which  .Jehu  seated  himself  on  the  throne  of 
Samaria,  she  kille<l  all  the  members  of  the  royal 
family  of  .Judah  who  had  escaped  his  sword  (2  K. 
X.  14),  avaihng  herself  probably  of  her  position  as 
King's  Mother  [Asa]  to  ijerpetrate  the  crime. 
Most  likely  she  exercised  the  regal  functions  during 
Ahaziah's  absence  at  Jezreel  (2  K.  ix.),  and  resolved 
to  retain  her  power,  especially  after  seeing  the  dan- 
ger to  which  she  was  exposed  by  the  overthrow  of 
the  house  of  Omri  and  of  Baal-worship  in  Sama- 
ria. It  was  not  unusuid  in  those  days  for  women 
in  the  ILast  to  attain  a  prominent  position,  their 
present  degradation  being  tlie  result  of  Mohammed- 
anism. Miriam,  Deborah,  Abigail,  are  instances 
from  the  Bible,  and  Dido  was  not  far  removed  from 
Athaliah.  either  in  birthplace  or  date,  if  Carthage 
was  founded  b.  c.  8*51  (Joseph,  c.  Apion.  i.  18). 
From  the  slaughter  of  the  royal  house,  one  infant 
named  Joash,  the  youngest  son  of  Ahaziah,  was 
rescued  by  his  aunt  Jehosheba,  daughter  of  Jeho- 
ram (probably  by  another  wife  than  Athaliah)  who 
had  married  Jehoiada  (2  Chr.  xxii.  1 1 )  the  high- 
priest  (2  (lir.  xxiv.  6).  The  child  was  brought  up 
under  Jehoiada's  care,  and  concealed  in  the  temple 
for  six  years,  during  which  period  Athaliah  reigned 


ATHALIAH 


193 


a  The  marginal  note  to  this  name  in  the  Bibles  of 
the  present  day,  namely,  "  Asarites  or  crowns,"   &c., 
is  a  corruption  of  Aiaritcs  in  the  edition  of  1611. 
18 


over  Judah.  At  length  Jehoiada  thought  it  time 
to  produce  the  lawful  king  to  the  people,  trusting 
to  their  zeal  for  the  worship  of  God,  and  loyalty  to 
the  house  of  David,  which  had  been  so  strenuously 
called  out  by  Asa  and  Jehoshaphat.  After  com- 
municating his  design  to  iive  "  captains  of  hun- 
dreds," whose  names  are  given  in  2  Chr.  xxiii.  1, 
and  securing  the  co(iperation  of  the  Jjcvites  and 
chief  men  in  the  country-towns  in  case  of  neces- 
sity, he  brought  the  young  Joash  into  the  temple 
to  receive  the  allegiance  of  the  soldiers  of  the  guard, 
[t  was  customary  on  the  Sabbath  for  a  third  part 
of  them  to  do  duty  at  the  palace,  while  two  thirds 
restrained  the  crowd  of  visitors  and  worshippers 
who  thronged  the  temple  on  that  day,  by  occupying 

the  gate  of  Sur  (l^D,  2  K.  xi.  6,  called  of  the 

foundation,  IID*,  2  Chr.  xxiii.  5,  which  Gerlach, 
in  bco,  considers  the  right  reading  in  Kings  also), 
and  the  gate  "  behind  the  guard  "  {porta  qiuB  tat 
post  hnbiiaculum  scutnriorum,  Vulg.),  which  seem 
to  have  been  the  N.  and  S.  entrances  into  the  tem- 
ple, according  to  Ewald's  description  of  it  {Ge 
schichte,  iii.  308-7).  On  the  day  iixed  for  the 
outbreak  there  was  to  he  no  change  in  the  arrange- 
ment at  the  palace,  lest  Athaliah,  who  did  not  wor- 
ship in  the  temple,  should  form  any  suspicions  from 
missing  her  usual  guard,  Ijut  the  latter  two  thirds 
were  to  protect  the  king's  person  byfcmiung  a  long 
and  closely-serried  line  across  the  temple,  and  kill- 
ing any  one  who  should  approach  within  certain 
limits.  They  were  also  furnished  with  David's 
speai-s  and  shields,  that  the  work  of  restoring  his 
descendant  might  be  associated  with  his  own  sacred 
weapons.  When  the  guard  had  taken  up  their 
position,  the  young  prince  was  anointed,  crowned, 
and  presented  with  the  Testimony  or  Law,  and 
Athaliah  was  first  roased  to  a  sense  of  her  danger 
by  the  shouts  and  music  which  accompanied  the 
inauguration  of  her  grandson.  She  hurriefl  into 
the  temple,  but  found  Joash  already  .standing  "  by 
a  pillar,''  or  more  i)roperIy  on  it,  i.  e.  on  the  tri- 
bunal or  throne,  apparently  raisetl  on  a  massive  col- 
umn or  cluster  of  columns,  which  the  king  occu- 
pied when  he  attended  the  service  on  solemn  occa- 
sions. The  phrase  in  the  original  is  "1^S3?'^?> 
rendered  ^ttI  tov  (ttvKov  by  the  LXX.  and  super 
Irihun'd  in  the  Vulgate,  while  Gesenius  gives  for 
the  substantive  a  singe  or  pulpit.  (Comp.  2  K. 
xxiii.  3,  and  Ez.  xlvi.  2. )  She  arrived  however  too 
late,  and  was  immediately  put  to  death  by  Jehoida's 
commands,  without  the  temple.  The  only  other 
recorded  victim  of  this  happy  and  almost  bloodless 
revolution,  was  Mattan  the  priest  of  B:ud.  For  the 
view  here  given  of  the  details  of  Jehoiada's  plan, 
see  Ewald,  Geschichte,  iii.  574  ft'.  The  latter  words 
of  2  K.  xi.  6  in  our  version,  "  that  it  be  nnt  broken 
dmm,"  are  probal)ly  wrong:  —  Ewald  translates, 
"  according  to  custom;  "  Gesenius  gives  in  his  I>ex- 
icon  "  a  keeping  off:'  Clinton's  date  for  Athaliah's 
usurpation  is  b.  c.  883-877.  In  modern  times  the 
history  of  Athaliah  has  been  illustrated  by  the  mu- 
sic of  Handel  and  of  Mendelssohn,  and  the  stately 
declamation  of  Racine.  G.  E.  L.  G. 

2.  {TodoXla  ;  -Alex.  ToOo\ias  :  Otholia.)  A 
Benjamite,  one  of  the  sons  of  Jeroham  who  dwelt 
at  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  viii.  26). 

3.  ('AOeAfa  ;     [Vat.    A0e\ej  ;]    Alex,    \d\ta: 


6  *  Rendered  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.  "  Crowns 
of  the  house  of  Joab."  O. 


194 


ATHARIAS 


AlhaUa.)  One  of  the  Bene-Elam,  whose  son 
Jeshaiah  with  seventy  males  returned  with  Ezra 
in  the  second  caravan  from  Babylon  (Ezr.  viii.  7.) 

W.  A.  W. 

ATHARI'AS  {'ATOapias-  etAttharas),  a  cor- 
rupt rendering  of  Snir"irin,  the  Tikshatha 
(1  Esdr.  V.  40). 

ATHENO'BIUS  ('Afliji'rf/Btos:  [Athenobius]), 
an  envoy  sent  by  Antiochus  VII.  Sidetes  to  Simon, 
the  Jewish  high-priest  (1  Mace.  xv.  28-36).  He 
is  not  mentioned  elsewhere.  B.  F.  W. 

ATHE'NIANS  CAer)va7oi  :  Atheniemes). 
Natives  of  Athens  (Acts  xvii.  21)  [and  22.  For 
the  character  which  Paul  ascribed  to  them,  see 
Athens], 


ATHENS 

ATHENS  CAOrivai--  Athena),  the  capitil  of 
Attica,  and  the  chief  seat  of  Grecian  learning  and 
civilization  during  the  golden  period  of  the  history 
of  Greece.  This  city  is  fully  described  elsewhere 
{Diet,  of  Gr.  aiul  Bom.  Geo<jr.  i.  255  if.);  and  an 
account  of  it  would  be  out  of  place  in  the  present 
work.  St.  Paul  visited  it  in  his  journey  from 
Macedonia,  and  appears  to  have  remauied  there 
some  time  (Acts  xvii.  14,  15  ff. ;  comp.  1  Thess. 
iii.  1).  During  his  residence  there  he  delivered  his 
memorable  discoui-se  on  i\w.  Areopagus  to  the  "  men 
of  Athens"  (Acts  xvii.  22-31)  [Akeopaous].  In 
order  to  miderstand  the  localities  mentioned  in  the 
sacred  narrative,  it  may  be  observed  that  four  liilU 
of  moderate  height  rise  within  the  walls  of  the  city. 
Of  these  one   to  the  northeast  is  the  celeLratwl 


Plan  of  Athens,  showing  the  position  of  the  Agora. 


Acropolis,  or  citadel,  being  a  square  craggy  rock 
about  150  feet  high.  Immediately  to  the  west  of 
the  Acropolis  is  a  second  hill  of  in-egular  form,  but 
inferior  height,  called  the  Areopagus.  To  the 
■outhwest  rises  a  third  hill,  the  Pnyx,  on  which 
the  assembUes  of  the  citizens  were  held ;  and  to  the 
Bouth  of  the  latter  is  a  fourth  hill,  known  as  the 
Museum.  The  Agora  or  "  market,"  where  St. 
Paul  disputed  daily,  was  situated  in  the  valley  be- 
tween the  Acropolis,  the  Areopagus,  the  Pnyx,  and 
the  Museum,  being  bounded  by  the  Acropolis  on 
the  N.  E.  and  E.,  by  the  Areopagus  on  the  N.,  by 
the  Pnyx  on  the  N.  W.  and  W.,  and  by  the  Mu- 
seum on  the  S.  The  annexed  plan  shows  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Agora.  Many  writers  have  maintained 
that  there  were  two  markets  at  Athens ;  and  that 
a  second  market,  usually  called  the  new  Agora, 
existed  to  the  north  of  the  Acropohs.  If  this  were 
true,  it  would  be  doubtful  in  which  of  the  two 
markets  St.  Paul  disputed ;  but  since  the  publica- 
tion of  Forchhammer's  treatise  on  the  Topography 
of  Athens,  it  is  generally  admitted  that  there  was 
only  one  Agora  at  Athens,  namely,  the  one  situated 
m  the  valley  already  described.     [The  sulgect  is 

o  •  This  rendering  Is  the  more  unfortunate  as  it 
lonwals  fl*om  the  reader  a  remarkable  instance  of 
Paul's  conciliatory  habit  in  dealing  with  men  when 
M  principla  was  at  stake.    The  Greek  term  (i<i(ri- 


discussed  at  length  in  the  Diet,  of  Geogr.  i.  293 
ff.]  The  remark  of  the  sacred  historian  respect- 
hig  the  inquisitive  character  of  the  Athenians  (xvii. 
21)  is  attested  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  antiquity. 
The  great  Athenian  orator  rebukes  his  coimtrymen 
for  their  love  of  constantly  going  about  in  the 
market,  and  asking  one  another,  What  news  ? 
{Tr(pii6vT(s  ainSiv  irvvBdyfaOat  Korh  t^v  iyopdv, 
\4yfTal  ri  Kaiv6v ;  Dem.  Pkilipi).  i.  43,  ed. 
Eeiske).  Their  natural  liveliness  was  partly  owing 
to  the  purity  and  clearness  of  the  atmosphere  of 
Attica,  which  also  allowed  them  to  pass  much 
of  their  time  in  the  open  air. 

The  remark  of  St.  Paul  upon  the  "  superstitious  ' 
[A.  v.] «  character  of  the  Athenians  (xvii.  22)  is 
in  like  manner  confirmed  by  the  ancient  vn-iteis. 
Thus  Pausanias  says  that  the  Athenians  surpassed 
all  other  states  in  the  attention  which  they  paid  tc 
the  worship  of  the  gods  {' A6r)vaiois  ir(piira6T(p6t 
Ti  ^  Tols  &\\ois  4s  ri  6f7<i  iari  ffvovSris,  Pans. 
i.  24,  §  3) ;  and  hence  the  city  was  crowded  in  every 
direction  with  temples,  altars,  and  other  sacred 
buildings.  The  altar  "  to  the  Unknown  God," 
which  St.  Paul  mentions  in  his  address,  has  been 
spoken  of  tmder  Altar. 


SaiiJLOve<rrepovi)  l»  neutral,  and  means  "  very  reli^oos ' 
or  "  devout."  In  the  same  paragraph  the  ienderln| 
should  be  (instead  of  the]  "  an  unknown  Oo<J."        H. 


ATHLAI 

Of  tbe  Christian  church  founded  by  St.  Paul  at 
Athens,  we  have  no  particulars  in  the  N.  T. ;  but 
Kcording  to  ecclesiastical  tradition  (Euseb.  //.  E. 
iii.  4)  Uionysius  the  Areopagite,  who  was  con- 
verted by  the  preaching  of  the  apostle,  was  the 
first  bishop  of  the  church.     [Uionysius.] 

ATH'LAI  [2syl.J  (^^n^  [./e/wyrtArt#icte]: 
8aA.(;  [Vat.  Za;3ou0aA.6t;]  Alex.  OQaKi'-  Athalni). 
One  of  the  sons  of  Bebai,  who  put  away  his  foreign 
wife  at  the  exhortation  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  28).  He 
is  called  Amatheis  in  1  Esdr.  ix.  29. 

W.  A.  W. 

ATITHA  ('ATf(?)ci  ;  [Aid.  Alex.  'Arttpd:] 
Affisti),  1  Esdr.  v.  32.     [Hatipha.] 

ATONEMENT,    THE    DAY   OF   {UV 

Q>-123PJ.  ^^j'pa   i^t\cuTfj.ov'-  dies    expiatinnum^ 

and  dies propitlationis  ;  in  the  Talmud,  W?"^^,  i-  e. 
Qie  day ;  in  Philo,  j/rjffTei'os  kopri).  Lib.  de  Sept. 
vol.  V.  p.  47,  edit.  Tauchn. ;  in  Acts  xxvii.  9,  ri 
c7j(rTe(a;  in  Heb.  vii.  27,  ij  Tifxepa,  according  to 
Olshausen  and  others ;  but  see  Ebrard's  and  Ben- 
gel's  notes),  the  great  day  of  national  humiliation, 
and  the  only  one  commanded  in  the  Mosaic  law. 
[Fasts.]  The  mode  of  its  observance  is  described 
in  Lev.  xvi.,  where  it  should  be  noticed  that  in  w. 
3  to  10  an  outline  of  the  whole  ceremonial  is  given, 
while  in  the  rest  of  the  chapter  certain  points  are 
mentioned  with  more  details.  The  victims  which 
were  offered  in  addition  to  those  strictly  belonging 
to  the  special  service  of  the  day,  and  to  those  of 
the  usual  daily  sacrifice,  are  enumerated  in  Num. 
xxix.  7-11 ;  and  the  conduct  of  the  people  is  em- 
phatically enjoined  in  l^v.  xxiii.  26-32. 

11.  It  was  kept  on  the  tenth  day  of  Tisri,  that 
is,  from  the  evening  of  the  ninth  to  the  evening  of 
the  tenth  of  that  month,  five  days  before  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles.  [Festivals.]  Some  have  inferred 
from  Lev.  xvi.  1,  that  the  day  was  instituted  on 
account  of  the  sin  and  punishment  of  Nadab  and 
Abihu.  Maimonides  {More  N'evochim,  xviii.)  re- 
gards it  as  a  commemoration  of  the  day  on  which 
Moses  came  down  from  the  mount  with  the  second 
tables  of  the  law,  and  proclaimed  to  the  people  the 
forgiveness  of  their  great  sin  in  worshipping  the 
golden  calf. 

in.  The  observances  of  the  day,  as  described  in 
the  law,  were  as  follows.  It  was  kept  by  the  people 
as  a  solemn  sabbath  {(ra^^ara  a-a^fidroDV,  LXX.). 
They  were  commanded  to  set  aside  aU  work  and 
"  to  afilict  their  souls,"  under  pahi  of  being  "  cut 
Dff  from  among  the  people."  It  was  on  this  occa- 
sion only  that  the  high-priest  was  permitted  to 
inter  into  the  Holy  of  Holies.  Having  bathed  his 
oerson  and  dressed   himself  entirely  in  the  holy 


ATONEMENT 


195 


a  See  Lev.  xvi.  14.  The  English  version,  "  upon 
'he  mercy-seat,"  appears  to  be  opposed  to  every  Jewish 
authority.  (See  Drusius  in  loc.  in  the  Oritici  Sacri.) 
It  has,  however,  the  support  of  Ewald's  authority. 
The  Vulgate  omits  the  clause  ;  the  LXX.  follows  the 
ambiguity  of  the  Ilebre.v.  The  word  eastward  must 
mean  either  the  direction  in  which  the  drops  ware 
thrown  by  the  priest,  or  else  on  the  east  side  of  the 
\rk,  I.  e.  the  side  towards  the  veil.  The  last  clause 
\f  the  verse  may  be  taken  as  a  repetition  of  the  com- 
jiand,  for  the  sake  of  emphasis  on  the  nvmiber  of 
vpriiiklings  :  "  And  he  shall  take  of  the  blood  of  the 
ouUock  and  sprinkle  it  before  the  mercy-seat,  on  the 
last ;  and  secen  times  shall  he  sprinkle  the  blood  with 
lis  finger  before  the  mercy -seat. 

''  That  the  altar  of  incense  was  thus   purified   on 


white  linen  garments,  he  brought  forward  a  young 
bullock  for  a  sin-offering  and  a  ram  for  a  oumt- 
offering,  purchased  at  his  own  cost,  on  account  of 
himself  and  his  family,  and  two  young  goats  for  a 
sin-ofFering  with  a  ram  for  a  burnt-oflering,  which 
were  paid  for  out  of  the  public  treasury,  on  account 
of  the  people.  He  then  presented  the  two  goats 
before  the  Ix)rd  at  the  door  of  the  tabernacle  and 

oast  lots  upon  them.  On  one  lot  mn^7  (t.  e. 
for   Jehovah)   was    inscribed,    and   on    the   other 

vfSfy.^  (*•  ^-  for  Azazelj.  He  next  sacrificed  the 
young  bullock  as  a  sin-offering  for  himself  and  his 
family.  Taking  with  him  some  of  the  blood  of  the 
bullock,  he  filled  a  censer  with  burning  coals  from 
the  brazen  altar,  took  a  handful  of  incense,  and 
entered  into  the  most  holy  place.  He  then  threw 
the  incense  upon  the  coals  and  enveloped  the  mercy- 
seat  in  a  cloud  of  smoke.  Then,  dipping  his  finger 
into  the  blood,  he  sprinkled  it  seven  times  before 
the  mercy-seat,  eastward." 

The  goat  upon  which  the  lot  "ybr  Jehovah '" 
had  fallen  was  then  slain,  and  the  high-priest 
sprinkled  its  blood  before  the  mercy-seat  in  the 
same  manner  as  he  had  done  that  of  the  bullock. 
Going  out  from  the  Holy  of  Holies  he  purified  the 
holy  place,  sprinkling  some  of  the  blood  of  both  the 
victims  on  the  altar  of  incense.*  At  this  time  no 
one  besides  the  high-priest  was  suffered  to  be  pres- 
ent in  the  holy  place. 

The  purification  of  the  Holy  of  Hohes  and  of 
the  holy  place  being  thus  completed,  the  high- 
priest  laid  his  hands  upon  the  head  of  the  goat  on 
which  the  lot  '■'■for  AzmeV'  had  fallen,  and  con- 
fessed over  it  all  the  suis  of  the  people.  The  goat 
was  then  led,  by  a  man  chosen  for  tl»e  purjjose,  into 
the  wilderness,  into  "a  land  not  inhabited,"  and 
was  there  let  loose. 

The  high-priest  after  this  returned  into  the  holy 
place,  bathed  himself  again,  put  on  his  usual  gar- 
ments of  office,  and  offered  the  two  rams  as  burnt- 
ofTerings,  one  for  himself  and  one  for  the  people. 
He  also  burnt  upon  the  altar  the  fat  of  the  two  sin- 
offerings,  while  their  flesh  was  carried  away  and 
burned  outside  the  camp.  They  who  took  away 
the  flesh  and  the  man  who  had  led  away  the  goat 
had  to  bathe  their  persons  and  wash  their  clothes 
as  soon  as  their  sen-ice  was  performed. 

The  accessory  burnt-offerings  mentioned  Num. 
xxix.  7-11,  were  a  young  bullock,  a  run,  seven 
lauibs,  and  a  young  goat.  It  would  seem  that  (at 
least  in  the  time  of  the  second  temple)  these  were 
offered  by  tlie  high-priest  along  with  the  evening 
sacrifice  (see  below,  V.  7). 

It  may  be  seen  (as  Winer  has  remarked)  that  in 
the  special  rites  of  the  Day  of  .\tonement  there  is 

the  day  of  atonement  we  learn  expressly  from  Ex. 
XXX.  10.  Most  critics  consider  that  this  is  wliat  is 
spoken  of  in  Lev.  xvi.  18  and  20.  But  some  suppose 
that  it  is  the  altar  of  burnt-olTeriiigs  which  is  referred 
to  in  those  verses,  the  purification  of  the  altar  of  in 
cense  being  implied  in  that  of  the  holy  place  men 
tioned  in  ver.  16.  Abenezra  was  of  this  opinion  (.see 
Drusius  in  loc).  Tiiat  the  expression,  ''  before  the 
Lord,"  does  not  necessarily  mean  within  the  taber- 
nacle, is  evident  from  Ex.  xxix.  11.  If  the  golden 
altar  is  here  referred  to,  it  seems  remarkable  that  no 
mention  is  made  in  the  ritual  of  the  cleansing  of  the 
brazen  altar.  But  perhaps  the  practice  spoken  of  by 
Josephus  and  in  the  Mishna  of  pouring  what  remained 
of  the  mixed  blood  at  the  foot  of  the  large  altar,  wa* 
an  ancient  one,  and  wa*  regarded  as  its  purification 


196 


ATONEMENT 


natural  gradation.  In  the  first  place  the  high- 
priest  and  his  family  are  cleansed ;  then  atonement 
is  made  by  the  purified  priest  for  the  sanctuary 
and  all  contained  in  it ;  tlien  (if  the  view  to  which 
reference  has  been  made  be  correct)  for  the  brazen 
altar  in  the  oourt,  and  lastly,  reconciUation  is  made 
for  the  people. 

IV.  In  the  short  account  of  the  ritual  of  the 
day  which  is  given  by  .loseplius  (Ant.  iii.  10,  §  3) 
there  are  a  few  particulars  which  are  worthy  of 
notice.  His  words  of  course  apply  to  the  practice 
in  the  second  temple,  when  the  ark  of  the  covenant 
had  disappeared.  He  states  that  the  high-priest 
sprinkled  the  blood  with  his  finger  seven  times  on 
the  ceiling  and  seven  times  on  the  floor  of  the  most 
holy  place,  and  seven  times  towards  it  (as  it  would 
appear,  outside  the  veil),  and  round  the  golden  altar. 
Then  going  into  the  court  he  either  sprinkled  or 
poured  the  blood  round  the  great  altar.  He  also 
informs  us  that  along  with  the  fat,  the  kidneys,  the 
top  of  the  liver,  and  the  extremities  (at  e|oxoO  of 
the  victims  were  burned. 

V.  The  treatise  of  the  ISIishna,  entitled  Yoma, 
professes  to  give  a  full  account  of  the  observances 
of  the  day  according  to  the  usage  in  the  second 
temple.  The  following  details  appear  either  to  be 
interesting  in  themsehes  or  to  illustrate  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Pentateuch. 

1.  The  high-priest  himself,  dressed  in  his  colored 
official  garments,  used,  on  the  Diiy  of  Atonement, 
to  perform  all  the  duties  of  the  ordinary  daily  serv- 
ice, such  as  lighting  the  lamps,  presenting  the 
daily  sacrifices,  and  offering  the  incense.  After 
this  he  bathed  himself,  put  on  the  white  garments, 
and  commenced  the  special  rites  of  the  day.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  Old  Testament  to  render  it  im- 
probable that  this  wa-s  the  original  practice. 

2.  The  high-priest  went  into  the  Holy  of  Holies 
four  times  in  the  course  of  the  day :  first,  with  the 
censer  and  incense,  while  a  priest  continued  to  ag- 
itate the  blood  of  the  bullock  lest  it  should  coag- 
ulate; secondly,  with  the  blood  of  the  bullock; 
thirdly,  with  the  blood  of  the  goat ;  fourthly,  after 
having  offered  the  evening  sacrifice,  to  fetch  out 
the  censer  and  the  plate  which  had  contained  the 
incense.  These  four  entrances,  forming,  as  they 
do,  parts  of  the  one  great  annual  rite,  are  not  op- 
posed to  a  reasonable  view  of  the  statement  in  Heb. 
IX.  7,  and  that  in  Josephus,  Ji.  J.  v.  5,  §  7. 
Three  of  the  entrances  seem  to  lie  very  distinctly 
ini])hed  in  Lev.  xvi.  12,  14,  and  1.5. 

3.  It  is  said  that  the  lilood  of  the  bullock  and 
that  of  the  goat  were  each  sprinkled  eirjht  times, 
once  towards  the  ceiling,  and  seven  times  on  the 
floor.  Tliis  does  not  agree  with  the  words  of  Jo- 
sephus (see  above,  IV.). 

4.  After  he  had  gone  into  the  most  l:oly  place 
the  third  time,  and  had  returned  into  the  holy 
place,  the  high-priest  sprinkled  the  blocd  of  the 
bullock  eight  times  towards  the  veil,  and  did  the 
same  with  the  blood  of  the  goat.  Having  then 
mingled  the  blood  of  the  two  victims  together  and 
sprinkled  the  altar  of  incense  with  the  mixture,  he 
iame  into  the  court,  and  poured  out  what  remained 
at  the  foot  of  the  altar  of  burnt-offering. 

5.  Most  careful  directions  are  given  for  the  prep- 
aration of  the  high-priest  for  the  services  of  the 
day.     For  seven  days  previously  he  kept  away  from 


a  This,  according  to  the  Jerusalem  Gemara  on  Yoma 
(quoted  by  Lightfoot),  was  instituted  in  con8»!quence 
it  aa  innovation  of  the  Sadducean  party,  who  had 


ATONEMENT 

his  own  house  and  dwelt  in  a  chamber  appointed 
for  his  use.  This  was  to  avoid  the  accidental  causes 
of  pollution  which  he  might  meet  with  in  his  do- 
mestic life.  But  to  provide  for  the  possibility  of 
his  incurring  some  uncleanness  in  spite  of  tliis  pre- 
caution, a  deputy  was  chosen  who  might  act  for 
him  when  the  day  came.  In  the  treatise  of  the 
Mishna  entitled  Pi}-/ce  Avoth,  it  is  stated  that  no 
such  mischance  ever  befell  the  high-priest.  But 
Josephus  (Ant.  xni.  6,  §  4)  relates  an  instance  of 
the  high-priest  Matthias,  in  the  time  of  Herod  the 
Great,  when  his  relation  Joseph  took  his  place  in 
the  sacred  office.  During  the  whole  of  the  seven 
days  the  high-priest  had  to  perform  the  ordinary 
sacerdotal  duties  of  the  daily  sendee  himself,  as  well 
as  on  the  Day  of  Atonement.  On  the  third  day 
and  on  the  seventh  he  was  sprinkled  with  the  ashes 
of  the  red  heifer  in  order  to  cleanse  him  in  the 
event  of  his  having  touched  a  dead  body  without 
knowing  it.  On  the  seventh  day  he  was  also  re- 
quired to  take  a  solemn  oath  before  the  elders  that 
he  would  alter  nothing  whatever  in  the  accust<  med 
rites  of  the  Day  of  Atonement." 

6.  Several  curious  particulars  are  stated  regard- 
ing the  scapegoat.  The  two  goats  of  the  sin-offer- 
ing were  to  be  of  similar  appearance,  size,  and 
value.  The  lots  were  originally  of  boxwood,  but 
in  later  times  they  were  of  gold.  They  were  put 
into  a  little  box  or  urn,  into  which  the  high-priest 
put  both  his  hands  and  took  out  a  lot  in  each, 
while  the  two  goats  stood  before  him,  one  at  the 
right  side  and  the  other  on  the  left.  Tlie  lot  in 
each  hand  belonged  to  the  goat  in  the  correspond- 
ing position,  and  when  the  lot  "J'or  Azaeel"  hap- 
pened to  be  in  the  right  hand,  it  was  regarded  as  a 
good  omen.  The  high-priest  then  tied  a  piece  of 
scarlet  cloth  on  the  scapegoat's  head,  called  "the 
scarlet  tongue,"  from  the  shape  in  which  it  was  cut. 
Maimonides  says  that  this  was  only  to  distinguish 
him,  in  order  that  he  might  be  known  when  the  time 
came  for  him  to  be  sent  away.  But  in  the  Gemara 
it  is  asserted  that  the  red  cloth  ought  to  turn  white, 
as  a  token  of  God's  acceptance  of  the  atonement 
of  the  day,  referring  to  Is.  i.  18.  A  particular  in- 
stance of  such  a  change,  when  also  the  lot  "  to 
AznztV''  was  in  the  priest's  right  hand,  is  related 
as  having  occurred  in  tjie  time  of  Simon  the  Just. 
It  is  furtlier  stated  that  no  such  change  took  place 
for  forty  years  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 
The  prayer  which  the  high-priest  uttered  over  the 
head  of  the  goat  was  as  follows:  "O  Lord,  the 
house  of  Israel,  thy  people,  have  trespassed,  re- 
belled, and  sinned  before  thee.  I  beseech  thee,  0 
Ix)rd,  forgive  now  their  trespasses,  rebellions  and 
sins  which  thy  people  have  committed,  as  it  is  •vrni- 
ten  in  the  law  of  Moses,  thy  servant,  saying  that 
in  that  day  there  shall  be  '  an  atonement  for  you  to 
cleanse  you  that  ye  may  be  clean  from  all  your  sins 
l)efore  the  Lord  '  "  (Gemara  on  Yomn,  quoted  by 
Frischmuth).  The  goat  was  then  goaded  and 
rudely  treated  by  the  people  till  it  was  led  away  by 
the  man  appointed.  As  soon  as  it  reached  a  cer-  ii 
tain  sjxjt  which  seems  to  have  l)een  regarded  as  tb* 
commencement  of  the  wilderness,  a  signal  was  made 
by  some  sort  of  telegraphic  contrivance,  to  the 
high-priest,  who  waited  for  it.  Ilie  man  who  led 
the  goat  is  said  to  have  taken  him  to  the  top  of  a 
high  precipice  and  thrown  him  down  backwards,  so 


directed  the  high-priest  to  throw  the  iucense  upon  the 
censer  outside  the  veil,  and  to  carry  it,  smokinir,  into 
the  Holy  of  Holies. 


li 


ATONEMENT 

M  to  dash  him  to  pieces,  -h  cms  was  not  a  mistake 
gf  the  writer  of  yuinrt,  it  must  have  oeen,  as  Spen- 
ser argues,  a  modem  innovation.  It  cannot  be 
doubted  that  tlie  goat  was  originally  set  free.  Even 
if  there  be  any  uncertainty  in  the  words  of  the 
Hebrew,  the  rendering  of  the  LXX.  nmst  be  better 
Mithority  than  the  Talmud  —  koI  6  i^airotfTeWwv 
rhv  x^yita/jo;'  rhv  StecrraXfieyov  els  &<pi(Tii/  n.  t. 
X.  Lev.  xvi.  26. 

7.  The  high-priest,  as  soon  as  he  had  received 
the  signal  that  the  goat  had  reached  the  wilderness, 
read  some  lessons  from  the  law,  and  offered  up 
gome  prayers.  He  then  bathed  himself,  resumed 
his  colored  garments,  and  ottered  either  the  whole 
or  a  great  part  of  the  accessory  offering  (mentioned 
Num.  xxix.  7-11)  with  the  regular  evening  sac- 
rifice. After  this  he  washed  again,  put  on  the 
white  garments,  and  entered  the  most  holy  place 
for  the  fourth  time,  to  fetch  out  the  censer  and  the 
incense-plate.  This  terminated  the  special  rites  of 
Uie  day. 

8.  The  Mishna  gives  very  strict  rules  for  the 
fiBting  of  the  people.  In  the  law  itself  no  express 
mention  is  made  of  abstinence  from  food.  But  it 
is  most  likely  impUed  in  the  command  that  the 
people  were  to  "atilict  their  souls."  According  to 
Toiii't,  every  Jew  (except  invahds  and  children 
under  13  years  of  age)  is  forbidden  to  eat  anything 
BO  large  as  a  date,  to  drink,  or  to  wash  irom  sun- 
Bet  to  sunset. 

VI.  There  has  been  much  discussion  regarding 
the  meaning  of  the  word  Azazel.  The  opinions 
which  seem  most  worthy  of  notice  are  the  follow- 
ing:— 

1.  It  has  been  regarded  as  a  designation  of  the 
goat  itself.  This  view  has  been  most  favored  by 
the  old  interpreters.  They  in  general  supposed  it 
to  mean  the  yoat  sent  away,  or  let  loose.  In  ac- 
cordance with  this  the  Vulgate  renders  it.  Caper- 
tmissrirlus ;  Symmachus,  6  rpdyos  a,Trepx<il^fVos\ 
Aquila,  6  rpayos  airoKeKv/xevos;  Luther,  der 
ledige  Bock;  the  English  transktors,  the  scape- 
goat. ■  The  LXX.  uses  the  term  6  a.woirofjLira7os, 
applied  to  the  goat  itself.  Theodoret  and  Cyril 
(rf  Alexandria  consider  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew 
to  be  the  goat  sent  away,  and  regard  that  as  the 
sense  of  the  word  used  in  the  LXX.  If  they  were 
right,  airoTrojx-Kalos  is,  of  course,  not  employed  in 
its  ordinary  meaning  {Averruncus).  (See  Suicer, 
s.  V.)  It  should  also  be  observed  that  in  the  latter 
clause  of  Lev.  xvi.  10  the  LXX.  renders  the  He- 
brew tenn  as  if  it  was  an  abstract  noun,  translating 

''.T'^Ji^-'  hy  €is  t)]v  airowofiiriiv.  Buxtorf  {Heb. 
Less.)  and  Fagius  {Critici  Sacri,  in  loc.)  in  ac- 
cordance with  this  view  of  its  meaning,  derived  the 

word  from  f  ',  a  goat,  and  ^t^,  to  depart.  To 
this  derivation  it  has  been  objected  by  Bochart, 
Winer,  and  others,  that  T_7  denotes  a  she-goat,  not 
a  he-goat.  It  is,  however,  alleged  that  the  word  ap- 
pears to  be  epicene  in  Gen.  xxx.  33;  Lev.  iii.  12, 

and  other  places.  But  the  application  of  ^jfS'^ 
to  the  goat  itself  involves  the  Hebrew  text  in  in- 
superable difficulties.  It  can  hardly  be  supposed 
that  the  prefix  which  is  common  to  the  designation 
>f  the  two  lots  should  be  used  in  two  different 
neanings.  If  one  expression  is  to  be  rendered /b/- 
Jehovah,  it  would  seem  that  the  other  must  be/ar 
Azazel,  with  the  preposition  in  the  same  sense.  If 
■his  is  admitted,  taking  Azazel  for  the  goat  itself. 


ATONEMENT 


197 


it  does  not  seem  possible  to  make  seiwe  out  of  I^v 
xvi.  10  and  26.  In  these  verses  the  versions  are 
driven  to  strange  shifts.  We  have  already  referred 
to  the  inconsistency  of  the  LXX.  In  the  Vulgate 
and  our  own  version  the  first  clause  of  ver.  10  stands 
'  cujus  {sc.  hirci  sors)  autem  in  caprum  emissa- 
riurn  "  —  "  but  the  goat  on  which  the  lot  fnll  to  be 
the  scapegoat."  In  ver.  26  our  version  reads  "  Aiid 
he  that  let  go  the  goat  for  the  scaiMgoat,"  while 
the  Vulgate  cuts  the  knot  to  escape  from  the 
awkward  tautology  —  "  ille  vero,  qui  dimiserit  ca- 
prum emissarium." 

2.  Some  have  taken  Azazel  for  the  name  of  the 
place  to  which  the  goat  was  sent.  (n. )  Abenezra 
quotes  the  words  of  an  anonymous  writer  referring 
it  to  a  hill  near  Mount  Sinai.  Vatablus  adopts 
this  opinion  (Cntlcl  Sacri,  in  Lev.  xvi.).  (6.) 
Some  of  the  Jewish  writers,  with  I^  Clerc,  consider 
that  it  denotes  the  cUtt'  to  which  the  goat  was  taken 
to  be  thrown  down,  accordmg  to  Vonut.  (c.) 
Bochart  regarded  the  word  as  a  pluralis  ttactus  sig- 
nifying desert  places,  and  understood  it  as  a  gen- 
eral name  for  any  fit  place  to  which  the  goat  might 
be  sent.  But  (iesenius  remarks  that  the  pluralis 
fractus,  which  exists  m  Arabic,  is  not  found  in  He- 
brew. 

3.  Many  of  those  who  have  studied  the  subject 
most  closely  take  Azazel  for  a  personal  being  to 
whom  the  goat  was  sent.     («.)  Gesenius  gives  to 

"^TSTl?  the  same  nieamng  as  the  LXX.  has  as- 
signed to  it,  if  airoiroftiralos  is  to  be  taken  in  its 
usual  sense;  but  the  being  so  designated  he  sup- 
poses to  be  some  false  deity  who  was  to  be  appeased 
by  such  a  sacrifice  as  that  of  the  goat.  He  derives 
the  word  from  a  root  unused  Ln  Hebrew,  but  found 

in  Arabic,  ^1^,  to  remove  or  tike  away  {Heb. 
Lex.  8.  v.'^  Ewald  agrees  with  Gesenius,  and 
speaks  of  Azazel  as  a  demon  belonging  to  the  pre- 
Mosaic  reUgion.  (6.)  But  others,  in  the  spirit  of  a 
simpler  faith,  have  regarded  him  as  an  evil  spirit, 
or  the  devil  himself.  In  the  l)Ook  of  Enoch  the 
name  Azalzel  is  given  to  one  of  the  fallen  angels; 
and  assuming,  with  Spencer,  that  this  is  a  corrup  • 
tion  of  Azazel,  if  the  book  were  written,  as  is  gen- 
erally supposed,  by  a  Jew,  about  n.  c.  -40,  it  repre- 
sents an  old  Jewish  opinion  on  the  subject.  Origen, 
adopting  the  word  of  the  LXX.,  identifies  him  with 
the  devil:  tri  re  iv  ry  AeviriK-o  uTroiro/xiraTos  ov 
fj  'EfipaiK^  ypii'ph  oiv6fJia(T€V  'A^a^irJA.,  oiiSelj 
irepos  ^v  [sc.  1)  6  Sid^oKos)  (c  Cels.  vi.  305,  ed. 
Spenc).  Of  modern  writers,  Spencer  and  Heng- 
stenberg  have  most  elaborately  defended  the  samo 

opinion.    Spencer  derives  the  word  from  "f^,  fortit, 

and  ^1^,  explaining  it  as  cito  recedens,  which  he 
affinns  to  be  a  most  suitable  name  for  the  evil  spirit 
He  supposes  that  the  goat  was  given  up  to  the 
devil,  and  committed  to  his  disposal.  Hengsten 
berg  affirms  with  great  confidence  that  Azazel  can- 
not possibly  be  anything  but  another  name  for 
Satan.  He  repudiates  the  conclusion  that  the 
goat  was  in  any  sense  a  sacrifice  to  Satan,  and  does 
not  doubt  that  it  was  sent  away  laden  with  the  sins 
of  God's  people,  now  forgiven,  in  order  to  mock 
their  spiritual  enemy  in  the  desert,  his  pioper  abode, 
and  to  symlx)lize  by  its  fn  e  gambols  their  exulting 
triumph.  He  considers  that  the  origin  of  the  rite 
was  Egyptian,  and  that  the  Jews  substituted  Satan 
for  Typhon,  whose  dwelling  was  the  desert.  The 
obvious  objection  to  Spencer's  view  is  that  the  goat 


198 


ATONEMENT 


fcnned  part  of  a  sin-offering  to  the  Lord,  and  tnat 
It,  with  its  fallow,  had  been  formally  presented  be- 
fore the  Lord  at  tlie  door  of  the  Tabernacle.  Few, 
perhaps,  will  be  satisfied  with  Ilengstenberg's  mode 
of  meeting  this  difficulty." 

4.  An  explanation  of  the  word  which  seems  less 
objectionable,  if  it  is  not  wholly  satisfactory,  would 

render  the  designation  of  the  lot  ^.f^'^^sr  "f"*" 
complete  sending  away."  Thus  understood,  the 
word  would  come  from  ^tV  (the  root  adopted  by 
Gesenius),  being  the  Pealpal  form,  which  indicates 
intensity,  lliis  view  Is  held  by  Tholuck  (quoted 
and  approved  by  Thomson),  by  Biihr,  and  by 
Winer. 

VIL  As  it  might  be  supposed,  the  Talmudists 
misei-ably  degraded  the  meaning  of  the  day  of 
atonement.  They  regarded  it  as  an  opportunity 
afforded  them  of  wiping  off"  the  score  of  their  more 
heavy  offenses.  Thus  I'oma  (cap.  viii.)  says,  "  The 
day  of  atonement  and  death  make  atonement 
through  penitence.  Penitence  itself  makes  atone- 
ment for  slight  transgressions,  and  in  the  case  of 
grosser  sins  it  obtains  a  respite  until  the  coming 
of  the  day  of  atonement,  which  completes  the  rec- 
onciliation." More  authorities  to  the  same  genei-al 
purpose  are  quoted  by  Frischmuth  (p.  917),  some 
of  which  seem  also  to  indicate  that  the  i)eculiar 
atoning  \irtue  of  the  day  was  supposed  to  rest  in 
the  scapegoat. 

Philo  {Lib.  de  Septtnario)  regarded  the  day  in 
a  far  nobler  light.  He  sjieaks  of  it  as  an  occasion 
for  the  discipline  of  self-restraint  in  regard  to  bodily 
indulgence,  and  for  bringing  home  to  our  minds 
the  truth  tliat  man  does  not  live  by  bread  alone, 
but  by  whatever  God  is  pleased  to  appoint.  The 
prayers  proper  for  the  day,  he  says,  are  those  for 
forgiveness  of  sins  past  and  for  amendment  of  Ufe 
in  future,  to  be  offered  in  dependence,  not  on  our 
own  merits,  but  on  the  goodness  of  God. 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  what  especially  dis- 
tinguished the  symbolical  expiation  of  this  day  from 
that  of  the  other  services  of  the  law,  was  its  broad 
and  national  character,  with  perhaps  a  deeper  ref- 
erence to  the  sin  which  belongs  to  the  nature  of 
man.  Ewald  instructively  remarks  that  though 
the  least  uncleanness  of  an  individual  might  be 
atoned  by  the  rites  of  the  law  which  could  be  ob- 
served at  other  times,  there  was  a  consciousness  of 
secret  and  indetinite  sin  pervading  the  congregation, 
which  was  aptly  met  by  this  great  annual  fast. 
Hence,  m  its  nationid  character,  he  sees  an  an- 
tithesis between  it  and  the  passover,  the  great  festi- 
val of  social  life:  and,  in  its  atoning  significance, 
ho  regards  it  as  a  fit  preparation  for  the  rejoicing 
at  the  ingathering  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth  in  the 
feast  of  tabernacles.  Philo  looked  upon  its  position 
in  the  Jewish  calendar  in  the  same  Ught. 

In  considering  the  meaning  of  the  particular 
rites  of  the  day,  three  points  appear  to  be  of  a  very 
distinctive  character.  1.  The  white  garments  of 
the  high-priest.  2.  His  entrance  into  the  Holy  of 
Holies.  3.  The  scapegoat.  The  WTiter  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (ix.  7-25)  teaches  us  to 
ipply  the  first  two  particulars.     The  high-priest 


a  *  In  support  of  the  view  tliat  Azazel  denotes  an 
eril  spirit,  or  Satan,  see  also  Bush,  Azazel,  etc.  in  the 
Amer.  BM.  Repos.  July,  1842,  2d  ser.,  viii.  116-186 ; 
Oiestel,  Set'Ti/phon,  Asahel  tin/J  Satan,  in  the  Zeitschr. 
f.  d.  hist.  TkeoL,  1860,  xxx.  159-217 ;  and  Vaihinger, 
»rt.  Ai  ixel  in  Herzog's  Real-Encykl.,  vol.  I.  A. 


ATONEMENT 

himself,  with  his  person  cleansed  and  dressed  ig 
white  garments,  was  the  best  outward  type  which 
a  livmg  man  could  present  in  his  own  person  of 
that  pure  and  holy  One  who  was  to  purify  His 
lieople  and  to  cleanse  them  from  their  sins. 

But  respecting  the  meaning  of  the  scapegoat, 
we  have  no  such  light  to  guide  us,  and  (as  has  been 
already  implied  in  what  has  been  stated  regarding 
the  word  Azazel)  the  subject  is  one  of  great  doubt 
and  difficulty. 

Of  those  who  take  Azazel  for  the  Evil  Spirit, 
some  have  supposed  that  the  goat  was  a  sort  of 
bribe,  or  retaining  fee,  for  the  accuser  of  men. 
Spencer,  in  supposing  that  it  was  given  up  with  it« 
load  of  sin  to  the  enemy  to  be  tormented,  made  i' 
a  symbol  of  the  punishment  of  the  wicked ;  while, 
according  to  the  strange  notion  of  Hengstenberg, 
that  it  was  sent  to  mock  the  devil,  it  was  significant 
of  the  freedom  of  those  who  had  become  reconciled 
to  God. 

Some  few  of  those  who  have  held  a  different 
opinion  on  the  word  Azazel,  have  supposed  that  the 
goat  wiis  taken  into  the  wilderness  to  suffer  there 
vicariously  for  the  sins  of  the  people.  But  it  has 
been  generally  considered  that  it  was  dismissed  to 
signify  the  carrying  away  of  their  sins,  as  it  were, 
out  of  the  sight  of  Jehovah.'' 

If  we  keep  hi  view  that  the  two  goats  are  spoken 
of  as  parts  of  one  and  the  same  sin-offeruig,  and 
that  every  circumstance  connected  with  them  ap- 
jjears  to  have  been  carefully  arranged  to  bring  them 
under  the  same  condition  up  to  the  time  of  the 
casting  of  the  lots,  we  shall  not  have  much  diffi- 
culty in  seeing  that  they  form  together  but  one 
symbolical  expression,     ^\^ly  there  were  two  indi- 
viduals instead  of  one  may  be  simply  this  —  that  i 
single  material  object  could  not,  in  its  nature,  syu 
bolically  einbnice  the  whole  of  the  truth  which  wt 
to  be  expressed.     This  is  implied  in  the  reasonir 
of  the  autlior  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  on  the' 
office  and  sacrifice  of  Christ  (Heb.  ix.;.     Hence 
some,  regarding  each  goat  as  a  type  of  Christ,  sup- 
IX)sed  that  the  one  which  was  slain  represented  hia 
death,  and  that  tlie  goat  set  free  signified  his  resur- 
rection.    (Cyril,  Bochart,  and  others,  quoted  by 
Spencer.)     But  we  shall  take  a  simpler,  and  per- 
haps a  truer  view,  if  we  look  ujMn  the  slain  goat 
as  setting  forth  the  act  of  sacrifice,  in  giving  up  its 
own  life  for  others  "  to  Jehovah,"  in  accordance 
with  the  requirements  of  the  Divine  law ;  and  the 
goat  which  carried  off  its  load  of  sin  "  for  complete 
removal,"  as  signifying  the  cleanshig  influence  of 
faith  in  that  sacrifice.     Thus  in  his  degree  the  de- 
vout Israelite  might  have  felt  the  truth  of  the 
Psalmist's  words,  "  As  far  as  the  east  is  from  the  i 
west,  so  far  hath  he  removed  our  transgressions 
from  as."     But  for  us  the  whole  spiritual  truth 
has  l)een  revealed  in  historical  fact,  in  the  life,  death, 
and  resurrection  of  Him  who  was  made  sin  for  U8,\ 
who  died  for  us,  and  who  rose  again  for  our  jiu^ 
tification.    This  Mediator,  it  was  necessary,  should^ 
''in    some  unspeakable   manner  unite  death  and 
life"  (Maurice  on  Sacrifice,  p.  85). 

(Spencer,  De  Legibus  IIebi-(eoi~um  Ritualibus,  lib. 
iii.  Dissertatio  viii. ;    Lightfoot's   Teviple  Service^ 


f>  In  the  similar  part  of  the  rite  for  the  puriflcatioa 
of  the  leper  (Lev.  xiv.  6,  7),  in  which  a  live  bird  wM 
set  free,  it  must  be  evident  that  the  bird  signlfled  tbt 
carrying  away  of  the  uncleanness  of  the  sufferra  it 
precisely  the  same  manner. 


ATROTH 

».  XV.;  Yoma,  with  the  notes  iu  Surenhusius's  ed. 
jf  the  Mishna,  vol.  ii. ;  Frischmuth,  DisserUttio  de 
Hirco  Emissario,  in  the  Thesaurus  Theologico-Phi- 
hhgicus;  Ewald,  Die  Alterthiimer  des  Volkcs  Is- 
rael, p.  370  flf. ;  Hengstenberg,  Egypt  and  the 
Books  of  Moses,  on  Lev.  xvi.  {English  Transl%- 
tion),  and  Chnstologie,  Frotevangeliuni ;  Thom- 
son's Bampton  Lectures,  Lect.  iii.  and  notes.  For 
the  modes  in  which  the  modem  Jews  have  regarded 
and  observed  the  Day  of  Atonement,  see  Buxtorf, 
Synagogd  Judaica,  cap.  xx.,  and  Picart,  Cere- 
monies Religieuses,  vol.  i.)  S.  C. 

AT'ROTH  (H")^?'  [crowns']:  Etroth),  a.  city 
of  Gad,  named  with  Aroer  and  Jaazer  (Num. 
xxxii.  35).  No  doubt  the  name  should  be  taken 
with  that  following  it,  Shophan;  the  addition  serv- 
ing to  distinguish  this  place  from  the  Ataroth  in 
the  same  neighborhood.  The  A.  V.  follows  the 
Vulgate,  Etroth  et  Suphan.  In  the  LXX.  it  is 
altogether  omitted.  G. 

*  The  A.  V.  makes  two  places  (Atroth,  Shophan, 
but  not  connected  by  and  as  by  et  in  the  Vulg.); 
but  that  they  should  be  taken  together  (Atroth- 
Shophan )  is  evident  from  the  construct  form  of  the 
first,  and  from  the  analogy  of  Atroth-Adar  (.Josh. 
xviii.  13)  and  Atroth-beth-.Joab  (1  Chr.  ii.  54). 
In  both  these  last  cases  the  A.  V.  has  inaccurately 
Ataroth  for  Atroth.     [Atakoth.]  H. 

AT'TAI    [2   syl.]    ('/jl^    [opportune,    Ges.] : 

'Efli;  [Vat.  E906i;]  Alex.  Uddi,  ueeef-  Ethei). 
1.  Grandson  of  Sheshan  the  Jerahmeelite  through 
his  daughter  Ahlai,  whom  he  gave  in  marriage  to 
Jarha  his  Egyptian  slave  (1  Chr.  ii.  35,  36).  His 
grandson  Zabad  was  one  of  David's  mighty  men 
(1  Chr.  xi.  41). 

2.  ('l€0i;  [Vat.  Eflot;]  Alex.  EOflet:  Ethi.) 
One  of  the  Uon-faced  warriors  of  Gad,  captains  of 
the  host,  who  forded  the  Jordan  at  the  time  of  its 
overflow,  and  joined  David  in  the  wilderness  (1  Chr. 
rii.  11). 

3.  ('l€T0i;  [Vat.  ueeu\]  Alex.  Udef.  Eth'ii.) 
Second  son  of  King  Rehotwam  by  Maachah  the 
daughter  of  Absalom  (2  Chr.  xi.  20). 

W.  A.  \V. 

ATTALI'A  ('ATTO\€ta:  [Attalia']),  a  coast- 
town  of  Pamphylia,  mentioned  only  very  casually 
In  the  New  Testament  (Acts  xiv.  25),  as  the  place 
from  which  Paul  and  Barnabas  sailed  on  their 
return  to  Antioch  from  their  missionary  journey 
into  the  inland  parts  of  Asia  Minor.  It  does  not 
appear  that  they  made  any  stay,  or  attempted  to 
preach  the  gospel  in  Attalia.  This  city,  however, 
though  comparatively  modern  at  that  time,  was  a 
place  of  considerable  importance  in  the  first  century, 
and  has  continued  to  exist  till  now.  Its  name 
nnce  the  twelfth  century  has  been  Satalia,  a  cor- 
ruption of  which  the  crusading  chronicler,  Wil- 
liam of  Tyre,  gives  a  curious  explanation. 

Attains  Philadelphus,  king  of  Pergamus,  ruled 
over  the  western  part  of  the  peninsula  from  the 
N.  to  the  S.,  and  was  in  want  of  a  port  which 
■hould  be  useful  for  the  trade  of  Egypt  and  Syria, 
is  Troas  was  for  that  of  the  ^Egean.  Thus  Attalia 
vas  built  and  named  after  the  monarch.  All  its 
remains  are  characteristic  of  the  date  of  its  founda- 
tion. 

There  has  been  considerable  doubt  concerning 
the  exact  position  of  Attalia.  There  is  a  discep- 
»ncy  even  between  Strabo  and  Ptolemy,  the  former 
llacing  it  to  the  W.  of  the  river  Catarrhactes,  the 


AUGUSTUS  C^SAB 


199 


latter  to  the  E.  This  may  probably  be  accounted 
for  by  the  peculiar  character  of  this  river,  the  cal- 
careous waters  of  which  are  continually  making 
changes  in  the  channels.  Beaufort  thought  that 
the  modem  Satalia  is  the  ancient  Olbia,  and  that 
Laara  is  the  true  Attalia.  Forbiger,  after  Man- 
nert,  is  incUned  to  identify  the  two  places.  But 
Spratt  and  Forbes  fomid  the  true  Olbia  further  to 
the  west,  and  have  confirmed  Leake's  opinion,  that 
Attalia  is  where  the  modem  name  would  lead  us  to 
expect  to  find  it.  (Beaufort's  Karamania  ;  Spratt 
and  Forbes's  Lycia.)  J.  S.  H. 

AT'TALUS  ("AttoAos,  a  Maccedonian  name 
of  uncertain  origin),  the  name  of  three  kings  of 
Pergamus  who  reigned  respectively  b.  c.  241-197, 
159-138  (Philadelphus),  138-133  (Philometor). 
They  were  all  faithful  allies  of  the  Romans  (Liv. 
xlv.  13);  and  the  last  appointed  the  Romans  his 
heirs.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  letters  sent 
from  Rome  in  favor  of  the  Jews  (1  Mace.  xv.  22) 
were  addressed  to  Attalus  II.  (Polyb.  xxv.  6,  xxxi. 
9,  xxxii.  3,  5,  8,  &c.,  25  f.;  Strab.  xiii.  4;  Just. 
XXXV.  1,  xxxvi.  4,  5;  App.  Mith.  62)  or  Attalus 
III.,  as  their  date  fails  in  b.  c.  139-8  [Lucius], 
about  the  time  when  the  latter  succeeded  his  uncle. 
Josephus  quotes  a  decree  of  the  Pergamenes  in 
favor  of  the  Jews  {Ant.  xiv.  10,  §  22)  in  the  time 
of  Hyrcanus,  about  b.  c.  112:  comp.  Apoc.  ii.  12- 
17.  '  B.  F.  W. 

ATTHARATES  ('ATeaporijs:  Aiharathes), 
1  Esdr.  ix.  49  (comp.  Neh.  viii.  9 ),  a  corruption  of 
'■  the  Tirshatha;  "  comp.  Athakias. 

AU^GIA  {Auyia'-  om.  in  Vulg.).  The  daugh- 
ter of  Bei-zelus,  or  Barzillai,  according  to  1  Esdr. 
V.  38.  Her  descendants  by  Addus  were  among 
the  priests  whose  genealogy  could  not  be  substan- 
tiated after  the  return  from  Babylon.  The  name 
does  not  occur  either  in  Ezra  or  Nehenoiah. 

AUGUS'TUS  C^'SAR  {AbyoDa-Tos  Kai- 
<rap),  the  first  Roman  emperor,  during  whose  reign 
Christ  was  bora  (Luke  ii.  1  ff.).  He  was  bom 
A.  u.  c.  691,  B.  c.  63.  His  father  was  Caius  Oc- 
tavius;  his  mother  Atia,  daughter  of  Julia  the 
sister  of  C.  Julius  Caesar.  He  bore  the  same  name 
as  his  father,  Caius  Octavius.  He  was  principally 
educated,  having  lost  his  father  when  young,  by 
his  great  uncle  Julius  Csesar.  After  his  murder, 
the  young  Octavius  came  into  Italy  as  Caius  Julius 
Caesar  Octavianus,  being  by  his  uncle's  will  adopted 
into  the  Gens  Julia  as  his  heir.  He  was  taken  into 
the  Triumvirate  with  Antony  and  Lepidus,  and 
after  the  removal  of  the  latter  divided  the  empire 
with  Antony,  taking  the  West  for  his  share.  But 
there  was  no  real  concord  between  them,  and  the 
compact  resulted  in  a  struggle  for  the  supreme 
power,  which  wiis  terminated  in  favor  of  Octavianus 
by  the  decisive  naval  battle  of  Actium,  b.  c.  31 
(Suet.  Octav.  17;  Dion  Cass.  1.  15  fF.;  VeU.  Pater 
ii.  85).  On  this  victory  he  was  saluted  Imperator 
by  the  senate;  and  on  his  offering  afterwards  to 
resign  the  chief  power,  they  conferred  on  him  the 
title  Augustus  (b.  c.  27. )  He  managed  with  con- 
summate tact  and  skill  to  consoUdate  the  power 
conferred  on  him,  by  leaving  the  names  and  rights 
of  the  principal  state  officers  intact,  while  by  de- 
grees he  united  them  all  in  his  own  person.  The 
first  link  binding  him  to  N.  T.  history  is  his  treat- 
ment of  Herod  after  the  battle  of  Actium.  That 
prince,  who  had  espoused  Antony's  side,  found 
himself  pardoned,  taken  into  favor  and  confirmed, 
nay  even  increased  in  his  power  (."^oseph.  Ant.  iv 


200 


AUGUSTUS'  BAND 


8,  §  5  ff.;  7,  §  3;  10,  §  3).  In  gratitude  Herod 
built  him  a  temple  of  marble  near  the  source  of 
the  Jordan  (AtU.  xv.  10,  §  3),  and  was  through  life 
the  fast  friend  of  the  imperial  family.  After  Herod's 
death  in  a.  d.  4,  Augustus  divided  his  dominions 
almost  exactly  according  to  his  dying  directions, 
among  his  sons  (Ant.  xvii.  11,  §  4);  but  was  soon 
obUged  to  exile  one  of  them  [Ahchki.aus],  and 
attach  his  jwrtion,  Judaea  and  Samaria,  to  the 
province  of  Syria  (Ant.  xvii.  13,  §  2).  Augustus 
died  at  Nola  in  Campania,  Aug.  19  a.  u.  c.  767, 

A.  D.  14,  in  his  76th  year  (Suet.  Octnv.  99  f.; 
Dion  Cass.  Ivi.  29  flf'. ;  Joseph.  Ant.  xviii.  3,  §  2, 

B.  f.  11,  9,  §  1).  I^ng  before  his  death  he  had 
associated  Tiberius  with  Lim  in  the  empire  (Suet. 
Tiber.  21;  Tacit.  Ann.  1,  3).  See,  for  a  more  com- 
plete notice,  the  article  Augustub  in  the  Dictionary 
of  Biography  and  Mythology.  H.  A. 

*  Augustus  adopted  Tiberius  as  his  successor 
several  years  before  his  death ;  but  according  to  the 
best  chronologists  it  was  not  tiU  A.  d.  12,  t.  e. 
about  two  years  before  his  death  (a.  d.  14),  that 
he  admitted  Tiberius  to  a  share  in  the  government. 
For  the  details  of  the  computation,  see  Greswell's 
Dissertations,  i.  344  ft'.;  Sepp's  Leben  Chiisti,  i. 
106  ff. ;  and  Anger  de  ttirqxji-um  7-ntione,  p.  12  f.  on 
Luke  iii.  1.  For  a  summary  of  the  facts,  see  Lije 
of  our  Lord  by  Mr.  S.  J.  Andrews,  pp.  22-28. 

Augustus  occurs  twice  as  one  of  the  imperial 
titles  in  Acts  xxv.  21,  25  (A.  V.  after  tlie  Latin 
for  SejSacTiis),  where  it  is  used  of  Nero,  the  emperor 
to  whom  Paul  appealed  when  arraigned  before  Fes- 
tus.  The  Koman  Senate  conferred  this  title  on 
Octavius  in  the  first  instance  (Suet.  Octav.  7),  but 
it  was  applied  also  to  his  successors  (Suet.  Tiber. 
26).  H. 

AUGUSTUS'  BAND  (Acts  xxvii.  1). 
[Army,  p.  164.] 

AURA'NUS  (tis  Ai/pavos),  leader  of  a  riot 
at  Jerusalem  (2  Mace.  iv.  40).  In  the  Vatican 
[Roman  edition  of  the]  LXX.  and  Vulgate  the 
name  is  rendered  rls  rvpawos,  quidam  tyranrms. 

AUTE'AS  (Kxiralas-  Vulg.  omits),  name  of 
a  Levite  (Esdr.  ix.  48).     [Houijah.] 

A-TA  (S^V^zAvva:  'Atc£;  [Comp.  'Aouc{»/:] 
Avah),  a  place  in  the  empire  of  Assyria,  from  which 
colonies  were  brought  to  repeople  the  cities  of  Sa- 
maria after  the  deportation  of  the  Jews  (2  K.  xvii. 
24).  From  the  names  hi  connection  witli  which  it 
is  introduced,  it  would  appear  to  be  the  same  place 
with  Ivah.  [Ivah.]  It  has  been  suggested  to  be 
identical  with  Ahava.  For  other  suppositions  see 
Winer,  sub  voce. 

AV'ARAN  (Abapdv-  Abaron),  surname  of 
Eleazar,  brother  of  Judas  MaccabiEus  (1  Mace.  ii. 
5).     [For  the  meaning  of  this  surname  see  £!l£A- 

ATEN  (l.]^\  nothingness:  ['fij/:  idobm]). 
1.  The  "  plain  of  Aven "  [marg.  IMkath-aven] 
(S"inrp3)  is  mentioned  by  Amos  (i.  5)  in  his 
flenmiciation  of  Aram  (Syria)  and  the  country  to 

"  It  is  characteristic  of  the  looseness  of  the  A.  V. 
that  ttiis  name  is  given  differently  each  time  it  occurs, 
*ntl  that  they  are  all  inaccurate. 

''  According  to  Ewald  {Gtschichte,  i.  .310)  and  Ber- 
theau,  the  Avvlm  were  an  Urvolk  of  Palestine  proper, 
rhey  may  have  been  so,  but  there  is  nothing  to  prove 
t,  while  the  mode  of  their  dwllings  points  rather  to 
Iw  de«ert  aa  their  origin. 


AVIM 

■  the  N.  of  Palestine.  It  has  not  been  identified  with 
certainty.  Michaelis  (notes  on  Amos;  heard  from 
a  native  of  Damascus  of  a  valley  near  that  city, 
called  Un,  and  he  quotes  a  Damascene  proverb  re- 
ferring thereto;  but  the  information  was  at  lest 
suspicious,  and  has  not  been  confirmed,  although 
the  neighborhood  of  Damascus  has  been  tolerably 
well  explored  by  Burckhardt  (App.  iv.)  and  by 
Porter.  The  prophet,  however,  would  seem  to  be 
alludmg  to  some  principal  district  of  tlie  country 
of  equal  impoi-tance  with  Damascus  itself,  and  so 
the  LXX.  have  understood  it,  taking  the  letters  as 
pom  ted  P>  and  expressing  it  in  tlieir  version  as 
TreSi'oi/  ^ni/.  By  this  they  doubtless  intend  the 
great  plain  of  l^banon,  Coele-Syrla,  in  which  the 
renowned  idol  temple  of  Baalbek  or  HeliopoUs  was 
situated,  and  which  still  retains  the  very  same  name 
by  which  Amos  and  Joshua  designated  it,  el-Buka'a. 
The  application  of  A\  en  as  a  tenn  of  reproach  or 
contempt  to  a  flourishing  idol  sanctuary,  and  the 
play  or  paronomasia  therein  contained,  is  quite  in 
keeping  with  the  manner  of  Amos  and  of  Rosea. 
The  latter  frequently  applies  the  very  same  word  to 
Bethel.     [Bethaven.] 

2.  In  Hos.  X.  8,  "  the  high  places  of  Aven  " 
(  M  mtt2  :  ficofiol  '^n.i/ :  excelsa  idoU),  the  word 
is  clearly  a  contraction  of  Beth-aven,  that  is  Bethel 
(comp.  iv.  15,  &c.). 

3.  In  this  manner  are  pointed,  in  Ez.  xxx.  17, 
the  letters  of  the  name  which  is  elsewhere  given  as 

On,  ]1S,  tlie  sacred  city  of  Heliopolis  or  On,  in 
Egypt.  [On.]  (The  LXX.  and  Vulgate  both 
render  it  accordingly,  'UKioiiroKis,  Helioi>oUs.) 
The  intention  of  the  prophet  is  doubtless  to  play 
upon  the  name  in  tlie  same  manner  as  Amos  and 
Hosea.     See  above,  1.  G. 

A'VIM,  A'VIMS,  or  A'VITES"  (C^^yn 

=  the  Av\'im:  ol  ILhaLoi,  the  word  elsewhere  used 
by  the  LXX.  for  Hivites :  Utvoei).  1.  An  early 
but  perhaps  not  an  aboriginal  *>  people  among  the 
uihabitants  of  Palestine,  whom  we  meet  with  in 
the  S.  W.  corner  of  the  sea-coast,  whither  they 
may  have  made  their  way  northwards  from  the 
Desert  (Stanley,  Sinai  and  Pal.  App.  §  83).  The 
only  notice  of  them  whicli  has  come  down  to  us  is 
contained  in  a  remarkable  fragment  of  primeval 
history  preserved  in  Deut.  ii.  23.  Here  we  see 
them  "dweUing  in  'tbe'  villages"  (or  nomad  en- 
campments —  Chntzerim)  in  the  S.  part  of  the 
Shejel'ih,  or  great  western  lowland,  "as  far  as 
Gaza."  In  these  rich  possessions  they  were  at- 
tacked by  the  invading  Philistines,  "  the  Caphto- 
rim  which  came  forth  out  of  Caplitor,"  and  who 
after  "  destroying  "  them  and  "dwelling  in  their  jt 
stead,"  appear  to  have  pushed  them  furtlier  north.  q[ 
This  must  be  inferred  from  the  terms  of  the  pas- 
sage in  Josh.  xiii.  2,  3,  the  enumeration  of  tlie  rest 
of  the  land  stUl  remaining  to  be  conquered.  Be- 
ginning c  from  "Sihor,  which  is  before  Egypt," 
probaUy  the  Wady-el-Arish,  the  hst  proceeds 
northwards  along  the  lowland   plains  of  the  sea- 


c  The  punctuation  of  this  passage  in  our  Bibles  ii 
not  in  accordance  with  the  Hebrew  text,  wliich  has  a 
full  stop  at  Geshuri  (ver.  2),  thus  ■  "  This  is  the  land 
that  yet  remaineth,  all  the  borders  of  the  Philistinei 

and  all  the  Geshuri(<>      From  Sihor even  U 

the  border  of  Ekror    »orth\vard,  '«  c^"nted  to  the  C* 
naanitp  "  &c. 


AVITH 

jOAMt,  tftrough  the  five  lordships  of  the  Philistines 

—  all  apparently  taken  in  their  order  from  S.  to  N. 

—  till  we  reach  the  Avvim,"  as  if  they  had  bfen 
Jriven  up  out  of  the  more  southerly  position  which 
they  occupied  at  the  date  of  the  earlier  record,  into 
the  plains  of  Sharon. 

Nothing  more  is  told  us  of  this  ancient  people, 
whose  very  name  is  said ''  to  signify  "  ruin."    Pos- 
sibly a  trace  of  their  existence  is  to  be  found  in  the 
town  "Avim''  (accurately,  as  in  the  other  cases, 
'the  Avvim')  which  occurs  among  the  cities  of 
Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  23),  and  which  may  have 
preserved  tlie  memory  of  some  family  of  the  extinct 
people  driven  up  out  of  their  fertile  plains  to  take 
refuge  in  the  wild  hilk  of  Bethel ;  just  as  in  the 
"  Zeraaraim  "  of  the  preceding  verse  we  have  prob- 
bly  a  reminiscence  of  the  otherwise  forgotten  Zem- 
rites   [Zemaraim].      But  on  the  other  hand  it 
possible  that  the  word  in  this  place  is  but  a  vari- 
tion  or  corruption  of  the  name  of  Ai.     [Ai.] 

The  inhabitants  of  the  north-central  districts  of 

falestine   (Galileans)  were  in  later   times   distin- 

jshed  by  a  habit  of  confounding  the  gutturals, 

B,  for  instance,  V  with  H  (see  Lightfoot,  Chor. 

Oent.  eh.  87;  Buxtorf,  Lex.  Talm.  ^^'^S).     Is  i*, 

ossible  that  "'•"j"',  Hivite,  is  a  variation,  arising 

om  this  cause,  of  ^^  '_"',  Avite,  and  that  this  peo- 
ple were  known  to  the  Israelites  at  the  date  of  the 
conquest  by  the  name  of  Hivites  ?  At  any  rate  it 
is  a  curious  fact  that  both  the  LXX.  and  Jerome, 
as  we  have  seen  alx)ve,  identified  the  two  names, 
and  also  that  the  town  of  ha-Awim  was  in  the 
actual  district  of  the  Hivites,  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  Gibeon,  Chephirah,  and  their  other 
chief  cities  (Josh.  ix.  7,  17,  compared  with  xviii 
2a-27). 

The  name  of  the  Awim  has  been  derived  from 
Awa  (Ava),  or  Ivvah  (Ivah),  as  if  they  had  mi- 
grated thence  into  Palestine;  but  there  is  no  argu- 
ment for  this  beyond  the  mere  similarity  of  the 
names.'' 

2.  The  people  of  Awa,  among  the  colonists  who 
were  sent  by  the  king  of  Assyria  to  re-inhabit  the 
depopulated  cities  of  Israel  (2  K.  xvii.  31).  They 
were  idolaters,  worshipping  gods  called  Nibhaz  and 
Tartak.     [AvA.]  G. 

*  It  is  remarked  above  (No.  1)  that  Avim  (Josh, 
iviii.  23)  may  be  the  same  as  Ai  (which  see).  Dr. 
Thomson,  author  of  The  Land  and  the  Book,  has 
discovered  a  site  east  of  Bethel  which  the  natives 

of- 
of  that  r^on  call  Wadi  Ay  (,£'    ^t>i«j,  the 

letter  Alif  being  substituted  for  the  letter  "  Ain  " 
of  the  old  Hebrew  name.    C.  V.  A.  Van  Dyck. 

A'VITH  (n^r7:  r^rdalix,  [Alex.  Tfedai/x, 
in  Gen. ;  in  1  Chr.,  rtOai/j.,  Vat.  reeOai/j.,  Alex. 
VeOdan-  Avith]),  the  city  of  Hadad  ben-Bedad, 
one  of  the  kings  of  Edom  before  there  were  kings 
m  Israel  (Gen.  xxxvi.  35 ;  1  Chr.  i.  46 ;  in  the  lat- 
ter passage  the  Text  (Chetib)  has  ~1V37,  which  in 
the  Keri  is  corrected  to  agree  with  the  readbig  in 


AXE 


201 


Genesis).     The  name  may  be  compared  with  el 

Ghoweitheh  (xij •**!),  a  "chain  of  low  hills," 

mentioned  by  Burckhardt  (375)  as  lying  to  the  E 
of  the  district  of  Kerek  in  Moab  (Knobel,  Geneds, 
257).  G- 

AWL  (^^*"1^  :  oirfiTioV-  subula),  a  tool  of 
which  we  do  not  know  the  ancient  form.  The  only 
notice  of  it  is  in  connection  with  the  custom  ot 
boring  the  ear  of  the  slave  (Ex.  xxi.  6 ;  Deut.  xv. 
17).  W.  L.  B. 

AXE.  Seven  Hebrew  words  are  rendered  "  axe  " 
in  the  A.  V. 

1.  ].'f~'3,  Garzen,  from  a  root  signifying  "to 
cut  or  sever,"  as  "hatchet,"  from  "hack,"  corr&- 
sponds  to  the  Lat.  secuiis.  It  consisted  of  a  head 
of  iron  (comp.  Is.  x.  34),  fastened,  with  thongs  ot 
otherwise,  upon  a  handle  of  wood,  and  so  liable  to 
slip  oflf"  (Deut.  xix.  5;  2  K.  vi.  5).  It  was  used 
for  felling  trees  (Deut.  xx.  19),  and  also  for  shaping 
the  wood  when  felled,  perhaps  like  the  modem  adze 
(1  K.  vi.  7). 


Egyptian  Axe.  —  (Britjsh  Museum.) 

2.  Il'^n,  Chereb,  which  is  usually  translated 
"  sword,"  is  usod  of  other  cutting  instruments,  as 
a  "knife"  (Josh.  v.  2)  or  razor  (Ez.  v.  1),  or  a 
tool  for  hewing  or  dressing  stones  (Ez.  xx.  25),  and 
is  once  rendered  "axe"  (Ez.  xxvi.  9),  evidently 
denoting  a  weapon  for  destroying  buUdings,  a  pick- 
axe. 

3.  ^"""j^?,  Casshil,  occurs  but  once  (Ps.  Ixxvii. 
6),  and  is  evidently  a  later  word,  denoting  a  largo 
axe.  It  is  also  found  in  the  Targum  of  Jer.  xlvi. 
22. 

4.  n^Tap,  Magzerdh  (2  Sam.  xii.  31),  and 

5.  mJ!D,  Megerah  (1  Chr.  xx.  3),  are  found  in 
the  description  of  the  punishments  inflicted  by, 
David  upon  the  Ammonites  of  Kabbah.  The  lat- 
ter word  is  properly  "  a  saw,"  and  is  apparently  an 
error  of  the  transcriber  for  the  former. 

6.  T^P^,  Ma'dtsdd,  rendered  "axe"  in  the 
margin  of  Is.  xliv.  12,  and  Jer.  x.  3,  was  an  instru- 
ment employed  both  by  the  iron-smith"  and  the  car  • 
penter,  and  is  supposed  to  be  a  curved  knife  or  bill, 
smaller  than 

7.  D1"1f2)  Kardom,  a  large  axe  used  for  felling 
trees  (Judg.  ix.  48;  1  Sam.  xiii.  20,  21;  Ps.  Ixxiv. 
5;  Jer.  xlvi.  22).  The  words  1,  5,  and  7  have  an 
etymological  affinity  with  each  other,  the  idea  of 
cutting  being  that  which  is  expressed  by  their  roots. 

The  "battle-axe,"  V?^'  moppets  (Jer.  li.  20), was 
probably,  as  its  root  indicates,  a  heavy  mace  or 


<«  It  Is  perhaps  worth  notice,  where  every  syllable   tion  of  it,  as  "  dwellers  in  the  lowlands,"  is  not  obri- 
'ws  some  significance,  that  while  ■'  the  Gazathlte  ....    0U9     nor  does  he  specify  any  derivation. 
«ne  Ekronite,"  are  all  in  the  singular,  <'  the  Aryim  "       «•  See  Lengerke's  confident  hypothesis  {Kenaan,  p 
.§  plural.  188),  for  which,  as  is  often  the  case,  he  does  not  con- 

b  Qeeenius,  Thesaurus,  p.  1000.    Lengerke's  explana-  I  descend  to  give  the  shadow  of  a  reason. 


202  AZAEL 

Haul,  like  that  which  gave  his  surname  to  (  harles 
Martd.  W.  A.  W. 


Assyrian  Axe.  —  (British  Museum.) 

AZ'AEL  ('ACaTJAos;  [Aid.  'AC«^A:]  Ezelm), 
name  of  a  man  (1  Esdr.  ix.  14).     [Asahel]. 

AZAEXUS  ('ACa^Aoj;  [Alex.  ACa7?\:]  Die- 
lus),  an  Isnielite  in  the  time  of  Esdras:  the  name 
is  probably  merely  a  repetition  of  that  preceding  it 
(1  Esdr.  ix.  34). 

A'ZAL  (Atzel,   7'"S,  but  from  the  emphatic 

■ccent  v!^S,  Atzal:  'la(r6S;  Alex.  [Comp.  Aid.] 
'A(rafi\'  utque  ad proodmum),  a  name  only  occur- 
ring in  Zech.  xiv.  5.     It  is  mentioned  as  the  limit 

to  which  the  "  ravine  "  or  cleft  (^'*^)  of  the  Mount 
of  Olives  will  extend  when  "  Jehovah  shall  go  forth 
to  fight."  The  whole  passage  of  Zechariah  is  a 
highly  poetical  one  :  and  several  comnienta.tors 
agree  with  Jerome  in  taking  Azal  as  an  appella- 
tive, and  not  a  proper  name.  G. 

AZALI'AH  (•T'^b^S  {whrni  Jehmah  has 
^ared]  :  'E(e\las,  'EcreXio;  [Vat.  E\ms,  XeKia;] 
Alex.  [EaaeXtas  in  1  K.]  SeAta  in  2  Chr. :  Aslia, 
Eselias).  The  father  of  Shaphan  the  scribe  in  the 
reign  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxii.  3;  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  8). 

W.  A.  W. 

AZANI'AH  (n^3!y  {whom  Jekorah  hears] : 
'A^avia  [Vat.  -yet-'] :  Azmiias).  The  father  or 
immediate  ancestor  of  Jeshua  the  Levite  in  the 
time  of  Nehemiali  (Neh.  x.  9).  W.  A.  W. 

AZA'PHION  CAcra-aTrcpiaie;  {Yai.  Airaoupei- 
ud;  Alex.  A<ra<p(l>ioii6;  Aid.  'Aaair<j)icLy-]  Se/jhe- 
gus),  1  Esdr.  v.  33.      Possibly  a  corruption  of 

SOPHERETH. 

AZ'ABA  {^Affupd-  Attre),  one  of  the  "serv- 
ants of  the  temple  "  (1  Esdr.  v.  31).  No  corre- 
sponding name  can  be  traced  in  the  parallel  list  in 
Ezra. 

AZAB'AEL  (the  same  name  as  the  succeeding 
one;  bs^.Tl?. :  'oC»^A.;  [Vat.  Alex.  FA.i  -^et-; 
Comp.  'Ef/o«^A:]  Azareel),  a  Levite  musician 
(Neh.  xii.  36).  [The  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  following 
the  Bishops'  Bible,  incorrectly  reads  "Asarael."] 

AZA'REEL  (^N-l^]?  [u-hom  God  helps]  : 
0(pi-{}\i  [Vat.  -pfi-;  Aid.]  Alex. 'EAt^A;  [Comp. 
A^api^A:]  Azareel).  1.  A  Korhite  who  joined 
David  in  his  retreat  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  6). 

2.  ('Aorpc^A;  [Vat.  A^apio;]  Alex.  ECpi»;A.)  A 
Levite  musician  of  the  family  of  Heman  in  the  time 
of  David,  1  Chr.  xxv.  18:  called  Uzzikl  in  xxv.  4. 

3.  CACapiiiX;  [Vat.  A^aparjA;]  Alex.  ECp'ijA: 
Ezrihel.)  Son  of  Jeroham,  and  prince  of  the  tribe 
sf  Dan  when  David  numbered  the  people  (1  Chr. 
txrii.  22). 

4.  ('EQ)j^A:  [Vat.  EC«pT?A:]  Ezrel.)  One  of 
ihe  sons  of  Bani,  who  put  away  his  foreign  wife  on 
ie  remonstrance  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  x.  41):  apparently 
he  same  as  Esiin.,  1  Esdr.  ix.  34. 


AZARIAH 

5.  ('EwSpj'^A;  [Comp.  Aid. 'Etrpi^K;  Alex.  e( 
ptijA:]  Azrtel.)  Father,  or  anc&stor,  of  Maasiai 
or  Amaahai,  a  priest  who  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  after 
the  return  from  Babylon  (Neh.  xi.  13;  comp.  ] 
Chr.  ix.  12).  W.  A.  W. 

AZARI'AH"  (n-^-iTW  and  ^n^-!TS:  'A^api- 
as'  Azarias;  whom  God  hath  helped).'  It  ia  a 
common  name  in  Hebrew,  and  especially  in  the 
families  of  the  priests  of  the  line  of  Eleazajs, 
whose  name  has  precisely  the  same  meaning  as 
Azakiah.  It  is  nearly  identical,  and  is  often  con 
founded  with  Ezm  as  well  as  with  Zeraliiah  and 
Seraiah.  The  principal  persons  who  bore  thin 
name  were :  — 

1.  Son  of  Ahimaaz  (1  Chr.  vi.  9).  He  appears 
from  1  K.  iv.  2,  to  have  succeeded  Zadok,  his 
grandiather,  in  the  high-priesthood,  in  the  reign 
of  Solomon,  Ahimanz  having  died  before  Zadok. 
[Ahimaaz.]  To  him,  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted, 
instead  of  to  his  grandson,  Azariah,  the  son  of  Jo- 
hanan,  belongs  the  notice  in  1  Chr.  vi.  10,  "  He  it 
is  that  executed  the  priest's  office  in  the  temple 
that  Solomor  built  at  Jerusalem,"  meaning  that 
he  officiated  at  the  consecration  of  the  temple,  and 
was  the  first  high-priest  that  ministered  in  it.  The 
other  interpretation  which  has  been  put  upon  these 
words,  as  alluding  to  the  Azariah  who  was  high- 
priest  in  Uzziah  s  reign,  and  resisted  the  king  when 
he  attempted  to  offer  incense,  is  quite  unsuited  to 
the  words  they  are  meant  to  explain,  and  utterly 
at  variance  with  the  chronology.  For  this  Azariah 
of  1  Chr.  vi.  10  precedes  Amariah,  the  high-priest 
in  Jehoshaphat's  reign,  whereas  Uzziah  wa.s  king 
five  reigns  after  Jehoshaphat.  Josephus  merely 
mentions  Azarias  as  the  son  and  successor  of 
Ahimaaz. 

2.  [Rom. 'OoWa;  Vat.  Oprejo.]  A  chief  officer 
of  Solomon's,  tne  son  of  Nathan,  perhaps  David's 
grandson  (1  K.  iv.  5.) 

3.  (n;;-!!!?,  ^n;nTp  in  2  k.  xv.  6  [whom 

Jehovah  helps]:  A(aplas'  Azarias.)  Tenth  king 
of  Judah,  more  frequently  called  Uzziah  (2  K. 
xiv.  21,  XV.  1,  6,  7,  8,  17,  23.  27;  1  Chr.  iii.  12). 

4.  [Vat.  M.  Zapeia,  H.  -as;  Alex.  ACapia-] 
Son  of  Ethan,  of  the  sons  of  Zerah,  where,  per- 
haps, Zeraliiah  is  the  more  probable  reading  (1  Chr. 
ii.  8). 

5.  Son  of  Jehu  of  the  family  of  the  Jerahmeelites 
and  descended  from  Jarha  the  Egyptian  slave  of 
Sheshan  (1  Chr.  ii.  38,  39).  He  was  probably  one 
of  the  captains  of  hundreds  in  the  time  of  Athaliah 
mentioned  in  2  Chr.  xxiii.  1 ;  and  there  called  the 
son  of  Obed.  This  fact  assigns  the  compilation  of 
the  genealogy  in  1  Chr.  ii.  36-41  to  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah. 

6.  The  son  of  Johanan,  1  Chr.  vi.  10,  11.  Ho 
must  have  been  high-priest  in  the  reigns  of  Abijah 
and  Asa,  as  we  know  his  son  Amariah  was  in  the 
days  of  Jehoshaphat,  the  son  of  Asa.  It  does  not 
appear  what  part  he  took  in  Asa's  zealous  reforma- 
tion (2  Chr.  XV.),  nor  whether  he  approved  the 
stripping  of  the  house  of  God  of  its  treasures  to 
induce  Benhadad  to  break  his  league  with  Baasha 
king  of  Israel,  as  related  2  Chr.  xvi.,  for  his  name 
and  his  office  are  never  alluded  to  in  the  history  of 
Asa's  reign,  either  in  the  book  of  Kings  or  Chron- 
icles. The  active  persons  in  the  religious  move- 
ment of  the  times  were  the  king  himself  and  the 


a  •  The  original  article  has  here  been  comblne'l  wll* 
that  In  the  Concise  Dictionary.  H. 


AZARIAH 

two  propliets,  Azariah  the  son  o'"  Oded,  and  Ha- 
naui.  Tlie  silence  concerning  Azariah,  the  high- 
priest,  is,  perhaps,  rather  unfavorable  than  other- 
wise to  his  religious  character.  His  name  is 
almost  lost  in  Josephus's  list  of  the  high-priests. 
Having  lost,  a.s  we  saw  in  the  article  Amaeiah,  its 
termination  A2,  which  adhered  to  the  following 
name,  it  got   by  some  process    transformed   into 

IffOS- 

7.  Another  Azariah  is  inserted  lietween  Hilkiah, 
in  Josiah's  reign,  and  Seraiah,  who  was  put  to 
death  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  1  Chr.  vi.  13.  But 
Josephus  does  not  acknowledge  him,  making  Se- 
raiah  the  son  of  Hilkiah,  and  there  seems  to  be 
scarcely  room  for  him.  It  seems  likely  that  he 
may  have  been  inserted  to  assimilate  the  genealogy 
to  that  of  Ezr.  vii.  1,  where,  however,  the  Seraiah 
and  Azariah  are  probably  neither  of  them  the  high- 
priests  of  those  names. 

8.  Son  of  Zephaniah,  a  Kohathite,  and  ancestor 
of  Samuel  the  prophet  (1  Chr.  vi.  36).  Apparently 
the  same  as  Uzziah  in  ver.  24. 

9.  Azariah,  the  son  of  Oded  (2  Chr.  xv.  1), 
called  simply  Oded  in  ver.  8,  was  a  remarkable 
prophet  ic  the  days  of  king  Asa,  and  a  contempo- 
rary of  Azaiiah  the  son  of  Johanan  the  high-priest, 
and  of  Hanani  the  seer.  He  powerfully  stirred  up 
the  spirit  of  Asa,  and  of  the  people  of  Judah  and 
Benjamin,  in  a  brief  but  pithy  prophecy,  which  has 
been  preserved,  to  put  away  all  idolatrous  worship, 
and  to  restore  the  altar  of  the  one  true  God  before 
the  porch  of  the  temple.  Great  numbers  of  Israelites 
from  Ephraim,  and  Manasseh,  and  Simeon,  and  all 
Israel,  joined  in  the  national  reformation,  to  the 
great  strengthening  of  the  kingdom ;  and  a  season 
of  rest  and  great  prosperity  ensued.  Oded,  the 
prophet  in  the  days  of  Ahaz,  may  probably  have 
been  a  descendant  of  Azariah. 

10.  Son  of  Jehoshaphat  king  of  Judah  (2  Chr. 
xxi.  2). 

11.  (^^^"'^3^.)  Another  son  of  Jehoshaphat, 
and  brother  of  the  preceding  (2  Chr.  xxi.  2). 

12.  pOxoC'ay,  Vat.  -fei- :  Ochozins.l  At  2 
Chr.  xxii.  6,  Azariah  is  a  clerical  error  for  Ahaziah. 

13.  ('~f^??3'.)    Son  of  Jeroham,  and  one  of  the 

captains  of  Judah  in  the  time  of  Athaliah  (2  Chr. 
xxiii.  1). 

14.  The  high-priest  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah,  king 
of  Judah,  whose  name,  perhaps  from  this  circum- 
stance, is  often  corrupted  into  Azariah  (2  K.  xiv. 
21,  XV.  1,  6,  7,  8,  &c.).  'Hie  most  memorable 
event  of  his  life  is  that  which  is  recorded  in  2  Chr. 
XX vi.  17-20.  When  king  Uzziah,  elated  by  his 
great  prosperity  and  power,  "  transgressed  against 
the  Lord  his  God,  and  went  into  the  temple  of  the 
Ix)rd  to  burn  incense  upon  the  altar  of  incense," 
Azariah  the  priest,  accompanied  by  eighty  of  his 
brethren,  went  in  boldly  after  him,  and  withstood 
him.  With  unflinching  faithfulness,  and  a  high 
sense  of  his  own  responsibility  as  ruler  of  the 
House  of  God,  he  addressed  the  king  with  the  well- 
merited  reproof — "It  appertaineth  not  unto  thee, 
Uzziah,  to  burn  incense  unto  the  I^rd,  but  to  the 
priests  the  sons  of  Aaron,  that  are  consecrated  to 
bum  incense:  go  out  of  the  sanctuary,  for  thou 
aast  trespassed :  neither  shall  i;  be  for  thine  honor 
Vom  the  Lord  God."     And  it  is  added  that  when 

Azariah  the  chief  priest  and  all  the  priests  looked 
<pon  him,  behold  he  was  leprous  in  his  forehead, 
wd  they  thrust  him  out  from  thence;  yea,  himself 


AZARIAH 


203 


hasted  to  go  out,  because  the  Ix)rd  had  smitter 
him."  Uzziah  was  a  leper  unto  the  day  of  his 
death,  and,  as  such,  was  never  able  again  to  go  to 
the  Ix)rd's  House,  which  he  had  so  presumptuously 
invaded.  Azariah  was  contemporary  with  Isaiah 
the  prophet,  and  with  Amos  and  Joel,  and  doubt- 
less witnessed  the  great  earthquake  in  Uzziah's 
reign  (Am.  i.  1;  Zech.  xiv.  5).  He  is  not  men 
tioned  in  Josephus's  list.  'lovrjXos  occurs  instead 
possibly  the  name  of  the  pi-ojj/iet  inadvertently  sub 
stituted  for  that  of  the  Idyh-priest.  Neither  is  he 
in  the  priestly  genealogy  of  1  Chr.  vi. 

15.  [Kom.  OuSeiay;  ^^at.  OuSeia.]  Son  of 
.Johanan,  one  of  the  captains  of  Ephraim  in  the 
reign  of  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12),  who  sent  Lack 
the  captives  and  spoil  that  were  taken  in  the  inva- 
sion of  Judah  by  Pekah. 

16.  [Vat.  Alex.  Aid.  Zaxapios.]  A  Kohathite, 
father  of  Joel  in  the  reig»  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr. 
xxix.  12). 

17.  [Vat.  Zaxap'tts-]  ^  Merarite,  son  of 
Jehalelel,  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah,  contemporary 
with  the  son  of  the  precetling  (2  (Jhr.  xxix.  12). 

18.  The  high-priest  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  (2 
(]hr.  xxxi.  10-13).  He  appears  to  have  coiiperated 
zealously  with  the  king  in  that  thorough  purifica- 
tion of  the  tenijJe  and  restoration  of  the  temple- 
services  which  was  so  conspicuous  a  feature  in  Hez- 
ekiah's  reign.  He  especially  interested  himself  in 
providing  chambers  in  the  house  of  the  Lord  in 
which  to  stow  the  tithes  and  offerings  and  conse- 
crated things  for  the  use  of  the  priests  and  Levites, 
and  in  appointing  overseers  to  have  the  charge  of 
them.  For  the  attendance  of  priests  and  Levites, 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  temple-ser\ices,  de- 
pended entirely  upon  the  supply  of  such  offerings, 
and  whenever  the  people  neglected  them  the  priests 
and  Invites  were  forced  to  disjierse  themselves  to 
their  villages,  and  so  the  house  of  God  was  deserted 
(comp.  Neh.  x.  35-3'J,  xii.  27-30,  44-47).  His 
name  seems  to  be  corrupted  into  ti'qplas  in  Jose- 
phus. He  succeeded  Urijah,  who  was  high-priest 
in  the  reign  of  Ahaz.  Who  his  successor  was  is 
somewhat  uncertain.  He  is  not.  any  more  than  the 
preceding,  included  in  the  genealogy  of  1  (jhr.  vi. 

19.  [Vat.  Alex.  FA.  A^apia.]  Son  of  Maa- 
seiah,  who  repaired  part  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  iii.  23,  24). 

20.  ('A(,of)fo ;  Alex.  A^ap««-'  ^'"*^  "^  t^** 
leaders  of  the  children  of  the  province  who  went 
up  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Neh.  vii.  7). 
Elsewhere  called  Skkaiah  (Ezr.  ii.  2)  and  Zacha- 
RiAs  (1  Esdr.  V.  8). 

•  21.  [Rom.  Vat.  Alex.  FA.  omit;  Aid.  'A^aptas-j 
One  of  the  Invites  who  assisted  Ezra  in  instructing 
the  people  in  the  knowledire  of  the  law  (Neh.  \iii. 
7).     Called  Azakias  in  J  Esdr.  ix.  43. 

22.  [In  Neh.  x.,  'A^api'a,  Comp.  -as,  FA. 
Zoxapia;  in  Neh.  xii..  Vat.  FA.  Zaxapmj.]  One 
of  the  priests  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
miah (Neh.  X.  2),  and  probably  the  same  with  the 
Azariah  who  assisted  in  the  dedication  of  the  oitv 
wall  (Neh.  xii.  33  V 

23.  ('ACopi'aJ-?    Jkzaniah  (Jer.  sliiL  2;. 

24.  The  original  name  of  Abed-nego  (Dan.  i.  6, 
7,  11,  19).  He  appears  to  have  been  of  the  seed- 
royal  of  Judah,  and  for  this  reason  selected,  with 
Daniel  and  his  other  two  companions,  for  Nebu- 
chadnezzar's especial  service.  The  three  childreu, 
as  they  were  called,  were  remarkable  for  theii 
beauty,  and  wisdom,  and  knowledge,  and  intelli* 
gence.     Thev  were  no   less   remarkable  for   theu 


204  AJZA.RIAS 

piety,  their  strict  adherence  to  the  law  of  Moses, 
jmd  the  steadfastness  of  their  feith,  even  unto  death, 
and  their  wonderful  deliverance. 

A.  C.  H.  and  W.  A..  W. 

AZARI'AS  ('A(ap/as:  Azarias).  1.  (1  Esdr. 
ix.  21)  :=  UzziAH,  I'^i .  X.  21. 

2.  (1  Esdr.  ix.  43)  =  Urijah,  Neh.  viii.  4. 

3.  (Alex.  A{ap€ios :  1  Esdr.  ix.  48)  =  Azariah, 
Neh.  viii.  7. 

4.  (Azareus.)  Priest  in  the  line  of  Esdras  (2 
t^dr.  i.  1),  elsewhere  Azakiaii  and  Ezekias. 

5.  (^Azai-ias.)  Name  assumed  by  the  angel 
P^aphael  (Tob.  v.  12,  vi.  6,  13,  vii.  8,  ix.  2). 

6.  A  captain  in  the  army  of  Judas  Maccabseus 
(1  Mace.  V.  18,  56,  60).  W.  A.  W. 

A'ZAZ  {f}V  [sh-ong]:  'ACo^Ci  [^at.]  Alex. 
O^ouf;  [Comp.  Aft£^:]  Azaz).  A  Reubenite, 
fether  of  Bela  (1  Chr.  v.  8).  W.  A.  W. 

*  AZA'ZEL  stands  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V. 
(Lev.  xvi.  8)  for  "  scape-goat "  in  the  text.  See 
Atonement,  The  Day  of,  under  III.  and  VI. 

H. 

AZAZI'AH      (=ir!nT2?      [whom      Jehmah 

strengthens]:  'O^ioy;  [V**- FA.  oCf'asO  Ozaziu). 
1.  A  Levite  musician  in  the  reign  of  David,  aj)- 
pointed  to  play  the  haip  in  the  senice  which 
attended  the  procession  by  which  the  ark  was 
brought  up  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom  (1  Chr. 
XV.  21). 

2.  [Vat.  Of€Jos.]  The  father  of  Hosea,  prince 
of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  when  David  numbered  the 
people  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  20). 

3.  ([Vat.  oCetas;]  Alex.  OCa(as'-  Azaiias.) 
One  of  the  Levites  ia  the  reign  of  Hezekiali,  who 
had  charge  of  the  tithes  and  dedicated  things  in 
the  Temple  under  Cononiah  and  Shimei  (2  Chr. 
xxxi.  13).  W.  A.  W. 

AZBAZ'ARETH  {'A<r$aKa(t><is  [Vat.  -<j>ae; 
Aid.  Alex.  'AafiarrapeO'-]  Ashazareth),  king  of  the 
Assyrians,  probably  a  corruption  of  Esar-haddon 
(1  Esdr.  V.  69).  [The  A.  V.  ed.  1611  reads,  more 
correctly,  "  Ashazareth."] 

AZOSUK  (~^2TV:  'ACajSoiJx;  Alex.  aC/3oi;x  = 
Ad>oc).  Father  or  ancestor  of  Nehemiah  the  prince 
of  part  of  Bethzur  (Neh.  iii.  16).       W.  A.  W. 

AZE'KAH  (nnTr,  from  a  root  signifying  to 

dig  or  till  the  ground,"  see  Gesen.  s.  v. :  'A^riKd, 
once  'la^nKd  '■  Azeca),  a  town  of  Judah,  with 
dependent  villages  ("daughters")  lying  in  the 
She/elah  or  rich  agricultural  plain,  a  situation  quite 
in  accordance  with  the  derivation  of  the  name  given 
aliove.  It  is  named  with  Adullam,  Shaaraim,  and 
other  places  known  to  have  been  in  that  locality 
(Josh.  XV.  35;  2  Chr.  xi.  9;  Neh.  xi.  30),  but  is 
most  clearly  defined  as  being  near  Shochoh  (that 
8  the  nortliem  one)  [Shochoh]  (1  Sam.  xvii.  1). 
t  Oshua's  pursuit  of  the  Canaanites  after  the  battle 
of  Betli-horon  extended  to  Azekah  (Josh.  x.  10, 11 ). 
Between  Azekah  and  Shochoh,  an  easy  step  out  of 
their  own  territory,  the  Phihstiiies  encamped  before 
the  battle  in  which  Goliath  was  killed  (1  Sam.  xvii. 
1).  It  was  among  the  cities  fortified  by  Rehoboam 
(2  Chr.  xi.  9),  was  still  standing  at  the  time  of  the 
invasion  of  the  kings  of  Babylon  (Jer.  xxxiv.  7), 


a  The  verb  occurs  only  in  Is.  v.  2,  where  It  is  ren- 
Iwed  in  the  A.  V  "  fenced  ;  "  but  by  Qesenius  in  his 
Iwata,  "  grub  ihn  um." 


AZIZA 

and  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  places  le-occupied 
by  the  Jews  after  their  return  from  captivitv  (Neh. 
xi.  30). 

The  position  of  Azekah  has  not  yet  been  recog- 
nized. The  above  passages  would  seem  to  show 
that  it  must  have  been  to  the  N.  of  the  She/elah, 
near  Ueth-horon ;  but  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  i« 
spoken  of  as  lying  between  (dvct  fittroy)  Eleuthe- 
ropolis  and  Jerusalem,  i.  e.  further  S.  and  in  the 
mountains  of  Judah.  Perhaps  like  Shochoh,  Aphek, 
&c.,  there  were  more  than  one  place  of  the  name. 
Schwarz  (p.  102)  would  identify  it  with  "  Tell 
Ezakaria"  {Zakariya  on  Robinson's  Map,  1856) 
not  far  from  Ain-shems,  and  very  possibly  correctly. 

G. " 

A'ZEL  {^y.i^,  in  pause  btfS  :  'Eo-^A;  [Comp. 
'Aff^A;  Sin.  in  1  Chr.  ix.  EeraTjA.:]  ^seZj,  a  de- 
scendant of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  37,  38,  ix.  43,  44). 

A'ZEM  (QV^,  when  not  emphasized  UVV 

[a  bone]:  'AffJ/i,  'laffSv,  [Alex.  Aaefi,  Airo/*:] 
A$em,  Esem),  a  city  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah 
(Josh.  XV.  29),  aftei-wards  allotted  to  Simeon  (xix. 
3).     Elsewhere  it  is  Ezem.  G. 

AZEPHU'RITH,  or  more  properly  Ar- 
SII'HURITH  {'Apai<(>ovpld\  Vat.  AptreifovpfiO ; 
Alex.  Ap<Ti<t>ovpetd],  a  name  which  in  the  LXX.  of 
1  P^sdr.  V.  10  occupies  the  place  of  Jorah  in  Ezr.  ii. 
18,  and  of  Hariph  in  Neh.  vii.  24.  It  is  altogether 
omitted  in  the  Vulgate.  Burrington  conjecturea 
that  it  may  have  originated  in  a  combination  of 
these  two  names  corrupted  by  the  mistakes  of  trail- 
scribers.  The  second  syllable  in  this  case  probably 
arose  from  a  confusion  of  the  uncial  2  with  £• 

W.  A.  W. 

AZE'TAS  CACvydy,  [Aid.]  Alex.  'ACrris: 
Zelas).  The  name  of  a  family  which  returned  with 
Zorobabel  according  to  1  Esdr.  v.  15,  but  not 
mentioned  in  the  catalogues  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

W.  A.  \V. 

AZ'GAD  (12^3?:  'A<ry<£5:    [Vat.  F^sr.  viii. 

12,  Ao-TttS  ;]  Alex.  A^yaS,  A^ToS,  AyeroS  : 
Azgad).  The  children  of  Azgad,  to  the  number 
of  1222  (2322  according  to  Neh.  vii.  17)  were 
among  the  laymen  who  returned  with  Zerubbabd 
(Ezr.  ii.  12).  A  second  detachment  of  110,  with 
Johanan  at  their  head,  accompanied  Ejsra  in  the 
second  caravan  (Ezr.  viii.  12).  With  the  other 
heads  of  the  people  they  joined  in  the  covenant 
with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  15).  The  name  ap])ean 
as  Sadas  in  1  Esdr.  v.  13,  and  the  number  of  the 
ftunify  is  there  given  3222.  In  1  Esdr.  viii.  38,  it 
is  written  Astath.  W.  A.  W. 

AZI'A  ('O^Tas;  [Vat.  -(ei--,  Alex,  lo^ias;  Aid. 
'A^^fasO  Ozum),  a  "servant  of  the  temple"  (1 
Esdr.  v.  31),  elsewhere  called  Uzza. 

AZI'EI  (2  Esdr.  i.  2),  one  of  the  ancestors  of 
Esdras,  elsewhere  called  Azariah  and  Ezias. 

A'ZIEL  (^S^P:  ^o(i-fi\  [Vat.  FA. -^ei-]: 
Oziel),  a  I>evite  (1  Chr.  xv.  20).  The  name  is  a 
shortened  form  of  Jaaziel  (  S^T3?^),  which  oc- 
curs in  ver.  18  of  same  chapter. 

AZrZA  (Srt^:  [strong]:  'OOCd;  [Vat.  BL 
O^fwO  Azizn).  A  layman  of  the  family  of  Zattn, 
who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  after  the  retun 
from  Babylon  (Ezr.  x.  27);  called  Sardeus  in  I 
Esdr.  ix.  28.  W.  A.  W. 


AZMAVETH 

AZMA'VETH  ("'l^Tl!'  [strmg  tmto  death, 
Gea.]:  'Aff/xwd  [Vat.i  Ao-iSae],  'k0d>v\  Alex. 
(iCuaid  in  1  Chr. :  Azmaveih,  Azmoth).  1.  One 
of  David's  mighty  men,  a  native  of  Bahurim  (2 
Sara,  jociii.  31;  1  Chr.  xi.  33),  and  therefore  prob- 
a)>ly  a  i3enjamite. 

2.  {'Aa-fidd,  ra(n<id;  [Vat.  SoA^tco,  FaCawd;] 
Alex.  aCuoiO'-  Azmoth.)  A  descendant  of  Mephi- 
bosheth,  or  Merib-baal  (1  Chr.  viii.  36,  ix.  42.  [In 
1  Chr.  viii.  36  the  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  etc.  reads 
»  Asmaveth,"  following  the  Bishops'  Bible.] 

3.  CAfffidd;  Alex.  A(iJ.wd.)  The  father  of  Jeziel 
and  Pelet,  two  of  the  skilled  Benjamite  sUngers  and 
archei's  who  joined  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  3), 
perhaps  identical  with  1.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  in  this  passage  "  sons  of  Azmaveth  "  may 
denote  natives  of  the  place  of  that  name. 

4.  Overseer  of  the  royal  treasures  in  the  reign 
of  David  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  25.)  W.  A.  W. 

AZMATETH  (HIl^Tl?:  A^^dd;  [Vat.  in 
Ezr.,  Afffioiid'-]  A&maveth),  a  place  to  all  appear- 
ance m  Benjamin,  being  named  with  Anathoth, 
Kirjath-jearim  and  other  towns  belonging  to  that 
tribe.  Forty-two  of  the  Btne-Azmaveth  returned 
from  the  captivity  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  24). 
The  "sons  of  the  singers"  seem  to  have  settled 
round  it  (Neh.  xii.  29).  The  name  elsewliere  oc- 
curs aa  Beth-Azmaveth.  Azmaveth  does  not 
make  its  appearance  in  the  lists  in  Joshua,  but  the 
name  was  borne  by  several  Benjamites  of  the  kindred 
of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  36,  ix.  42,  xii.  3;  in  the  last 
passage  Bene-A.  may  merely  denote  natives  of  the 
place,  especially  as  natives  of  Anathoth,  Gibeah, 
&c.  are  mentioned  in  the  same  verse).  G. 

AZ'MON  C(1-^P  or  f^T^  [strong-] :  'A(re- 
(UDva,  26A/xtt))/a;  [Alex,  once  AceA/tcova :]  Ast- 
mona),  a  place  named  as  being  on  the  S.  boundary 
of  the  Holy  Land,  apparently  near  the  torrent  of 
"Egypt  {Wadi  el' Aiish)  (Num.  xxxiv.  4,  5;  Josh. 
XV.  4).  It  has  not  yet  been  identified.  It  is  men- 
tioned by  Eusebius  and  Jerome  ( Onom. ),  but  evi- 
dently was  not  actually  known  to  them.  G. 

*  Mr.  Williams  {Holy  City,  i.  462)  would  iden- 
tify Azmon  with  Aseimeh,  of  which  he  speaks  as 
west  of  Kudeis  (Kedesh).  Dr.  Robinson  in  tracing 
the  southern  boundary  of  Judah  (as  laid  down  in 
Josh.  XV.  1-4)  makes  no  account  of  this  proposed 
identification  {Phys.  Geoijr.  p.  17).  Kiiobel  remarks 
{Exeget.  Handb.  xiii.  414)  that  the  name  reminds 
us  of  the  ^Azdzimth,  an  Arab  tribe  well  known  in 
that  part  of  the  desert  (Rob.  Res.  i.  186).       H. 

AZ'NOTH-TA'BOB  (l"lJi?  "TjTS:  'aO- 
HafiJsp;  [Alex.]  A^avoid  &afiwp:  Azanotthabor)  = 
{he  ems  {i.  e.  possibly  the  summits)  of  Tcibor,  one 
of  the  landmarks  of  the  boundary  of  Naphtali 
(Josh.  xix.  34).  The  tovm,  if  town  it  be,  or  the 
reason  for  the  expression  contained  in  the  name, 
has  hitherto  escaped  recognition.  By  Eusebius 
(under  ^A(avad(id)  it  is  mentioned  as  lying  in  the 
plain  in  the  confines  of  Dio-csesarea. 

For  the  use  of  the  word  "JTS  =  ear,  comp.  Uz- 
zkn-Sherah;  and  for  the  metaphor  involved  in 
Vhe  name,  comp.  Chisloth  Tabor.  G. 

A'ZOR  ('A^wp:  Az*.rr),  son  of  Eliakim   in  thfc 
Ine  of  our  \jotA  (Matt.  1.  13,  14). 
,  AZO'TUS.     [AsiiDOD.] 

AZOTUS.  MOXTNT  ('aCc5tou  Spos.ofACw- 


AZZAN  205 

ros  ipos  '•  mons  Azoti).  In  the  fatar  Lnttle  io 
which  Judas  Maccabseus  fell,  he  broke  the  right 
wing  of  Bacchides'  army,  and  pursued  them  to 
Mount  A^otus  (1  Mace.  ix.  15).  Josephus  calls  it 
Aza,  or  Azara,  according  to  many  MSS.,  which 
EwaJd  fmds  in  a  mountain  west  of  Birzeit,  under 
the  form  Atara,  the  Philistine  Ashdod  being  out 
of  the  question.  W.  A.  W. 

AZ'RIEL  (bS''";iT37  \Jielp  of  God] :  om.  in 
Vat.  MS.  [rather,  in  the  Rom.  ed.;  Vat.  EffSpirjA; 
Comp. 'ECpiiiK];  Alex.  u(ptr)\:  Eziiel).  1.  The 
head  of  a  house  of  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  be- 
yond Jordan,  a  man  of  renown  (1  Chr.  v.  24). 

2.  CoCi^K;  [Vat.  EerpejTjA:]  Oznel.)  A  Naph- 
talite,  ancestor  of  Jerimoth  the  head  of  the  tribe  at 
the  time  of  David's  census  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  19);  called 
UzziEL  in  two  Heb.  MSS..  and  apparently  in  the 
LXX. 

3.  ('Eo-pt^A  ;  Alex.  EaCpiV^  ■  F.zriel.)  The 
father  of  Seraiah,  an  officer  of  Jehoiakim  (Jer 
xxxvi.  26).  W.  A.  W. 

AZ'RIKAM  (D|7''''T?  [^«^/^  against  the 
enemyl:  ^E^piKdix;  [Vat.  E^pej/ca;';]  Alex.  Ecrpj- 
KafjL-  Ezricam).  1.  A  descendant  of  Zerubbabel, 
and  son  of  Neariah  of  the  royal  line  of  Judah  (1 
Chr.  iii.  23).  , 

2.  ([Vat.  ^CpiLKai,  E<r5petKa«/;]  Alex.  E^pt- 
Kafji- )  Eldest  son  of  Azel,  and  descendant  of  Saul 
(1  Chr.  viu.  38,  ix.  44). 

3.  ([Vat.  EffptiKav,  E^epet;]  in  Neh.  'Eo-pJKti/x; 
Alex.  E^pi:  Azuncam.)  A  Levit«,  ancestor  of 
Shemaiah  who  lived  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (1 
Chr.  ix.  14;  Neh.  xi.  15). 

4.  ('ECp'ff^";  [Vat.  E7Sp«jKai';  Comp.  'Etrpt- 
Ktifi-] )  Governor  of  the  house,  or  prefect  of  the 
palace  to  king  Ahaz,  who  was  slain  by  Zichri,  an 
Ephraimite  hero,  in  the  successfiil  invasion  of  the 
soutliem  kingdom  by  Pekah,  king  of  Israel  (2  Chr. 
xxviii.  7).  W.  A.  W. 

AZU'BAH  (nn^fl^  [ruins'] :  TaCov^d;  Alex, 
[once]  A^oi/j8a:  Azid>n).  1.  Wife  of  Caleb,  son 
of  Hezron  (1  Chr.  ii.  18,  19). 

2.  {'aCov^iL  [Vat.  in  1  K.  ACaejSa]).  Mother 
of  king  Jehoshaphat  (1  K.  xxii.  42;  2  Chr.  xx.  31). 

W.  A.  W. 

A'ZUR,  properly  AZ'ZXJR  ("^^^3?  [helper]: 
'A^wp.  Azur).  1.  A  Benjamite  of  Gibeon,  and 
father  of  Hananiah  the  false  prophet  (Jer.  xxviii.  1). 
Hitzig  suggests  that  he  may  have  been  a  priest,  as 
Gibeon  was  one  of  the  priestly  cities. 

2.  (~'-!.^'-*'ECfp;  Alex.  laCep-)  Father  of  Jaaia- 
niah,  one  of  the  princes  of  the  people  against  •ffhor'. 
Ezekiel  was  commanded  to  prophesy  (Ez.  xi.  1 ). 

W.  A.  W. 

AZU'RAN  ('ACapov;  Alex.  ACojpoV,  [Aid 
'A^ovpdv-]  Azo7-oc).  The  sons  of  Azuran  art 
enumerated  in  1  Esdr.  v.  15,  among  those  who 
returned  from  Babylon  with  Zorobabel,  but  there 
is  no  corresponding  name  in  the  catalogues  of  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah.  Azuran  may  perhaps  be  identical 
with  Azzur  in  Neh.  x.  17.  W.  A.  W. 

AZ'ZAH  ("'•)7  [strong]:  ra.(v,  ra.(a:  Gaza) 
The  more  accurate  rendering  of  the  name  of  the 
I  well-known  Philistuie  city,  Gaza  (Deut.  ii.   23 ;  1 
K.  h  24;  Jer.  xxv.  20).    [Gaza.]     W.  A.  W. 

AZ-ZAN  (]-!V  [perh.  sharp,  Furst]:  '0^2  = 
Of^).     The  father  of  Paltiel,  prince  of  the  trib« 


206  AZZUR 

of  Issachar,  who  represented  his  trihe  in  the  division 
if  the  promised  land  (Num.  sxxiv.  26). 

W.  A.  W. 

AZ'ZUR  r^-tV  [helptr]:  'A(oip  ;  [Vat. 
\Sovp;  Aid.  'A^oi^P-]  -■l'^"'')-  One  of  the  heads 
»f  tlie  people  who  si;^ued  the  covenant  with  Nehe- 
niiah  (Xeh.  x.  17).  The  name  is  probably  that 
of  a  family,  and  in  Hebrew  is  the  same  as  is  else- 
where represented  by  Azuk.  W.  A.  W. 


B. 

BA'AL  (71^2:  Bom\-  Baal),  the  supreme  male 
divinity  of  the  I'hu-nician  and  Canaanitish  nations, 
as  AsiiTOKKTU  was  their  supreme  female  divinity. 
Both  names  have  the  peculiarity  of  being  used  in 
the  plural,  and  it  seems  certain  that  these  plurals 
designate  not  (as  Gesenius,  Thes.  s.  w.,  main- 
tained) statues  of  the  divinities,  but  different  modi- 
fications of  the  divinities  themselves.  That  there 
were  many  such  modifications  of  Baal  is  certain 
from  the  fact  that  his  name  occurs  with  numerous 
adjuncts,  both  in  the  0.  T.  and  elsewhere,  as  we 
shall  have  occasion  to  notice  hereafter.  The  plural 
Baalim  is  found  frequently  alone  (e.  (/.  Judg.  ii.  11, 
X.  10;  1  K.  xviii.  18;  Jer.  ix.  14;  Hos.  ii.  17), 
as  well  as  in  connection  with  Ashtoreth  (Judg.  x. 
6;  1  Sam.  vii.  4)  and  with  Asherah,  or,  as  our 
version  renders  it,  "the  groves"  (Judg.  iii.  7;  2 
Chr.  xxxiii.  3).  There  is  no  difficulty  in  deter- 
mining the  meaning  of  the  name,  since  the  word 
is  in  Hebrew  a  common  noun  of  frequent  occur- 
rence, having  the  meaning  />wt/,  not  so  much,  how- 
ever, in  the  sense  of  Ruler  as  of  Master,  Owner, 
Possessor.  I'he  name  of  the  god,  whether  singu- 
lar or  plural,  is  always  distuiguished  from  the  com- 
mon noun  by  the  presence  of  the  article  ( V^^^iJ. 

□^^^-^n))  except  when  it  stands  in  connection 
with  some  other  word  which  designates  a  peculiar 
modification  of  Baal.     In  the  Chaldaic  form  the 

word  becomes  shortened  into  v372l,  and,  thence 

dropping  the  guttural,  72,  Bel,  which  is  the 
Babylonian  name  of  this  god  (Buxtorf,  Lex.  Chakl. 
et  Talm.,  Gesen.,  Fiirst,  Movers;  the  identity  of 
the  two  words  is,  however,  doubted  by  Rawlinson, 
Herod,  i.  318). 

There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  very  high  antiqui- 
ty of  the  worship  of  Baal.  We  find  his  worship  es- 
tablished amongst  the  Moabites  and  their  allies  the 
Midianites  in  the  time  of  Moses  (Num.  xxii.  41), 
uid  through  these  nations  the  IsraeUtes  were  se- 
duced to  the  worship  of  this  god  under  the  particu- 
lar form  of  Bajd-Peor  (Num.  xxv.  3  ff. ;  Deut.  iv. 
3 ).  Notwithstanding  the  fearful  pimishment  which 
their  idolatry  brought  upon  them  in  this  instance, 
the  succeeding  generation  returned  to  the  worship 
of  Baal  (Judg.  ii.  10-13),  and  with  the  exception  of 
the  period  during  which  Gideon  was  judge  (Judg. 
vi.  26  ff.,  viii.  33)  this  form  of  idolatry  seems  to 
have  prevailed  amongst  them  up  to  the  time  of  Sam- 
uel (Judg.  X.  10:  ]  Sam.  vii.  4),  at  whose  rebuke 
the  people  renounced  the  worship  of  Baalim.  Two 
centuri'^  pass  over  before  we  hear  agaui  of  Baal  in 
lonnection  with  the  people  of  Israel,  though  we  can 
icarcely  conclude  from  this  silence  that  his  worship 
mm  altogether  abandoned.  We  know  that  in  the 
"ime  of  Solomon  the  service  of  many  gods  of  the 


BAAL 

surrounding  nations  was  introduced,  and  particular 
ly  that  of  Ashtoreth,  with  wliich  l^aal  is  so  fre- 
quently connected.  However  this  may  be,  the  wor- 
ship of  Baal  spread  greatly,  and  together  with  that 
of  Asherah  became  the  religion  of  the  court  and 
people  of  the  ten  tribes  under  Ahab,  king  of  Isi-ael, 
in  consequence  of  his  marriage  with  Jezebel  (IK. 
xvi.  31-33 ;  xviii.  19,  22).  And  though  this  idol- 
atry was  occasionally  put  down  (2  K.  iii.  2,  x.  28) 
it  appears  never  to  have  been  permanently  or  effect- 
ually abolished  in  that  kingdom  (2  K.  xvii.  16). 
In  the  kingdom  of  Judah  also  Baal-worship  exten- 
sively prevailed.  During  tlie  short  reign  of  Ahaziali 
and  the  subsequent  usurpvtion  of  his  mother  Ath- 
aliah,  the  sister  of  Ahab,  it  apjiears  to  have  been 
the  reUgion  of  the  court  (2  K.  viii.  27 ;  comp.  si. 
18),  as  it  was  subsequently  imder  Ahaz  (2  K.  xvi. 
3;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  2),  and  Manasseh  (2  K.  xxi.  3). 

The  worship  of  Baal  amongst  the  Jews  appears 
to  have  been  apjjointed  with  nmch  pomp  and  cere- 
monial. Temples  were  erected  to  him  (1  K.  xvi. 
32;  2  K.  xi.  18);  his  images  were  set  up  (2  K.  x. 
26);  his  altars  were  very  numerous  (Jer.  xi.  13), 
were  erected  particularly  on  lofty  eminences  (1  K. 
xviii.  20),  and  on  the  roofs  of  houses  (Jer.  xxxii.  29); 
there  were  priests  in  great  numbers  (1  K.  xviii.  19), 
and  of  various  classes  (2  K.  x.  19);  the  worshippers 
appear  to  have  been  arrayed  in  appropriate  robes 
(2  K.  X.  22) ;  the  worship  was  performed  by  burning 
incense  (Jer.  vii.  9)  and  offering  burnt-sacrifices, 
which  occasionally  consisted  of  human  victims  (Jer. 
xix.  5).  ■  The  officiating  priests  danced  with  frantic 
shouts  around  the  altar,  and  cut  themselves  with 
knives  t»  excite  the  attention  and  compassion  of  the 
god  (1  K.  xviii.  26-28;  comp.  Lucian,  De  Syi-ia  den, 
50;  Tert.  AjmI.  9;  Lucan,  i.  565;  Tibull.  i.  6,  47). 
Throughout  all  the  Phoenician  colonies  we  con- 
tinually find  traces  of  the  worship  of  this  god,  part- 
ly in  the  names  of  men  such  as  Adher-bal,  Asdru- 
bal,  Hannibal,  and  still  more  distinctly  in  Phoe- 
nician inscriptions  yet  remaining  (Gesen.  Mon. 
Phoen.  passim).  Nor  need  we  hesitate  to  regard 
the  Babylonian  Bel  (Is.  xlvi.  1)  or  Belus  (Herod,  i. 
181),  as  essentially  identical  with  Baal,  though  per- 
haps under  some  modified  form.  Kawhnson  dis- 
tinguishes between  the  second  god  of  the  first  triad 
of  the  Assyrian  pantheon,  whom  he  names  provis- 
ionally Bel-Nimrod,  and  the  Babylonian  Bel  whom 
he  considers  identical  with  Merodach  {Herod,  i. 
594  ff.;  627  ff.). 

The  same  perplexity  occurs  respecting  the  con- 
nection of  this  god  with  the  heavenly  bodies  as  we 
have  already  noticed  in  regard  to  Ashtoreth.  Creu- 
zer  {Symb.  ii.  413)  and  Movers  {Phon.  i.  180)  de- 
clare Baal  to  be  the  Sun-god ;  on  the  other  hand, 
the  Babylonian  god  is  identified  with  Zeus  by  He- 
rodotus, and  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  Bel- 
Merodach  is  the  planet  Jupiter  (Kawhnson,  lltrod. 
I.  c).  It  is  quite  likely  that  in  the  case  of  Baal 
as  well  as  of  Ashtoreth  the  symbol  of  the  god 
varied  at  different  times  and  in  different  localities. 
Indeed  the  great  number  of  adjuncts  with  which 
the  name  of  Baal  is  found  is  a  sufficient  proof  of 
the  diversity  of  characters  in  which  he  was  regard- 
ed, and  there  must  no  doubt  have  existed  a  corre- 
sponding diversity  in  the  worship.  It  luay  even  be 
a  question  whether  m  the  original  notion  of  Baal 
there  was  reference  to  any  of  the  heavenly  bod- 
ies, since  the  derivation  of  the  name  does  not  in 
this  instance,  as  it  does  in  the  case  of  .\8htf)reth 
point  directly  to  them.  If  we  separate  the  nam« 
13aal  from  idolatry,  we  seem,  according  to  its  (r.eai> 


i 


BAAL 

to  obtain  simply  the  notion  of  Lord  and  Pro-  I 
letor  of  all.  With  this  the  idea  of  productive 
^wer  is  naturally  associated,  and  that  power  is  as 
naturally  symbolized  by  the  sun,  whilst  on  the 
other  hand  the  ideas  of  providential  arrangement 
and  rule,  and  so  of  prosperity,  are  as  naturally  sug- 
gested by  the  word,  and  in  the  astral  mythology  these 
ideas  are  associated  with  the  planet  Jupiter.  In 
point  of  fact  we  find  adjuncts  to  the  name  of  Baal 
answering  to  all  these  notions,  e.  g.  BeeKffifirjv, 
Balsamen  (Plant.  Pasn.  v.  2,  67)  =  V»^"'"^272, 

'>  Lord  of  the  heavens ;  "  ]  !2n"v372,  Baal-Hamon 
(Gesen.  Mm.  Plimn.  349),  the  Sun-Baal,  and  sim- 
■ly  the  nameof  a  city  in  the  0.  T.  lSttn-bl72 
;Cant.  \iii.  11);  12"^P2,  Baal-Gad,  the  name 
bf  a  city  (Josh.  xi.  17 ),  Baal  the  Fortune-bringer, 
which  god  may  be  regarded  as  identical  with  the 
planet  Jupiter  (Gesen.  Thes.  Fiirst).  Many  more 
compounds  of  Baal  in  the  O.  T.  occur,  and 
amongst  them  a  large  number  of  cities,  which  are 
mentioned  below.  We  shall  first  mention  those 
names  of  men  and  of  gods  in  which  Baal  is  the 
first  element.  It  may  be  noted  before  proceeding 
to  specify  the  particular  compounds  of  Baal  that 
the  word  standing  alone  occurs  in  the  O.  T.  in 
two  [three]  instances  as  the  name  of  a  man  (1  Chr. 
V.  5,  viii.  30,  [ix.  36]).  Fiii-st  considers  that  in 
these  instances  the  latter  element  of  the  word  is 
dropped. 

1.  Ba'al-be'rith   (n''"12  7373:   [ti^  BoaA 

hui6i\Kr)v,^  BaaKfieplB;  [Alex,  rov  Eaa\  Beep  eis 
haOriKTiv,  BoaA  Sja07j/{Tjy:  Baal  fmdus,]  Baal- 
berit).  This  form  of  Baal  was  worshipped  at 
Shecheni  by  the  Israelites  after  the  death  of  Gideon 
(Judg.  viii.  33,  ix.  4).  The  name  signifies  the 
Covenant^Banl,  and  has  been  compared  with  the 
Grflek  Zeus  '6pKios  or  the  Latin  Deusjidius.  The 
meaning,  however,  does  not  seem  to  be  the  god 
who  presides  over  covenants,  but  the  god  who  comes 
into  covenant  with  the  worshippers.     In  Judg.  ix. 

46  he  is  called  .H'^'IS  7S.  We  know  nothing 
of  the  particular  form  of  worship  paid  to  this  god. 

2.  Ba'al-ze'bub  (3-12T    7^2  :   Bda\  fivta- 

Btehebub),  the  form  of  Baal  worshipped  at  Ekron 
(2  K.  i.  2,  3,  [6,]  16).  The  meaning  of  the  name 
is  Baal  or  Lord  of  the  fly.  Though  such  a  desig- 
nation of  the  god  appears  to  us  a  kind  of  mockery, 
and  has  consequently  been  regarded  as  a  term  of 
derision  (Selden,  De  Diis  Syris,  p.  375),  yet  there 
seems  no  reason  to  doubt  that  this  was  the  name 
given  to  the  god  by  his  worshippers,  and  the  plague 
of  flies  in  hot  climates  furnishes  a  sufiicient  reason 
for  the  designation.  Similarly  the  Greeks  gave  the 
epithet  awSfiutos  to  Zeus  (Pausan.  v.  14,  §  2; 
Clem.  Alex.  Protrept.  ii.  38),  and  Pliny  (xxix.  6, 
34,  init.)  speaks  of  a  Fly-god  Myiodes.  The  name 
^curs  in  the  N.  T.  in  the  well-known  form  Beel- 
KEBUB  [properly  Beelzebul]. 

3.  Ba'al-ha'nan  (]^n  ^pS,  Baal  is  gra- 
cious: BoAAei't^j',  BaKaepvcap;  [Alex.  Ba\aey- 
cttfi/:]  Balanan:  comp.  "J^'^'^"'"',  'Itodvirqs ,  Je- 
kovah  is  gracious).  (1.)  The  name  of  one  of  the 
tarly  kings  of  Edom  (Gen.  xxxvi.  38,  39;  1  Chr. 
■•.  49,  50). 

(2.)  {Ba\Xava,v\  [Vat.  Ba\a.vas;  Alex.  BoA- 
Vavoi  Comp.  BaXaavdv]-)     The  name  of  one  of 


BAAL  207 

David's  ofBcerS;  who  had  the  superintendence  of 
his  olive  and  sycamore  plantations  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
28).  He  was  of  the  town  of  Gederah  (Josh.  xv. 
36)  or  Beth-Gader  (1  Chr.  ii.  51),  and  from  hii 
name  we  may  conjecture  that  he  was  of  Canaanitish, 
not  Jewish  origin. 

4.  Ba'al-pe'ok  ("11V5  v3?2 :  BeeAc^eycip- 
Beelphegor).  We  have  already  referred  to  the 
worship  of  this  god.  The  narrative  (Num.  xxv.) 
seems  clearly  to  show  that  this  form  of  Baal-wor- 
ship was  connected  with  licentious  rites.  Without 
laying  too  much  stress  on  the  Rabbinical  derivation 

of  the  word  "ITI^S,  hiatus,  i.  e.  "apeiire  hymeuem 
virgineum,"  we  seem  to  have  reason  to  conclude 
that  this  was  the  nature  of  the  worship.  Baal-peur 
was  identified  by  the  Kabbins  and  early  fathers 
with  Priapus  (see  the  authorities  quoted  by  Selden, 
Be  Diis  Syris,  i.  4,  302  fF.,  who,  however,  dissents 
from  this  view).  This  is,  moreover,  the  view  of 
Creuzer  (ii.  411),  Winer,  Geseuius,  Fiirst,  and  al- 
most all  critics.  The  reader  is  referred  for  more 
detailed  information  particularly  to  Creuzer's  Sym- 
boUk  and  Movers's  PhSnizier.  F.  W.  G. 

BA'AL  (vV?)j  geographical.  This  word  oc- 
curs as  the  prefix  or  sufBx  to  the  names  of  several 
places  in  Palestine.  Gesenius  has  expressed  his 
opinion  ( Thes.  p.  225  a)  that  in  these  cases  it  has 
no  reference  to  any  worship  of  the  god  Baal,  at  the 
particular  spot,  but  merely  expresses  that  the  place 
"possesses"  or  contauis  something  special  denoted 
by  the  other  part  of  the  name,  the  word  Baal  bear- 
ing in  that  case  a  force  synonymous  with  that  of 
Beth.  Without  being  so  presumptuous  as  to 
contradict  this  conclusion,  some  reasons  may  (with 
considerable  hesitation)  be  mentioned  for  reconsid- 
ering it. 

(«.)  Though  employed  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures 
to  a  certaui  extent  metaphorically,  and  there  cer- 
tainly with  the  force  of  "possession"  or  "owner- 
ship," —  as  a  "  lord  of  hair  "  (2  K.  i.  8),  "  lord  of 
dreams"  (Gen.  xxxvii.  19),  &c.,  Baal  ne-er  seems 
to  have  become  a  naturalized  Hebrew  word,  but 
frequently  occurs  so  as  to  betray  its  Canaanite 
origin  and  relationship.  Thus  it  is  several  times 
employed  to  designate  the  inhabitants  of  towns 
either  certainly  or  probably  heathen,  but  rarely  if 
ever  those  of  one  undoubtedly  Hebrew.  It  is  ap- 
plied to  the  men  of  Jericho  before  the  conquest 
(Josh.  xxiv.  11);  to  the  men  of  Shechem,  the  an- 
cient city  of  Hamor  the  Hivite,  who  rose  to  recover 
the  rights  of  Hamor' s  descendants  long  after  the 
conquest  of  the  land  (Judg.  ix.  2-51,  with  Ewald's 
commentaiy,  Gesch.  ii.  44.5-7),  and  in  the  ac 
count  of  which  struggle,  the  distinction  between 

the  D'^b^^  of  Shechem,  and  the  D'^tPSS  — tht 

Hebrew  relations  of  Abimelech  —  is  carefully  main- 
tained. It  is  used  for  the  men  of  Keilah,  a  place  on 
the  western  confines  of  Judah,  exposed  to  all  the  at 
tacks  and  the  influences  of  the  surrounding  heathen 
(1  Sam.  xxiii.  11,  12),  for  Uriah  the  Hittite  (2  Sam. 
xi.  26),  and  for  others  (Is.  xvi.  8,  &c.).  Add  to 
this  the  consideration  that  if  Baal  forms  part  of  the 
name  of  a  person  we  are  sure  to  find  the  name 
mentioned  with  some  Hebrew  alteration,  as  Jerub- 
besheth  for  Jerub-baal,  Mephibosheth  for  Merib- 
baal,  Ish-bosheth  for  Esh-baal,  and  others.  In 
Hos.  ii.  16  a  remarkable  instance  is  preserved  of 
the  distinction,  noticed  above  in  connection  with  the 
record  of  the  revolt  at  Shechem,  between  the  he» 


208  BAAL 

then  Saai  and  the  Hebrew  Ish  —  "  at  that  day, 
saith  Jehovah,  men  shall  call  Me  '  Ishi,'  aad  shall 
call  Me  no  more  '  Baali,'  "  both  words  having  the 
sense  of  "  my  husband." 

(6.)  Such  places  called  by  this  name  or  its  com- 
pounds as  can  be  identified,  and  several  of  which 
existed  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  were  either 
near  Phoenicia,  as  Baal-gad,  IJaal-hermon,  liel- 
markos  (of  later  times);  or  in  proximity  to  some 
other  acknowledged  seat  of  heathen  worship,  as 
Baal-meon  and  Bamoth-Baal,  near  the  infamous 
seat  of  Baal-peor ;  or  Kirjath-Baal  and  Baal-tamar, 
which  were  in  the  district  containing  the  early  and 
famous  sanctuaries  and  high  places  of  Gibeon  and 
Bethel. 

(c.)  On  more  than  one  occasion  Baal  forms  part 
of  the  names  of  places  which  we  elsewhere  discover 
to  have  been  elevated  spots,  spots  in  which  the 
worship  of  the  Canaanites  deUghted.  Thus  Baal- 
hermon  is  elsewhere  called  "Mount  B."  and  Baal- 
Perazim  is  (very  probably)  "Mount  P."  Baalath- 
beer  too  is  called  in  the  parallel  lists  Kamath  (i.  e. 
"height").  Compare  the  Vulgate  rendering  of 
Baalah  in  1  Chr.  xiii.  6,  ad  collem  Caiiathiarim. 

(d.)  There  is  the  consideration  of  the  very  deep 
significance  with  which  the  name  of  BaaJ  must 
always  have  been  invested  both  for  the  Israelites 
and  for  their  predecessors  in  the  country ;  for  those 
who  venerated  and  those  who  were  commanded  to 
hate  him.  Surely  this  significance  must  have  been 
suflBcient  to  prevent  that  portentous  name  from 
becoming  a  mere  alternative  for  a  term  which,  like 
Beth,  was  in  the  commonest  daily  use. 

The  places  in  the  names  of  which  Baal  forms  a 
part  are  as  follows :  — 

1.  Ba'al  [Bcio\;  Vat.  BoAar:  Boat],  a  t«wn 
of  Simeon,  named  only  in  1  Chr.  iv.  33,  and  which 
from  the  parallel  Ust  in  Josh.  xix.  seems  to  have 
been  identical  with  Baalath-beer. 

2.  Ba'alah  (n  v^S  [fem.  possessor,  i.  e.  of 
a  town  =  city  or  state,  (Jes.]  :  BcioA ;  [in  Josh.  xv. 
9,  Vat.  U$aa\  for  e*s  B<ia\;  11,  iirl  \lfia,  Alex.] 
Ba\c£:  Baala). 

(a.)  Another  name  for  Kirjath-Jeabim,  or 
Kirjath-Baal,  the  well-known  town,  now  Kui-iet 
el  Enab.  It  is  mentioned  in  Josh.  xv.  9,  10 ;  1 
Chr.  xiii.  6   («'y  ic6\iv  Aai;(8;  ad  collem  Caria- 

ihiarim).  In  Josh.  xv.  11,  it  is  called  Mount  ("Tf) 
Baalah,  and  in  xv.  60,  and  xviii.  14,  Kirjath-Baal. 
From  the  expression  "Baalah,  which  is  Kirjath- 
jearim"  (comp.  "Jebusi,  which  is  Jerusalem," 
xviii.  28),  it  would  seem  as  if  Baalah  were  the 
earlier  or  Canaanite  appellation  of  the  place.  In  2 
Sam.   vi.   2,   the  name  occurs  sUghtly  altered  as 

"Baale  of  Judah"  (ni^n;"  "'^^?))  anch  t«»' 
apxivrwv  ^lovSa,  de  viris  Juda). 

(6.)  [BoAdi;  Aid.  Alex.  BaaKd.]  A  town  in 
the  south  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  29),  which  in  xix.  3 
is  called  Balah,  and  m  the  parallel  list  (1  Chr.  iv. 

29)  BiLHAlI. 

3.  Ba'alath  (nbrS :  [TffieeAdv,  Ba\ade, 
om.  in  1  K. ;  Vat.  in  2  Chr.  BaAoa ;  Alex.  Ba- 
%\<iH',  BaXaO,  BaXaas:  Balaath,  1  K.]  Boalath), 
a  town  of  Dan  named  with  Gibbethon,  Gath-rim- 
mon,  and  other  Philistine  places  (Josh.  xix.  44). 
It  is  possible  that  the  same  town  is  referred  to  in  1 
K.  ix.  18  and  2  Chr.  viii.  6  {BuKadG)-  See  Joseph. 
Ard.  viii.  6,  §  1. 

4.  Ba'aiath-be'er  ("IS21  n^]??,  Bcuil  of 


BAAL 

/Ae  we  W  =  Holy -well:  BoXsk;  [Vat.i  Bo^»,ci  Alex. 
BaoA  &eprippaiit.iji(i>$  ;  Aid.  BoA'd  BT^pafifiwO  ; 
Comp.  BaaKdd  Brippadfji<id  •]  Baalath-Beer),  a  towi. 
among  those  in  the  south  part  of  Judah,  given  tc 
Simeon;  and  which  also  bore  the  name  of  Ra- 
math-Negeb,  or  "the  heights  of  the  South'" 
(Josh.  xix.  8).  In  another  list  it  ap[)ears  in  the 
contracted  form  of  Baal.     [See  1.] 

Other  sacred  wells  in  this  parched  region  were 
the  Beer-lahai-roi,  the  "  well  of  the  vision  of  God;  " 
and  Beer-sheba,  the  "  well  of  the  oath." 

5.  Ba'augad   (12  b^2  :    BoKaydh;    [Aid. 

Alex.  BaXydh;  Comp.  Baa.\ydt\  in  Josh.  xiii.  5, 
ra\yd\,  Comp.  BaeKydS;  xii.  7,  Vat.  M.  BoAo- 
7o55a:]  Baalgad),  a  place  evidently  well  known  at 
the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Palestine,  and  as  such 
usetl  to  denote  the  most  northern  (Josh.  xi.  17,  r:i. 
7)  or  perhaps  northwestern  (xiii.  5,  Hamath  being 
to  the  extreme  northeast)  point  to  which  Joshua's 
victories  extended.  It  was  in  all  probability  a 
Phoenician  or  Canaanite  sanctuary  of  Baal  under 
the  aspect  of  Gad,  or  Fortune.  [Gad.]  No  trace 
of  its  site  has  yet  been  discovered.     The  words 

"the  plain  (n"l^p2)  of  Lebanon"  would  lead  to 

the  supposition  that  it  lay  in  the  great  plain  be- 
tween the  two  ranges  of  Lebanon  and  Anti-Leb- 
anon, which  is  stLQ  known  by  the  same  Hebrew  word 
eUBuka'a ;  and  it  has  accordingly  been  identified 
by  Iken  and  others  with  Baalbec  (Kob.  iii.  519). 
But  against  this  are  the  too  great  distance  of  Baal- 
bec to  the  north,  and  the  precise  expression  of  the 
text  —  "under  Mount  Hermon"  (Jerome:  ad 
radices  montis  Hermon).  The  conjecture  of 
Schwarz  (p.  60),  supported  by  Kobinson  with  his 
usual  care,  is,  that  the  modern  representative  of 
Baalgad  is  Banias,  a  place  which  long  maintained 
a  great  reputation  as  the  sanctuary  of  Pan.  [Cvi's- 
area  Philippi.] 

6.  Ba'al-ha'mon  ("0^17  "^'  ^"''^^  °f  multi- 
tude: Bff\afui)v'  ea  quce  hnhet  populos),  a  place 
at  which  Solomon  had  a  vineyard,  evidently  of 
great  extent  (Cant.  viii.  11 ).  The  only  possible  clue 
to  its  situation  is  the  mention  in  Judith  viii.  3,  of 
a  Belamon  or  Balamon  ([Bom.  BeKa^uV,  Vat. 
Alex.]  BaKaixwVi  [Comp.  Aid.  BaKajxtii'-  BetJi- 
ulia:]  A.  V.  Balamo)  near  Dothaim;  and  there- 
fore in  the  mountains  of  Kphraim,  not  far  north  of 
Samaria.  If  so,  this  vineyard  may  have  been  in 
one  of  the  "  fat  valleys  "  of  the  "  dnmkards  of 
Ephraim,  who  are  overcome  with  wine,"  to  which 
allusion  is  made  in  Is.  xxviii.  1. 

7.  Ba'al-ha'zor  ("ll'P,  2,  Baal's  vUkige : 

B(\aad>p\  [Vat.  BaiAocaip;]  Alex.  BeSAocrwp; 
[Comp.  BaaXaffwp :]   Baalhasor),  a  place  "  '  by ' 

Ephraim"  ( S-Cl?),  where  Absalom  appears  to 
have  had  a  sheep-farm,  and  where  Anmon  was 
murdered  (2  Sam.  xiii.  23). 

8.  Mount     Ba'al-hek'mon      (7^2     "tH 

'('l'!2~ir'?  ([tJ)  ipos  Tov  'fifpfidoy,  Alex.  t.  o.  t 
BaAa6p)U£»i',  Comp.  Aid.  t.  o.  t.  BooA  'Eo/itoir 
mons  BaaLHervum,']  Judg.  iii.  3),  and  simply  Ba- 
al-hermon  ([BaiA 'Ep/iciJ)/,  Vat.'  BoiAej/n:  Ba<d, 
Hei-mim,]  1  Chr.  v.  23)).  This  is  usually  con- 
sidered as  a  distinct  pbice  from  Mount  Hermon 
but  the  only  apparent  gn)und  for  so  doing  is  th« 
statement  in  the  latter  of  the  above  passages  '•  unti 


I 


BAAL 


BAAL 


209 


liaal-hermon,  aud  Senir,  and«  Mount  Hermon;  " 
Dut  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  conjunction  ren- 
dered "  and  "  may  be  here,  as  often  elsewhere,  used 
as  an  expletive,  —  "  unto  Baal-hermon,  even  Senir, 
even  Mount  Hermon."  Perhaps  this  derives  some 
color  from  the  fact,  which  we  know,  that  this 
mountain  had  at  least  three  names  (Deut.  iii.  9). 
May  not  Baal-hernion  have  been  a  fourth,  m  use 
among  the  Phoenician  worshippers  of  Baal,  one  of 
whose  sanctuaries,  BaaJ-gad,  was  at  the  foot  of  this 
very  mountain  V 

9.  Ba'al-me'on  (*P'^-)  2:  rjEeeXfifciv,  [in 
1  Chr.,  BeeK/j.aa-ffdi';  Aid.  Alex.  BeeAjuoci;/; 
Comp.  BieK/xedv.  hi  liz.,  most  MSS.  om. :]  Baal- 
tition,   [Bf  tlineon] ),  one  of  the  towns  which  were 

I  built"  by  the  Keubenites  (Num.  xxxii.  38),  and 
which  they  -'gave  other  names."  Possibly  the 
Beth,"  which  is  added  to  the  name  in  its  men- 
m  elsewhere,  and  which  sometimes  superseded 
le  "Baal"  of  the  original  name,  is  oue  of  the 
langes  referred  to.  [Bkth-baal-meon  :  Bktu- 
KUN.]  It  is  also  named  in  1  Chr.  v.  8,  and  on 
each  occasion  with  Xebo.  In  the  time  of  Ezeldel 
it  was  Moabite,  and  under  that  prosperous  domui- 
ion  had  evidently  become  a  place  of  distinction, 
being  noticed  as  one  of  the  cities  which  are  the 
"glory  of  the  country  "  {Ez.  xxv.  9).  In  the  days 
of  Kusebius  and  .lerome  {Onom.  Balmen)  it  was 
still  a  "vicus  maximus  "  called  Balmano,  9  mUes 
distant  from  Heshbon  ('le'jSoi/s,  J^sbus),  near  the 
"mountain  of  the  hot  springs,"  and  reputed  to  be 
the  native  place  of  Elisha. 

*  The  site  is  still  known.  "  Taking  a  sweep  on 
the  fine  turf  to  the  southeast"  (from  Ifeshban), 
gays  5Ir.  Tristram  {Land  of  Israel,  p.  540),  "we 
passed  by  the  ruins  of  Ma'in  (Baal-meon),  situated 
on  a  mamelon  exactly  like  Heshbon,  and  due  east 
of  Nebbah,  shapeless  aud  featureless,  at  which  a 
cursory  glance  was  sufficient."  H. 

10.  Ba'al-pek'azlm  (2^V^^  2  :  Bacd-phar- 
asim),  the  scene  of  a  victory  of  David  over  the  Phi- 
listines, and  of  a  great  destruction  of  their  unages, 
and  so  named  by  him  hi  a  characteristic  passage 

of  exulting  poetry  —  "  '  Jehovah  hath  burst  (V?-f ) 

upon  mine  enemies  before  me  as  a  burst  (V"?T. ) 
of  waters.'  Therefore  he  called  the  name  of  that 
place  'Baal-perazim,' "  i.  e  bursts  or  destructions 
(2  Sam.  V.  20;  1  Chr.  xiv.  11).  T'he  place  and 
the  circumstance  appear  to  be  again  alluded  to  in 
Is.  xxviii.  21,  where  it  is  called  Mount  P.  Perhaps 
this  may  point  to  the  previous  existence  of  a  high 
place  or  sanctuary  of  Baal  at  this  spot,  which  would 
lend  more  point  to  David's  exclamation  (see  G&se- 
nius,  Jes.  844).  The  LXX.  render  the  name  in  its 
two  occurrences,  respectively  'Ettcij'co  SiaKon-c^i/, 
and  AtaKoir)]  (papaa-'tV-  [Vat.  -pi-;  in  1  Chr.  xiv. 
11".  Baa\  ^apaa-iv,  Alex,  -a-eiv,  Vat.  4>aoA  *a0- 
iireifj.:]  the  latter  an  instance  of  retention  of  the 
(/rigittil  word  and  its  explanation  side  by  side;  the 
former  uncertain. 

11.  Ba'al-shal'isha  (niL'^t?.''  '2  :  Baidapi- 
ffi;  [Vat.  M.  Baidapeicra,  H.  Baida-apfiffa;  Alex.2] 
Badaapi,  [Alex.i  BadcrapKra;  Comp.  Baa\  2aAi- 
Ta:]  Bankalisa),  a  place  named  only  in  2  K.  iv. 
42;  apparently  not  far  from  Gilgal  (comp.  v.  38). 


a  The  "unto' 
tot  so  marked. 


in  the  A.  V.  if  mterpolated,  though 
14 


It  was  possibly  situated  in  the  district,  or  "  land  " 
of  the  same  name.     [Siialisha.] 

12.  Ba'ai,-ta'mar  ("l^rn  2,  sanctvMry  of 
the  palm:  BoaA  &afidp-  Baalthamar),  a  place 
named  only  in  Judg.  xx.  33,  as  near  Gilieah  of 

Benjamm.  The  pahn-tree  (ll^ri)  of  DeboraJi 
(iv.  5)  was  situated  somewhere  m  the  locality,  and 
is  possibly  alluded  to  (Stanley,  145,  6).  In  the 
days  of  Eusebius  it  was  still  knomi  under  the  al- 
tered name  of  Briddafidp ;  but  no  traces  of  it  have 
been  found  by  modern  travellers.  G. 

13.  Ba'ai^zk'phon  CJ^D?  ^272,  place  of 
Zej)ho7i:  BeeK(Teir<pa)P,  BefK(TeTr(pdl>i';  [Alex.  Be- 
eKfffcjxav  :]  Beelsephon),  a  place  in  Egypt  near 
where  the  Israelites  crossed  the  Red  Sea  (Ex.  xiv. 
2,  9  ;  Num.  xxxiii.  7).  From  the  position  of 
Goshen  and  the  indioatioiis  attbrded  by  the  narra- 
tive of  the  route  of  the  Isr:w>Utes.  we  place  Baal- 
zephon  on  the  western  shore  of  the  (iulf  of  Suez, 
a  Uttle  below  its  head,  which  at  this  time  was  about 
30  or  40  miles  northward  of  the  present  head. 
[GosHEis;  Red  Sea,.  Passage  ok].  Its  posi- 
tion with  respect  to  the  other  places  mentioned 
with  it  is  clearly  indicated.  The  Israelites  en- 
cam{>ed  before  or  at  Pi-hahiroth,  between  Migdol 
and  the  sea,- before  Baal-zephon,  according  to  Ex. 
(xiv.  2,  9),  while  in  Num.  I'i-hahiroth  is  described 
as  being  before  Baal-zephon,  and  it  is  said  that 
when  the  people  came  to  the  former  place  they 
pitched  before  Migdol  (Num.  xxxiii.  7);  and  agam, 
that  afterwards  they  departed  from  before  Pi-hahi- 
roth, here  in  Heb.  Hahiroth  (v.  8).  Migdol  and 
Baal-zephon  must  therefore  have  been  opjiosite  to 
one  another,  and  the  latter  behind  Pi-hahiroth  with 
reference  to  the  Israelites.  Baal-zephon  was  per- 
haps a  well-known  place,  if,  as  seems  likely,  it  is 
always  mentioned  to  indicate  the  position  of  Pi- 
hahu-oth,  which  we  take  to  be  a  natural  locality 
[Red  Sea,  Passage  of;  Pi-hahikoth].  The 
name  has  been  supposed  to  mean  "  place  of  Ty- 
phon,"  or  "sacred  to  Tj-phon,"  an  etymology 
approved  by  Gesenius  ( Tlies.  s.  v.).  Zephon  would 
well  enough  coirespond  in  sound  to  Typhon,  had 
we  any  ground  for  considering  the  latter  name  to 
be  either  Egyptian  or  Semitic,  but  a^we  have  not, 
the  conjecture  is  a  very  bold  one.  Were,  however, 
Typhon  an  Egyptian  word,  we  could  not  consider 
Zephon  in  Baal-zephon  to  be  its  Hebrew  transcrip- 
tion, inasmuch  as  it  is  joined  with  the  Hebrew  fonn 

V  "02.     We  would  rather  connect  Baal-zephon.  aa 

a  Hebrew  compound,  with  the  root  i^"  ^*<  as  if 
it  were  named  from  a  watch-tower  on  the  fixmtier 
like  the  neighboring  "^J^,  "the  tower."  It  is 
noticeable  that  the  name  of  the  son  of  Gad  called 
Ziphion  ]V-T"  i^  G^"-  (^^-  ^^)  i®  written  Ze- 
phon '(^"V'  in  Num.  (xxvi.  15).  The  identifica- 
tions of  Baal-zephon  that  have  been  proposed  de- 
pend upon  the  supposed  meaning  "place  of  Ty- 
phon." Forster  {/''pp-  ad  Mich.,  pp.  28,  29)  thinks 
it  was  Heroopolis, 'HpciJoij'  ir6Kis,  which  some,  as 
Champollion  (L'Ef/ypte  sous  Its  Pharaons,  ii.  87 
ff!^  consider,  wrongly,  to  be  the  same  as  Avaris, 
the  stronghold  of  the  Hycsos,  both  which  places 
were  connected  with  Typhon  (Steph.  B.  s.  v.  'Hpc<5; 
Manetho,  ap.  Joseph,  c.  Ainon.  i.  26).  Avaris  cannot 
be  Heroopolis,  for  geographical  reasf^ns.  (Comp., 
a^  to  the  site  of  Avaris.  Brigsch,  Geographisck* 


210 


BAAL 


Jtuchrijlen,  i.  86  ff.;  as  to  that  of  Heroopolis, 
I^psius,  CIn-on.  d.  yEyijpt.  i.  344  if.,  and  p.  342, 
»sainst  the  two  places  being  the  same.) 

R.  S.  P. 

BA'AL  P:?2:  "Iw^A;  Alex.  BaaX:  Baal). 
I.  A  lieubenito,  whose  son  or  descendant  Beerah 
was  cairied  off  by  the  invading  army  of  Assyria 
under  I'iglath-Pileser  (1  Chr.  v.  5). 

2.  (BaoA;  [Vat.  M.  1  Chr.  viii.  30,  BooAok- 
ei(i\).  The  son  of  Jehiel,  father  or  founder  of 
Gibeon,  by  his  wife  Maachah;  brother  of  Kish, 
and  grandfather  of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  30,  ix.  36). 

\V.  A.  VV. 

BA'ALAH.     [Baal,  No.  2.J 

BA'ALATH.     [Baal,  Nos.  3,  4.] 
BA'ALE  OF  JUDAH.    [Baal,  No.  2,  a.] 

*BAALI  C*';'!-?:  BoaAe//*:  -fi«a^i),  aa  em- 
ployed in  Hos.  ii.  16,  has  a  twofold  sense:  first, 
my  Baal,  the  name  of  the  principal  god  of  the 
Canaanites;  and,  second,  my  lord,  as  applied  by  a 
woman  to  her  husband  (Ex.  xxi.  22;  2  Sam.  xi.  26). 
The  pa.ssage  is :  "  And  it  shall  be  at  that  day,  saith 
the  Lord,  that  thou  shalt  call  me  Ishi,  and  shalt 
call  me  no  more  Baali."  The  time  is  coming,  the 
prophet  would  say,  when  Israel  shall  utterly  re- 
nomice  his  idolatry,  and  so  far  from  goijig  after 
heathen  gods,  shall  not  even  take  upon  his  lips  so 
much  as  a  word  that  would  revive  even  a  thought 
of  the  old  idolatry  which  had  been  so  base  a  vio- 
lation of  the  covenant  of  marriage  between  Jehovali 
and  his  people.  See  tlie  next  verse  (17th)  which 
confirms  this  view.  Consult  Manger  ( Comment,  in 
lAbr.  Has.  p.  132),  and  Pusey  (Mimn-  Prophets, 
Part  I.  p.  19).  The  A.  V.  imart/.)  translates  both 
terms  (my  husband:  my  lord ).  The  Vulgate  trans- 
lates the  former  {mevs  vir),  but  does  not  translate 
the  latter.  H. 

BA'ALIM.     [Baal.] 

BA'ALIS  (^'"7!:?  :  BeAejo-tra;  [Vat.  FA.8 
BeAeio-a;  Alex.  -Aj-:]  Baalis),  king  of  the  Bene- 
Ammon  (fiaffiKfiis  vihs  'Afifuiv)  at  the  time  of 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar 
(Jer.  xl.  14). 

BA'ANA  (K3272  [son  of  nfflictimi] :  Baj/ti, 
[Alex.]  Baoj/o:  Bnna),  the  name  of  several  men. 
1.  The  son  of  Ahilud,  Solomon's  commissariat  offi- 
cer in  Jezreel  and  the  north  of  the  Jordan  viUley 
(1  K.  iv.  12). 

2.  liBaavd:  Baana.)  The  father  of  Zadok, 
one  of  those  who  repaired  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
after  the  captivity]  (Neh.  iii.  4). 

3.  [Baavd  :  Vulg.  corrupt.]  (1  Esdr.  v.  8.) 
[Baanaii,  4.] 

BA'ANAH  (n3372  [=  ^3573,  see  above]: 

Baavd',  [Vat.  in  2  Sam.  iv.  5,  9,  Baafj.;  6,  Bafj-fia'-] 
Baann).  1.  Son  of  Kimmon,  a  Benjamite,  who 
irith  his  brother  IJechab  murdered  Ish-bosheth. 
For  this  they  were  killed  by  David,  and  their  muti- 
lated iKidies  hung  up  over  the  pool  at  Hebron  (2 
Sam.  iv.  2,  5,  6,  9). 

2.  [Alex.  Baavaai,  Boaca;  Rom.  Vat.  in  1 
(;hr.  NoojTct:  in  2  Sam.  om.]  A  Netophathite, 
tither  of  ileleb  or  Heled,  one  of  David's  mighty 
nen  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  29;  1  Chr.  xi.  30). 

3.  (Accurately  Baana,  '''J'^IT  '■  Baavd;  [Alex, 
ioavas:]  Baana),  son  of  Ilushai,  Solomon's  coni- 
niflsariat  officer  in  Asher  (1  K.  iv.  16). 


BABEL 

4.  A  man  who  accompanied  Zerubbabd  on  hii 
return  from  the  captivity  (Ezr.  ii.  2;  Neh.  \ii.  7). 
I'ossibly  the  same  person  is  intended  in  Neh.  x.  27. 
[Baana,  3.] 

BAANI'AS  (Bavalas;  [^'at.  M.]  Alex.  Bav 
vaias;  [Wechel  Baavaias-]  Bannas).  Benaiah, 
of  the  sons  of  Pharosh  (1  Esdr.  ix.  26;  comp.  Ezr. 
X.  25). 

BA'ARA  (S^272  [Imitish]:  BaaSd;  [Vat. 
I/8aaSa;]  Alex.  Baapa-  Bara),  one  of  the  wives 
of  Shaharaim,  a  descendant  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr. 
vui.  8). 

BAASE'IAH  [4  syl.]  (H^'b'^S  \yxn-k  of 
Jehovah}:  Baacria;  [Vat.  Maatrat:]  Basaia),  a 
Gershonite  Levite,  one  of  the  forefathers  of  Asaph 
the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  40  [25]). 

BA'ASHA  («P^r2  [insomeeds.  Stt'r?]: 
Baaad\  Joseph.  Boffdviis  ■  Baasa),  third  sove- 
reign of  the  separate  kingdom  of  Israel,  and  the 
founder  of  its  second  dynasty.  The  name,  accord- 
ing to  Gesenius,  is  from  a  root  to  be  wicked,  but 
this  would  seem  impossible  unless  it  haa  been  al- 
tered [Abuah],  and  Cahnet  suggests  that  it  may 

mean  in  the  work,  from  2  in,  and  Htt?'^'  to  make, 

or  he  who  seeks  n^2  and  lays  waste  TIHW. 
Baaslia  was  son  of  Ahyah  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar, 
and  conspired  against  King  Nadab,  son  of  Jero- 
boam, when  he  was  besieging  the  PhiUstine  town 
of  Gibliethon,  and  killed  him  with  his  whole  family. 
He  appears  to  have  been  of  humble  origin,  as  the 
prophet  Jehu  speaks  of  him  as  having  been  "  ex- 
alted out  of  the  dust"  (1  K.  xvi.  2).  In  matters 
of  religion  his  reign  was  no  improvement  on  that 
of  Jerolxjam;  he  equally  forgot  his  position  as  king 
of  the  nation  of  God's  election,  and  was  chiefly 
remarkable  for  his  persevering  bostiUty  to  Judah. 
It  was  probably  in  the  1.3th  year  of  his  reign  [Asa] 
that  he  made  war  on  its  king  Asa,  and  began  to 
fortify  Ramah  as  an  eViTei'x'O'/ua  against  it.  He 
was  defeated  by  the  unexpected  alliance  of  Asa  vrith 
Benhadad  I.  of  Damascus,  who  had  previously  been 
friendly  to  Baasha.  Benhadad  took  several  towns 
in  the  N.  of  Israel,  and  conquered  lands  belonging 
to  it  near  the  sources  of  Jordan.  I5aasha  died  in 
the  24th  year  of  his  reign,  and  was  honorably  bu- 
ried in  the  beautiful  city  of  Tirzah  (Cant.  vi.  4), 
which  he  had  made  his  capital.  The  dates  of  his 
accession  and  death  according  to  Chnton  (F.  B.  i. 
321)  are  b.  c.  953  and  b.  c.  931  (1  K.  xv.  27,  xvi. 
7;  2  Chr.  xvi.  1-6).  G.  E.  L.  C. 

*  Fiirst  derives  the  name  from  an  obsolete  root 
(existing  in  Arabic)  =  t!wfc7",  boldness.  H. 

BA'BEL,  BAB'YLON,  &c.  (^3'^:  Ba/J- 
v\d>V-  [Babel,  Babylon] )  is  properly  the  capital  city 
of  the  country  which  is  called  in    Genesis  Shinar 

i'^'^V^)  and  in  the  later  Scriptui«s  Chahlcea,  oi 

the  land  of  the  Chaldseans :  (C'^Ct"'"  ).    The  name 

is  connected  in  Genesis  with  the  Hebrew  root  ^^2, 
''  confundere,"  "  because  the  Lord  did  there  con- 
found the  langUiige  of  all  the  earth  "  (Gen.  xi.  9); 
but  the  native  etymology  is  Buh-il,  "  the  gate  of 
the  god  //,"  or  perhaps  more  simply  "  the  gate  of 
God;  "  and  this  no  doubt  was  the  original  uiten- 
tion  of  the  appellation  as  given  by  Nimrod,  thou<|b 
the  other  sense  came  to  be  attached  to  it  after  the 
confusion  of  tongues.     Probably  a  temjile  was  tba 


I 


BABEL,  BABYLON 

lint  DuilJiiig  raised  by  the  primiti\'e  nomads,  and 
in  the  gate  of  this  temple  justice  wotJd  be  adminis- 
tered in  early  times  (comp.  2  Sam.  xix.  8),  after 
wliieh  houses  would  grow  up  about  the  gate,  and 
in  this  way  the  name  would  readily  pass  from  the 
actual  portal  of  the  temple  to  the  settlement.  Ac- 
cording to  the  traditions  which  the  Greeks  derived 
from  the  Babylonians  in  Alexanders  age  the  city 
was  originally  built  about  the  year  u.  c.  2230. 
The  architectural  remains  discovered  in  .southern 
Babylonia,  taken  in  conjunction  with  the  monu- 
mental records,  seem  to  indicate  that  it  was  not  at 
first  the  capitiil,  nor,  indeed,  a  town  of  very  great 
imiwrtance.  It  probably  owed  its  {wsitiou  at  the 
head  of  Nimrod's  cities  (Gen.  x.  10)  to  the  power 
and  preeminence  whereto  it  afterwards  attamed 
rather  than  to  any  original  superiority  that  it  could 
lioast  over  the  places  coupled  with  it.  Erech,  Ur, 
and  Ellasir,  appeiir  to  have  been  all  more  ancient 
than  Babylon,  and  were  capital  cities  when  Bfibil 
was  a  provincial  village.  The  first  rise  of  the 
Chaldaean  power  was  in  the  region  close  upon  the 
Persian  Gulf,  as  Berosus  indicated  by  his  fish-god 
Cannes,  who  brought  the  Babylonians  civilization 
and  the  arts  out  of  the  sea  (ap.  Syncell.  p.  28,  B.). 
Thence  the  nation  spread  northwards  up  the  course 
of  the  rivers,  and  the  seat  of  government  moved  in 
the  same  direction,  being  finally  fixed  at  Baby- 
lon, perhaps  not  earlier  than  about  u.  c.  1700. 

1.  Topography  of  Babylon  —  Ancient  dtscnp- 
tions  of  the  city.  —  The  descriptions  of  Babylon 
which  have  come  down  to  us  in  classical  writers 
are  derived  chiefly  from  two  sources,  the  works  of 
Herodotus  and  of  Ctesias.  These  authors  were 
both  of  them  eye-witnesses  of  the  glories  of  Baby- 
lon^ not,  indeed,  &t  their  highest  point,  but  be- 
fore they  had  greatly  declined  —  and  left  accounts 
of  the  city  and  its  chief  buildings,  which  the  his- 
torians and  geographers  of  later  times  were,  for  the 
most  f>art,  content  to  copy.  The  description  of 
Herodotas  is  familiar  to  most  jjersons.  According 
to  this,  the  city,  which  was  built  ou  both  sides  of 
the  Euphrates,  formed  a  vast  square,  inclosed  with- 
in a  double  line  of  high  walls,  the  extent  of  the 
outer  circuit  being  480  stades,  or  about  56  miles. 
The  entire  area  included  would  thus  have  been 
about  200  square  miles.  Herodotus  appears  to  im- 
ply that  this  whole  space  was  covered  with  houses, 
which,  he  observes,  were  frequently  three  or  four 
stories  high.  They  were  laid  out  in  straight  streets 
crossing  each  other  at  right  angles,  the  cross  streets 
leading  to  the  Euphrates  being  closed  at  the  river 
end  with  brazen  gates,  which  allowed  or  prevented 
access  to  the  quays  wherewith  the  banks  of  the  Eu- 
phrates were  lined  along  its  whole  course  through 
the  city.  In  each  division  of  the  town,  Herodotus 
says,  there  was  a  fortress  or  stronghold,  consisting 
in  the  one  case  of  the  royal  palace,  in  the  other  of 
the  great  temple  of  Belus.  Tliis  last  was  a  species 
of  pyramid,  composed  of  eight  square  towers  placed 
one  above  the  other,  the  dimensions  of  the  basement 
tower  being  a  stade  —  or  above  200  yards  —  each 
way.  The  height  of  tlie  temple  is  not  mentioned 
by  Herodotus.  \  winding  ascent,  which  passed 
round  all  the  towers,  led  to  the  sumrilt,  on  which 
was  placetl  a  spacious  ark  or  chapel,  containing  no 
itatue,  but  regarded  by  the  natives  as  the  habitation 
of  the  god.  The  temple  stood  in  a  sacred  precinct 
two  stades  (or  400  yards)  square,  which  contained 
two  altars  for  burnt-offerings  and  a  s;»cred  ark  or 
Jhapel,  wherein  was  the  golden  image  of  Bel.  The 
two  portions  of  the  city  were  uuit^   by  a  bridge, 


BABEL,  BABYLON  211 

composed  of  a  series  of  stone  piers  with  movabk 
platforms  of  wood  stretching  from  one  pier  tc 
another.  Such  are  the  chief  features  of  the  de- 
scription left  us  by  Herodotus  (i.  178-186). 

According  to  Ctesias  (ap.  Diod.  Sic.  ii.  7,  ff.; 
the  circuit  of  the  city  was  not  480  but  360  stades  — 
which  is  a  little  under  42  miles.  It  lay,  he  says,  on 
both  sides  of  the  Euphrates,  and  the  two  parts 
were  connected  together  by  a  stone  bridge  five 
stades  (above  1000  yards)  long,  and  30  feet  broad, 
of  the  kind  described  by  Herodotus.  At  either  ex- 
trenuty  of  the  bridge  was  a  royal  palace,  that  in  tha 
eastern  city  being  the  more  magnificent  of  the  two. 
It  was  defended  by  a  triple  enceinte,  the  outer- 
most 60  stades,  or  7  miles  round ;  the  second,  which 
was  circular,  46  stades,  or  4i  miles;  and  the  third 
20  stades.  or  2^  miles.  The  height  of  the  second 
or  middle  wall  was  300  feet,  and  its  towers  were  420 
feet.  The  elevation  of  the  innermost  circuit  was 
even  greater  than  this.  The  walls  of  both  the  second 
and  the  third  inclosure  were  made  of  colored  brick, 
and  represented  hunting  scenes  —  the  chase  of  the 
leopard  and  the  lion — with  figures,  male  and  fe- 
male, regarded  by  Ctesias  as  those  of  Ninus  and 
Semiramis.  The  other  palace  was  inferior  both  in 
size  and  magnificence.  It  was  inclosed  within  a 
single  enceinte,  30  stades,  or  3^  miles  in  circum- 
ference, and  contained  representations  of  hunting 
and  battle  scenes  as  well  as  statues  in  bronze,  said 
to  be  those  of  Ninus,  Semiramis,  and  Jupiter 
Belus.  The  two  palaces  were  joined,  not  only  by 
the  bridge,  but  by  a  tunnel  under  the  river !  Ctesias's 
account  of  the  temple  of  Belus  has  not  come  down 
to  us.  We  may  gather  however,  that  he  repre- 
sented its  general  chai-acter  in  much  the  same  way 
as  Herodotus,  but  spoke  of  it  as  surmounted  by 
three  statues,  one  of  Bel,  40  feet  high,  another  of 
Rhea,  and  a  third  of  Juno  or  Beltis.  He  seems 
fiuther  to  have  described  elaborately  the  famous 
"  hanging  gartlens  "  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (Diod.  Sic. 
ii.  10)  but  the  description,  as  reported  by  Diodorus, 
is  not  very  intelligible.  It  ap|)ears  that  they  were 
a  square  of  400  feet  each  way,  and  rose  in  terraces, 
the  topmost  terraee  being  planted  with  trees  of  all 
kinds,  which  grew  to  a  great  size. 

In  examining  the  truth  of  these  descriptions,  we 
shall  most  conveniently  commence  from  the  outer 
circuit  of  the  town.  All  the  ancient  writers  appear 
to  agree  in  the  fact  of  a  district  of  va.st  size,  more 
or  less  inhabited,  having  been  inclosed  within  lofty 
walls,  and  included  under  the  name  of  Babylon. 
Wita  respect  to  the  exact  extent  of  the  circuit  they 
differ.  The  estimate  of  Herodotus  and  of  Pliny  (H, 
N.  vi.  26)  is  480  stades,  of  Strabo  (xvi.  i,  §  5)  385, 
of  Q.  Curtius  (v.  1  §  26)  368,  of  Clitarchus  (ap. 
Diod.  Sic.  ii.  7)  365,  and  of  Ctesias  (ap.  eund.) 
360  stades.  It  is  evident  that  here  we  have  merely 
the  moderate  variations  to  be  expected  in  independ- 
ent measurements,  except  in  the  first  of  the  num- 
bers. Setting  this  aside,  the  difference  between 
the  greatest  and  the  least  of  the  estimates  is  little 
more  than  J  per  cent."  With  this  near  agreement  on 
the  part  of  so  many  authoi-s,  it  is  the  more  sur- 
prising that  in  the  remaining  case  we  shoidd  find 
the  great  difference  of  one  third  more,  or  33  ^  per 
cent.  Perhaps  the  true  explanation  is  that  Herod- 
otus spoke  of  the  outer  wall,  which  could  be  traced 

a  If  the  estimate  of  Ctesias  be  regarded  as  100, 
that  of  Clitarchus  will  be   .  .   .  1001923 

"         Q.  Curtius 100-2 

"         Strabo 100-694;  but 

"         Herodotus ."  133-3 


212 


BABEL,   BABYLON 


In  his  time,  wliile  the  later  MTiters,  who  never 
speak  of  an  inner  and  an  outer  barrier,  give  the  meas- 
urement of  Herodotus's  iimer  wall,  which  may  have 
alone  remained  in  their  day.  This  is  the  opinion 
of  M.  Opiiert,  who  even  behoves  that  he  has  found 
traces  of  lyoth  inclosures,  showing  them  to  have 
been  really  of  the  size  ascril)ed  to  them.  This  con- 
clusion is  at  present  disputed,  and  it  is  the  more 
general  liehef  of  those  who  have  exanihied  the  ruins 
with  attention  that  no  vestiges  of  the  ancient  walls 
are  to  be  found,  or  at  least,  that  none  have  as  yet 
been  discovered.  Still  it  is  innwssible  to  doubt 
that  a  luie  of  wall  inclosing  an  enormous  area  orig- 
inally existed.  The  testimony  to  this  effect  is  too 
strong  to  be  set  aside,  and  the  disapi)earance  of 
the  wall  is  easily  accomited  for,  either  by  the  con- 
stant quarrying,  wliich  would  naturally  have  com- 
menced with  it  (llich,  Fiisl  Mem.  p.  44),  or  by 
the  subsidence  of  the  bulwark  into  the  moat  from 
which  it  was  raised.  Taking  the  lowest  estimate 
of  the  extent  of  the  circuit,  we  shall  have  for  the 
space  within  the  rampart  an  area  of  above  100 
square  miles ;  nearly  five  times  the  size  of  London ! 
It  is  evident  that  this  vast  space  cannot  have  been 
entirely  covered  with  housas.  Diodorus  con- 
fesses (ii.  9,  a(l  Jin. )  that  but  a  small  part  of 
the  enclosure  was  inhabited  ui  his  own  day, 
and  Q.  Curtius  (v.  i.  §  27)  says  that  as 
much  as  nine-tenths  consisted,  even  m  the 
most  flourishing  times,  of  gardens,  parks, 
paradises,  fields,  and  orchards. 

With  regard  to  the  height  and  breadth 
of  the  walls  there  is  nearly  as  much  differ- 
ence of  statement  as  with  regard  to  their 
extent.  Herodotus  makes  the  height  200 
royal  cubits,  or  337 ^  feet;  Ctesias  50  fathoms, 
or  300  feet;  Plmy  and  SoUnus  200  royal 
feet ;  Strabo  50  cubits,  or  75  feet.  Here 
there  is  less  appearance  of  independent  meas- 
urements than  in  the  estimates  of  length.  The 
two  original  statements  seem  to  be  those  of 
Herodotus  and  Ctesias,  which  only  differ  ac- 
cidentally, the  latter  having  omitted  to  notice 
that  the  royal  scale  was  used  The  later 
writers  do  not  possess  fresh  data;  they  merely 
soften  down  what  seems  to  them  an  exaggera- 
tion —  Pliny  and  Soliuus  changing  the  cubits 
of  Herodotus  into  feet,  and  Strabo  the  fathoms 
of  Ctesias  into  cubits.  We  are  forced  then 
to  fall  back  on  the  earher  authorities,  wlio 
are  also  the  only  eye-witnesses;  and  surpris- 
ing as  it  seems,  perhaps  we  must  believe  the 
statement,  that  the  vast  inclosed  space  above 
mentioned  was  surrounded  by  walls  which 
have  well  been  termed  "  artificial  mountains," 
being  nearly  the  height  of  the  dome  of  St. 
Paul's !  (See  Grote's  Greece,  vol.  iii.  p.  397, 
and,  on  the  other  side,  Mure's  Lit.  of  Gi-eece ; 
vol.  iv.  p.  546.)  Tlie  ruined  wall  of  Nineveh 
was,  it  must  be  remembered,  in  Xenophon's 
time  150  feet  liigh  (Annl).  iii.  4,  §  10), 
and  another  wall  which  he  passed  in  Mesopo- 
tamia was  100  feet  {ibid.  ii.  4,  §  12 ). 

The  estimates  for  the  thickness  of  the 
wall  are  the  following:  —  Herodotus,  50  royal 


BABEL,  BA.BYLON 

According  to  Ctesias  the  wall  was  strengthened 
with  250  towers,  irregularly  disposed,  to  guard 
the  weakest  parts  (Diod.  Sic.  ii.  7);  and  according 
to  Herodotus  it  was  pierced  with  a  hundred  gates 
which  were  made  of  bi-ass,  with  brazen  hntels  ana 
side-posts  (i.  179).  The  gates  and  walls  are  ahke 
mentioned  in  Scripture,  the  height  of  the  one  and 
the  breadth  of  the  other  being  specially  noticed  (Jer. 
Ii.  58;  comp.  1.  15,  and  U.  53). 

Herodotus  and  Ctesias  both  relate  that  the  banks 
of  the  river  as  it  flowed  tlirough  the  city  were  on 
each  side  ornamented  with  quays.  'ITie  stream  has 
probably  often  changed  its  coui-se  since  the  time  of 
Babylonian  greatness,  but  some  remains  of  a  quay  or 
embankment  (E)  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  stream 
still  exist,  upon  the  bricks  of  which  is  read  the 
name  of  the  last  kuig.  The  two  writers  also  agree 
as  to  the  existence  of  a  bridge,  and  describe  it  viiry 
similarly.  Perhaps  a  remarkable  mound  (K)  which 
interrupts  the  long  flat  valley  —  evidently  the  an- 
cient course  o<"  the  river  —  closing  in  the  principal 
ruins  on  the  west,  may  be  a  trace  of  this  structure. 

2.  Present  state  oj'  t/ie  Ruins. —  Before  seeking 
to  identify  the  principal  buildings  of  ancient  Baby- 


Present  State  of  the  Ruins  of  Babylon. 


cubits,  or  nearly  85  feet;  PUny  and  Solinus 
50  royal,  or  about  GO  common  feet;  and  Strabo,  |  ion  with  the  rums  near  Hillah,  which  are  univer- 
32  feet.  Here  again  Pliny  and  Solinus  have  merely  sally  admitted  to  mark  the  site,  it  is  necessary  to 
loftened  down  Herodotus ;  Strabo,  however,  has  a  give  an  account  of  their  present  character  and  con- 
new  number.  This  may  belong  properly  to  the  in- '  dition,  which  the  accompanying  plan  will  illustrate 
ner  wall,  which,  Herodotus  remarks  (i.  181),  was  of  .  About  five  miles  alwve  Hillah,  on  the  opposit* 
«ss  thickness  than  the  outer.  [or  left,  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  occur  a  series  of 


beei 
^rthe 


BABEL,    BABYLON 

Mtificial   mounds   of  enormous   size,   which   have 
been  recognized  in  all  ages  as  prohalily  indicating 
jthe  site  of  the  capital  of  southern  Mesopotamia, 
ley  consist  chiefly  of   "  three  great   masses  of 
luilding  —  the   high   pile  of  unbaked    brickwork 
[ed  by  Rich  '  MujelUbe,'  but  which  is  known  to 
e  Arabs  as  'Bnbil'{A);  the  building  denomi- 
nated the  '  Knsr '  or  palace  (B) ;  and  a  lofty  mound 
(C),  upon  which  stands  the  modem  tomb  of  Am~ 
rfhn-Umr-' AV> '''  (Loftus's  Chalrfma,  p.  17).    Besides 
these  principal  masses  the  most  remarkable  features 
are  two  parallel  lines  of  rampart  (F  F)  bounding 
the  chief  ruins  on  the  east,  some  similar  but  infe- 
rior remains  on  the  north  and  west  (I  I  and  H), 
embankment  along  the  river-side  (E),  a  remark- 
,ble  isolated  heap  (K)  in  the  middle  of  a  long  val- 
ly,  which  seems  to  have  been  the  ancient  bed  of 
e  stream,  and  two  long  Imes  of  rampart  (G  G) 
:eeting  at  a  right  angle,  and  with  the  river  form- 
g  an  irregular  triangle,  within  which  all  the  ruins 
in  this  side  (except  Babil)  are  inclosed.     On  the 
est,  or  right  bank,  the  remains  are  very  slight 
'and  scanty.     There  is  the  appearance  of  an  inclos- 
ure,  and  of  a  building  of  moderate  size  within  it 
(D),  nearly  opposite  the  great  mound  of  Ami-am; 
but  otherwise,  unless  at  a  long  distance  from  the 
stream,  this  side  of  the  Euphrates  is  absolutely 
bare  of  ruins. 

Scattered  over  the  country  on  both  sides  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  reducible  to  no  regular  plan,  are  a 
number  of  remarkable  mounds,  usually  standing 


BABEL,    BABYLOIf 


213 


TEMflE  OF  BELUS 


fortinns  of  Ancient  Babylon  dlstmguishable  in  the 
present  Ruins. 


single,  which  are  plainly  of  the  same  date  with  the 
great  mass  of  ruins  upon  the  river-bank.  Of  these, 
by  far  the  most  striking  is  the  vast  ruin  called  the 
Birs-Nimi-ud,  which  many  regard  as  the  tower  of 
Babel,  situated  about  six  miles  to  the  S.  W.  of 
Hillah,  and  almost  that  distance  from  the  Eu- 
phrates at  the  nearest  point.  This  is  a  pyramid- 
ical  mound,  crowned  apparently  by  the  ruins  of  a 
tower,  rising  to  the  height  of  153  ^  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  plain,  and  in  circumference  somewhat 
more  than  2000  feet.  As  a  complete  description 
of  it  is  given  under  the  next  article  [Babel,  Tow- 
er of]  no  more  need  be  said  of  it  here.  There 
is  sufficient  reason  to  believe  from  the  inscriptions 
discovered  on  the  spot,  and  from  other  documents 
of  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  that  it  marks  the 
site  of  Borsippa,  and  was  thus  entirely  beyond  the 
limits  of  Babylon  (Beros.  Fr.  14). 

3.  Identification  of  sites.  —  On  comparing  the 
existing  ruins  with  the  accounts  of  the  ancient 
writers,  the  great  difficulty  which  meets  us  is  the 
position  of  the  remains  almost  exclusively  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  river.  All  the  old  accounts  agree 
in  representing  the  Euphrates  as  running  through 
the  town,  and  the  principal  buildings  as  placed  on 
the  opposite  sides  of  the  stream.  In  explanation 
of  this  difficulty  it  has  been  urged,  on  the  one 
I  hand,  that  t.he  Euphrates  having  a  tendency  to  run 
ott"  to  the  right  has  obliterated  all  trace  of  the  build- 
ings in  this  direction  (Layard's  Nin.  ami  Bab  p. 
493);  on  the  other,  that  by  a  due  extension  of  the 
area  of  Babylon  it  may  be  made  to  include  the 
Birs-Nimrwl,  and  that  thus  the  chief  existing  re- 
mains will  really  he  on  the  opposite  banks  of  the 
river  (Rich,  Second  Memoir,  p.  32;  Ker  Porter, 
Travek,  ii.  383).  But  the  identification  of  the 
Bii's  with  Borsippa  completely  disposes  of  this  lat- 
ter theory ;  while  the  former  is  unsatisfactory,  since 
we  can  scarcely  suppose  the  abrasion  of  the  river 
to  have  entirely  removed  aU  trace  of  such  gigantic 
buildings  as  those  which  the  ancient  writers  de- 
scribe. Perhaps  the  most  probable  solution  is  to 
be  found  in  the  fact  that  a  large  canal  (called  Sht- 
Ul)  intervened  in  ancient  times  between  the  Kaxr 
mound  (B)  and  the  ruin  now  called  Babil  (A), 
which  may  easily  have  been  confounded  by  Herod- 
otus with  the  main  stream.  This  would  have  had 
the  two  principal  buildings  upon  opposite  sides; 
while  the  real  river,  which  ran  down  the  long  val- 
ley to  the  west  of  the  K<isi-  and  Amrdm  mounds, 
would  also  have  separated  (as  Ctesias  related)  be- 
tween the  greater  and  the  lesser  palace.  If  this 
explanation  be  accepted  as  probal)le,  we  may  iden- 
tify the  principal  ruins  as  follows :  —  1.  The  great 
mound  of  Babil  will  be  the  ancient  temple  of  Belus. 
It  is  an  oblong  mass,  composed  chiefly  of  unbaked 
brick,  rising  from  the  plain  to  the  height  of  140 
feet,  flattish  at  the  top,  in  length  about  200  and  in 
breadth  about  140  yards.  This  oblong  shape  is 
common  to  the  temples,  or  rather  temple-towers, 
of  lower  Babylonia,  which  seem  to  have  had  nearly 
the  same  proportions.  It  was  originally  coated  with 
fine  burnt  brick  laid  in  an  excellent  mortar,  as  was 
proved  by  Mr.  I^yard  {Nin.  and  Bab.  pp.  503-5) ; 
and  was  no  doubt  built  in  stages,  most  of  which 
have  crumbled  down,  but  which  may  still  be  in 
part  concealed  under  the  rubbish.  The  statement 
of  Berosus  {Fr.  14),  that  it  was  rebuilt  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  all  the 
inscribed  bricks  which  have  been  found  in  it  bear 
the  name  of  that  king.  It  formed  the  tower  of 
the  temple  and  was  surmounted  by  a  chapel,  but 


214 


BABEL,    BABYLON 


the  iiiain  shrine,  tlie  altars,  and  no  doubt  the  res- 
idences of  tlie  priests,  were  at  the  ftxU.  in  a  sacred 
precinct.  2.  The  nioujid  of  the  Kasr  will  mark 
the  site  of  the  great  I'alace  of  Nehuchadnezzar. 
It  is  an  irregular  square  of  alxnit  TOO  yards  each 
way,  and  may  be  regarded  as  chiefly  formefl  of  the 
old  palace-platform  (resembling  those  at  Nineveh. 


BABEL,  BABYLON 

Su.sa,  and  elsewhere),  up<jn  which  are  still  standing 
certain  portions  of  the  ancient  residence  whereto 
the  name  of  ^'■K'lsi-"  or  "Palace"  esjiecially  at- 
taches. The  walls  are  cfmijwsed  of  burnt  bricks 
of  a  pale  yellow  color  and  of  excellent  quality,  Iwiuid 
together  by  a  fine  lime  cement,  and  stamped  with 
the  name  and  titles  of  Nebuchadnezzar.      They 


View  of  Babil,  from  the  West. 


•■■•  contain  traces  of  architectural  ornament  —  piers, 
buttresses,  pilasters,  <fec."  (Layard,  p.  506);  and  in 
the  rubbish  at  their  base  have  been  found  slabs 
inscribed  by  Nebuchadnezzar  and  containing  an 
account  of  the  building  of  the  edifice,  as  well  as  a 
few  sculptured  frairnients  and  many  pieces  of  enam- 
"llcd  brick  of  brilliant  hues.     On  these  last  por- 


tions of  figures  are  traceable,  recalling  the  state- 
ments of  Ctesias  (ap.  Diod.  Sic.)  that  the  brick 
walls  of  the  palace  were  colored  and  represented 
hunting-scenes.  No  plan  of  the  palace  is  to  be 
made  out  from  the  existing  remains,  which  art 
tossed  in  apparent  confusion  on  the  highest  point 
of  the  mound.    3.  The  mound  of  Amrdm  is  thoughl 


View  of  the  Kasr 


J 


BABEL,   BABYLON 

3y  M.  Oppert  to  represent  the  "  hanging  gardens  " 
ti  Nebuchadnezzar;  but  this  conjecture  does  not 
seem  to  be  a  very  happy  one.  The  mound  is  com- 
posed of  poorer  materials  than  the  edifices  of  that 
prince,  and  has  furnished  no  bricks  containing  his 
name.  Again,  it  is  far  too  large  for  the  hanging- 
gardens,  which  are  said  to  have  been  only  400  feet, 
each  way.  The  Amrdm  mound  is  described  by 
Rich  as  an  irregular  parallelogram.  1100  yards  long 
by  800  broad,  and  by  Ker  I'orter  as  a  triangle,  the 
sides  of  which  are  respectively  1400,  1100,  and  850 
feet.  Its  dimensions  therefore  very  greatly  exceed 
those  of  the  curious  structure  with  which  it  has 
been  identified.     Most  probably  it  represents  the 


BABEL,   BABYLON 


21, 


ancient  palace,  coeval  with  Babylon  itself,  of  which 
Nebuchadnezzar  speaks  in  his  inscriptions  as  ad 
joining  his  ovm  more  magnificent  residence.  It  is 
the  only  part  of  the  ruins  froni  which  bricks  have 
been  derived  containing  the  names  of  kings  earlier 
than  Nebuchadnezzar;  and  is  therefore  entitled  to 
be  considered  the  most  ancient  of  the  existing  re- 
mains. 4.  The  ruins  marked  DD  on  either  side 
of  the  Euphrates,  together  with  all  the  other  remains 
on  the  right  bank,  may  be  considered  to  represent 
the  lesser  Palace  of  Ctesias,  which  is  said  to  have 
been  connected  with  the  greater  by  a  bridge  across 
the  river,  as  well  as  by  a  tunnel  under  the  channel 
of  the  stream  ( !).    The  old  course  of  the  Euphrates 


oMOHAWlL 


Chart  of  the  country  round  Babylon,  with  limits  of  the  ancient  City,  according  to  Oppert. 


u  ems  to  have  been  a  little  east  of  the  present  one, 
passing  between  the  two  ridges  marked  1 1,  and 
then  closely  skirting  the  mound  of  Amrdm,  so  as 
to  have  both  the  ruins  marked  D  upon  its  right 
liank.  Tiiese  ruins  are  of  the  same  date  and  style. 
The  bricks  of  that  on  the  left-  liank  bear  the  name 
of  Neriglissar;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
Uiis  ruin,  together  with  those  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  stream,  are  the  remains  of  a  palace  bnilt  by 
dim.  Perhaps  (as  already  remarked )  the  mound  K 
nay  be  a  remnant  of  the  ancient  bridge.  5.  The 
two  long  parallel  lines  of  embankment  on  the  east 
(F  F  in  the  plan)  which  form  so  striking  a  feature 
n  the  Temains  as  represented  by  Porter  and  Rich, 


I  but  which  are  ignored  by  M.  Oppert,  may  eithci 
be  the  lines  of  an  outer  and  inner  inclosure,  of 

:  which  Nebuchadnezzar  speaks  as  defenses  of  his 
palace ;  or  they  may  represent  the  embankments 
of  an  enormous  resenoir,  which  is  often  mentioned 
by  that  monarch  as  adjoining  his  palace  towards 
the  east.     6.  Tlie  embankment  (E)  is  composed  of 

j  bricks  marked  with  the  name  of  Labynetus  or  JVn- 
bnnif,  and  is  undoubtedly  a  portion  of  the  work 
which  Berosus  ascribes  to  the  last  king  (/•'/•.  14). 

The  most  remarkable  fact  connected  with  the 
magnificence  of  Babylon,  is  the  poorness  of  the  ma- 
terial with  which  such  wonderftd  results  were  pro- 
duced.     The  whole  country,  being  alluvial,   wa« 


216 


BABEL,   BABYLON 


entirely  destitute  of  stone,  and  even  wood  was 
scarce  and  of  bad  quality,  being  only  yielded  by 
Oie  palm-groves  which  fringed  the  courses  of  the 
canaJs  and  rivers.  In  default  of  these,  th»  ordi- 
nary materials  for  building,  recourse  was  had  to 
the  soil  of  the  country  —  in  many  pai-ts  an  excel- 
lent clay  —  and  with  bricks  made  from  this,  either 
sun-dried  or  baked,  the  vast  structures  were  raised, 
which,  when  they  stood  in  their  integrity,  provoked 
comparison  with  the  pyramids  of  l"-gypt,  and  which 
even  in  their  decay  excite  the  astonishment  of  the 
traveller.  A  modem  writer  has  noticed  as  the  true 
secret  of  the  extraordinary  results  produced,  "  the 
unbounded  command  of  naked  human  strength  " 
which  the  Babylonian  monarchs  had  at  their  dis- 
posal (Grote's  Hist,  of  Greece,  vol.  iii.  p.  401);  but 
this  alone  will  not  account  for  the  phenomena,  and 
we  must  give  the  Babylonians  credit  for  a  genius 
and  a  grandeur  of  conception  rarely  surpassed,  which 
led  them  to  employ  the  labor  whereof  they  had  the 
command  in  works  of  so  imposmg  a  character. 
With  only  "brick  for  stone,"   and  at  first  only 

"slime  ("IwP)  for  mortar"  (Gen.  xi.  3),  they 
constructed  edifices  of  so  vast  a  size  that  they  still 
remain  at  the  present  day  among  the  most  enor- 
mous ruins  in  the  world,  impressing  the  beholder  at 
once  with  awe  and  admiration. 

4.  Histcn-y  of  Babylon.  —  The  history  of  Babylon 
mounts  up  to  a  time  not  very  much  later  than  the 
Flood.  The  native  historian  seems  to  have  pos- 
sessed authentic  records  of  his  country  for  above 
2000  years  before  the  conquest  by  Alexander  (Be- 
ros.  Fr.  11);  and  Scripture  represents  the  "  l^gin- 
uing  of  the  kingdom  "  as  belonging  to  the  time 
of  Nimrod,  the  grandson  of  Ham  and  the  great- 
grandson  of  Noah  (Gen.  x.  6-10).  Of  Nimrod  no 
trace  has  been  found  in  the  Babylonian  remains, 
unless  he  is  identical  with  the  god  Bel  of  the  Baby- 
lonian Pantheon,  and  so  with  the  Greek  Belus,  the 
hero-founder  of  the  city.  This  identity  is  possible, 
and  at  any  rate  the  most  ancient  inscriptions  appear 
to  show  that  the  primitive  inhabitants  of  the  coun- 
try were  really  Cushite,  i.  e.  identical  in  race  with 
the  early  inhabitants  of  Southern  Arabia  and  of 
Ethiopia.  The  seat  of  government  at  this  early 
time  was,  as  has  been  stated,  in  lower  Babylonia, 
Erech  {Warka)  and  Ur  {Mughtir)  being  the  cap- 
itals, and  Babylon  (if  built)  being  a  place  of  no 
consequence.      The    country  was    called    Shindr 

ClSySlT),  and  the  people  the  Akkadim  (comp. 
Accad  of  Gen.  x.  10).  Of  the  art  of  this  period 
we  have  specimens  in  the  niins  of  Mugheir  and 
Warka,  the  remains  of  which  date  from  at  least 
the  20th  century  before  our  era.  We  find  the  use 
of  kiln-baked  as  well  as  of  sun-dried  bricks  already 
begun;  we  find  writing  practiced,  for  the  bricks  are 
stamped  with  the  names  and  titles  of  the  kings; 
we  find  buttresses  employed  to  support  buildings, 
and  we  have  probable  indications  of  the  system  of 
srecting  lofty  buildings  in  stages.  On  the  other 
hand,  mortar  is  unknown,  and  the  bricks  are  laid 
either  in  clay  or  in  bitumen  (comp.  Gen.  xi.  3); 
they  are  nidely  moulded,  and  of  various  shapes  and 
sizes ;  sun-dried  bricks  predominate,  and  some  large 
buildings  are  composed  entirely  of  them;  in  these 
reed-matting  occurs  at  intervals,  apparently  used  to 
protect  the  mass  from  disintegration.  There  is  no 
trace  of  ornament  in  the  erections  of  this  date, 
nrhich  were  imposing  merely  by  their  size  and  so- 
Bdity. 
The  first  important  change  which  we  are  able  to 


BABEL,   BABYLON 

trace  in  the  external  condition  of  Babylui,  is  iLi 
subjection,  at  a  time  anterior  to  Abraham,  by  the 
neighboring  kingdom  of  Elam  or  Susiana.  Beroaug 
spoke  of  a  first  Chaldseau  dynasty  consisting  of 
eleven  kings,  whom  he  probably  represented  a« 
reigning  from  b.  c.  2234  to  b.  c.  1976.  At  the 
last  mentioned  date  he  said  there  was  a  change, 
and  a  new  djTiasty  succeeded,  consisting  of  49 
kings,  who  reigned  458  yeaj-s  (from  b.  c.  1976  to 
B.  c.  1518).  It  is  thought  that  this  transition  maj 
mark  the  invasion  of  Babylonia  from  the  Mast,  and 
the  establishment  of  Elamitic  influence  in  the  coun- 
try, under  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.),  whose  repre 
sentative  appears  as  a  conqueror  in  the  inscriptions. 
Amraphel,  king  of  Shinar,  and  Arioch,  king  of 
Ellasar  {Larsa),  would  be  tributary  princes  whoa 
Chedorlaomer  had  subjected,  while  he  himself  may 
have  become  the  founder  of  the  new  dynasty,  which, 
according  to  Berosus,  continued  on  tlie  throne  fof 
above  450  yeai-s.  From  this  point  the  history  of 
Babylon  is  almost  a  blank  for  above  twelve  centu- 
ries. Except  in  the  mention  of  the  plundering  of 
Job  by  the  Chaldaeans  (Job  i.  17),  and  of  the 
"  goodly  Babylonish  garment "  which  Achan  cov- 
eted (Josh.  vii.  21),  Scripture  is  silent  with  regard 
to  the  Babylonians  from  the  time  of  Abraham  to 
that  of  Hezekiah.  Berosus  covered  this  space  with 
three  dynasties;  one  (which  has  been  already  men- 
tioned) of  49  Chaldaian  kings,  who  reigned  458 
years ;  another  of  9  Arab  kings,  who  reigned  245 
years;  and  a  third  of  49  Assyrian  monarchs,  who 
held  dominion  for  526  years ;  but  nothing  beyond 
this  bare  outline  has  come  down  to  us  on  his  au- 
thority concerning  the  period  in  question.  The 
monumental  records  of  the  country  furnish  a  series 
of  names,  the  reading  of  which  is  very  uncertain, 
which  may  be  arranged  with  a  good  deal  of  proba- 
bility in  chronological  order,  apparently  belonging 
to  the  first  of  these  three  dynasties.  Of  the  second 
no  traces  have  been  hitherto  discovered.  The  third 
would  seem  to  be  identical  with  the  Upper  Dynasty 
of  Assyria,  of  which  some  account  has  been  given 
in  a  former  article  [Assyria].  It  would  appear 
then  as  if  Babylon,  after  having  had  a  native  thai- 
daean  dynasty  which  ruled  for  224  years  (Brandis, 
p.  17),  and  a  second  dj-nasty  of  Elamitic  Chaldaeans 
who  ruled  for  a  further  period  of  458  years,  fell 
wholly  under  Semitic  influence,  becoming  sulyect 
first  to  Arabia  for  two  centuries  and  a  half,  and 
then  to  Assyria  for  above  five  centuries,  and  not 
regaining  even  a  qualified  independence  till  the  time 
marked  by  the  close  of  the  Upper  and  the  formation 
of  the  Lower  Assyrian  empire.  Tliis  is  the  conclu- 
sion which  seems  naturally  to  follow  from  the  ab- 
stract which  is  all  that  we  possess  of  Berosus :  and 
doubtless  it  is  to  a  certain  extent  true.  But  the 
statement  is  too  broad  to  be  exact ;  and  the  mon- 
uments show  that  Babylon  was  at  no  time  absorbed 
into  Assyria,  or  even  for  very  many  years  together 
a  submissive  vassal.  Assyria,  which  she  had  col- 
onized during  the  time  of  the  second  or  great  Chal- 
dsean  dynasty,  to  which  she  had  given  letters  and 
the  arts,  and  which  she  had  held  in  subjection  for 
many  hundred  years,  became  in  her  turn  (about 
B.  c.  1270)  the  predominant  Mesopotamian  power, 
and  the  glory  of  Babylon  in  consequence  suffered 
eclipse.  But  she  had  her  native  kings  during  the 
whole  of  the  AssjTian  period,  and  she  frequently 
contended  with  her  great  neighbor,  being  some- 
times even  the  aggressor.  ITiough  much  sunk 
from  her  former  greatness,  she  continued  to  be  ths 
second  power  in  Asia;  and  retained  a  vitality  which 


I 

the 


BABEL,  BABYLON 


BABEL.  BABYLON 


21' 


it  a  later  date  enabled  her  to  become  once  more 
Uie  head  of  an  empire. 

The  line  of  liabylonian  kings  becomes  exactly 
ttiiown  to  us  from  the  yeai-  u.  c.  747.  An  astro- 
nomical work  of  the  geographer  Ptolemy  has  pre- 
served to  us  a  document,  the  importance  of  which 
for  comparative  chronology  it  is  scarcely  possible  to 
exaggerate.  The  "Canon  of  Ptolemy,"  as  it  is 
uailed,  gives  us  the  succession  of  Babylonian 
nionarchs,  with  the  exact  length  of  the  reign  of 
e^ii,  from  the  year  it.  C.  747,  when  Nabonassar 
mounted  the  throne,  to  k.  c.  331,  when  the  last 
Persian  king  was  dethroned  by  Alexander.  This 
document,  which  from  its  close  accordance  with  the 
statements  of  Scripture  always  vindicated  to  itself  a 
high  authority  in  tlie  eyes  of  Christian  chronologers, 
has  recently  been  confirmed  in  so  many  points  by 
the  inscriptions  that  its  authentic  character  is  estab- 
lished beyond  all  possibility  of  cavil  or  dispute.  As 
the  basis  of  all  accurate  c;Uculation  for  oriental 
dates  previous  to  Cyrus,  it  seenu  proper  to  tran- 
scribe the  earlier  [wrtion  of  it  in  this  place.  [The 
tlates  B.  c.  are  added  for  convenience  sake.] 


Years. 

N.    E. 

B.    C. 

Nabonassar     .... 

14 

1 

747 

Nudius 

2 

15 

733 

Ohiu/.inus  aud  Porus     . 

5 

17 

731 

EluliEUS 

5 

22 

726 

MarilocempMlus   .     .     . 

12 

27 

721 

Arceanus 

5 

39 

709 

First  iuterregnum    .     . 

2 

44 

704 

Bftlibus 

3 

46 

702 

Aparanailius    .... 

6 

49 

699 

RegibeluM 

1 

55 

693 

Mesesinu  r Jacus  .     .     . 

4 

56 

692 

Second  iuterregnum 

8 

60 

688 

Asuridanus      .... 

13 

68 

680 

Saosduchiniis  .... 

20 

81 

6'J7 

Cinneladanus  .... 

22 

101 

647 

Nttbopolassar  .... 

21 

123 

625 

Nebuchadnezzar  .     .     . 

43 

144 

6U4 

Illoarudamus  .... 

2 

187 

561 

Nerigiissola.'<sarus      .     . 

4 

189 

559 

Nabonadius     .... 

17 

193 

li.'lO 

Gyrus     

9 

210 

53  S 

Of  Nabonassar,  the  first  king  in  Ptolemy's  Ust, 
nothing  can  be  said  to  be  known  excejjt  tlie  fact, 
reported  by  15erosus,  that  he  destroyed  all  the 
annals  of  his  predecessors  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
pelling the  Babylonians  to  date  from  himself  {Fi: 
11  a).  It  has  been  conjectiu-ed  that  he  was  the 
husband,  or  son,  of  Semiramis,  and  owed  to  her  his 
possession  of  the  throne.  But  of  this  theory  there 
is  at  present  no  proof.  It  rests  mainly  upon  a 
synchronism  obtained  from  Herodotus,  who  makes 
Semiramis  a  Babylonian  queen,  and  places  her  five 
generations  (167  years)  before  Nitocris,  the  mother 
of  the  last  king.  The  Assyrian  discoveries  have 
shown  that  there  was  a  Semiramis  about  this  time, 
but  they  furnish  no  evidence  of  her  connection  with 
Babylon,  which  still  coiitiimes  uncertain.  The  im- 
lediate  successors  of  Nabonassar  are  still  more 
•bscure  than  himself  Absolutely  nothing  beyond 
the  brief  notation  of  the  Canon  has  reached  us  con- 
cerning N.adius  (or  Nabius),  Chinzinus  (or  Chin- 
sirus)  and  Porus,  or  Eluteus,  who  certainly  cannot 
be  the  Tyrian  king  of  that  name  mentioned  by 
Menander  (ap.  .Joseph.  Aid.  Jwl  Lx.  14,  §  2). 
Mardocempalus,  on  the  contrary,  is  a  monarch  to 
irhom  great  interest  attaches.  He  is  undoubtedly 
hs  Merodach-Baladan,  or  Berodach-Baladan  [Me- 


j  KOD.vcTr-BALAO.VN]  of  Scripture,  and  was  a  p» 
sonage  of  great  consequence,  reigning  himself  twice. 
I  the  first  time  for  12  years,  contemporaneously  witt 
the  Assyrian  king  Sargon,  and  the  second  time  for 
six  months  only,  during  the  first  year  of  S>in- 
nacherib;  and  leaving  a  sort  of  hereditary  claim  to 
his  sons  and  grandsons,  who  are  found  to  have 
been  engaged  in  hostilities  with  l'Aar-ha<ldon  and 
his  successor.  His  dealings  with  Ilezekiah  sui- 
ficiently  indicate  the  indeijendent  position  of  Baby 
Ion  at  tills  period,  while  the  interest  which  he  fell 
in  an  astronomical  phenomenon  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  31) 
harmonizes  with  the  character  of  a  native  Chalda-au 
king  which  appears  to  belong  to  him.  The  Assjt- 
ian  inscriptions  show  that  after  reigning  12  years 
.Merodach-Baladan  was  deprived  of  his  crown  aud 
driven  into  banishment  by  Sargon,  who  appeai-s  to 
have  placed  Arceanus  (his  souV)  uj^n  the  throne 
as  viceroy,  a  position  which  he  maintiiined  for  five 
years.  A  time  of  trouble  then  ensued,  estimated 
in  the  Canon  at  two  ye;u"s,  during  which  various 
pretenders  assumed  the  ciijwni,  among  them  a  cer- 
tain Hagisa,  or  Acises,  who  reigned  for  about  a 
month,  and  Merodach-Baladan,  who  held  the  throne 
for  half  a  year  (Poly hist.  ap.  Euseb.).  Sennacherib, 
bent  on  reestablishing  the  infiuence  of  Assyria  over 
Babylon,  proceeded  against  Merodach-Baladan  (as 
he  informs  us)  in  his  first  year,  and  having  de- 
throned him,  placed  an  Assyrian  named  Bdib,  or 
Belibus,  upon  the  throne,  who  nded  as  his  viceroy 
for  three  years.  At  the  end  of  this  time,  the  party 
of  Merodach-Baladan  still  giving  trouble,  Sen- 
nacherib descended  again  into  Babylonia,  once  more 
overran  it,  removed  Btlib,  and  placed  his  eldest 
son  —  who  appears  in  the  Canon  as  Aparanadius  — 
upon  the  throne.  Aparanadius  reigned  for  six  years, 
when  he  was  succeeded  by  a  certain  Kegibelus,  who 
reigned  for  one  year;  after  which  Mesesimordacus 
held  the  throne  for  four  years.  Nothing  more  is 
known  of  these  kings,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether 
they  were  viceroys,  or  independent  native  monarchs. 
They  were  contemporary  with  Sennacherib,  to 
whose  reign  belongs  also  the  second  interregnum, 
extending  to  eight  years,  which  the  Cancm  inter- 
poses between  the  reigns  of  ^lesesimordacus  and 
.A-saridanus.  In  Asaridanus  critical  eyes  long  ago 
detected  I'^r-haddon,  Sennacherib's  son  and  suc- 
cessor; and  it  may  be  regarded  as  certaui  from  the 
I  inscriptions  that  this  king  ruled  in  person  over 
I  both  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  holding  his  court 
I  alternately  at  their  resj>ective  capitals.  Hence  we 
may  understand  how  Manasseh,  his  contemporary, 
came  to  be  "  carried  by  the  captains  of  the  king 
of  Assyria  to  Bnbyhn"  instead  of  to  Nineveh,  as 
would  have  been  done  in  any  other  reign.  [Esar- 
HADDOX.]  Saosduchinus  and  Ciniladanus  (or 
Cinneladanus),  his  brother  (Polyhist.),  the  suc- 
cessors of  Asaridanus,  are  kings  of  whose  history 
we  know  nothing.  Probably  they  were  viceroys 
under  the  later  Assyrian  monarchs,  who  are  repre- 
sented by  Abydenus  (ap.  Euseb.)  as  retaining  their 
authority  over  liabylon  up  to  the  time  of  the  last 
siege  of  Nineveh. 

With  Nabopolassar,  the  successor  of  Cinnela- 
danus, and  the  father  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  a  new 
era  in  the  history  of  Babylon  commences.  Accord 
ing  to  Abydenus,  who  probably  drew  his  uiforma- 
tioE  f.':m  Berosus,  he  was  appointed  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Babylon  by  the  last  Assyriai.  king,  at  the 
moment  when  the  Medes  were  about  to  make  their 
final  attack;  whereupon,  betraying  the  trust  re- 
posed in  him,  he  went  over  to  the  enemy,  arranged 


218 


BABEL.   BABYLON 


»  maiiiage  between  his  son  Nebuchadnezzar  and 
the  daughter  of  the  ^ledian  leader,  and  joined  in 
the  last  siege  of  the  city.  [Nineveh.]  On  the 
•access  of  the  confederates  (b.  c.  625)  Babylon  be- 
came not  only  an  indejjendent  kingdom,  but  an 
empu-e;  the  southern  and  western  portions  of  the 
Assyrian  territory  were  assigned  to  Nalwpolassar 
in  the  iKirtitioii  of  the  spoils  which  followed  on  the 
conquest,  and  thereby  the  Babylonian  dominion 
became  extended  over  the  whole  valley  of  the 
Euphrates  as  far  as  the  Taurus  range,  over  SjTia, 
Phoenicia,  Palestine,  Iduuiaja,  and  (perhaps)  a  por- 
tion of  Egypt.  Thus,  among  others,  the  Jews 
passed  quietly  and  almost  without  remark,  from 
one  feudal  head  to  another,  exchanging  dependency 
on  Assyria  for  dependency  on  Babylon,  and  con- 
thuiing  to  pay  to  Nabopolassar  the  same  tribute 
and  service  which  they  had  previously  rendered  to 
the  AssjTians.  Friendly  relations  seem  to  have 
been  mauitained  with  Media  throughout  the  reign 
of  Nabopolassar,  who  led  or  sent  a  contingent  to 
help  Cyaxares  in  his  Lydian  war,  and  acted  as 
mediator  in  the  negotiations  by  which  that  war 
was  concluded  (Herod,  i.  74).  At  a  later  date 
hostilities  broke  out  with  Egypt.  Neco,  the  son 
of  Psamatik  I.,  about  the  year  b.  c.  608,  invaded 
the  Babylonian  dominions  on  the  southwest,  and 
made  himself  master  of  the  entire  tract  between 
his  own  country  and  the  Euphrates  (2  K.  xxiii.  29, 
and  xxiv.  7).  Nabopolassar  was  now  advanced  hi 
life,  and  not  able  to  take  the  field  in  person  (Iteros. 
Fr.  14).  He  therefore  sent  his  son,  Nebucha^lnez- 
zar,  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  against  the 
Egyptians,  and  the  battle  of  Carchemish,  which 
soon  followed,  restored  to  Babylon  the  former  limits 
of  her  territory  (comp.  2  K.  xxiv.  7  with  Jer.  xlvi. 
2-12).  Nebuchadnezzar  pressed  forward  and  had 
reached  Egypt,  when  news  of  his  father's  death 
recalled  him;  and  hastily  returning  to  Babylon,  he 
was  fortunate  enough  to  find  himself,  without  any 
struggle,  acknowledged  king  (b.  c.  604). 

A  complete  account  of  the  works  and  exploits  of 
this  great  monarch  —  by  far  the  most  remarkable 
of  all  the  Babylonian  kings  —  wUl  be  given  in  a 
later  article.  [Nebuchadnezzak.]  It  is  enough 
to  note  in  this  place  that  he  was  great  both  in 
peace  and  in  war,  but  greater  in  the  former.  Be- 
sides recovering  the  possession  of  Syria  and  Pales- 
tine, and  can-ying  off  the  Jews  after  repeated  rebel- 
lions into  captivity,  he  reduced  Phcenicia,  besieged 
and  took  Tyre,  and  ravaged,  if  he  did  not  actually 
conquer,  Egypt.  But  it  was  as  the  adorner  and 
beautitier  of  his  native  land  —  as  the  builder  and 
restorer  of  ahiiost  all  her  cities  and  temples  —  that 
this  mon:irch  j)btained  that  great  reputation  which 
has  handed  down  his  name  traditionally  in  the 
East,  on  a  par  with  those  of  Nimrod,  Solomon,  and 
Alexander,  and  made  it  still  a  familiar  term  in  the 
/nouths  of  the  people.  Probably  no  single  man 
ever  left  behuid  him  as  his  memorial  upon  the 
earth  one  half  the  amount  of  building  which  was 
erected  by  this  king.  The  ancient  ruins  and  the 
modern  towns  of  Babylonia  are  alike  built  almost 
txclusively  of  his  bricks.  Babylon  itself,  the  capital, 
fras  peculiarly  the  object  of  his  attention.  It  was 
here  that,  besides  repairing  the  walls  and  restoring 
the  temples,  he  constructed  that  magnificent  palace, 
which,  with  its  triple  inclosure,  its  hanging  gaidens, 
its  plated  pillars,  and  its  rich  ornamentation  of 
enamelled  brick,  was  regarded  in  ancient  times  as 
3ne  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world  (Strab.  xvi. 
I,  5  5) 


BABEL,   BABYLUiS 

Nebuchadnezzar  died  b.  c.  561,  having  reigned 
for  43  years,  and  was  succeeded  by  Evil-Merodach. 
his  son,  who  is  called  in  the  Canon  llloarudamus 
This  prince,  who  "  in  the  year  that  he  began  t4 
reign  did  lift  up  the  head  of  Jehoiachin,  Idng  of 
Judah,  out  of  prison"  (2  K.  xxv.  27),  was  mur- 
dered, after  having  held  the  crown  for  two  years 
only,  by  NerigUssar,  his  brotlier-in-law.  [EviL- 
Mekodach.]  Neriglissar  —  the  Nerigassolassar 
of  the  Canon  —  is  (apparently)  identical  with  the 
"  Nergal-shar-ezer,  Kab-Mag  "  of  Jeremiah  (xxxix. 
3,  13-14).  He  bears  this  title,  which  has  been 
translated  "  chief  of  the  Magi "  (Gesenius),  or 
"chief  priest"  (Col.  Kawlinson),  ui  the  Inscrip- 
tions, and  calls  hims^^lf  the  son  of  a  "  king  of  Baby- 
lon." Some  writers  have  considered  him  identical 
with  "Darius  the  Mede"  (Larcher,  Conringius, 
Bouhier);  but  this  is  improbable  [Dakius  the 
Meue],  and  he  must  rather  be  regarded  as  a  Baby- 
lonian of  high  rank,  who  having  married  a  daughter 
of  Nebuchadnezzar  raised  his  thoughts  to  the  crown, 
and  finduig  Evil-Merodach  unpopular  with  his  sub- 
jects, murdered  him  and  became  his  successor. 
Nerighssar  built  the  palace  at  Babylon,  which 
seems  to  have  been  placed  originally  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  river.  He  was  probably  advanced  in 
life  at  his  accession,  and  thus  reigned  but  four 
years,  though  he  died  a  natural  death,  and  left  the 
crown  to  his  son,  Laborosoarchod.  Tliis  prince, 
though  a  mere  lad  at  the  time  of  his  father's  de- 
cease, was  allowed  to  ascend  the  throne  without 
difficulty :  but  when  he  had  reigned  nine  months, 
he  became  the  victim  of  a  conspiracy  among  hi* 
friends  and  connections,  who,  professing  to  detect 
in  him  symptoms  of  a  bad  disposition,  seized  him, 
and  tortured  him  to  death.  Nabonidus  (or  Laby- 
netus),  one  of  the  conspirators,  succeeded;  he  is 
called  by  Berosus  "  a  certain  Nabonidus,  a  Baby- 
lonian" (ap.  Joseph,  c.  Ap.  i.  21),  by  which  it 
would  appear  that  he  was  not  a  member  of  the 
royal  family;  and  this  is  Ukewise  evident  from  his 
inscriptions,  in  which  he  only  claims  for  his  father 
the  rank  of  "  Kab-Mag."  Herodotus  seems  to  have 
been  mistaken  in  supposing  him  (i.  188)  the  son 
of  a  great  queen,  Nitocris,  and  (apparently)  of  a 
former  king,  I^bynetus  (Nebuchadnezzar?).  In- 
deed it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  Babylonian 
Nitocris  of  Herodotus  is  really  a  historical  person- 
age. His  authority  is  the  sole  argument  for  hef 
existence,  which  it  is  difficult  to  credit  against  the 
silence  of  Scripture,  Berosus,  the  Canon,  and  the 
Babylonian  monuments.  She  may  perhaps  have 
been  a  wife  of  Nebuchadnezzar;  but  in  that  case 
she  must  have  been  wholly  unconnected  with  Na- 
bonidus, who  certainly  bore  no  relation  to  that 
monarch. 

Nabonidus,  or  Labynetus  (as  he  was  called  by 
the  Greeks),  mounted  the  throne  in  the  year  b.  c. 
555,  very  shortly  before  the  war  broke  out  between 
Cyrus  and  Croesus.  He  entered  into  alliance  with 
the  latter  of  these  monarchs  against  the  former, 
and  had  the  struggle  been  prolonged  would  have 
sent  a  contingent  into  Asia  Minor.  Events  pro- 
ceedal  too  rapidly  to  allow  of  this;  but  Nabonidus 
had  provoked  the  hostility  of  (  yrus  by  the  mere 
fact  of  the  alliance,  and  felt  at  once  that  sooner  or 
later  he  would  have  to  resist  the  attack  of  an 
avenging  army.  He  probably  employed  his  long 
and  peaceful  reign  of  17  years  in  preparations 
against  the  dreaded  foe,  executing  the  defensive 
works  which  Herodotus  ascribes  to  his  mother 
(i.  185),  and  accumulating  in  the  toini  abundant 


I 


BABEL,  BABYLON 


BABEL,  BABYLON 


219 


itore«  of  provisions  {ib.  c.  190).  In  the  year  b.  c. 
53t)  the  attack  came.  (Jyrus  advanced  at  the  head 
of  his  irresistible  hordes,  but  wintered  upon  the 
Diyaleh  or  Gyndes,  making  his  final  approaches 
la  the  ensuing  spring.  Nabonidus  appears  by  the 
inscriptions  to  have  shortly  before  this  as.sociated 
with  him  in  the  government  of  the  kingdom  his 
son,  Bel-shar-ezer  or  IJelshazzar ;  on  the  approach 
of  Cyrus,  therefore,  he  took  the  field  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  army,  leaving  his  son  to  conunand  in 
the  city.  In  tliis  way,  by  help  of  a  recent  dis- 
covery, the  accounts  of  Berosus  and  the  book  of 
Daniel  —  hitherto  regarded  as  hopelessly  conflict- 
ing—  may  be  reconciled.  [Bklshazzak.]  Na- 
l)onidus  engaged  the  army  of  Cyrus,  but  was  de- 
feated and  forced  to  shut  himself  up  in  the  neigh- 
boring town  of  Borsippa  (marked  now  by  the 
Bin-Niinruil),  where  he  continued  tiU  after  the 
fall  of  Bixbylon  (Beros.  ap.  Joseph,  c.  Ap.  i.  21). 
Belshaz2ur  guarded  the  city,  but  over-confident  in 
its  strength  kept  insufficient  watch,  and  recklessly 
indulging  in  untimely  and  impious  festivities  (Dan. 
v.),  allowed  the  enemy  to  enter  the  town  by  the 
channel  of  the  river  (Herod,  i.  191;  Xen.  Cyrop. 
vii.  7).  Babylon  was  thus  taken  by  a  surprise,  as 
Jeremiah  had  prophesied  (li.  31)  —  by  an  army  of 
Medes  and  Persians,  as  intimated  170  years  earlier 
by  Isaiah  (xxi.  1-9),  and  as  Jeremiah  had  also  fore- 
shown (li.  39),  during  a  festival.  In  the  carnage 
which  ensued  upon  the  taking  of  the  town,  iJel- 
shazzar  was  slain  (Dan.  v.  30).  Nabonidus,  on 
receiving  the  intelligence,  submitted,  and  was 
treated  kmdly  by  the  conqueror,  who  not  only 
spared  his  life,  but  gave  him  estates  in  Carmania 
(Beros.  ut  supra;  comp.  Abyd.  Fr.  9). 

Such  is  the  general  outline  of  the  siege  and  cap- 
ture of  Babylon  by  Cyras,  as  derivable  from  the 
fragments  of  Berosus,  illustrated  by  the  account  in 
Daniel  and  reduced  to  harmony  by  aid  of  the  im- 
portant fact,  obtained  recently  from  the  monuments, 
of  the  relationship  between  Belshazzar  and  Nabo- 
nidus. It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  remark  that  it 
differs  in  many  points  from  the  accounts  of  Herod- 
otus and  Xenophon;  but  the  latter  of  these  two 
writers  is  in  his  Cyropoedia  a  mere  romancer,  and 
the  former  is  very  imjierfectly  acquainted  with  the 
history  of  the  Babylonians.  The  native  writer, 
whose  hiformation  was  drawn  from  authentic  and 
contemporary  documents,  is  far  better  authority 
than  eitlier  of  the  Greek  authors,  the  earher  of 
whom  visited  Babylon  nearly  a  century  after  its 
capture  by  Cyrus,  when  the  tradition  had  doubtless 
•"ecome  in  many  resfjects  corrupted. 

According  to  the  book  of  Daniel,  it  would  seem  as 

BabyV)n  was  taken  on  this  occasion,  not  by 
CjTus,  king  of  Persia,  but  by  a  Median  king,  named 
Darius  (v.  31).  The  question  of  the  identity  of 
this  personage  with  any  Median  or  Babylonian  king 
known  to  us  from  profane  sources,  will  be  discussed 
hereafter.  [Darius  the  Medk.]  It  need  only  be 
remarked  here  that  Scripture  does  not  really  conflict 
on  this  point  with  profane  authorities;  since  there 
is  sufficient  indication,  from  the  terms  used  by  the 
sacred  writer,  that  "  Darius  the  Jlede,"  whoever  he 
may  have  been,   was  not  the  real  conqueror  nor 

king  who  ruled  in  his  own  right,  but  a  monarch 
intrusted  by  another  with  a  certain  delegated  au- 
khority  (see  Dan.  v.  31,  and  ix.  1). 

With  the  conquest  by  Cyrus  commenced  the 
iecay  and  ruin  of  liabylon.  The  "  broad  walls  " 
were  then  to  some  extent  "  broken  down  "  (Beros. 
''r.  14)    and  the  "  high  gates  "  probably  "  burut 


with  fire  "  (Jer.  li.  58).  The  defenses,  that  b  to 
say,  were  ruined ;  though  it  is  not  to  1)C  supposed 
that  the  laborious  and  useless  task  of  entirely  de- 
molishing the  gigantic  fortifications  cf  the  place 
was  attempted,  or  even  contemplated,  by  the  con- 
queror. Babylon  was  weakened,  but  it  continueo 
a  royal  residence,  not  only  during  the  life-time  of 
Darius  the  Mede,  but  through  the  entire  period  of 
the  Persian  empire.  The  Persian  kings  held  their 
court  at  Babylon  during  tlie  larger  portion  of  the 
year;  and  at  the  time  of  Alexander's  conquests  it 
was  stiU  the  second,  if  not  the  first,  city  of  the 
empire.  It  had,  however,  suffered  considerably  ou 
more  than  one  occasion  subsequent  to  the  time  of 
Cyrus.  Twice  in  the  reign  of  Darius  (Behist.  Ins.), 
and  once  in  that  of  Xerxes  (Ctes.  Pers.  §  22),  it 
had  risen  against  the  Persians,  and  made  an  effort 
to  regain  its  independence.  After  each  rebellion  its 
defenses  were  weakened,  and  during  the  k.vs  period 
of  profound  peace  which  the  Persian  empire  enjoyed 
from  the  reign  of  Xerxes  to  that  of  Darius  Codo- 
mannus  they  were  allowed  to  go  completely  to  de- 
cay. The  pubUc  buildings  also  suffered  grievously 
from  neglect.  Alexander  found  the  great  temple 
of  Belus  in  so  ruined  a  condition  that  it  would  have 
required  the  labor  of  10,000  men  for  two  months 
even  to  clear  away  the  rubbish  with  which  it  waa 
encumbered.  (Strab.  xvi.  1,  §  5).  His  designs  for 
the  restoration  of  the  temple  and  the  general  em- 
bellishment of  the  city  were  frustrated  by  his  un- 
timely death,  and  the  removal  of  the  seat  of  empire 
to  Autioch  under  the  Seleucidae  gave  the  finishing 
blow  to  the  prosperity  of  the  place.  The  great  city  of 
Seleucia,  which  soon  after  arose  in  its  neighborhood, 
not  only  drew  away  its  population  but  was  actually 
constructed  of  materials  derived  from  its  buildings 
(PUn.  //.  N.  vi.  30).  Since  then  Babylon  has 
been  a  quarry  from  which  aU  the  tribes  in  the 
vicinity  have  perpetually  derived  the  bricks  with 
which  they  have  bmlt  their  cities,  and  (besides 
Seleucia)  Ctesiphon,  Al  Modain,  Baghdad,  Ku&, 
Kerbelah,  HiUah,  and  numerous  other  towns,  have 
risen  from  its  ruins.  The  "great  city,"  "the 
beauty  of  the  Chaldees'  excellency,"  has  thus  em- 
phatically "become  heaps"  (Jer.  li.  37)  —  she  is 
truly  "  an  astonishment  and  a  hissing,  without  an 
uihabitant."  Her  walls  have  altogether  disap- 
peared —  they  have  "  fallen  "  (Jer.  li.  44),  been 
"thrown  down"  (1.  15),  been  "broken  utterly" 
(li.  58).  "A  drought  is  upon  her  waters"  (I.  38); 
for  the  system  of  irrigation,  on  which  in  Babylonia 
fertility  altogether  depends,  has  long  been  •laid 
aside;  "  her  cities  "  are  everywhere  "  a  desolation  " 
(li.  43),  her  "  land  a  wilderness;  "  "  wild  beasts  of 
the  desert "  (jackals)  "  lie  there,"  and  "  owls  dwell 
there"  (comp.  Layard,  Nin.  and  Bab.  p.  484, 
with  Is.  xiii.  21-22,  and  Jer.  1.  39):  the  natives 
r^ard  the  whole  site  as  haunted,  and  neither  will 
the  "  Arab  pitch  tent,  nor  the  shepherd  fold  sheep 
tliere"  (Is.  xiii.  20). 

(See  for  the  descriptive  portions.  Rich's  Tivo 
MtJiwirs  on  Babylon;  Ker  Porter's  Travels,  vol. 
ii. ;  l^ayard's  Nineveh  and  Babylon,  ch.  xxii. : 
Fresnel's  Two  Letters  to  M.  Mohl  in  the  Joumat 
Asiatique,  June  and  July,  1853;  and  Loftus's 
ChaMcea,  ch.  ii.  On  the  identification  of  the  ruins 
with  ancient  sites,  compare  Rawlinson's  Herodotus, 
vol.  ii.  Essay  iv. ;  Oppert's  Maps  and  Plans ;  and 
Rennell's  Essay  in  Rich's  Babylon  and  Persepolis, 
On  the  history,  compare  M.  Niebtihr's  Gesckichte 
Assures  und  Babel's;  Brandis's  Rerum  Assyria- 
rum    Tempora   £mendaU;    Bosanquet's    Sacrea 


220 


BABEL,   TOWER  OF 


3iui  Profane  ClirmwUxjy;  aiul  RawlLison's  Herod- 
j4us,  vol.  i.  Essays  vi.  and  viii.  G.  R. 

*  As  a  fitting  close  to  this  article  we  subjoin 
from  Prof.  Rawlinson's  new  volume  {Monnrdiie* 
\)f  the,  Aiment  Eastei-n  World,  iii.  516-18)  hii 
account  of  the  capture  of  Babylon  by  Cyna, 
which  so  remarkably  fulfillwl  the  Hebrew  pre- 
dictions :  —  "  When  all  was  prepared,  Cyrus  de- 
termined to  wait  for  the  arrival  of  a  certain  festi- 
val, during  which  the  whole  population  were  wont 
to  engage  in  drinking  and  revelling,  and  then 
silently  in  the  dead  of  night  to  turn  the  water 
of  the  river  and  make  his  attack.  All  fell  out 
as  he  hoped  and  wished.  The  festival  was  even 
held  with  greater  pomp  and  splendor  than  usual; 
for  Belshazzar,  with  the  natural  insolence  of  youth. 
to  mark  his  contempt  for  the  besieging  array, 
abandoned  himself  wholly  to  the  delights  of  the 
season,  and  himself  entertained  a  thousand  lords 
in  his  palace.  Elsewhere  the  rest  of  the  popula- 
tion was  occupied  in  feasting  and  dancing.  Drunk- 
en riot  and  mad  excitement  held  possession  of  the 
town:  the  siege  was  forgotten;  ordinary  precau- 
tions were  neglected.  Following  the  example  of 
their  king,  the  Babylonians  gave  themselves  up 
for  the  night  to  orgies  in  which  religious  frenzy 
and  drunken  excitement  formed  a  strange  and  re- 
volting medley. 

"  Meanwhile,  outside  the  city,  in  silence  and 
darkness,  the  Persians  watched  at  the  two  points 
where  the  Euphrates  entered  and  left  the  walls. 
Anxiously  they  noted  the  gradual  sinking  of  the 
water  in  the  river-bed:  still  more  anxiously  they 
watched  to  see  if  tiiose  within  the  walls  would  ob- 
serve the  suspicious  circumstances  and  sound  an 
alarm  through  the  town.  Should  such  an  alarm 
be  given,  all  their  labors  would  be  lost.  .  .  . 
But  as  they  watched  no  sounds  of  alarm  reached 
them  —  only  a  confused  noise  of  revel  and  riot, 
which  showed  that  the  unhappy  townsmen  weie 
quite  unconscious  of  the  approach  of  danger. 

"  At  last  shaflowy  forms  began  to  emerge  from 
the  obscurity  of  the  deep  river-bed,  and  on  the 
landing-places  opposite  the  river  gates  scattered 
clusters  of  men  grew  into  solid  columns,  —  the 
undefended  gateways  were  seized,  —  a  war-shout 
was  raised,  —  the  alarm  was  taken  and  spread,  — 
«id  swift  runners  started  off  to  '  show  the  King 
of  Babylon  that  his  city  was  taken  at  one  end.' 
In  the  darkness  and  confusion  of  the  night  a  terri- 
ble massacre  ensued.  The  drunken  revellers  could 
mal*  no  resistance.  The  king,  paralyzed  with  fear  at 
the  awful  handwriting  on  the  wall,  which  too  late 
had  warned  him  of  his  peril,  could  do  nothing  even  to 
check  the  progress  of  the  assailants,  who  carried  all 
Iwfore  tlicm  everywhere.  Bursting  into  the  palace, 
a  band  of  Persians  made  their  way  to  the  presence 
of  the  monarch  and  slew  him  on  the  scene  of 
his  impious  revelry.  Other  bands  carried  fire 
and  sword  through  the  town.  \Vhen  morning 
came,  (^jtus  found  himself  undisputed  master  of 
the  city."  H. 

BATiEL,  TOWER  OF.  The  "  tower  of 
Babel "  is  only  mentioned  once  in  Scripture  ((ien. 
xi.  4-9),  and  tlien  as  incomplete.  No  reference  to 
it  appears  in  the  prophetic  denunciations  of  the 
punishments  which  were  to  fall  on  Babylon  for  her 

Eride.  It  is  therefore  quite  uncertain  whether  the 
uilding  evei"  advanced  beyond  its  foundations. 
K&.  however,  the  cla.ssical  writers  universally  in 
lieir  descriptions  of  Bab^n  gave  ft  prominent 


BABEL,   TOWER   OF 

place  to  a  certain  tower-like  building,  which  thcj 
called  the  temple  (Herod.,  1  )iod.  Sic,  Arrian,  Plinl, 
<Sc.),  or  the  tomb  (Strabo)  of  Belus,  it  has  generallj 
been  supposed  that  the  tower  was  in  course  of 
time  finished,  and  became  the  principal  temple  of 
the  Chaldsean  metropolis.  Certainly  this  may  ha\« 
leen  the  case;  but  while  there  is  some  evidene* 
again.st  there  is  none  in  favor  of  it.  A  Jcwi.sh 
tradition,  recorded  by  Bochart  {Phnle;/,  i.  9),  de- 
clared that  fire  fell  from  heaven,  and  split  the  tower 
through  to  its  foundation;  while  Alexander  I'oly- 
histor  (Fr.  10)  and  the  other  profane  writers  who 
noticed  the  tower  (as  Abydenus,  Frs.  5  and  6), 
said  that  it  had  been  blown  down  by  the  winds. 
Such  authorities  therefore  as  we  possess,  represent 
the  building  as  destroj'ed  soon  after  its  erection. 
When  the  Jews,  however,  were  carried  captive  into 
Baljylonia,  struck  with  the  vast  magnitude  and 
pecuUar  character  of  certain  of  the  Babylonian  tem- 
ples, they  imagmed  that  they  saw  in  them,  not 
merely  buildings  similar  in  type  and  mode  of  con- 
struction to  the  "tower"  (^^J^ )  of  their  Script- 
ures, but  in  this  or  that  temple  they  thought  to 
recognize  the  very  tower  itself.  The  predominant 
opinion  was  in  favor  of  the  great  temple  of  Nelw 
at  Borsippa,  the  modem  Birs-Nimrvd,  although 
the  distance  of  that  place  from  Babylon  is  an  in- 
suijerable  difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  identification. 
Similarly  when  Christian  travellers  first  began  to 
visit  the  Mesopotamian  ruins,  they  generally  at- 
tached the  name  of  "  the  tower  of  Babel  "  to  what- 
ever mass,  among  those  beheld  by  them,  was  the 
loftiest  and  most  imposing.  Kawulf  in  the  16th 
century  found  the  "  tower  of  Babel  "  at  Felnc/iah, 
Pietro  della  Valle  in  the  18th  identified  it  with  the 
ruin  Bi((/il  near  Hilhih,  while  early  in  the  present 
century  Rich  and  Ker  Porter  revived  the  Jewish 
notion,  and  argued  for  its  identity  with  the  Birs. 
There  are  in  reaUty  no  real  grounds  either  for  iden- 
tifying the  tower  with  the  Temple  of  Belus,  or  for 
supposing  that  any  remains  of  it  long  survived  the 
check  which  the  builders  received,  when  they  were 
"scattered  abroad  ujwn  the  face  of  the  earth,"  and 
"  left  off  to  build  the  city  "  (Gen.  xi.  8).  All  then 
that  can  be  properly  attempted  by  the  modem  critic 
is  to  show  (1.)  what  was  the  probable  type  and 
character  of  the  building ;  and  (2. )  what  were  the 
materials  and  manner  of  its  construction. 

With  regard  to  the  fomier  point,  it  may  readily 
be  allowed  that  the  Birs-Nimrwl,  though  it  can- 
not be  the  tower  of  Babel  itself,  which  was  at 
Babylon  (Gen.  xi.  9),  yet,  as  the  mo.st  perfect  rep- 
resentative of' an  ancient  Babylonian  temple-tower, 
may  well  be  taken  to  show,  better  than  any  other 
ruin,  the  probable  shape  and  character  of  tlie  edifice. 
Tliis  buiidirg  appears,  by  the  carefnl  examinations 
recently  n.ade  of  it,  to  have  been  a  sort  of  oblique 
pyramid  Ituilt  in  seven  receding  stages.  "  I'pon  a 
platform  of  crude  brick,  raised  a  few  feet  above  tlie 
level  of  the  alluvial  i)lain,  was  built  of  burnt  brick 
the  first  or  basement  stage  —  an  exact  square,  272 
feet  each  way,  and  20  feet  in  perpendicular  height 
I'pon  this  stage  was  erected  a  second,  230  feet  each 
way,  and  likewise  26  feet  high:  whicli,  however, 
was  not  placed  exactly  in  the  middle  of  the  first, 
but  considerably  nearer  to  the  southwestern  end, 
which  constituted  the  back  of  tlie  building.  The 
other  stages  were  arranged  similarly  —  the  third 
being  188  feet,  and  again  26  feet  high ;  the  fourtb 
146  feet  square,  and  15  feet  high;  the  fifth  104 
feet  square,  and  the  same  height  as  the  fourth ;  the 


BABEL,   TOWER   OF 

jixth  62  feet  square,  and  again  the  sanio  height; 
jmd  the  seventh  20  feet  square  and  once  more  the 
lame  height.  On  tlie  seventh  stage  there  wr.s 
probably  placed  the  ark  or  tabernacle,  which  seems 
to  have  been  again  15  feet  high,  and  must  have 
nearly,  if  not  entirely,  covered  the  top  of  the  seventh 
story.  The  entire  original  height,  allowing  three 
feet  for  the  platform,  would  thus  have  been  156 
feet,  or,  without  the  platform,  153  feet.  The  whole 
formed  a  sort  of  oblique  pyramid,  the  gentler  slope 
facing  the  N.  E.,  and  the  steeper  inclining  to  the 
S.  W.  On  the  N.  E.  side  was  the  grand  entrance, 
and  here  stood  the  vestibule,  a  separate  building, 
the  di^bris  from  which  having  joined  those  from 
the  temple  itself,  fill  up  the  intermediate  space, 
and  very  remarkably  prolong  the  mound  in  this 
direction "  (Itawlinson's  Herodotus,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
582-3).  The  Birs  temple,  which  was  called  the 
"Temple  of  the  Seven  Spheres,"  was  ornamented 
with  the  planetary  colors  (see  the  plan),  but  this 
was  most  likely  a  peculiarity.  The  other  chief 
features  of  it  seem  to  have  been  common  to  most, 
if  not  all,  of  the  Babylonian  temple-towers.  The 
feature  of  stages  is  found  in  the  temples  at  Warkn 
wid  Mngheir  (Loftus's  Chaldcea,  pp.  129  and  168) 


BABEL,   TOWER   OF 


221 


which  belonged  to  very  primitive  times  (b.  c. 
2230);  that  of  the  emplacement,  so  that  the  four 
angles  face  the  four  cardinal  points,  is  likewise 
common  to  those  ancient  structures;  while  the 
square  form  is  universal.  On  the  other  hand  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  so  large  a  number  of 
stages  was  common.  The  Afughdr  and  Warka 
temples  have  no  more  than  two,  and  probably 
never  had  more  than  three,  or  at  most,  four  stages. 
The  great  temple  of  Belus  at  Babylon  (Babtl) 
shows  only  one  stage ;  though,  according  to  the  best 
authorities,  it  too  was  a  sort  of  pyramid  (Herod., 
Strabo).  The  height  of  the  Birs  is  153j  feet,  that 
of  Bribil  140  (V),  that  of  the  Warkn  temple  100, 
that  of  the  temple  \t  Mughdr  50  feet.  Strabo's 
statement  that  the  tomb  of  Belus  was  a  stade  (606 
feet)  in  height  would  thus  seem  to  be  a  gross  exag- 
geration. Probably  no  Babylonian  tower  ever 
equalled  the  Great  Pyramid,  the  original  height  of 
which  was  480  feet. 

With  regard  to  the  materials  used  in  the  tower, 
and  the  manner  of  its  construction,  more  light  is  to 
be  obtained  from  the  Warka  and  Muyheir  build- 
ings than  from  the  Birs.  The  Birs  was  rebuilt 
from  top  to  bottom  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  shows 


Temple  of  Birs-Nimrud  of  Borsippa. 


,he  mode  of  construction  prevalent  in  Babylon  at 
Jie  best  period ;  the  temples  at  Warka  and  Mug- 
hdr remain  to  a  certain  extent  in  their  primitive 
wndition,  the  upper  stories  alone  having  been  ren- 
ivated.  The  Warka  temple  is  composed  entirely 
jf  sun-dried  bricks,  which  are  of  various  shapes 
•nd  sizes ;  the  cement  used  is  mud ;  and  reeds  are 
largely  employed  in  the  construction.  It  is  a  build- 
up of  the  most  primitive  type,  and  exhibits  a  ruder 


style  of  art  than  that  which  we  percdve  ftom  Scnpi 
ure  to  have  obtained  at  the  date  of  the  towar 
Burnt  bricks  were  employed  in  the  composition  of 
the  tower  (Gen.  xi.  3),  and  though  perhaps  it  ii 
somewhat  doubtfiil  what  the  chemar  {^'t^T})  used 
for  mortar  may  have  been  (see  Fresnel  in  Joum. 
Asiastique  for  June,  1853,  p.  9),  yet  on  the  whole 
it  is  most  probable  that  bitumen  (which  abound* 


222         BABEL,  TOWER   OP 


BABYLON 


"I  I 


"ii|i ill 

a  S3  .a  ^  .a  5  .a 


13  F' 

o 

n"' 

ISF' 





X 

(J 

9 

b. 

u 

a 

In  lUbylonia)  is  the  substance  intended.  Now  the 
lower  basement  of  the  Mugheir  temple  exhibits 
this  combination  in  a  decidedly  primitive  form. 
The  burnt  bricks  are  of  small  size  and  of  an  infe- 
rior quality;  they  are  laid  in  bitumen;  and  they 
face  a  mass  of  sun-dried  brick,  forming  a  solid  wall 
outside  it,  ten  feet  \n  thickness.  No  reeds  are  used 
in  the  building.  \\'riting  appears  on  it,  but  of  an 
antique  cast.  The  6ui)posed  date  is  b.  C.  2300  — 
K  little  earlier  than  the  time  commonly  assigned  to 
Uie  building  of  the  tower.  Probably  the  erection 
'f  the  two  buildings  was  not  separated  by  a  very 
ong  intenal,  though  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  of  the  two  the  tower  was  the  earUer.  If  we 
mark  its  date,  as  perhaps  we  are  entitled  to  do,  by 
the  time  of  Peleg,  the  son  of  Eber.  and  father  of  Reu 
(see  Gen.  z.  25),  we  may  perhaps  place  it  about  b.  c. 
KiOO. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  any  real  idea 


of  "scaling  heaven"  wm 
present  to  the  minds  ol 
those  who  raised  eithet 
the  Tower  of  Babel,  or  any 
other  of  the  Babylonian 
t«mple-towers.  ITie  ex- 
pression used  in  Genesis 
(xi.  4)  is  a  mere  hyperbole 
for  great  height  (comp. 
Deut.  i.  28;  Dan.  iv.  11, 
(fee),  and  should  not  be 
taken  literally.  Military 
defense  was  probably  the 
primary  object  of  such  ed- 
ifices in  early  times:  but 
with  the  wish  for  this  may 
have  been  combined  fur- 
ther secondary  motives, 
which  remained  when  such 
defense  was  otherwise  pro- 
vided for.  Diodorus  states 
that  the  great  tower  of  the 
temple  of  Belus  was  used 
by  the  Chaldaeans  as  an 
observatory  (ii.  9),  and  the 
^  careful  emplacement  of  the 
S  Babylonian  temples  with 
the  angles  facing  the  four 
cardinal  points  would  be 
a  natural  consequence,  and 
may  be  regarded  as  a  strong 
confirmation,  of  the  reality 
of  this  appUcation.  M. 
Fresnel  has  recently  con- 
jectured that  they  were 
also  used  as  sleeping-places 
for  the  chief  priests  in  the 
summer-time  (Jouifi.  Asi 
atique,  June,  1853,  pp 
529-31).  The  upper  air 
is  cooler,  and  is  free  from 
the  insects,  especi.ally  mos- 
quitos,  which  abound  be- 
low; and  the  description 
which  Herodotus  gives  of 
the  chamber  at  the  top  of 
the  Belus  tower  (i.  181) 
goes  far  to  confirm  this  in- 
genious view.         G.  R. 

BA'BI   (Baj3f;    [Vat. 
Bai-np ;]     Alex.     Bvficu 
<  Beer),   1   Esdr.  viii.   37. 

[Bebai.] 

BABTTLON.     [Babel.] 

BAB'YLON  {Ba0v\tiy:  Babylon).  The  oc- 
currence of  this  name  in  1  Pet.  v.  13  has  givai 
rise  to  a  variety  of  coiyectures,  which  may  be  briefly 
enumerated. 

1.  That  Babylon  tropically  denotes  Rome.  In 
support  of  this  opinion  is  brought  forward  a  tra- 
dition recorded  ijy  Eusebius  (//.  is.  ii.  15),  on  the 
authority  of  Papias  and  Clement  of  Alexandria,  to 
the  effect  that  1  Peter  was  composed  at  Rome. 
OEcumenius  and  Jerome  both  assert  that  Rome 
was  figuratively  denoted  by  Babylon.  Although 
this  opinion  is  held  by  Grotius,  Lardner,  Cave, 
Whitby,  Macknight,  Hales,  and  others,  it  may  be 
rejected  as  improbable.  There  is  nothing  to  indi- 
cate that  the  name  is  used  figuratiwly,  and  th« 
subscription  to  an  epistle  is  the  last  place  we  should 
expect  to  find  a  mystical  appellation. 


BABYLOU 

9.  Cappellus  and  others  take  Babylon,  with  as 
fittle  reason,  to  mean  Jerusalem. 

3.  Bar-Hebraeus  miderstands  by  it  the  house  in 
Jerusalem  where  the  Apostles  were  assembled  on 
the  Day  of  Pentecost. 

4.  Others  place  it  on  the  Tigris,  and  identify  it 
with  Seleucia  or  Ctesiphon,  but  for  this  there  is  no 
evidence.  The  two  theories  which  remain  are  wor- 
thy of  more  consideration. 

5.  That  by  Babylon  is  intended  the  small  fort 
of  that  name  which  formed  the  boundary  between 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt.  Its  site  is  marked  by 
the  modem  Baboul  in  the  Delta,  a  little  north  of 
Fostat,  or  old  Cairo.  According  to  Strabo  it  de- 
rived its  natne  from  some  Babylonian  deserters  who 
had  settled  there.  In  his  time  it  was  the  head- 
quarters of  one  of  the  three  legions  which  garri- 
soned Egypt.  Josephus  (Ant.  ii.  15,  §  1)  says  it 
was  built  on  the  site  of  l>etopolis,  when  Cambyses 
subdued  Egypt.  That  this  is  the  Babylon  of  1  Pet. 
is  the  tradition  of  the  Coptic  Church,  and  is  main- 
tained by  Le  Clerc,  Mill,  Pearson,  and  others. 
There  is,  however,  no  proof  that  the  Apostle  Peter 
was  ever  in  Egypt,  and  a  very  sUght  degree  of 
probability  is  created  by  the  tradition  that  his  com- 
panion Mark  was  bishop  of  Alexandria. 

The  most  natural  supposition  of  all  is  that  by 
Babylon  is  intended  the  old  Babylon  of  Assyria, 
which  was  largely  inhabited  by  Jews  at  the  time 
in  question  (Joseph.  Ant.  xv.  3,  §  1;  Philo,  De  Virt. 
p.  1023,  ed.  Franc.  1691).  The  only  argument 
against  this  view  is  the  negative  evidence  from  the 
silence  of  historians  as  to  St.  Peter's  having  vis- 
ited the  AssjTian  Babylon,  but  this  cannot  be 
allowed  to  have  much  weight.  Lightfoot's  remarks 
are  very  suggestive.  In  a  sermon  preached  at  St. 
Mary's, Cambridge  (  Works^n.  1144,  Eng.  folio  ed.), 
he  maintained  that  Babylon  of  Assyria  is  intended, 
because  "  it  was  one  of  the  greatest  knots  of  Jews 
in  the  world,"  and  St.  Peter  was  the  minister  of 
the  circumcision.  Agam,  he  adds,  "  Bosor  (2  Pet. 
ii.  15)  speaks  Peter  in  Babylon,"  it  being  the 
Chaldee  or  Syriac  pronunciation  of  Pethor  in  Num. 
xxii.  5.  This  last  argument  has  not,  perhaps,  much 
weight,  as  the  same  pronunciation  may  have  char- 
fwterized  the  dialect  of  Judaea.  Bentley  gave  his 
BuflBrage  in  favor  of  the  ancient  Babylon,  quoting 
Joseph,  c.  Ap.  i.  7  ( Crit.  Sacr.  p.  81,  ed.  Ellis). 

W.  A.  W. 

*  The  writer  above  has  mentioned  English 
names  only.  Of  German  writers  who  hold  that  the 
Babylon  of  Assyria  is  meant  (1  Pet.  v.  13),  are 
Steiger  (on  Pet.  EM.  p.  23);  De  Wette  (Exeg. 
Handb.bx  loc);  Winer  (-fferi/w.  i.  124);  Credner 
{Einl.  in  das  N.  T.,  p.  643);  Bleek  {Eird.  in  das 
N.  T.,  p.  567);  Neander  {Pfianzung,  ii.  590); 
Fronmiiller  (on  1  Peter  in  Lange's  Bibeltoerk,  p. 
R4),  and  others.  Neander  thinks  that  the  wife  of 
Peter  {o-vveKKeKrii)  is  meant  (1  Pet.  v.  13),  and 
not  the  church  in  Babylon.  H. 


BACA,  THE  VALLEY  OF      228 

habitants  of  Babylon,  a  race  of  Shemitic  origin, 
who  were  among  the  colonists  planted  in  the  citie« 
of  Samaria  by  the  conquering  Assyrians  (Ezr.  iv 
9).  At  a  later  period,  when  the  warlike  Chaldse- 
ans  acquired  the  predominance  in  the  7th  cent. 
B.  c,  the  names  Chaldaean  and  Babylonian  became 
almost  synonymous  (Ez.  xxiii.  14,  15;  comp.  Is. 
xlviii.  14,  20).  W.  A.  W. 

BABYLO'NISH  GARMENT,  literally 
("1">3t^"'  n"^"iTS  :  \\,i\i]  iroiKiKri-  pallium  cocci- 
neuni)  "robe  of  Shinar"  (Josh.  vii.  21).  An  am- 
ple robe,  probably  made  of  the  skin  or  fiir  of  an 
animal  (comp.  Gen.  xxv.  25),  and  ornamented  with 
embroidery,  or  perhaps  a  variegated  garment  with 
figures  inwoven  in  the  fashion  for  which  the  Baby- 
lonians were  celebrated.  Josephus  {Ant.  v.  1,  §  10) 
describes  it  as  "a  royal  mantle  (;^\o;uu8a  ^axri- 
Xewv),  all  woven  with  gold."  Tertullian  {Dt 
Habitu  muliebn,  c.  i.)  tells  us  that  while  the  Syr- 
ians were  celebrated  for  dyeing,  and  the  Phrygians 
for  patchwork,  the  Babylonians  inwove  their  colors. 
For  this  kind  of  tapestry  work  they  had  a  great  rep- 
utation (Phny  viii.  74 :  Cohres  diversos  jnctura 
intexere  Babylon  maxime  celeln-avit,  et  noinen  im- 
pomit).     Compare  also  Martial  {Ep.  viii.  28): 

Non  ego  praetulerim  Babylonica  picta  superbe 
Testa,  Seiriiramia  quae  variantur  acu  ; 

and  the  Babylonia  peristromnta  of  Plautus  {Stick. 
ii.  2,  54 ;  see  also  Joseph  B.  J.  vii.  5,  §  5 ;  Plut. 
M.  Cato,  iv.  5).  Perhaps  some  of  the  trade  ui 
these  rich  stuffs  between  Babylon  and  the  Phoeni- 
cians (Ez.  xxvii.  24)  passed  through  Jericho,  aa 
well  as  the  gold  brought  by  the  caravans  of  Sheba, 
which  they  may  have  left  in  exchange  for  the  prod- 
ucts of  its  fertile  soil  (Josh.  vii.  21).  [Jkiucho.] 
Rashi  has  a  story  that  the  king  of  Babylon  had  a 
palace  at  Jericho,  probably  founded  on  the  fact  that 
the  robe  of  the  king  of  Nineveh  (Jon.  iii.  6)  is 

called  n;;7^S,  ttddereth.  In  the  Bereshith  Rabba 
(§  85,  fol."  75,  2,  quoted  by  Gill)  it  is  said  that  the 
robe  was  of  Babylonian  purple.  Another  story  in 
the  same  passage  is  that  the  king  of  Babylon  had 
a  deputy  at  Jericho  who  sent  him  dates,  and  the 
king  in  return  sent  him  gifts,  among  which  was  a 
garment  of  Shinar.  Kimchi  (on  Josh.  vii.  21| 
quotes  the  opinions  of  R.  Chanina  bar  R.  Isaac 
that  the  Babylonish  garment  was  of  Bahyl(>nian 
purple,  of  Rab  that  it  was  a  robe  of  fine  wool,  and 
of  Shemuel  that  it  was  a  cloak  washed  with  alum, 
which  we  learn  from  PKny  (xxxv.  52)  was  used  in 
dyeing  wool.  W.  A.  W. 

BA'CA,    THE    VALLEY    OF    (PI?!: 

WlSn  :  KOj\eks  rov  KKavQuSivos  [Alex,  -fxovos]  '• 


BAB'YLON,  in  the  Apocalypse,  is  the  sym- 
bolical name  by  which  Rome  is  denoted  (Rev.  xiv. 
8,  xvii.,  xviii.).  The  power  of  Rome  was  r^arded 
by  the  later  Jews  as  that  of  Babylon  by  their  fore- 
fathers (comp.  Jer.  Ii.  7  with  Rev.  xiv.  8),  and 
aence,  whatever  the  people  of  Israel  be  understood 
o  symboUze,  Babylon  represents  the  antagonistic 
principle.     [Revelation.]  W.  A.  W. 


Vallis  lacrymarum),  a  valley  somewhere  in  Pales- 
tine, through  which  the  exiled  Psalmist  sees  in  vis- 
ion the  pilgrims  passing  in  their  march  towards 
the  sanctuary  of  Jehovah  at  Zion  (Ps.  Ixxxiv.  6). 
The  passage  seems  to  contain  a  play,  in  the  man- 
ner of  Hebrew  poetry,  on  the  name  of  the  tree.< 

(C^S"^2;  Mulberry)   from  which    the   valley 

piobably  derived  its  name,  and  the  "  tears  "  (^^21 
shed  by  the  pilgrims  in  their  joy  at  their  approach 
to  Zion.  These  tears  were  so  abundant  as  to  turn 
the  dry  valley  in  which  the  Bacaun  trees  delighted 
BABYLO'NIANS  (S''^I12  bnn""'32  : 1  (^"^'^"^i  l""*®^  ^  Winer,  .s.  v.)  into  a  springy 
B«0«\(i»'»oj:  Babyhmii,  JilU  Bahyhnia).     The  in- !  or  n>ar8hy  plac»  ("1^"^??).     That  the  valley  was  a 


224 


BACCHIDES 


real  locality  is  most  probable,  from  the  use  of  the 
definite  article  before  the  name  (Gesen.  Thes.  p.  205). 

A  valley  of  the  same  name  f  LxaJI    f-i^\^)  still 

exists  in  the  Sinaitic  district  (Burck.  p.  619). 

The  rendering  of  the  Targum  is  Gehenna,  i.  e. 
the  Ge-Hinnom  or  ravine  below  Mount  Zion.  This 
locality  agrees  well  with  the  mention  of  Bacaini 
trees  in  2  Sam.  v.  2-3.  G. 

*  This  valley,  according  to  the  general  view  of 
interj^reters  (Hengstenberg,  Tholuck,  Hupfeld)is  not 
an  actual,  but  an  idealized  place.  Human  Ufe  is  a 
pilgrimage  (Gen.  xlvii.  9),  and  those  who  serve  God 
iiiid  have  faith  in  Him,  bear  cheeifuUy  its  hardships, 
iiis  people  find  cause  for  thanksgiving  and  joy  un- 
der circumstances  the  most  adverse  and  trying  (2 
Cor.  vi.  4-10;  Philip,  iv.  6,  7).  Tlie  later  lexicogra- 
phers (Dietrich,  Fiirot)  discard  the  old  etymology, 

and  derive  S^Z  from  the  verb  i^^S,  fo  flow  out, 
trickle.  Hupfeld  finds  no  allusion  to  the  mulberry 
tree  (which  complicates  needlessly  the  idea),  but 
only  a  mark  of  the  concinnity  of  the  figure:  the 
bitter  tears  become  to  us  as  it  were  fountains  of 
sweet  water  {Die  Psalmen,  ii.  429).  Dr.  Kobinson 
has  a  note  against  the  idea  of  a  proper  name  in  this 
passage  (/"//^s.  Geoc/r.  p.  124).  The  "valley  of 
the  shadow  of  death  "  (Ps.  xxiii.  4)  is  no  doubt  a 
similar  expression.  11. 

BACCHIDES  (BaKx^S7;s).  a  friend  of  Anti- 
ochus  Epiphanes  (Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  10,  §  2)  and 
governor  of  Mesopotamia  (gV  t'S  -irfpav  rov  irora- 
fiov,  1  Maec.  vii.  8;  Joseph.  I.  c. ),  who  wa.s  com- 
missioned by  Demetrius  Soter  to  iiixestigate  the 
charges  which  Alcinius  preferred  against  .Judas  IMac- 
cabseus.  He  confirmed  Alcimus  in  the  high  priest- 
hood, and  having  inflicted  signal  vengeance  on  the 
extreme  party  of  the  Assidoeans  [As.sideans]  he 
returned  to  Antioch.  After  the  expulsion  of  Alci- 
mus and  the  defeat  and  death  of  Nicanor  he  led  a 
second  expedition  into  Judaea.  .ludas  Maccabseus 
fell  in  the  battle  which  ensued  at  Laisa  (li.  r.  101); 
and  Bacchides  reestabhshed  the  supremacy  of  the 
Syrian  faction  (1  Mace.  ix.  25,  o'l  a(refie7s  AvSpes; 
Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  1,  §  1).  He  next  attempted  t«  sur- 
prise Jonathan,  who  had  assumed  the  leadership 
of  the  national  party  after  the  death  of  Judas ;  but 
Jonathan  escaped  across  the  .Jordan.  Bacchides 
(hen  placed  garrisons  in  several  important  positions, 
and  took  hostages  for  the  security  of  the  present 
government.  Having  completed  the  pacification 
of  the  country"  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  1,  5)  be  re- 
turned to  Demetrius  (i$.  c.  160).  After  two  years 
he  came  back  at  the  request  of  the  Syrian  faction, 
in  the  hope  of  overpowering  Jonathan  and  Simon, 
who  still  maintained  a  small  force  in  the  desert; 
but  meeting  with  ill  success,  he  turned  against 
those  who  had  induced  him  to  undertake  the  expe- 
dition, and  sought  an  honorable  retreat.  When 
this  was  known  by  Jonathan  he  sent  envoys  to 
Bacchides  and  concluded  a  peace  (b.  c.  158)  with 
him,  acknowledging  him  as  governor  under  the 
Syrian  king,  while  Bacchides  pledged  himself  not 
to  enter  the  land  again,  a  condition  which  he  faith- 
fully observed  (1  Mace.  vii.  ix. ;  Joseph.  Ant.  xii. 
10,11;  xiu.  1).  B.  F.  W. 


n  In  1  Mace.  ix.  67,  his  return  seems  to  be  referred 
9  the  death  of  Alcimus. 

*  N31DPP,  "taxus,   sic   dictus    quia    gaudet  et 


BADGER -SKINS 

BACCHU'RUS  (fiaKxovpos:  Zatnvi7tis),  om 
of  the  "holy  singers"  (tcDj/  tfpoypaXTwv)  who  had 
taken  a  foreign  wife  (1  Esdr.  ix.  24).  No  name 
corresponding  with  this  is  traceable  in  the  parallel 
list  in  I'^ra. 

BACCHUS.     [Dionysus.] 

BACE'NOR  {BaK^ivup:  Bncenor),  apparent- 
ly a  captain  of  horse  in  the  army  of  Judas  Macca- 
baeus  (2  Mace.  xii.  35).  Or  possibly  rod  puK-rtvo- 
pos  may  have  been  the  title  of  one  of  the  Jewish 
companie.'!  or  squadrons. 

BACH'RITES,  THE  O'l^?!?:  LXX. 
omits  [in  most  MSS. ;  Comp.  6  BexepO'  f"^" 
Becheritarum),  the  family  of  Becher,  son  ot 
Ephraim  (Num.  xxvi.  35).     [Beriah.] 

BADGER-SKINS  (S'^K.^Pip  Hh^J,  oroth 
tichashim;  t?  H^l,  tachash  (Ez.  xvi.  10):  tipfjjx- 
Ttt  va,KivBiva\  Aid.  ed.  livQiva.',  Comp.  ycfj/fln'o, 
al.  Ttetrvpwtxeva  in  Ex.  xxv.  5;  Alex,  dtpfiara 
ayia  in  Ex.  xxxv.  7;  uaKtvOoSy  Aq.  and  Sym. 
Idudiva  in  Ez.  xvi.  10 :  pelles  iantJdnoB,  ianthinus). 
The  Hebrew  tachash,  which  the  A.  V.  renders 
badger,  occurs  in  connection  with  \'fr,&rdth  ("  skin," 
"skins"),  in  Ex.  xxv.  5,  xxvi.  14,  xxxv.  7,  23, 
xxxvj.  19;  Num.  iv.  6,  8, 11,  12,  14,  25.  In  Ez. 
xn.  10  tachash  occiu^  without  ordth,  and  is  men- 
tioned as  the  substance  out  of  which  women's  shoes 
were  made;  in  the  former  passages  the  tachash 
skins  are  named  in  relation  to  the  tabernacle,  ark, 
&e.,  and  appear  to  have  formed  the  exterior  cover- 
ing of  these  sacred  articles.  There  is  nmch  ob- 
scurity as  to  the  meaning  of  the  word  tachash. 
The  ancient  versions  seem  nearly  all  agreed  that  it 
denotes  not  an  animal,  but  a  color,  either  black  or 
sky-blue;  amongst  the  names  of  those  who  adopt 
this  interpretation  are  Bochart  {Hieroz.  ii.  387), 
Rosenmliller  {Schol.  ad  V.  T.,  Ex.  xxv.  5;  Ez. 
xvi.  10),  Bynecus  {de  Calceis  llebraimnim,  lib.  i. 
ch.  3),  Scheuchzer  {Phys.  Sacr.  in  Ex.  xxv.  5), 
Parkhurst  (Ileb.  Lex.  s.  v.),  who  observes  that  "an 
outermost  covering  for  the  tabernacle  of  azure  or 
sky-blue  was  very  proper  to  represent  the  sky  or 
azure  boundary  of  the  system."  Some  versions 
as  the  German  of  Luther  and  the  A.  V.,  led  ap- 
parently by  the  Chaldee,''  and  perhaps  by  a  certain 
similarity  of  sound  between  the  words  tachash. 
taxw,  d'ichs,  ha\e  supposed  that  the  badger  {mela 
tajms)  is  denoted;  but  this  is  clearly  an  error,  foi 
the  badger  is  not  found  in  the  Bible  lands.  Oth- 
ers, as  (Jesner  and  Harenberg  (in  Afusceo  Brein, 
ii.  312),  have  thought  that  some  kind  of  wolf, 
known  by  the  (ireek  name  eds  and  the  Arabic 
Sharjhid,  is  intended.^  Hasaeus  (in  Dissert.  Phil 
oloff.  Sylloge,  di.ss.  ix.  §  17)  and  Biisching,  in  hi? 
preface  to  the  Epitome  of  Scheuchzer's  PhytK 
Sacra,  are  of  opinion  that  tachash  denotes  a  ceta 
cean  animal,  the  Trichechtis  manatus  of  IJnnceus 
which,  however,  is  oidy  found  in  America  and  the 
West  Indies.  (Others  with  Sebald  Kau  {Comment, 
de  iis  quce  ex  Arab,  in  usnm  Tabernac.  fuerunt 
repetita,  Traj.  ad  Rhen.  1753,  ch.  ii.)  are  in  favor 
of  tachash  representing  some  kind  of  seal  {Phoca 
vitulina,  Linn.).  Dr.  Geddes  ( Crit.  Rem.  Ex.  xxv. 
5)  is  of  the  same  opinion.     Gesenius  understand* 


guperbit  in  coloribus  multis"  (Buxtorf,   Lex.    Rah 
8.  v.). 

c  "  The  ews  of  the  Greeks  is  certainly  the  jackal ' 
{Canis  Aureus). 


f 


p 


BADGER-SKINS 


BAG 


225 


gome  "  kind  of  seal  or  badger,  or  other  similar  ( !  ) 
creature."  Of  modem  writers  Dr.  Kitto  {Pict. 
Bible  on  Ex.  xxv.  5)  thinks  that  tachash  denotes 
gome  clean  animal,  as  in  all  probability  the  skin  of 
an  miclean  animal  would  not  have  been  used  for 
the  sacred  coverings.  Col.  H.  Smith  {Cyc.  Bib. 
Lit.  [1st  ed.]  art.  Badger),  with  much  plausibility, 
conjectures  that  tachash  refers  to  some  ruminant 
of  the  Aigocerine  or  Damaline  groups,  as  these 
animals  are  known  to  the  natives  under  the  names 
of  pacnsse,  thacasse  (varieties,  he  says,  of  the  word 
tiichash),  and  have  a  deep  gray,  or  slaty  (hysginus) 
colored  skin.  Dr.  Robinson  on  this  subject  {Bib. 
Res.  i.  171)  writes:  "The  superior  of  the  convent 
at  Sinai  procured  for  me  a  pair  of  the  sandals  usu- 
ally worn  by  the  Bedawin  of  the  peninsula,  made 
of  the  thick  skin  of  a  fish  which  is  caught  in  the 
Red  Sea.  The  Arabs  around  the  convent  called  it 
TUn,  but  could  give  no  farther  account  of  it  than 
that  it  is  a  large  fish,  and  is  eaten.  It  is  a  species 
of  Halicore,  named  by  Ehrenberg'*  (Symb.  Phys. 
Mammal,  ii.)  Halicora  Hemprichii.  The  skin  is 
clumsy  and  coarse,  and  might  answer  very  well  for 
the  external  covering  of  the  tabernacle  which  was 
constructed  at  Sinai,  but  would  seem  hardly  a  fit- 
ting material  for  the  ornamental  sandals  belonging 
to  the  costly  attire  of  higli-bom  dames  in  Palestine, 
described  by  the  prophet  Ezekiel"  (xvi.  10). 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  why  the  ancient  ver- 
sions have  interpreted  the  word  tachash  to  mean  a 
color,  an  explanation  which  has,  as  Gesenius  re- 
marks, no  ground  either  in  the  etymology  or  in  the 
cognate  languages.  Whatever  is  the  substance  in- 
dicated by  tachash,  it  is  evident  from  Ex.  xxxv.  23, 
that  it  was  some  material  in  frequent  use  amongst 

Nostrils.  The  Bye. 


Hahcore  Tabemaculi,  with  enlarged  drawing  of   the 
head. 

the  Israelites  during  the  Exodus,  and  the  construc- 
tion of  the  sentences  where  the  name  occurs  (for 
the  word  d)-dth,  "  skins,"  is  always,  with  one  excep- 


«  According  to  Ehrenberg,  the  Arabs  on  the  coast 
call  this  animal  Naka  and  Lottiim.  Arabian  natural- 
ists applied  the  term  ennan  alma,  "  man  of  the  sea," 
to  this  creature. 

<-  Rosemniiller  (ScAo?.  in  V    T.  on  Ex.  xxv.  5)  qnes- 
■'    t 
tiona  the  use  of  the  Arabic  words   (uj^J    {di^kas) 
15 


tion,  repeated  with  tachash),  seems  to  imply  that 
the  skin  of  some  animal  and  not  a  color  is  denoted 
by  it.  The  ^Vrabic  duchas  or  tuc/ias  denotes  k 
dolphin,  but  in  all  probabiUty  is  not  restricted  in 
its  application,  but  may  refer  to  either  a  seal  or  a 
cetacean.''  The  skin  of  the  Hnlicort,  from  its 
hardness,  would  be  well  suited  for  making  soles  for 
shoes;  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  Arabs 
near  (Jape  Mussendum  apply  the  skin  of  these 
animals  for  a  similar  purpose  (Col.  H.  Smith,  I.  c). 
The  /Inlicore  Taberncwuli  is  found  in  the  Red  Sea, 
and  was  observed  by  RiippeU  (Mas.  Senck.  i.  113, 
t.  6 ),  who  gave  the  animal  the  above  name,  on  the 
coral  banks  of  the  Abyssinian  coast.  Or  perhaps 
tachash  may  denote  a  seal,  the  skin  of  whicli  ani- 
mal would  suit  all  the  demands  of  the  Scriptural 
allusions.  Pliny  (FI.  N.  ii.  55)  says  seal-skins 
were  used  as  coverings  for  tents;  but  it  is  quite 
impossible  to  come  to  any  satisfactory  conclusion  in 
an  attempt  to  identify  the  animal  denoted  by  the 
Hebrew  word.  W.  H. 

BAG  is  the  rendering  of  several  words  in  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments.  1.  (E'^!^"'"in  :  ei\ar 
Kos'.  snccus.)  Ch'iritim,,  the  "bags"  in  which 
Naaman  bound  up  the  two  talents  of  silver  for  Ge- 
hazi  (2  K.  v.  23),  probably  so  called,  according  to 
Gesenius,  from  their  long,  cone-like  shape.  The 
word  only  occurs  besides  in  Is.  iii.  22  (A.  V.  "crisp- 
ing-pins  "),  and  there  denotes  the  reticules  carried 
by  the  Hebrew  ladies. 

2.  (D^r  :  /jApamnros,  fiapo'virioy  '■  sncculus, 
saccellus.)  Cis,  a  bag  for  carrying  weights  (Deut. 
xxv.  13;  Prov.  xvi.  11;  Mic.  vi.  11),  also  used  as  a 
purse  (Prov.  i.  14;  Is.  xlvi.  6). 

3.  ("^7?  •  KdSiov:  pera.)  C^fi, translated  "bag" 
in  1  Sam.  xvii.  40,  49,  is  a  word  of  most  general 
meaning,  and  is  generally  rendered  "vessel"  or 
"instrument."  In  Gen.  xlii.  25,  it  is  the  "sack  " 
in  which  Jacob's  sons  carried  the  com  which  they 
brought  from  Egj'pt;  and  in  1  Sam.  ix.  7,  xxi.  5, 
it  denotes  a  bag  or  wallet  for  carrying  food  (A.  V. 
"vessel";  comp.  Jud.  x.  5,  xiii.  10,  15).  The 
shepherd's  "bag"  which  David  had  seems  to  have 
been  worn  by  him  as  necessary  to  his  calling,  and 
was  probably,  from  a  comparison  of  Zech.  xi.  15, 
16  (where  A.  V.  "  instmments  "  is  the  same  word), 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the  lambs  which  were 
unable  to  walk,  or  were  lost,  and  contained  materi- 
als for  healing  such  as  were  sick  and  binding  up 
those  that  were  broken  (comp.  Ez.  xxxiv.  4,  16). 

4.  (T1"l^:  (ySe(rfx.os,5efffi6s:  snccidus.)  TsS- 
ror,  properly  a  "  bundle  "  (Gen.  xlii.  35;  1  Sam. 
xxv.  29),  appears  to  have  been  used  by  travellers 
for  carrying  money  during  a  long  journey  (Prov 
vii.  20 ;  Hag.  i.  6 ;  comp.  Luke  xii.  33  •  Tob.  ix. 
5).  In  such  "bundles"  the  priests  bound  up  the 
money  which  was  contributed  for  the  restoration 
of  the  Temp'e  under  Jehoiada  (2  K.  xii.  10,  A.  V. 
"  put  up  in  bags  " ).  The  "  bag  "  iy\w<ra-6K0ixov  ■ 
hculi)  which  Judas  carried  was  probably  a  small 
box  or  chest  (John  xii.  G,  xiii.  29),     The'  Greek 


*^nd  (uij„^VJ  (tunhas),  as  applying  to  the  dolphin 
or  the  seal  promiscuously.  The  common  Arabic  name 
for  the  dolphin  is  yjJui^  {du(fin).  Perhaps,  there- 
fore, duehaa  and  tuchas  had  a  wide  significatloD 
The  Hebrew  Ji/P^  **  ^^  obscure  origin. 


226 


BAGO 


word  is  the  same  as  that  used  in  the  LXX.  for 
•chest"  in  2  (^hr.  xxiv.  8,  10,  11,  and  originally 
signified  a  bos  used  by  musicians  for  carrying  the 
mouth-pieces  of  their  instruments.      W.  A.  W. 

BA'GO  {Baycli;  [Vat.  Bavat;  Alex.]  8070  = 
V'ulg.  omits),  1  Ksdr.  viii.  40.     [Bigvai.] 

BAGO' AS  (Baydias--  [Old  I^at.]  Bagoas, 
[Vulg.]  Vae/ao),  Jud.  xii.  11,  [13.]  The  name  is 
said  to  be  equivalent  to  eunuch  in  Persian  (Plin. 
H.  N.  xiii.  4,  9).  Comp.  Burmann  ad  Oiid.  Am. 
ii.  2,  1.  B.  F.  W. 

BAG'OI  [3  syl.]  (Bayoi  [Vat.  Boacu] :  Zo- 
roav),  1  Esdr.  v.  14.     [Bigvai.] 

BAHARUTVIITE,  THE.  [Bahirim.] 
BAHU'RIM  (S^-I^ra  and  D"*?n3 
[t/oung  men,  or  warrim-s] :  BapuKlfi  [2  Sam.  iii.  1 6, 
elsewhere  Baovpl/j.;  Vat.  2  Sam.  iii.  IG,  BapaKfi; 
xvi.  5,  xix.  16,  Baovpfifi.;  xvii.  18,  Baopeifj,;  2  K. 
ii.  8,  BaBovpfifx.  (and  so  Alex.)]  ;  Alex,  [elsewhere] 
Baovpfi/j.;  Joseph.  Baxofp'<7S  ^nd  Baoi/ptV:  Bnhii'- 
rim),  a  village,  the  slight  notices  remaining  of 
which  connect  it  almost  exclusively  with  the  flight 
of  David.  It  was  apparently  on  or  close  to  the 
road  lea<ling  up  from  the  Jordan  valley  to  Jerusa- 
lem. Shiniei  the  son  of  Gera  resided  here  (1  K. 
ii.  8),  and  from  the  \illage,  when  David  having 
left  the  "  top  of  the  mount "'  liehind  him  was  mak- 
ing liis  way  down  the  ea.stern  slopes  of  Olivet  into 
the  Jordan  valley  below,  Shimei  issued  forth,  and 
running  idong  (Joseph.  SjaTpe'xcoj/)  on  the  side  or 
'•rib"  of  the  hill  over  against  the  king's  party, 
flung  his  stones  and  dust  and  foul  abuse  (2  S.  xvi.  5), 
with  a  virulence  which  is  to  this  day  exhibited  in 
the  Kist  towards  fallen  greatness,  however  eminent 
it  may  previously  have  been.  Here  in  the  court 
of  a  house  was  the  well  in  which  Jonathan  and 
Ahimaaz  eluded  their  pm-suers  (xvii.  18).  In  his 
account  of  the  occurrence,  Josephus  {Ant.  vii.  9, 
§  7)  distinctly  states  that  Bahurim  lay  ott'the  main 
road  (irajSer  tKTpairfVTfs  ttjs  6Sov),  which  agrees 
well  witli  the  account  of  Shimei's  behavior.  Here 
Phaltiel,  the  husband  of  Michal,  bade  farewell  to 
his  wife  when  on  her  return  to  King  David  at  He- 
bron (2  Sam.  iii.  16).  Bahurim  must  have  been 
very  near  the  south  boundary  of  Beiyamin,  but  it 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  Usts  in  Joshua,  nor  is  any 
explanation  given  of  its  being  Benjamite,  as  from 
Shimei's  residing  there  we  may  conclude  it  was. 
In  the  Targum  Jonathan  on  2  Sam.  xvi.  5,  we  find 

it  given  as  Almon  (]^  ;!^).  But  the  situation 
of  Almon  (see  Josh.  xxi.  18)  will  not  at  all  suit 
the  requirements  of  Balmrim.  Dr.  Barclay  con- 
•ectures  that  the  place  lay  where  some  ruins  still 
exist  close  to  a  Wady  Ruw<fby,  which  runs  in  a 
straight  course  for  3  miles  from  Olivet  directly 
towards  Jordan,  offering  the  nearest,  though  not 
the  best  route  (Barclay,  563,  4). 

AzMAVETH  "  the  Barhumite  "  (''pn~}2n  : 
6  BapSia/xirris;  [Vat.  Bapaia/ieirris^]  Alex.  Bo- 
pw/ueiT7js:   [de  Beromi]  2  Sam.  xxiii.  31),  or  "  the 

Baharumite"  ("'^^"iPan  :  S  Bapaixi;  [Vat. 
BfepfxdV,  Alex.  Bo/><rojtt«:  Bauramites]  1  Chr.  ji. 
i'-i),  one  of  the  heroes  of  David's  guard,  is  the 
Kiily  native  of  Baliurim  that  we  hear  of  except 
Shimei.  G. 

BA'JITH  ('"1^277,  with  the  definite  article, 
'the  house"),  referring  not  to  a  place  of  this  I 


BALAAM 

name,  but  to  the  "temple"  of  the  false  gods  01 
Moab,  as  opposed  to  the  "high  places"  m  the 
same  sentence  (Is.  xv.  2,  and  compare  xvi.  12) 
ITie  allusion  has  been  supposed  to  be  to  Beth-Baa] 
meon,  or  Beth-diblathaim,  which  are  named  in  Jer. 
xlviii.  22,  as  here,  with  Dibon  and  Nebo.  But 
this  is  mere  conjecture,  and  the  conclusion  of  (ie- 
senius  is  as  above  (Jesaia,  ad  loc.);  LXX.  Kvirtltr- 
6e  i((>^  favrovs'  Ascendit  domus.  G. 

BAKBAK'KAR  ("l|13r5  [perh.  wasiiny 
of  the  mount]:  BaK^UKiip  [Vat.  Bcucap.]  Bac- 
bacar),  a  Levite,  apparently  a  descendant  of  Asaph 
(1  Chr.  ix.  15). 

BAK'BUK  (n^Spa  [bottle]  :  Bok^o^k; 
[Vat.  BaKKovK,  BaK^ov:]  Bacbuc).  "Children 
of  Bakbuk"  were  among  the  Nethmim  who  re- 
turned from  captivity  vrith  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  51 ; 
Neh.  vii.  53).  [The  name  corresponds  to  Aclh, 
1  I'Lsdr.  v.  31.] 

BAKBUKFAH  (n;f75i72  [imstingfrom 
./ehova/i]:  IJvX.  omits  [in  most'MSS.,  but  FA.* 
Bo/cjSa/cjas,  BuKfiaias;  Comp.  BoKXfias,  BaK0a- 
Klas  ■  Becbecia] ).  1.  A  I>evite  in  the  time  of  Ne- 
hemiah  (Neh.  xi.  17.  xii.  9). 

2.  [FA.8  Comp.  BaK^oKias.]  A  Levite  porter, 
apparently  a  diflferent  person  from  the  preceding 
(Neh.  xii.  25). 

BAKING.     [Bread.] 

BA'LAAM  (CX'^a,  I.  e.  BUeam:  BoAot^jui 
Joseph.  BiKaiJLOs  ■  Balaam),  a  man  endowed  with 
the  gift  of  prophecy,  introduced  in  Numbers  (xxii. 
5)  as  the  son  of  Bcor.  He  belonged  t«  the  Mid- 
ianites,  and  perhaps  as  the  prophet  of  his  people 
possessed  the  same  authority  that  Moses  did  among 
the  Israehtes.  At  any  rate  he  is  mentioned  in 
conjunction  with  the  five  kings  of  Midian,  appar- 
ently as  a  person  of  the  same  rank  (Num.  xxxi.  8; 
cf  xxxi.  16).  He  .seems  to  have  Uved  at  Pethor, 
which  is  said  at  Deut.  xxiU.  4,  to  have  been  a  city 

of  Mesopotamia  (C^^n^  C"^S).  He  himself 
speaks  of  being  "  brought  from  Aram  out  of  the 
mountains  of  the  East"   (Num.  xxiii.   7).     The 

reading,  therefore,    "J  ^^2?  ^32,  instead   of   ''J 2 

"l^y,  which  at  Num.  xxii.  5  is  found  in  some 
MSS.,  and  is  adopted  by  the  Samaritan,  Syriac, 
and  Vulgate  versions,  need  not  be  preferred,  as  the 
Ammonites  do  not  appear  to  have  ever  extended  so 
far  as  the  Euphrates,  which  is  probably  the  river 
alluded  to  in  this  place.  The  name  liakam,  ac- 
cording to  Gesenius   [and  Fiirst]  is  compounded 

of  ^2  and  C^,  "  non-populus,  fortasse  i.  q.  per- 
egrinus;"  according  to  Vitringa  it  is  3^2  and 
C37,  the  lord  of  the  people ;  according  to  Simo- 
nis,  3775  and  D^,  the  destruction  of  the  people. 
There  is  a  Bela,  the  son  of  Beor,  mentioned  Gen. 
xxxvi  32,  as  the  first  king  of  Edom.  Balaam  is 
called  in  2  Pet.  ii.  15,  "the  son  of  Bosor."  this 
Ijghtfoot  (  Works,  vii.  80)  thinks  a  Chaldaism  for 
Beor,  and  infers  that  St.  Peter  was  then  in  Baby- 
lon. Balaam  is  one  of  those  inst-vnces  which 
meet  us  in  Scripture,  of  persons  dwelling  among 
heathens,  but  posssessing  a  certaui  knowledge  of  the 
one  true  God.  He  was  endowed  with  a  greater 
than  ordinary  knowledge  of  God ;  he  was  iiossesoeo 


II 


BALAAM 


BALAAM 


227 


>f  high  gifts  of  intellect  and  genius;  he  had  the 
intuition  of  truth,  and  could  see  into  the  life  of 
things,  —  in  sliort,  he  was  a  poet  and  j.  pr^^phet. 
Moreover,  he  confessed  that  all  these  superior  ad- 
vantages were  not  his  own,  but  derived  from  God, 
and  were  his  gift.  And  thus,  doubtless,  he  had 
veou  for  himself  among  his  contemporaries  far  and 
wide  a  high  reputation  for  wisdom  and  sanctity. 
It  was  believed  that  he  whom  he  blessed  was 
blessed,  and  he  whom  he  cursed  was  cursed.  Elat- 
ed, however,  by  his  fame  and  his  spiritual  eleva- 
tion, he  had  begun  to  conceive  tliat  these  gifts  loere 
his  own,  and  that  they  might  be  used  to  the  fur- 
therance of  his  own  ends.  He  could  make  mer- 
chandise of  them,  and  might  acquire  riches  and 
honor  by  means  of  them.  A  custom  existed  among 
many  nations  of  antiquity  of  devoting  enemies  to 
destruction  before  entering  upon  a  war  with  them. 
At  this  time  the  Israelites  were  marching  forward 
to  the  occupation  of  Palestine :  they  were  now  en- 
camped in  the  plains  of  Moab,  on  the  east  of  Jor- 
dan, by  Jericho.  Balak,  the  king  of  Moab,  having 
witnessed  the  discomfiture  of  his  neighbors,  the 
Amorites,  by  this  people,  entered  into  a  league  with 
the  Midianites  against  them,  and  dispatched  mes- 
sengers to  Balaam  with  the  rewards  of  divincUion 
in  their  hands.  We  see  from  this,  therefore,  that 
Balaam  was  in  the  habit  of  using  his  wisdom  as  a 
trade,  and  of  mingUng  with  it  devices  of  his  own 
by  which  he  imposed  upon  others,  and  perhaps  par- 
tially deceived  himself.  When  the  elders  of  Moab 
and  Midian  told  him  theh-  message,  he  seems  to 
have  had  some  misgivings  as  to  the  lawfulness  of 
their  request,  for  he  invited  them  to  tarry  the  night 
with  him,  that  he  might  learn  how  the  Lord  would 
regard  it.  These  misgivings  were  confirmed  by 
the  express  prohibition  of  God  upon  his  journey. 
Balaam  reported  the  answer,  and  the  messengers 
of  Balak  returned.  The  king  of  Moab,  however, 
not  deterred  by  this  failure,  sent  again  more  and 
more  honorable  princes  to  Balaam,  with  the  prom- 
ise that  he  should  be  promoted  to  very  great  honor 
upon  complying  with  his  request.  The  prophet 
again  refused,  but  notwithstanding  invited  the  em- 
bassy to  tarry  the  night  with  him,  that  he  might 
know  what  the  Lord  would  say  unto  him  further; 
and  thus  by  his  importunity  he  extorted  from  God 
the  permission  he  desired,  but  was  warned  at  the 
same  time  that  his  actions  would  be  overruled  ac- 
cording to  the  Divine  will.  Balaana  therefore  pro- 
ceeded on  his  journey  with  the  messengers  of  Ba- 
lak. But  God's  anger  was  kindled  at  this  mani- 
festation of  determined  self-will,  and  the  angel  of 
the  LK)rd  stood  in  the  way  for  an  adversary  against 
him.  The  words  of  the  Psalmist,  "  Be  ye  not  like 
to  horse  and  mule  which  have  no  understanding, 
whose  mouths  must  be  held  with  bit  and  bridle, 
lest  they  fall  upon  thee,"  had  they  been  familiar  to 
Balaam,  would  have  come  home  to  him  with  most 
tremendous  force;  for  never  have  they  received  a 
more  forcible  illustration  than  the  comparison  of 
Balaam's  conduct  to  his  Maker  with  his  treatment 
»f  his  ass,  affords  us.  The_wisdom  with  which  the 
tractable  brute  was  allowed  to  "  speak  with  man's 
roice,"  and  "forbid"  the  untractable  "madness  of 
he  prophet,"  is  palpable  and  conspicuous.  He 
was  taught,  moreover,  that  even  she  had  a  spiritual 
perception  to  which  he,  though  a  prophet,  was  a 
•tranger;  aud  when  his  eyes  were  opened  to  behold 
,he  angel  of  the  I^rd,  "  he  bowed  down  his  nead 
uid  fell  flat  on  his  face."  It  is  hardly  necessary 
«  nipitoae,  as  some  do,  among  whom  are  Hengsten- 


berg  and  Leibnitz,  that  the  event  here  refened  to 
happened  only  in  a  trance  or  vision,  though  such 
an  opinion  might  seem  to  be  supported  by  the  fact 

that  our  translators  render  the  word    T'Di  in  xxiv. 

4,  16,  ^^ Jailing  into  a  trance"  whereas  no  other 
I  idea  than  that  of  simple  falling  is  conveyed  by  it. 
St.  Peter  refers  to  it  as  a  real  historical  event: 
"the  dumb  ass,  speaking  with  man's  voice,  forbad 
the  madness  of  the  prophet"  (2  Pet.  ii.  16),  We 
are  not  told  hmo  these  things  happened,  but  that 
they  did  happen,  and  that  it  pleased  God  thus  to 
interfere  on  behalf  of  His  elect  people,  and  to  bring 
forth  from  the  genius  of  a  self-willed  prophet,  who 
thought  that  his  talents  were  his  own,  strains  of 
poetry  bearing  upon  the  destiny  of  the  Jewish  na- 
tion and  the  church  at  large,  which  are  not  sur- 
passed throughout  the  Mosaic  records.  It  is 
evident  that  Balaam,  although  acquainted  with 
God,  was  desirous  of  throwing  an  air  of  mystery 
round  his  wisdom,  from  the  instructions  he  ga\e 
BaJak  to  offer  a  bullock  and  a  ram  on  the  seven 
altars  he  everywhere  prepared  for  him;  but  he 
seems  to  have  thought,  also,  that  these  sacrifices 
would  be  of  some  avail  to  change  the  mind  of  the 
Almighty,  because  he  pleads  the  merit  of  them  (xxiii. 
4),  and  after  experiencing  their  im potency  to  effect 
such  an  object,  "he  went  no  more,"  we  are  told, 
"to  seek  for  enchantments"  (xxiv.  1).  His  relig- 
ion, therefore,  was  probably  such  as  would  be  the 
natural  result  of  a  general  acquaintance  with  God 
not  confirmed  by  any  covenant.  He  knew  Him  as 
the  fountain  of  wisdom,  how  to  worship  Him  he 
could  merely  guess  from  the  customs  in  vogue  at 
the  time.  Sacrifices  had  been  used  by  the  patri- 
archs ;  to  what  extent  they  were  efficient  could  only 
be  surmised.  There  is  an  allusion  to  Balaam  in 
the  prophet  Micah  (vi.  5),  where  Bishop  Butler 
thinks  that  a  conversation  is  preserved  which  oc- 
curred between  him  and  the  king  of  Moab  upon 
this  occasion.  But  such  an  opinion  is  hardly  ten- 
able, if  we  bear  in  mind  that  Balak  is  nowhere 
represented  as  consulting  Balaam  upon  the  accept- 
able mode  of  worshipping  God,  and  that  the  direc- 
tions found  in  Micah  are  of  quite  an  opposite  char 
acter  to  those  which  were  given  by  the  son  of  Beor 
upon  the  high  places  of  Baal.  The  prophet  is 
recounting  "  the  righteousness  of  the  Lord  "  in  de 
livering  His  people  out  of  the  hand  of  Moab  under 
Balak,  and  at  the  mention  of  his  name  the  historj 
of  F>.daam  comes  back  upon  his  mind,  and  he  is 
led  to  make  those  noble  reflections  upon  it  which 
occur  in  the  following  verses.  "  The  doctrine  of 
Balaam  "  is  spoken  of  in  Kev.  ii.  14,  where  an  allu- 
sion has  been  supposed  to  NiK({Aoos,  the  founder 
of  the  sect  of  the  Nicolaitans,  mentioned  in  v.  15, 
these  two  names  being  probably  similar  in  signifi- 
cation. Though  the  utterance  of  Balaam  was  over- 
ruled so  that  he  could  not  curse  the  children  of 
Israel,  he  nevertheless  suggested  to  the  Moabites 
the  expedient  of  seducing  them  to  commit  fornica- 
tion. The  effect  of  this  is  recorded  in  ch.  xxv 
A  battle  was  afterwards  fought  against  the  Midian 
ites,  in  which  Balaam  sided  with  them,  and  was 
slain  by  the  sword  of  the  people  whom  he  had  en- 
deavored to  curse  (Num.  xxxi.  8).  (Comp.  Bish- 
op Butler's  Sei-mons,  serm.  vii. ;  Ewald,  Gesch.  des 
Volkes  Israel,  ii.  277.)  S.  L. 

*  There  are  but  two  views  that  can  well  be  taken 
of  this  miracle  of  "  the  dumb  ass  speaking."  Did 
GcQ  exert  such  an  influence  upon  the  beast  that 
't  saw  his  messenger  which  men  did   not   see.  ani' 


228 


BALAAM 


(Without  a  reasoning  mind  distinctly  uttered  the 
words  of  a  rational  being ?  or  did  God  exert  such 
an  influerue  ufiou  Balaam  that  the  reproof  of  the 
messenger  of  God  and  the  beast  on  which  he  rode 
sounded  in  his  ears  and  sunk  into  his  heart  ?  In 
either  case  the  occurrences  were  realities  to  Bala&nn, 
and  were  the  result  of  a  direct  interposition  of  God, 
more  palpable  on  the  former,  but  not  less  renZ  on 
the  latter  supposition. 

The  arguments  for  the  subjective  view  (as  rep- 
resented by  Tholuck,  Hengstenberg  and  others)  on 
Italaam  are  the  following:  1.  The  usual  manner 
in  which  God  revealed  himself  in  that  age  was  by 
visions  and  dreams,  and  we  have  no  evidence  that 
he  ever  revealed  himself  otherwise  to  Balaam,  wliilst 
in  the  first  two  cases  he  waited  until  after  night, 
the  proper  season  for  visions  and  dreams,  before  he 
gave  his  answer.  2.  No  astonishment  is  indicated 
at  the  communication  of  the  ass,  or  respect  such 
as  we  should  naturally  expect  to  be  exhibited  to 
such  a  messenger  of  God.  On  the  other  hand  he 
gays  in  his  impatience,  "  Because  thou  hast  mocked 
me,  I  would  there  were  a  sword  in  my  hand,  for 
aow  would  I  kill  thee."  3.  At  the  time  of  the 
revelation,  Balaam's  two  servants  (Num.  xxii.  22) 
and  probably  the  Moabitish  messengers  (xxii.  35) 
were  with  him,  and  yet  they  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  cognizant  of  any  communication  to  the  ex- 
ternal senses  of  Balaam.  4.  Balaam  himself  did 
not  perceive  the  messenger  of  God  which  proved  so 
formidable  an  obstruction  to  the  ass  until  after  its 
expostulation,  and  God  had  opened  his  eyes.  Com- 
[lare  similar  language  as  preparatory  to  a  vision,  or 
internal  illumination,  in  2  K.  vi.  17;  Ps.  cxix.  18. 

In  opposition  to  this  view  it  may  be  said :  (a. ) 
"  This  occurs  in  a  Historical  Book,  and  unless  it 
is  expressly  stated,  we  should  not  interpret  these 
occurrences  as  seen  in  vision."  But  we  reply,  that 
God  so  often  revealed  himself  in  visions,  and  they 
were  so  unquestionably  relied  upon,  that  the  authors 
of  the  Historical  Books  of  the  Bible  do  not  consider 
it  necessary  to  state  in  what  way  a  particular 
revelation  is  made.  Compare  Gen.  xxii.  3 ;  xxviii. 
12  ff.,  xxxii.  2,  and  many  other  passages,  (b.)  "We 
cannot  draw  the  line  of  demarkation  between  what 
was  seen  in  vision,  and  what  occurred  before  the 
eyes  of  all."  It  is  not  necessary  that  we  should  do 
this ;  one  mode  is  as  real  as  the  other ;  it  is  enough 
when  what  is  narrated  belongs  to  the  sphere  of 
ordinary  experience,  that  we  then  understand  it  of 
external  events,  (c.)  "  The  language  in  Nmn.  xxii. 
28,  as  weU  as  in  2  Pet.  ii.  16,  implies  a  direct  oral 
communication."  But  it  is  not  necessary  to  so  in- 
terpret it.  There  was  a  direct  communication  in 
the  way  of  reproof  from  God  to  Balaam,  and  it 
natters  Uttle  whether  God  put  the  sound  of  words 
into  the  mouth  of  the  dumb  beast,  or  into  the  ears 
of  Balaam  as  coming  fix)m  the  beast. 

R.  D.  C.  R. 

*  The  sin  of  Balaam  was  one  of  peculiar  aggra- 
vation, and  is  characterized  as  such  in  2  Pet.  ii.  15, 
16,  and  Jude  11.  To  see  his  conduct  in  its  true 
light,  we  must  call  to  mind  the  geography  of  the 
scene.  This  professed  servant  and  prophet  of  Jeho- 
vah was  standing  at  the  time  on  one  of  the  sum- 
mits of  the  Abarim  beyond  the  Jordan,  from  which 
Moses  was  permitted  to  behold  the  l^nd  of  Promise 
just  before  his  death.  For  the  range  of  view  under 
the  e3e  of  the  spectator  from  that  position,  see  under 
Nebo  (Amer.  ed.).  Standing  there,  Balaam  was 
>n  a  mount  consecrated  to  pagan  worship  and 
thronged  with  idolaters.     On  his  left  hand  he  sees 


BALAK 

the  dark  waters  of  the  Dead  Sea  with  its  black  »n« 
desolate  shores,  which  were  recognized  among  aQ 
the  eastern  tribes  as  a  monument  of  God's  wrath 
against  the  impious  and  ungodly.  On  the  right  he 
sees  the  land  of  the  Amorites,  whom  Jehovah  had 
just  overthrowTi  as  proof  of  His  power  and  purpose 
to  destroy  the  wicked  and  to  give  the  victory  to  His 
people.  In  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  lies  spread 
out  before  him  the  camp  of  Israel,  divided  accord- 
ing to  their  tribes,  in  the  midst  of  which  is  seen 
the  tabernacle  of  God,  above  which  hangs  the  pillar 
of  cloud;  while  in  the  distance  beyond  the  camp 
his  eyes  rest  upon  the  land  which  he  knew  to  be 
promised  to  the  people  of  Israel.  Yet  even  in  this 
situation,  amid  so  much  adapted  to  show  him  how 
fearful  a  thing  it  is  to  sin  against  the  Infinite  One, 
he  dared,  for  the  reward  with  which  Balak  tempted 
his  avarice,  to  abuse  his  office  as  a  holy  prophet 
and  to  attempt,  once  and  again,  to  call  down  curses 
on  those  whom  God  had  blessed.  Hew  much  more 
vivid  is  our  conception  of  Balaam' i  apostasy  and 
guilt,  when  we  thus  place  ourselves  in  imagination 
where  he  stood  in  that  critical  hour  of  his  moral 
history ! 

In  support  of  the  internal  or  sr  bjective  interpre- 
tation, the  reader  may  consult  Herder,  deist  tier 
Ebi:  Poesie,  i.  237;  Tholuck's  Vcrmischte  Schrif- 
ten,  i.  406-432;  Hengstenberg's  Geschichte  Bihamt 
u.  seine  Weissagunyen  (Berlin,  1842);  and  Prophe- 
cies of  Balaam  (Bibl.  Sacr.  iii.  347-378,  and  699- 
743).  Kurtz  maintains  the  outward  or  literal  view 
{Geschichte  des  A.  Bundes,  ii.  477-489). 

I^ater  exegetical  helps  for  the  study  of  Balaam's 
prophecies:  Keil  and  Delitzsch  in  their  Cvmmentnry 
on  the  Pentateuch,  iii.  176-202  (Clark's  Library); 
Knobel,  Kxeget.  Ilandb.  xiii.  121-148;  Bunsen's 
Bibelwerk,  i.  261-265  ;  and  Wordsworth's  Iloly 
Bible,  with  Notes  and  Introdtictions,  Part  H.  159- 
164  (lx)ndon,  1864). 

Dean   Stanley  has  grouped  together  with   fine 
effect  the  characteristic  points  of  this  "  grandest  of 
all  the  episodes  introduced  into  the  Mosaic  nar- 
rative" {Histwy  of  the  Jewish  Church,  i.  209-218). 
Bishop  Hall  has  some  good  practical  reflections  on 
Balaam's  character  and  prophecies  ( Contemphtiona 
on  Ilistmical  Passages  of  the  0.  and  N.  T.,  book 
vii.   4).     Keble's    noble   hymn   {Christian    Year: 
Second  Sunday  after  Easter)  should  not  be  over- 
looked.    The    "  sculptor's  hand  "  has  graphically 
bodied  forth  both  tlie  sin  of  the  apostate  and  the 
warning  from  it  for  others,  in  the  lines : 
"  No  sun  or  star  so  bright 
In  all  the  world  of  light 
That  they  should  draw  to  Heaven  his  downward  eye ; 
He  hears  th'  Almighty's  word, 
He  sees  the  Angel's  sword. 
Yet  low  upon  the  eartli  his  heart  and  treasure  lie." 

H. 

BA'LAO    {6   BoXAk:    Balac),   Rev.    ii. 
[Balak.] 

BAL'ADAN.     [Merodach-Baladan.] 

BAOiAH  (n^3  :  BcoKJl  [Alex.  BeA^wAoj 
Bala),  Josh.  xix.  3.     [Baal,  Geogr.  No.  2,  b.] 

BA'LAK  (pba  :  BoAet/c :  Balac),  son  of 
Zippor,  king  of  the  Moabites,  at  the  time  when 
the  children  of  Israel  were  bringing  their  journey- 
ings  in  the  wilderness  to  a  close.  According  to 
Gesenius  the  name  signifies  inanis,  vacuus.  Balak 
entered  into  a  league  with  Midian  and  hired  Balaan 
to  curse  the  Israelites ;  but  his  designs  were  frus- 
trated in  the  manner  recorded  in  Num.  xxii.-xxi* 


I 


BALAMO 

"ie  is  m^itioned  also  at  Josh.  xxiv.  9;  Judg.  xi. 
25;  Mic.  vi.  5.     [Balaam.]  S.  L. 

*  Balak's  name  signifies  uot  inanis,  vacuus,  but 
111  the  active  sense  one  who  makes  empty  or  desolate, 
"  a  waster,"  "  spoiler  " ;  a  complimenta.'")'  title  such 
as  a  king  or  conqueror  might  bear.  The  writer 
above  quotes  Gesenius  in  his  Thesaur.  i.  214 ;  but 
in  his  other  works  Gesenius  defines  the  name  in 
the  other  way.  See  his  Hebr.  u.  Chald.  Handw. 
(1835):  Hoffmann's  I^atined.  1847;  and  Dietrich's 
ed.  1863.  Fijrst  adopts  the  same  explanation 
(i.  194).  The  last  book  of  the  Bible  mentions 
Balak  once  more,  and  presents  him  in  the  same 
character  as  the  dupe  aud  instrument  of  Balaam 
in  leading  the  people  of  Israel  into  gross  idolatry 
and  licentiousness  (Rev.  ii.  14).  H. 

BAL'AMO.  [Jud.  viii.  3.]  [Baal,  Geogr. 
No.  6.] 

BALANCE.  Two  Hebrew  words  are  thus 
translated  in  the  A.  V. 

1.  Q^'JTi^-O.  mozenayim  (LXX.  (vy6v,  Vulg. 
statera),  the  dual  form  of  which  points  to  the  double 
gcales,  Uke  Lat.  bilanx.  The  balance  in  this  form 
was  known  at  a  very  early  period.  It  is  found  on 
the  Egyptian  monuments  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Joseph,  and  we  find  allusions  to  its  use  in  the  story 
of  the  purchase  of  the  cave  of  Machpelah  (Gen.  xxiii. 
16)  by  Abraham.  Before  coinage  was  introduced 
it  was  of  necessity  employed  in  all  transactions  in 
which  the  valuable  metals  were  the  mediums  of 
exchange  (Gen.  xliii.  21;  Ex.  xxii.  17;  1  K.  xx. 
39;  Esth.  iii.  9;  Is.  xlvi.  6;  Jer.  xxxii.  10,  &c.). 
The  weights  which  were  used  were  at  first  probably 
gtones,  and  from  this  the  word  "  stone  "  contmued 
to  denote  any  weight  whatever,  though  its  material 
was  in  later  times  lead  (Lev.  xix.  36;  Deut.  xxv. 
13,  15;  Prov.  xi.  1,  xi.  10,  23;  Zech.  v.  8).  These 
weights  were  carried  in  a  bag  (Deut.  xxv.  13;  Prov. 
xvi.  11)  suspended  from  the  gu-dle  (Chardin,  Voy. 
iii.  422),  and  were  very  early  made  the  vehicles  of 
fraud.  The  habit  of  carrying  two  sets  of  weights 
is  denounced  in  Deut.  xxv.  13  and  Prov.  xx.  10, 
and  the  necessity  of  observing  strict  honesty  in  the 
matter  is  insisted  upon  in  several  precepts  of  the 
I^w  (I^v.  xix.  30;  Deut.  xxv.  13).  But  the  cus- 
tom lived  on,  and  remained  in  full  force  to  the  days 
of  Micah  (vi.  11),  and  even  to  those  of  Zechariah, 
who  appears  (ch.  v.)  to  pronounce  a  judgment 
against  fraud  of  a  similar  kind.    The  earliest  weight 

to  which  reference  is  made  is  the  ^^^Ct7P,  kesitdh 
(Gen.  xxxiii.  19;  .Josh.  xxiv.  32;  Job  xlii.  11), 
which  in  the  margin  of  our  version  is  in  two  pas- 
•ages  rendered  "lambs,"  while  in  the  text  it  is 
''  piece  of  money."  It  may  have  derived  its  name 
from  being  in  the  shape  of  a  lamb.  We  know  that 
weights  in  the  form  of  bulls,  lions,  and  antelopes 
were  in  use  among  the  ancient  Egyptians  and  As- 
lyrians.  [Money,  I.  3.]  By  means  of  the  balance 
the  Hebrews  appear  to  have  been  able  to  weigh 
with  considerable  delicacy,  and  for  this  purpose 
they  had  weights  of  extreme  minuteness,  which 
Me  called  metaphorically  "  the  small  dust  of  the 
oalance"  (Is.  xl.  15).  The  "littie  grain"  ^otHj 
Jf  the  balance  in  Wisd.  xi.  22  is  the  small  weight 
which  causes  the  scale  to  turn.  In  this  passage, 
<»  in  2  Mace.  ix.  8.  the  Greek  word  irXaffTiyi,, 
tendered  "  balance,"  was  originally  applied  to  the 
icJe-pan  alone. 


BALDISESS 


229 


2.  r\r 


kdneh  {^uy6v-  statera),  rendered  "bal- 


anc<»"  in  Is.  xlvi.  6,  is  the  word  generally  used  for 
a  measuring-rod,  like  the  Greek  Kavdv,  and  like  it 
too  denotes  the  tongue  or  beam  of  a  balance. 

D >?S,  ^efcs,  rendered  "weight"  (Prov.  xvi.  11, 
LXX.  poir-l])  and  "scales"  (Is.  xl.  12,  LXX. 
(TTafl/ids)  is  said  by  Kimchi  (on  Is.  xxvi.  7)  to  be 
properly  the  beam  of  the  balance.  In  his  I^exicon 
he  says  it  is  the  part  in  which  the  tongue  moves, 
and  which  the  weigher  holds  in  his  hand.  Gesenius 
{Thes.  s.  V.)  supposed  it  was  a  steelyard,  but  there 
is  no  evidence  that  this  instrument  was  known  to 
the  Hebrews.  Of  the  material  of  which  the  balance 
was  made  we  have  no  information. 

Sir  G.  Wilkinson  describes  the  Egyptian  balance 
as  follows :  —  "  The  beam  passed  through  a  ring 
suspended  from  a  horizontal  rod,  immediately  above 
and  parallel  to  it;  and  when  equally  balanced,  the 
ring,  which  was  large  enough  to  allow  the  beam  to 
play  freely,  showed  when  the  scales  were  equally 
poised,  and  had  the  additional  effect  of  preventing 
the  beam  tilting  when  the  goods  were  taken  out  of 
one  and  the  weights  suffered  to  remain  in  the 
other.  To  the  lower  part  of  this  ring  a  small 
plummet  was  fixed,  and  this  being  touched  by  the 
hand  and  found  to  hang  freely,  indicated,  without 
the  necessity  of  looking  at  the  beam,  that  the 
weight  was  just"  (Anc.  Eg.  ii.  240). 

The  expression  in  Dan.  v.  27,  "  thou  art  weighed 
in  the  balances,  and  art  found  wanting,"  has  been 
supposed  to  be  illustrated  by  the  custom  of  weigh- 
ing the  Great  Mogul  on  his  birthday  in  the  presence 
of  his  chief  grandees.  The  ceremony  is  described 
in  a  passage  from  Sir  Thomas  Roe's  Voyage  in 
India,  quoted  in  Taylor's  Calmet,  Frag.  186: 
"  The  scales  in  which  he  was  thus  weighed,  were 
plated  with  gold,  and  so  the  beam  on  which  they 
hung  by  great  chains,  made  likewise  of  that  most 
precious  metal.  The  king,  sitting  in  one  of  them, 
was  weighed  first  against  silver  coin,  which  imme- 
diately after  was  distributed  among  the  poor;  then 
was  he  weighed  against  gold;  after  that  against 
jewels  (as  theysaj');  but  I  observed  (being  there 
present  with  my  lord  ambassador)  that  he  was 
weighed  against  three  several  things,  laid  in  silken 

bags,  on  tlie  contrary  scale By  his  weight 

(of  which  his  physicians  yearly  keep  an  exact  ac- 
count) they  presume  to  guess  of  the  present  state 
of  his  body ;  of  which  they  speak  flatteringly,  how- 
ever they  think  it  to  be."  It  appears,  however, 
from  a  consideration  of  the  other  metaphorical  ex- 
pressions in  the  same  passage  of  Daniel  that  the 
weighing  in  balances  is  simply  a  figure,  and  may 
or  may  not  have  reference  to  such  a  custom  as  that 
above  described.  Many  examples  of  the  use  of  the 
same  figure  of  speech  among  Orientals  are  given  in 
Roberts's  Oriental  Ilhtstrations,  p.  502. 

W.  A.  W. 

BALAS'AMUS  (Bad\<Ta^ios  [Aid.  BaKdrra- 
ixos]  •  Bakamus),  in  1  Esdr.  ix.  43.  The  corre- 
sponding name  in  the  list  in  Ezra  is  Maaseiah, 

BALDNESS  (nnin  :  <pa\<iKpm(Tis,  <\>aKd.- 
Kpcofia  ■  and  in  Lev.  xiii.  43,  (pa\avT(t>ixa).  There  are 
two  kinds  of  baldness,  namely,  artificial  and  naturaL 
The  liv^^T  seems  to  have  been  uncommon,  since  it 
exposed  people  to  public  derision,  and  is  perpetually 
alluded  to  as  a  mark  of  squalor  and  misery  (2  K. 
ii.  23 ;  Is.  iii.  24,  "  instead  of  well-set  hair,  bald- 
ness, and  burning  instead  of  beauty."  Is.  xv.  2j 
Jer.  xlvii.  5;  E"  vii.  18,  <fec.  For  this  reason  it 
seems  to  have  been  included  under  the  Kti^iiv  an<" 


230  BALM 

^aipd  (Lev.  xxi.  20,  LXX.)  which  were  disqualiaca- 
lions  for  priesthood.     A  niaii  bald  on  the  back  of 

the  head  is  called  n";f7,  ^a\aKp6s,  LXX..  I«v. 
liii.  40,  and  if  forehead-bald,  the  word  used  to 
describe  him  is  n22,  avoupakavrias ,  LXX.,  L«v. 
xiii.  41  (recalvaster).  ((if«en.  s.  w.)  In  Lev. 
xiii.  29  ff".,  very  careful  directions  ai'e  given  to  dis- 
tinguish Bohnk,  "a  plague  upon  the  head  and 
l>eard"  (which  probably  is  the  Mentagra  of  Pliny, 
and  is  a  sort  of  leprosy),  from  mere  natural  bald- 
ness which  is  pronounced  to  be  clean,  v.  40  (Jahn, 
Arch.  Bibl.  §  189).  But  this  shows  that  even 
natural  baldness  subjected  men  to  an  unpleasant 
suspicion.  It  was  a  defect  with  which  the  Israelites 
were  by  no  means  familiar,  since  hl-yvmiovs  &v 
TLs  (Kaxiarovs  "iSoiro  <pa\aKpovs  irivToiv  avBpw- 
■Kuiv,  says  Herod,  (iii.  12);  an  imnmnity  which  he 
attributes  to  their  constant  shaving,  lliey  adopted 
this  practice  for  puqwses  of  cleanliness,  and  gener- 
ally wore  wigs,  some  of  which  have  been  found  in 
the  ruins  of  Tliebes.  Contrary  to  the  general 
practice  of  the  East,  they  only  let  the  hair  grow  as 
a  sign  of  mourning  (Herod,  ii.  36),  and  shaved 
tliemselves  on  all  joyous  occasions :  hence  in  (Jen. 
xli.  14  we  have  an  undesigned  coincidence.  The 
same  custom  obtains  in  China,  and  among  the 
modern  Egyptians,  who  shave  off  all  the  hair  except 
the  shoosheh,  a  tuft  on  the  forehead  and  crowii  of 
the  head  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  E<jypt.  iii.  359  ff.; 
Lane,  Mod.  Eyypt.  i.  ch.  1). 

Baldness  was  desjnsed  both  among  Greeks  and 
Romans.  In  //.  ii.  219,  it  is  one  of  the  defects  of 
Thersites ;  Aristophanes  (who  was  probably  bald 
himself.  Pax,  7(i7,  Eq.  550)  takes  pride  in  not 
joining  in  the  ridicule  against  it  (oi)5'  ecTKw^eu 
Toi/y  (poKaKpovs,  Nvh.  540).  Caesar  was  said 
"  calvitii  deformitatem  iniquissime  ferre,"  and  he 
generally  endeavored  to  conceal  it  (Suet  Cvi.  45; 
comp.  Dom.  18). 

Artificial  baldness  marked  the  conclusion  of  a 
Nazarite's  vow  (Acts  xviii.  18;  Num.  vi.  9),  and 
was  a  sign  of  mourning  ("  quasi  calvitio  luctus 
levaretur,"  Cic.  Tusc.  Dkp.  iii.  26).  It  is  often 
alluded  to  in  Scripture;  as  in  Mic.  i.  16;  Am.  viii 
10;  Jer.  xlvii.  5,  &c. ;  and  in  Deut.  xiv.  1,  the 
reason  for  its  being  forbidden  to  the  Israelites  is 
their  being  "a  holy  and  pecuhar  people."  (Cf. 
Lev.  xix.  27,  and  Jer.  ix.  26,  marg.)  The  practices 
alluded  to  in  the  latter  passages  were  adopted  by 
heathen  nations  (e.  g.  the  Arabs,  &c.)  in  honor  of 
various  gods.  Hence  the  expression  rpoxoKovpdSfs. 
The  Abantes  (oirieev  KOfiouvrfs),  and  other  half- 
civilized  tribes,  shaved  off  the  forelocks,  to  avoid 
the  danger  of  being  seized  by  them  in  battle.  (See 
also  Herod,  ii.  36,  i.  82.)  F.  W.  F. 

BALM  C*"]^,  tzdri;  "^7^,  tsen:  f>i]rlv7]- 
resina)  occurs  in  Gen.  xxxvii.  25  as  one  of  the  sub- 
stances which  the  Ishmaelites  were  bringing  from 
Gilead  to  take  into  Egypt;  in  Gen.  xliii.  11,  as  one 
of  the  presents  which  .Jacob  sent  to  Joseph ;  in  Jer. 
viii.  22,  xlvi.  11,  h.  8,  where  it  appears  that  the 
balm  of  Gilead  had  a  medicinal  value ;  in  Ez.  xxvii. 
17  (margin,  "rosin")  as  an  article  of  commerce 
mported  by  Judah  into  Tyre. 

Many  attempts  have  been  made  to  identify  the 
jxdri  by  different  writers,  not  one  of  which,  how- 


BALM 

"vei,  can  be  considered  conclusive,  llie  Syria* 
trersiou  in  Jer.  viii.  22,  and  the  Samaritan  in  Gen. 
xxxvii.  25,  suppose  ctra,  "wax,"  to  be  meant, 
others,  as  the  Arabic  version  ui  the  passages  cite« 
in  Genesis,  conjecture  thtriaca,  a  medical  com 
poimd  of  great  supposed  virtue  in  serpent  bites 
Of  the  same  opinion  is  Castell  {Lex.  Ihpi.  s.  v 

'^"IIJ).  Luther  and  the  Swedish  version  have 
"  salve,"  "  ointment,"  in  the  passages  in  Jeremiali; 
but  in  Ez.  xxvii.  17  they  read  "  mastic."  The 
Jewish  Kabbis,  Junius  and  Iremeliius,  Deodatiua, 
&c.,  have  "balm"  or  "balsam,"  as  the  A.  V. 
(Celsius,  Ilterob.  ii.  180)  identifies  the  tzdi-i  with 
the  mastic-tree  (Pistacia  lentiscus). 

liosenmiiller  {Bibl.  Bot.  169)  believes  that  the 
pressed  juice  of  the  fruit  of  the  zuckumr-tree  {Eke- 
af/nus  anymti/olim,  Linn.  [V]),  or  narrow-leaved 
oleaster,  is  the  substance  denoted ; «  but  the  same 
author,  in  another  place  {Scliol.  in  Gen.  xxxvii.  25), 
mentions  the  balsam  of  Mecca  {Arnyi-is  ojxjbalsnmum, 
Linn.),  referred  to  by  Strabo  (xvi.  778)  and  Dio- 
dorus  Siculus  (ii.  132),  as  being  probably  the  tz6r\ 
(see  Kitto,  Phys.  Hist.  Pal.  p.  273;  Hasselquist, 
Travels,  p.  293).  Dr.  Royle  (Kitto's  Cyd.  Bib. 
Lit. )  is  unable  to  identify  the  tzdri  with  any  of  the 
numerous  substances  that  have  been  referred  to  it. 

Josephus  {Ant.  viii.  6,  §  7)  mentions  a  current 
opinion  amongst  the  Jews,  that  the  queen  of  Sheba 
first  introduced  the  balsam  into  Judrea,  having 
made  Solomon  a  present  of  a  root.  If  this  be  so  — 
but  perhaps  it  was  merely  a  tradition  —  the  tzAri 
cannot  be  restricted  to  represent  the  produce  of  thii 
tree,  as  the  word  occurs  in  Genesis,  and  the  plant 
was  known  to  the  patriarchs  as  growing  in  the  hilly 
district  of  Gilead. 

Hasselquist  has  given  a  description  of  the  true 
balsam-tree  of  Mecca.  He  says  that  the  exudation 
from  the  plant  "  is  of  a  yellow  color,  and  j)ellucid. 
It  has  a  most  fragrant  smell,  which  is  resinous 
balsamic,  and  very  agreeable.  It  is  very  tenacious 
or  glutuious,  sticking  to  the  fingers,  and  may  be 
drawn  into  long  threads.  I  have  seen  it  at  a 
Turkish  surgeon's,  who  had  it  immediately  from 
Mecca,  described  it,  and  was  informed  of  its  virtues; 
which  are,  first,  that  it  is  tiie  best  stomachic  they 
know,  if  taken  to  three  grains,  to  strengthen  a  weak 
stomach ;  secondly,  that  it  is  a  most  excellent  and 
capital  remedy  for  curing  wounds,  for  if  a  few  drops 
are  applied  to  the  fresh  womid,  it  cures  it  in  a  very 
?hort  time"  {Travels,  p.  293). 

The  trees  which  certainly  appear  to  have  the  best 
claim  for  representing  the  Scriptural  tzdri  —  sup- 
posing, that  is,  that  any  one  particular  tree  is 
denoted  by  the  term  — are  the  Pistacia  lentiscu$ 
(mastic),  and  the  Amyiis  ojxibalsamum,  Linn.,  the 
Bahamodewlrm  ajiobahamvm,  or  Gileachvse  of 
modern  botanists  (Balm  of  (Jilead).  One  argument 
in  favor  of  the  first-named  tree  rests  upon  the  fact 
that  its  name  in  Arabic  {ihei-i,  dseru)  is  identical 
with  the  Hebrew;  and  the  Arabian  naturalists  have 
attributed  great  medicinal  virtues  to  the  resin 
afforded  by  this  tree  (l)ioscor.  i.  90,91;  Plin.  xxiy. 
7;  Avicenna,  edit.  Arab.  pp.  204  and  277,  in 
Celsius).  The  Pistacia  lenlisms  has  been  recorded 
to  occur  at  Joppa  both  by  Kauwolf  and  I'ococke 
(Strand.  FUn:  Pakesl.  No.  561).  Tiie  derivation 
of  the  word  from  a  root,  "  to  flow  forth,"  *  is  opposed 
to  the  theory  which  identifies  the  pressed  oil  of  th« 


a  From  Maundrell's  desoriotion  of  the  zuckum  Dr. 
Hooker  unhesifcitiiigly  identifies  it  with  Bcdanites 
Sgyptiaea,  which  he  saw  abuiidantlv  at  Jericho. 


6   n"^" ,  "  to  flow  as  a  wound  from  a  c'eft."     Th 
cognate  Syriac  and  Arabic  have  a  similar  mining 


I 


BALNUUS 


BANI 


231 


iuchum  {balanites  ^(/yptiaca  [?])  with  the  tzM, 
although  this  oU  is  in  very  high  esteem  amongst 
the  Arabs,  who  even  prefer  it  to  the  babn  of  Mecca, 
»s  beini'  more  efficacious  in  wounds  and  bruises 
(see  Mariti,  ii.  353,  ed.  Lond.)-  MaundreU  {Jmirney 
from  Ahp.  to  Jerus.,  p.  86),  wlien  near  the  Dead 
Sea,  saw  the  zuchum-ireG.  He  says  it  is  a  thorny 
bush  with  small  leaves,  and  that  "  the  fruit  both 
in  shape  and  colour  resembles  a  small  unripe  wahiut. 
The  kernels  of  this  fruit  the  Arabs  bray  in  a  mortar, 
and  then,  putting  the  pulp  into  scalding  water,  they 
skim  ott"  the  oyl  which  rises  to  the  top:  this  oyl 
they  take  inwardly  for  bruises,  and  apply  it  out- 
wardly to  green  wounds I  procured  a  bottle 

of  it,  and  have  found  it  upon  some  small  tryals  a 
very  healing  medicine."  "  This,"  says  Dr.  Kobin- 
gon  {Bib.  Rts.  ii.  291),  "  is  the  modern  balsam  or 
oil  of  Jericho."  Perhaps,  after  all,  the  tzdii  does 
not  refer  to  an  exudation  from  any  particular  tree, 
but  was  intended  to  denote  any  kind  of  resmous 
substance  which  had  a  medicinal  value.  The  tzdri, 
then,  may  represent  the  gum  of  the  Fistacia  len- 
tiscus,  or  that  of  the  Balsamodendrm  opobalsamum. 
[Spices;  Mastic]  Compare  Winer,  Biblisch. 
Realwort.  s.  v.,  for  numerous  references  from  ancient 
and  modern  writers  on  the  subject  of  the  balm  or 
balsam-tree,  and  Hooker's  Kew  Garden  Misc.  i. 
257.  W.  H. 

BALNU'US     {BaKuodos     [Vat.    BaXvovs]  ■ 
Bmmis),  1  Esdr.  ix.  31.     [BixNNUI.] 

BALTHA'SAR  {BaXriffap  :  Balthasar), 
Bar.  i.  11,  12.     [Belshazzak.] 

BA'MAH  (nr;2,  a  high  place).  Though 
frequently  occurrmg  in  the  Bible  to  denote  the 
elevated  spots  or  erections  on  which  the  idolatrous 
rites  were  conducted  [High-place],  this  word  ap- 
pears m  its  Hebrew  form  only  in  one  passage  (Ez. 
XX.  29),  very  obscure,  and  full  of  the  paronomasia 
so  dear  to  the  Hebrew  poets,  so  difficult  for  us  to 
appreciate:  "What  is  the  high-place  (n:^2n) 
whereunto  ye  hie  (2^S2n)?  and  the  name  of  it 
is  called  Bamah  (n!!23)  unto  this  day."  (LXX. 
Ti  iffTLV  afiafia  .  ■  .  ■  koI  eiziKaK^ffOLV  rh  ovop.a 
avrov  'Afia/jid  [Vat.  Aid.  'A&avd;  Alex.  A^fiava- 
Vulg.  excelsum].)  Ewald  {Prophettn,  286)  pro- 
nounces this  verse  to  be  an  extract  from  an  older 
prophet  than  Ezekiel.  G. 

*  Ewald's  idea  of  a  quotation  is  purely  conject- 
ural. The  passage  is  certainly  obscure.  Haver- 
uick  understands  "  the  height"  as  referring  to  the 
place  of  the  tabernacle  or  of  the  temple,  to  which 
the  people  prone  to  idolatry  through  successive  ages 
had  been  accustomed  to  apply  (down  to  the  prophet's 
time  =  "  unto  this  day")  the  same  name,  with  very 
much  the  same  feeling,  which  they  appUed  to  the 
high  places  of  their  idol  worship  (see  his  Comm.  Ob. 
den  Propheten  Ezechiel,  p.  316).  Professor  Fair- 
bsurn  says:  Jehovah  "gave  the  name  Bamah  to 
2very  place  of  their  worship,  and  held  by  that  as 
the  proper  name;  for  the  worship  was  essentially 
»f  a  polluted  and  heathenish  character  {Ezekiel  and 
is  Prophecy,  p.  211,  2d  ed.).  Umbreit  would  find 
w  sarcasm  in  the  expression :  "  Truly  you  go  not 
up,  but  dornn  when  you  repair  to  your  '  high  place ' ! 

rhus  the  term  (HQS)  ever  in  the  mouth  of  the 


backsliding  Israelites  became  a  perpetual  remindei 
of  their  abominable  treachery  against  the  gracious 
God  who  would  draw  them  upward,  on  a  very 
different  height,  to  himself"  {Comm.  ilb.  die  Pre- 
pheten,  iii.  115,  ed.  1843).  The  word  after  all  i- 
really  appellative  rather  than  a  proper  name  (A.  V 

H. 

BA'MOTH  (n'lj2  [heights]:  BufuiO:  Ba 
moth).  A  halting-place  of  the  Israelites  in  the 
Amorite  country  on  their  march  to  Canaan  (Num. 
xxi.  19,  20).  It  was  between  NahaUel  and  Pisgah, 
north  of  the  Amon.  Eusebius  {Oiwnutst.)  calls  it 
"  Baboth,  a  city  of  the  Amorite  beyond  Jordan  on 
the  Amon,  which  the  children  of  Israel  took." 
Jerome  adds  that  it  was  in  the  territory  of  the 
Reubenites.  Knobel  identifies  it  with  "  the  high 
places  of  Baal "  (Num.  xxii.  41),  or  Bamoth  Baal, 
and  places  it  on  the  modern  Jebel  Attdrus,  the  site 
being  marked  by  stone  heaps  which  were  observed 
both"  by  Seetzen  (ii.  342)  and  Burckhardt  {Syria, 
p.  370).  W.  A.  W. 

BATMOTH-BA'AL  (braTl'lDa,  high 
places  of  Baal :  Baz^uobi'  Ba<i\  [Alex.  Oomp.  Aid. 
Bau.<i)0  Bacf\] :  Bamothbaal),  a  sanctuary  of  Baal 
in  the  country  of  Moab  (Josh.  xiii.  17),  which  is 
probably  mentioned  in  the  Itinerary  in  Num.  xxi. 
19,  under  the  shorter  form  of  Bamoth,  or  Bamoth- 
in-the-ravine  (20),  and  again  in  the  enumeration 
of  the  towns  of  Moab  in  Is.  xv.  2.  In  this  last 
passage  the  word  is  translated  in  the  A.  V.  "  the 
high  places,"  as  it  is  also  in  Num.  xxii.  41,  where 
the  same  locality  is  doubtless  referred  to.«  Near 
to  Bamoth  was  another  place  bearing  the  name  of 
the  same  divinity,  —  Baal-meon,  or  Beth-baal- 

MEON.  G" 

BAN  {Baevdv  [Alex.  Aid.  60;/] :  Tvbal),  a 
name  in  a  very  corrupt  passage  (1  Esdr.  v.  37);  it 
stands  for  Tobiah  m  the  parallel  Usts  in  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah. 

BANA'IAS  [3  syl.]  {Bavaias:  Baneas),  1 
Esdr.  ix.  35.    [Benaiah.] 

BA'NI  ("^32  [built,  perh.  having  posterity]), 
the  name  of  several  men.  1.  A  Gadite,  one  of 
David's  mighty  men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  36 ;  LXX.  [ed. 
Rom.]  translate,  TloKvdvi/cifi.eciis  'Ahs  FaKaadSt 
[Vat.  -Set;  Alex.  -koWvs  Svvafiew9  vios  TaSSt; 
Comp.  Bavl  6  raS'f-  Bcmni  de  Gadi]). 

2.  [Bavl:  Vat.  Bavu;  Alex.  Booj'i:  Boni.]  A 
Invite  of  the  line  of  Merari,  and  forefather  to  Ethan 
(1  Chr.  vi.  46). 

3.  [Bovvi;  Vat.  Alex,  om.:  Bonni.]  A  man 
of  Judah  of  the  line  of  Pharez  (1  Chi-,  ix.  4). 

4.  [Bavovl,  Bavi,  etc. :  Bani.]  "  Children  of 
Bani"  returned  from  captivity  with  Zerubbabel 
(Ezr.  ii.  10;  Neh.  x.  14;  Ezr.  x.  29,  34;  1  Esdr 
v.  12).   [BiNNUi,  Mani,  and  Maani.] 

I      5.   [Bavovi:  Bani.]     An  Israelite  »  of  the  son < 

I  of  Bani "  (Ezr.  x.  38).     [Bannus.] 

I      6.   [Bo;/!;  Vat.  Alex.  Boj/«:  Benni.]    A  LeviU 

I  ^Neh.  iii.  17). 

\      7.   [Baj'atas,  etc. :   Bani.]     A  Levite  (Neh,  viii 

I  7 ;  ix.  4 ;  LXX   transl.  kuI  ol  viol  KaS/xtrjA,  4 

X.  13).     [Anus.] 

8.  Another   Levite   (Neh.   ix.  4;   LXX.    [ed 

Rom.]  transl.   viol  Xaiyevi    [Vat.  om.:  Coi.ip 

Aid.  Alex.  Xav^yi':  Bani]). 


a  It  will  be  observed  that  our  Translators  have,  in 
Im.  zxiil   3,  rendered  by  "  high   place "  a  totally 


different  word  ("'DtT)    which  is  devoid  of  the  specta 
meaning  of  "  Bamoth  *' 


282 


BANID 


0.  LBoj'^;  Vat.  Alex.  Bo»'€i:  BanL]  Another 
Levite,  of  the  sons  of  Asaph  (Neh.  xi.  22). 

BA'NID  {Bwlas  [Vat.  -yei-]  ;  Alex.  Bavi; 
[Aid.  BaylS:]  Bania),  1  Esdr.  viii.  36.  This  rep- 
resents a  name  which  has  apparently  escaped  from 
the  present  Hebrew  text  (see  Ezr.  viii.  10). 

BANNA'IA  [3  syl.]  {:SaBavya7os  [Vat. 
-ows] ;  Alex.  Bwvaiovs ;  [Aid.  Bavvala :]  Bannus), 
1  Esdr.  ix.  33.  The  con-esponding  name  in  the 
list  in  Ezra  is  Zabad. 

*  BANNER.     [Ensign.] 

BAN'NUS  (Bavvovs:  Baneas),  1  Esdr.  ix.  34. 
[Bam,  or  Binnui.] 

BANQUETS.     These,  among  the  Hebrews, 
were  not  only  a  means  of  social  enjoyment,  but 
were  a  part  of  the  observance  of  religious  festivity. 
At  the  three  solemn  lestivals,  when  all  the  males 
appeared  before  the  I^rd,  the  family  also  had  its 
domestic  feast,  as  appears  from  the  place  and  the 
Bhare  in  it  to  which  "  the  widow,  the  feitherless,  and 
the  stranger"  were  legally  entitled  (Deut.  xvi.  11). 
Probably,  when  the  distance  allowed,  and  no  incon- 
venience hindered,  botli  males  and  females  went  up 
(e.  g.  to  Shiloh,  1  Sam.  i.  9)  togetlier,  to  hold  the 
festival.     These  domestic  festivities  were  doubtless 
U>  a  great  extent  retained,  after  laxity  had  set  in  as 
regards   the  special  observance   by  the  male   sex 
(Neh.  viii.  17).     Sacrifices,  both  ordinary  and  ex- 
traordinary, as  among.st  heathen  nations  (Ex.  xxxiv. 
15;  Judg.  xvi.  23),  included  a  banquet,  and  Eh's 
sons  made  this  latter  the  promuient  part.     The 
two,  thus  united,  marked  strongly  Loth  domestic 
and  civil  life.     It  may  even  be   said   that   some 
sacrificial  recognition,  if  only  in  pouring  the  blood 
solemnly  forth  as  before  God,  always  attended  the 
slaughter  of  an  anunal  for  food.     The  firstUngs  of 
cattle  were  to  be  sacrificed  and  eaten  at  the  sanc- 
tuary if  not  too  far  from  the  residence  (1  Sam.  ix. 
13;  2  Sam.  vi.  19;  Ex.  xxii.  29,  30;  Lev.  xix.  5, 
6;  Deut.  xii.  17,  20,  21,  xv.  19-22).     Erom  the 
Bacriticial  banquet  probably  sprang  the  ayair-fi ;  as 
the  Lord's  supper,  with  whicli  it  for  a  while  coa- 
lesced, was  derived  from  the  Passover.     Besides  re- 
ligious celebrations,  such  events  as  the  weaning  a  son 
and  heir,  a  marriage,  the  separation  or  reunion  of 
friends,   and  sheepshearing,   were  customarily  at- 
tended by  a  banquet  or  revel  (Gen.  xxi.  8,  xxix.  22, 
xxxi.  27,  54;  1  Sam.  xxv.  2,  3G;  2  Sam.  xiii.  23). 
At  a  funeral,  also,  refreshment  was  taken  in  com- 
mon by  the  mourners,  and  this  might  tend  to  be- 
come a  scene  of  indulgence,  but  ordinarily  abste- 
miousness seems  on  such  occasions  to  have  been 
the  rule.     The  ca.se  of  Archelaus  is  not  conclusive, 
but  his  inclination  towards  alien  usages  was  doubt- 
less shared  by  the  Ilerodianiziiig  .Jews  (Jer.  xvi. 
5-7;  Ez.  xxiv.  17;  Ilos.  ix.  4;  Eccl.  vii.  2;  Joseph. 
fie  B.  J.  ii.  1).     Birthday -banquets  are  only  men- 
tioned in  the  cases  of  Pharaoh  and   Herod  (Gen. 
xl.  20;  Matt.  xiv.  6).    A  leading  topic  of  prophetic 
rebuke  is  the  abuse  of  festivals  to  an  occasion  of 
drunken  reveh-y.  and  the  growth  of  fashion  in  favor 
of  drinking  parties.    Such  was  the  invitation  typ- 
-cally  given  by  Jeremiah  to  the  Kechabites  (Jer. 
XXXV.  5).     The  usual  time  of  the  banquet  was  the 
evening,  and  to  begin  early  was  a  mark  of  excess 
(Is.  v.  11;  Eccl.  X.  16).     The  slaughtering  of  the 
tattle,  which  was  the  preliminary  of  a   banquet, 
occupied  the  earlier  part  of  the  same  day  (Prov.  ix. 
2;  Is.  xxii.  13;  Matt.  xxii.  4).    The  most  essential 
aiaterials   of   tlie   ban(jueting-room,    next   to    the 
riands  and  wine,  which  last  was  often  drugged  with 


BANUAvS 

spices  (Prov.  ix.  2;  Cant.  viii.  2),  were  perfumoe 
ointments,  garlands  or  loose  fiowers,  white  or  brill- 
iant  robes,  after  these,  exhibitions  of  music,  singers, 
and  dancers,  riddles,  jesting,  and  merrm)ent''(Is. 
xxviii.  1;  Wisd.  ii.  6-8;  2  Sam.  xix.  35;  Is.  xxv. 
6,  v.  12;  Judg.  xiv.  12;  Neh.  viii.  10;  Eccl.  x  19; 
Matt.  xxii.  11;  Am.  vi.  5,  6;  Luke  xv.  25).  Seven 
days  was  a  not  uncommon  duration  of  a  festival, 
especially  for  a  wedding,  but  sometimes  fourteen 
(Tob.  viii.  19;  Gen.  xxix.  27;  Judg.  xiv.  12);  but 
if  the  bride  were  a  widow,  three  days  formed  the 
limit  (Buxtorf,  de  Conviv.  Hebr.).  The  reminder 
sent  to  the  guests  (Luke  xiv.  17)  was,  probably, 
only  usual  m  princely  banquets  on  a  large  scaled 
involving  protracted  preparation.  "  Whether  the 
slaves  who  bade  the  guests  had  the  office  (as  the 
vocatai-es  or  invitai&res  among  the  Komans)  of 
pointing  out  the  places  at  table  and  naming  the 
strange  dishes,  must  remain  undecided."  (Winer, 
s.  v.  Gastmahk.)  There  seems  no  doubt  that  the 
Jews  of  the  0.  T.  period  used  a  common  table  for 
all  the  guests.  In  Joseph's  entertainment  a  cere- 
monial separation  prevailed,  but  there  is  no  reason 
for  supposing  a  separate  table  for  each,  as  is  dis- 
tinctly asserted  in  Tosephot  Ti:  Beroch.  c.  vi.  to 
have  been  usual  (Buxtorf,  /.  c).  Ilie  latter  custom 
certainly  was  in  use  among  the  ancient  Greeks  and 
Germans  (Horn.  Od.  xxiii.,  xxii.  74;  Tac.  Ckrvi. 
22),  and  perhaps  among  the  Egyptians  (Wilkinson, 
ii.  202,  engravings).  But  the  common  phrase  to 
"  sit  at  table,"  or  "  eat  at  any  one's  table,"  shows 
the  originality  of  the  opposite  usage.  The  jxjsture 
at  table  in  early  times  was  sitting  (ZV  "*,  330, 
to  sit  round,  1  Sam.  xvi.  11,  xx.  5,  18),  and  the 
guests  were  ranged  in  order  of  dignity  (Gen.  xhii. 
33;  1  Sam.  ix.  22;  Joseph.  Ant.  xv.  2,  §  4):  the 
words  which  imply  the  recumbent  posture  (iva- 
K\lvetv,  ai/a-nlnreiv,  or  avaKf7a6ut)  belong  to  the 
N.  T.  The  separation  of  the  women's  banquet  was 
not  a  Jewish  custom  (Esth.  i.  9).  Portions  or 
messes  were  sent  from  the  entei-tainer  to  each  guest 
at  table,  and  a  double  or  even  five-fold  share  wlien 
pecuUar  distinction  was  intended,  or  a  special  part 
was  reserved  (1  Sam.  i.  5;  Gen.  xhii.  34;  1  Sam. 
ix.  23,  24).  Portions  were  similarly  sent  to  poorer 
friends  direct  from  the  banquet-table  (Neh.  viii. 
10;  Esth.  ix.  19,  22).  The  kiss  on  receiving  a 
guest  was  a  point  of  friendly  courtesy  (Luke  vii. 
45).  Perfumes  and  scented  oils  were  oflfered  for 
the  head,  beard,  and  garments.  It  was  strictly 
enjoined  by  the  Rabbis  to  wash  both  before  and 
after  eating,  which  they  called  the  H.'^^ILL'S"'  C^J2 
and  C^^I-irS  C'S  :  but  washing  the  feet  seems 
to  have  been  limited  to  the  case  of  a  guest  who  was 
also  a  traveller. 

In  religious  banquets  the  wine  w,-js  n)ixed,  by 
rabbinical  regulation,  with  three  parts  of  water,  and 
four  short  forms  of  benediction  were  jironouncerf 
over  it.  At  the  passover  four  such  cups  were 
mixed,  blessed,  and  passed  roiuid  by  the  master  of 
the  feast  (a^x^rplKhivos)-  It  is  probable  that  th# 
ch.oraeter  of  this  official  varied  with  that  of  the  en- 
tertainment ;  if  it  were  a  religious  one,  liis  office 
would  be  quasi-priestly ;  if  a  revel,  he  would  be  tht 
mere  <rvfj.votTidpxVs  or  <"'bitei'  bibtndi.  H.  H 

BAN'UAS  {Bavvos'  Bamis),  a  name  occur- 
ring in  the  hsts  of  those  who  returned  from  cap 
tivity  (1  Esdr.  v.  26).     Banuas  and  Sudias  ai  -wtf 
to  Hodaviah  in  the  parallel  lists  of  l^zra  and    Nt 
'hemiah. 


BAPTISM 

"baptism  i^dTTTKrixa).  I-  It  is  weU  known 
Ihat  ablution  or  bathing  was  common  in  most 
incient  nations  as  a  preparation  for  prayers  and 
jacrilice,  or  as  expiatory  of  sin.  The  Egyptian 
priests,  in  order  to  be  fit  for  their  sacred  offices, 
bathed  twice  in  the  day  and  twice  in  the  night 
(Herod,  ii.  37).  The  Greeks  and  liomans  used  to 
bathe  before  sacrifice  (7io  lavatum,  ut  sacrijicem, 
Plaut.  Aulular.  iii  6.  43)  and  before  prayer  — 

"  Hsec  sancte  ut  poscas,  Tiberino  in  gurgite  mergis 

Mane  caput  bis  terque,  et  noctem  fluiuiue  purgas." 

Pers.  Sat.  ii.  15- 

At  the  celebration  of  the  Eleusinian  mysteries, 
3n  the  second  day  of  the  greater  mysteries,  the  mys- 
Ue  went  in  solemn  procession  to  the  sea-coast, 
where  they  were  purified  by  bathing  (see  Diet,  of 
Gr.  and  Bom.  Antiq.  p.  453).  But,  above  all, 
when  pollution  of  any  kind  had  been  contracted, 
as  by  the  being  stained  with  blood  in  battle,  puri- 
fication by  water  was  thought  needful  before  acts  of 
devotion  could  be  jierformed  or  any  sacred  thing  be 
taken  in  hand  (see  Soph.  Ajnx,  665 ;  Virg.  ^n.  ii. 
719,  &c.).  Even  the  crime  of  homicide  is  said  to 
have  been  expiated  by  such  means. 

"  Omne  nefes  omnemquo  inali  purgamina  causam 
Credebant  nostri  tollere  posse  senes. 


Ah !  nimium  faciles,  qui  tristia  crimina  caedis 
Fluminea.  tolli  posse  putetis  aqua.  " 

Ovid,  Fasti,  ii.  35,  36,  45,  46. 

There  is  a  natural  connection  in  the  mmd  be- 
tween the  thought  of  physical  and  that  of  spiritual 
pollution.  In  warm  countries  this  connection  is 
probably  even  closer  than  in  colder  climates;  and 
hence  the  frequency  of  ablution  in  the  religious 
rites  throughout  the  East. 

II.  The  history  of  Israel  and  the  I^w  of  Moses 
abound  with  such  lustrations.  When  Jacob  was 
returning  with  his  wives  and  children  to  Bethel,  he 
enjouied  his  household  to  "put  away  all  their 
strange  gods,  and  to  be  clean,  and  change  their  gar- 
ments" (Gen.  XXXV.  2).  When  the  Almighty  was 
about  to  deUver  the  Ten  Commandments  to  Moses 
in  the  sight  of  the  people  of  Israel,  he  commanded 
Moses  to  "  sanctify  them  to-day  and  to-morrow,  and 
let  them  wash  their  clothes  "  (Ex.  xix.  10).  After 
the  giving  of  that  Law  all  kinds  of  ceremonial  pol- 
lutions required  purification  by  water.  He  that  ate 
that  which  died  of  itself  was  to  wash  his  clothes 
and  to  bathe  his  flesh  (Lev.  xvii.  15);  he  that 
touched  man  or  woman  who  was  separated  for  any 
l^al  uncleanness,  or  who  touched  even  their  gar- 
ments or  their  bed,  was  to  wash  his  clothes  and 
bathe  himself  in  water  (see  I>ev.  xv. ;  comp.  Deut. 
sxiii.  10);  he  that  touched  a  dead  body  was  to  be 
unclean  till  even,  and  wash  his  flesh  with  water 
(Lev.  xxii.  4,  6);  he  that  let  go  the  scapegoat  or 
that  burned  the  skin  of  the  bullock  sacrificed  for 
a  sin-offering,  was  to  wash  his  clothes  and  bathe 
his  flesh  in  water  (Lev.  xvi.  26,  28);  he  that  gath- 
ereJ  the  ashes  of  the  red  heifer  was  to  wash  his 
clothes  and  be  unclean  till  the  evening  (Num.  xix. 
10).  Before  great  religious  observances  su'jh  puri- 
fications were  especially  solemn  (see  John  xi.  55). 
.\nd  in  the  later  times  of  the  Jewish  history  there 
appear  to  have  been  public  baths  and  buildings  set 
ipart  for  this  purpose,  one  of  which  was  probably 
sue  pool  of  Bethesda  with  its  five  porches  men- 
iosed  in  John  v.  2  (see  Spencer,  De  Lean.  Heb. 
>.692) 


BAPTISM  238 

It  was  natural  that,  of  all  people,  the  priests 
most  especially  should  be  required  to  purify  them- 
selves in  this  manner.  At  their  consecration  Aaron 
and  his  sons  were  brought  to  the  door  of  the  taber- 
nacle and  washed  with  water  (Ex.  xxix.  4) ;  and 
whenevei'  they  went  into  the  sanctuary  they  were 
enjoined  to  wash  their  hands  and  their  feet  in  the 
laver,  which  was  between  the  altar  and  the  taber- 
nacle, "  that  they  died  not  "  (Ex.  xxx.  20).  In  Sol- 
omon's temple  there  were  ten  lavers  to  wash  the 
things  offered  for  the  burnt-offering,  and  a  molten 
sea  for  the  ablution  of  priests  (2  Chr.  iv.  2,  6). 
The  consecration  of  the  high-priest  deserves  espe- 
cial notice.  It  was  first  by  baptism,  then  by  unc- 
tion, and  lastly  by  sacrifice  (Ex.  xxix.  4,  xl.  12-15; 
Lev.  viii.). 

The  spiritual  significance  of  all  these  ceremonial 
washings  was  well  known  to  the  devout  Isi-aelite. 
"  I  will  wash  my  hands  in  innocency,"  says  the 
Psalmist,  "  and  so  will  I  compass  thine  altar  "  (Ps. 
xxvi.  6).  "  Wash  me  thoroughly  from  mine  iniq- 
uity, and  cleanse  me  from  my  sin."  "Wash  me 
and  I  shall  be  whiter  than  snow"  (Ps.  Ii.  2,  7; 
comp.  Ixxiii.  13).  The  prophets  constantly  speak 
of  pardon  and  conversion  from  sin  under  the  same 
figure.  "Wash  you,  make  you  clean"  (Is.  i.  16). 
"  When  the  Lord  shall  have  washed  away  the  filth 
of  the  daughter  of  Zion  "  (iv.  4).  "  0  Jerusalem, 
wash  thine  heart  fVom  wickedness  "  (Jer.  iv.  14). 
"  In  that  day  there  shall  be  a  fountain  opened  to 
the  housp  of  David  and  to  the  inhabitants  of  Jeru- 
salem for  sin  and  for  uncleanness"  (Zech.  xiii.  1). 
The  significant  manner  in  which  Pilate  washed  his 
hands,  declaring  himself  innocent  of  the  blood  of 
Jesus,  was  an  expressive  picturing  to  the  people  in 
forms  rendered  familiar  to  their  minds  from  the 
customs  of  their  law. 

From  the  Gospel  history  we  learn  that  at  that 
time  ceremonial  washings  had  been  greatly  multi- 
plied by  traditions  of  the  doctors  and  elders  (see 
Mark  vii.  3,  4),  and  the  testimony  of  the  Evan- 
gelist is  fully  borne  out  by  that  of  the  later  writ^ 
ings  of  the  Jews.  The  most  important  and  prob- 
ably one  of  the  earliest  of  these  traditional  customs 
was  the  baptizing  of  proselytes.  There  is  an  uni- 
versal agreement  among  later  Jewish  writers  that 
all  the  Israelites  were  brought  into  covenant  with 
God  by  circumcision,  baptism,  and  sacrifice,"  and 
that  the  same  ceremonies  were  necessary  in  admit- 
ting proselytes.  Thus  Maimonides  {Issure  Biah, 
cap.  13),  "  Israel  was  admitted  into  covenant  by 
three  things,  namely,  by  circumcision,  baptism,  and 
sacrifice.  Circumcision  was  in  Egypt,  as  it  is  said, 
'  None  uncircumcised  shall  eat  of  the  passover. ' 
Baptism  was  in  the  wilderness  before  the  giving  of 
the  Law,  as  it  is  said,  '  Thou  shalt  sanctify  them 
to-day  and  to-morrow,  and  let  them  wash  their 
garments.'  "  And  he  adds,  "  So,  whenever  a  Gen 
tile  desires  to  enter  into  the  covenant  of  Israel,  and 
place  himself  under  the  wings  of  the  Divine  Majesty, 
and  take  the  yoke  of  the  Law  upon  him,  he  must 
be  circumcised,  and  baptized,  and  bring  a  sacrifice; 
or  if  it  be  a  woman,  she  must  be  baptized  and 
bring  a  sacrifice."  The  same  is  abundantly  tes- 
tified by  earlier  writers,  as  by  the  Jerusalem  and 
Babylonian  Talmud,  although  no  reference  to  this 
custom  can  be  found  in  Philo,  Josephus,  or  the 
Tarr"im  of  Onkelos  Its  earliest  mention  appears 
to  DC  in  the  Targum  of  Jonathan  on  Ex.  xii.  44. 


» yy^T^^  nb-'ar^i  nb^Di 


234 


BAPTISM 


'  Thou  shalt  circumcise  him  and  baptize  him."  " 
[t  should  1)6  added,  that  men,  women,  and  children, 
were  all  baptized,  and  either  two  or  three  witnesses 
were  rajuired  to  be  present.*  Some  modem  writers 
—  Lardner,  Emesti,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  l^aulus,  and 
others  —  have  doubted  or  denied  that  this  baptism 
Df  proselytes  had  been  in  use  among  the  Jews  from 
times  so  early  as  those  of  the  Gospel;  but  it  is 
highly  improbable  that,  after  the  rise  of  Christian- 
ity, the  .Jews  should  have  adopted  a  rite  so  distinct- 
ively Cliristian  as  baptism  had  then  become.  The 
frequent  use  of  religious  ablution,  as  enjoined  by 
the  Ijaw,  had  certainly  become  much  more  frequent 
by  the  tradition  of  the  elders.  The  motive  which 
may  have  led  to  the  addition  of  baptism  to  the  first 
commanded  circumcision  is  obvious,  —  circumcision 
applied  only  to  males,  baptism  could  be  used  for  the 
admission  of  female  proselytes  also.  Moreover, 
many  nations  bordering  upon  Canaan,  and  amongst 
whom  the  Jews  were  afterwards  dispersed,  such  as 
the  Ishmaelites  and  the  Egyptians,  were  already 
circumcised,  and  therefore  converts  from  among 
them  coidd  not  be  admitted  to  Judaism  by  circum- 
cision. There  seems,  indeed,  no  good  reason  to 
doubt  that  the  custom  which  may  so  naturally  have 
grown  out  of  others  like  it,  and  which  we  find  pre- 
vailing not  long  after  the  Christian  era,  had  really 
prevailed  from  the  period  of  the  Captivity,  if  not, 
as  many  think,  from  times  of  still  more  remote 
antiquity  (see  Beugel,  Ueber  das  Alter  de?'  Jiid. 
Proselytentaufe,  Tubing.,  1814,  quoted  by  Kuinoel 
on  Matt.  ill.  6). 

III.  The  Baptism  of  John.  —  These  usages  of 
the  Jews  wiU  account  for  the  i-eadiness  with  which 
all  men  flocked  to  the  baptism  of  John  the  Baptist. 
The  teaching  of  the  prophets  by  outward  signs  was 
familiar  to  the  minds  of  the  Israelites.  There  can 
be  n  •)  question  but  that  there  was  at  this  period  a 
geneial  expectation  of  the  Messiah's  kingdom,  an 
expectation  which  extended  beyond  Judaea  and 
prevailed  throughout  all  the  east  ("  Oricnte  toto," 
Sueton.  Vespas.  c.  iv.).  Conquest  hatl  made 
Judaia  a  province  of  Rome,  and  the  hope  of  de- 
liverance rested  on  the  promises  of  the  Kedeenier. 
The  last  words  of  Malachi  had  foretold  the  coming 
of  the  Angel  of  the  Covenant,  the  rising  of  the 
Sun  of  Kighteousness,  to  be  preceded  by  the 
prophet  Elijah,  to  turn  the  hearts  of  the  fathers  to 
the  children  and  of  the  children  to  the  fathers 
(Mai.  iii.  1,  iv.  2,  5).  The  Scribes  therefore  taught 
that  "Elias  must  first  come"  (JIatt.  xvii.  10: 
for  this  expectation  of  Elias  among  the  Rabbins, 
see  Lightfoot,  Harmony  on  John  i.  21,  vol.  iv.  p. 
t02;  Wetstein  on  Matt.  xi.  1.3).  And  so,  when 
John  preached  and  baptized,  the  people,  feeling  the 
call  to  repentance,  came  to  him  as  to  one  who  was 
at  the  same  time  reproving  them  for  their  sins,  and 
giving  hope  of  freedom  from  the  aifiictit  ns  which 
^heir  sins  had  brought  upon  them.  He  proclaimed 
Ih;  near  approach  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  —  a 
phrase  taken  from  Dan.  ii.  44,  vii.  14,  in  use  also 
Muong  the  Jews  in  later  times  (see  Wetstein  and 
Lightfoot,  //.  n.  on  Matt.  iii.  2)  —  and  preached 
*  baptism  of  repentance  "  for  the  remission  of  sins  " 
Mark  i.  4).  They  readily  coupled  in  their  own 
ninds  the  necessity  of  repentance  and  the  expecta- 


a  Full  information  on  this  subject  will  be  found  in 
Jghtfoot,  on  Matt.  iii.  6,  Works,  xi.  63 ;  Ilammoad  on 
)t  Matt.  iii.  6 ;  Schoettgen,  H.  H. ;  Wetotein  on  Matt. 

i.  6;  Buxtorf,  Lex.  Chald.  et  Rabbin.  8.  v.  "^3;  God- 


BAPTISM 

tion  of  the  Messiah,  accordmg  to  a  \  ery  prevalenl 
belief  that  the  sins  of  Israel  delayed  the  coming 
of  Christ  and  that  their  repentance  would  hasten 
it.  John's  baptism,  corresponding  with  the  custom 
of  cleansing  by  water  from  legal  impurity  and  with 
the  baptism  of  proselytes  fix>m  heathenism  to  Juda- 
ism, seemed  to  call  upon  them  to  come  out  from 
the  unbelieving  and  sinful  habits  of  their  age,  and 
to  enhst  themselves  uito  tiie  company  of  those  who 
were  preparing  for  the  manifestation  of  the  deliver- 
ance of  Israel. 

Naturally  connected  with  all  this  was  an  expec- 
tation and  "musing"  whether  John  himself  "were 
the  Christ  or  not"  (Luke  iii.  15);  and  when  he 
denied  that  he  was  so,  the  next  question  which 
arose  was  whether  he  were  Elias  (John  i.  21). 
But  when  he  refused  to  be  called  either  Christ  oi 
Elias,  they  asked,  "Why,  then,  baptizest  thouV" 
(John  i.  25. )  It  was  to  them  as  a  preparation  for 
a  new  state  of  tilings  that  John's  baptism  seemed 
intelligible  and  reasonable.  If  he  were  not  bring- 
ing them  into  such  a  state  or  making  them  ready 
for  it,  his  action  was  out  of  place  and  unaccountable. 

There  has  been  some  uncertainty  and  debate  as 
to  the  nature  of  John's  baptism  and  its  spiritual 
significance.  It  appears  to  have  been  a  kind  of 
transition  from  the  Jewish  baptism  to  the  Chris- 
tian. All  ceremonial  ablutions  under  the  Law 
pictured  to  the  eye  that  inward  cleansing  of  th«. 
heart  which  can  come  only  from  the  grace  of  God, 
and  which  accompanies  forgiveness  of  sins.  So 
Jolm's  baptism  was  a  "  baptism  of  repentance  for 
remission  of  sins  "  (/8t£7rT40-/xo  neravolas  eh  Hixpf- 
(Tiv  afiaprtwv,  Mark  i.  4);  it  was  accompanied 
with  confession  (Matt.  iii.  C);  it  was  a  call  to 
rejientance;  it  conveyed  a  promise  of  pardon;  and 
the  whole  was  knit  up  with  faith  in  Him  that  should 
come  after,  even  Christ  Jesus  (Acts  xix.  4).  It 
was  such  that  Jesus  himself  deigned  to  be  baptized 
with  it,  and  perhaps  some  of  his  disciples  received 
no  other  baptism  but  John's  until  they  received  the 
special  baptism  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  the  great  day 
of  Pentecost.  Yet  John  himself  speaks  of  it  as  a 
mere  baptism  with  water  unto  repentance,  pointing 
forward  to  Him  who  should  baptize  witli  the  Holy 
Ghost  and  with  fire  (Matt.  iii.  11).  And  the  dis- 
tinction between  John's  baptism  ajid  (Christian  hajt- 
tism  appears  in  the  case  of  ApoUos  who,  thougli 
"  instructed  in  the  way  of  the  Lord,"  the  faith  of 
Jesus  Christ,  and  fervent  in  spirit,  speaking  and 
teaching  diligently  the  things  of  the  Lord,  yet 
knew  only  the  baptism  of  John ;  "  whom  when 
Aquila  and  Priscilla  had  heard,  they  took  him  unto 
them,  and  expounded  unto  him  the  way  of  God 
more  perfectly"  (Acts  xviii.  26,  27).  Even  more 
observable  is  the  case  of  the  disciples  at  Ephesus, 
mentioned  Acts  xix.  1-6.  They  were  evidently 
numbered  among  Christians,  or  they  would  not 
have  been  called  disciples,  fxadtjrai.  But  when 
they  were  asked  if  they  had  received  the  Holy 
Ghost  since  they  had  believed,  they  said  that  they 
had  not  even  heard  if  there  was  a  Holy  Ghost,  an 
answer  which  may  have  signified  either  that  they 
knew  not  as  yet  the  Christian  doctrine  of  the  per- 
sonality of  the  Spirit  of  God,  not  having  been  bap- 
tized in  the  name  of  the  Trinity,  or  that  they  htA 


wyn,  Moses  and  Aaron,  bk.  i.  c.  3 ;  Selden,  De  Jim 
Nat.  et  Gent.  ii.  26 ;  Wall,  Hist,  of  Inf.  Bajitism,  Ip 
troduct. ;  Kuinoel  on  Matt.  iU.  6. 
6  See  lightfoot,  as  above. 


BAPTISM 

leard  nothing  of  the  visible  coming  of  the  Spirit 
n  the  miraculous  gifts  of  tongues  and  prophecy. 
At  all  events  their  answer  at  once  suggested  to  St. 
Paul  that  there  must  have  been  some  defect  in 
their  baptism;  and  when  he  discovers  that  they 
had  been  baptized  only  unto  John's  baptism,  he 
tells  them  that  John  baptized  only  with  a  baptism 
of  repentance,  "  saying  unto  the  people  that  they 
should  believe  on  Him  which  should  come  after 
him,  that  is  on  Jesus  Christ.  When  they  heard 
this  they  were  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
Jesus,  and  when  Paul  had  laid  his  hands  upon 
them  the  Holy  Ghost  came  on  them,  and  they 
spake  vri th  tongues  and  prophesied."  A  full  dis- 
cussion of  this  history  would  lead,  perhaps,  too  for 
from  the  ground  of  Biblical  exegesis  and  land  us  in 
the  region  of  dogmatic  theology.  Yet  we  cannot 
but  draw  from  it  the  inference  that  there  was  a 
deeper  spiritual  significance  in  Christian  baptism 
than  in  John's  baptism,  that  in  all  probability  for 
the  latter  there  was  only  required  a  confession  of 
sins,  a  profession  of  faith  in  the  Messiah,  and  of 
a  desire  for  repentance  and  convei-sion  of  heart 
{fitrdvotu),  but  that  for  the  former  there  was  also 
a  confession  of  faith  in  the  Father,  the  Son,  and 
the  Holy  Ghost  (comp.  Matt,  xxviii.  19) ;  that  after 
Christian  baptism  there  was  the  laying  on  of  the 
Apostles'  hands  and  the  consequent  effusion  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  manifested  by  miraculous  gifts  (comp. 
Acts  viii.  17 ) ;  that  though  Christian  baptism  was 
never  repeated,  yet  baptism  in  the  name  of  Christ 
was  admuiistered  to  those  who  had  received  John's 
baptism,  with  probably  the  exception  of  such  as 
after  John's  baptism  had  been  baptized  at  Pente- 
cost with  the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  fire. 

On  the  whole  it  may  appear  obvious  to  conclude 
that,  as  John  was  a  greater  prophet  than  any  that 
before  him  had  been  bom  of  woman,  and  yet  the 
least  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven  was  greater  than 
he,  so  his  baptism  surpassed  in  spiritual  import  all 
Jewish  ceremony,  but  fell  equally  short  of  the  sac- 
rament ordained  by  Christ. 

I V.  The  Baptism  of  Jesus.  —  Plainly  the  most 
important  action  of  John  as  a  baptist  was  his  bap- 
tizing of  Jesus.  John  may  probably  not  have 
known  at  first  that  Jesus  was  the  Christ  (see  John 
i.  31).  He  knew  Him  doubtless  as  his  kinsman 
in  the  flesh,  and  as  one  of  eminently  holy  life;  but 
the  privacy  of  the  youth  of  Jesus,  and  the  humil- 
ity of  his  carriage  may  have  concealed,  even  from 
those  nearest  to  Him,  the  dignity  of  his  person. 
Yet,  when  He  came  to  be  baptized,  John  would 
have  prevented  Him,  saying,  "I  have  need  to  be 
baptized  of  Thee,  and  comest  Thou  to  meV  "  He 
knew  that  his  own  mission  was  from  God,  and  that 
it  was  to  call  sinners  to  repentance,  warning  them 
to  flee  from  the  wrath  to  come,  and  to  prepare  for 
the  kingdom  of  God ;  but  he  was  so  conscious  of 
the  superior  holiness  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  that  he 
thought  it  unfit  that  Jesus  should  submit  to  bap- 
tism from  him.  The  answer  of  Jesus,  "  Suffer  it 
to  be  so  now,  for  so  it  becometh  us  to  fulfill  all 
righteousness,"  may  probably  have  meant  thit  our 
Lord,  who  had  taken  on  Him  the  form  of  a  serv- 
ant, and  was  bom  under  the  Law,  was  desirous 
"if  submitting  t^  every  ordinance  of  God  (-icrau 
ZiKaioffvmiiu  z:=  TrdvTa  to  Zmaidyixara  rod  0€oD). 
He  had  been  cii-cumcised  in  his  infancy;  He  had 
leen  subject  to  his  mother  and  Joseph ;  He  would 
iow  go  through  the  transitional  dispensation,  be- 
tog  bdptized  by  John  in  preparation  for  the  king- 
iom. 


BAPTISM 


235 


Nc  doubt  it  was  his  will  in  the  first  place,  by 
so  suomitting  to  baptism,  to  set  to  his  seal  to  the 
teaching  and  the  ministry  of  John.  Again,  as  He 
was  to  be  the  Head  of  his  Church  and  the  Captain 
of  our  salvation,  He  was  pleased  to  undergo  that 
rite  which  He  afterwards  enjoined  on  all  his  fol- 
lowers. And,  once  more,  his  bapti;sm  consecrated 
the  baptism  of  Christians  forever;  even  as  after- 
wards his  own  partaking  of  the  Eucharist  gave 
stiU  further  sanction  to  his  injunction  that  His 
disciples  ever  after  should  continually  partake  of  it. 
But,  beyond  all  this,  his  baptism  was  his  formal 
setting  apart  for  his  ministry,  and  was  a  most  im- 
portant portion  of  his  consecration  to  be  the  High 
Priest  of  God.  He  was  just  entering  on  the  age 
of  thirty  (Luke  iii.  23),  the  age  at  which  the  I^e-- 
vites  began  their  ministry  and  the  rabbis  their 
teaching.  It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the 
consecration  of  Aaron  to  the  high-priesthood  was 
by  baptism,  unction,  and  sacrifice  (see  Lev.  viii.  1). 
AU  these  were  undergone  by  Jesus.  First  He  was 
baptized  by  John.  Then,  just  as  the  high-priest 
was  anointed  immediately  after  his  baptism,  so 
when  Jesus  had  gone  up  out  of  the  water,  the 
heavens  were  opened  unto  Him,  and  the  Spirit  of 
God  descended  upon  Him  (Matt.  iii.  16);  and  thus, 
as  St.  Peter  tells  us,  "  God  anointed  Jesus  of  Naza- 
reth with  the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  power  "  (Acts 
X.  38).  The  sacrifice  indeed  was  not  till  the  end 
of  his  earthly  ministry,  when  He  offered  up  the 
sacrifice  of  Hunself ;  and  then  at  his  resurrection 
and  ascension  He  fully  took  upon  Him  the  office  of 
priesthood,  entering  into  the  presence  of  God  for 
us,  pleading  the  efficacy  of  his  sacrifice,  and  bless- 
ing those  for  whom  that  sacrifice  was  offered.  Bap- 
tism, therefore,  was  the  beginning  of  consecration; 
unction  was  the  immediate  consequent  upon  the 
baptism;  and  sacrifice  was  the  completion  of  the 
initiation,  so  that  He  was  thenceforth  perfected,  or 
fully  consecrated  as  a  Priest  for  evermore  {eis  rhv 
alwva  TereKeiccfiivos,  Heb.  vii.  28;  see  Jackson 
on  the  Creed,  book  ix.  sect.  i.  ch.  i.). 

In  this  sense,  therefore,  Christ  "  came  by  water  " 
(1  John  V.  6);  for  at  baptism  He  came  to  his 
offices  of  a  Priest  and  an  Evangelist;  He  came 
forth,  too,  from  the  privacy  of  his  youth  to  man- 
ifest Himself  to  the  world.  But  He  came  "  not  by 
water  only,''  as  the  Cerinthians,  and  before  them 
the  Nicolaitans,  had  said  (Iren.  iii.  11),  but  by 
blood  also.  He  had  come  into  the  world  by  birth 
of  the  Virgin  Mary ;  He  came  forth  to  the  world 
by  the  baptism  of  John.  Both  at  his  birth  and 
at  his  baptism  the  Spirit  announced  Him  to  be 
the  Son  of  (iod.  Thus  came  He  not  by  baptism 
only,  but  by  baptism  and  birth.  His  birth,  his 
baptism,  and  the  Holy  Spirit  at  both  of  them,  were 
the  three  witnesses  testifying  to  the  one  truth  {ds 
rb  eV,  V.  8),  namely,  that  Jesus  was  the  Son  of 
God  (v.  5). 

V.  Baptism  of  the  Disciples  of  Christ. 
Whether  our  I^rd  ever  baptized  has  been  doubted. 
The  only  passage  which  may  distinctly  bear  on  the 
question  is  John  iv.  1,  2,  where  it  is  said  "  that 
•lesus  made  and  baptized  more  disciples  than  Jolm, 
though  Jesus  himself  baptized  not,  but  his  dis- 
ciples." We  necessarily  infer  from  it,  that,  as  soon 
as  our  Lord  began  his  ministry,  and  gathered  to 
Him  a  company  of  disciples.  He,  like  John  the 
Baptist,  admitted  into  that  company  by  the  ad- 
ministration of  baptism.  Normally,  however,  to 
gay  the  least  of  it,  the  administration  of  baptism 
1  was  by  the  hands  of  his  disciples.      Some  suppoa 


23G  BAPTISM 

that  ihe  first-cailed  disciples  had  all  received 
baptism  at  the  hands  of  John  the  Baptist,  as  must 
have  pretty  -certainly  been  the  case  with  Andrew 
(see  John  .  35,  37,  40);  and  that  they  were  not 
again  bapliised  with  water  after  they  joined  the 
company  of  Christ  Others  believe  that  Christ 
himself  baptized  some  few  of  his  earlier  disciples, 
who  were  afterwards  authorized  to  baptize  the  rest. 
But  in  any  case  the  words  above  cited  seem  to 
show  that  the  making  disciples  and  the  baptiz- 
ing them  went  together;  and  that  baptism  was, 
even  during  our  lord's  earthly  ministry,  the  formal 
mode  of  accepting  his  service  and  becoming  at- 
tached to  his  company. 

After  the  resurrection,  when  the  Church  was  to 
be  spread  and  the  Gospel  preached,  our  lord's  own 
commission  conjoins  the  making  of  disciples  with 
their  baptism.  The  command,  "  Make  disciples  of 
all  nations  by  baptizing  them"  (Matt,  xxviii.  19), 
is  merely  the  extension  of  his  own  practice,  "  Je- 
sus made  disciples  and  baptized  them  "  (John  iv. 
1).«  The  conduct  of  the  Apostles  is  the  plainest 
comment  on  both;  for  so  soon  as  ever  men,  con- 
vinced by  their  preaching,  asked  for  guidance  and 
direction,  their  first  exhortation  was  to  repentance 
and  baptism,  that  thus  the  convert  should  be  at 
once  pubhcly  received  into  the  fold  of  Christ  (see 
Acts  ii.  38,  viii.  12,  36,  ix.  18,  x.  47,  xvi.  15,  33, 
4c.). 

Baptism  then  was  the  initiatory  rite  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church,  as  circumcision  was  the  initiatory  rite 
of  Judaism.  The  contrast  between  them  is  plain: 
the  one  was  a  painful  and  dangerous,  the  other  is  a 
simple  and  salutary  rite.  Circumcision  seemed  a 
suitable  entrance  upon  a  religion  which  was  a  yoke 
of  bondage;  baptism  is  a  natural  introduction  to  a 
law  of  hberty;  and  as  it  was  light  and  easy,  like 
the  yoke  of  Christ,  so  was  it  comprehensive  and  ex- 
pansive. The  command  was  unlimited,  "  Make 
disciples  of  all  nations  by  baptizing  them."  The 
arms  of  mercy  were  extended  to  receive  the  world. 
The  "Desire  of  all  nations"  called  all  nations  to 
accept  his  service.  Baptism  therefore  was  a  wit- 
ness to  Christ's  reception  of  all  men  —  to  God's 
.ove  for  all  his  creatures.  But  again,  as  circum- 
cision admitted  to  the  Jewish  covenant  —  to  the 
privileges  and  the  responsibility  attaching  to  that 
covenant,  so  baptism,  which  succeeded  it,  was  the 
mode  of  admission  to  the  Christian  cove- -ant,  to 
its  graces  and  privileges,  to  its  duties  and  service. 
It  was  to  be  the  formal  taking  up  of  the  yoke  of 
Christ,  the  accepting  of  the  promises  of  Christ. 
The  baptized  convert  became  a  ("hristian  as  the 
circumcised  convert  had  become  a  Jew ;  and  as 
the  circumcised  convert  had  contracted  an  obli- 
gation to  obey  all  the  ordinances  of  Moses,  but 
therewith  a  share  in  all  the  promises  to  the  seed 
of  Abranam,  so  the  baptized  convert,  while  con- 
tracting all  the  responsibihty  of  Christ's  service, 
had  a  share  too  u»  all  the  promises  of  God  in 
Chris'-. 

It  is  obviously  difficult  to  draw  out  the  teaching 
of  the  New  Testament  on  the  rite  of  baptism  and 
its  significance,  without  approaching  too  near  to 
Ihe  regions  of  controversy.  We  shall  endeavor 
therefore  merely  to  classify  the  passages  which  refer 
*o  it,  and  to  exhibit  them  in  their  simplest  form, 
und  to  let  them  speak  their  own  language. 


1  MafrijTev<j-aT«  navra  to.  eflioj  fiaiTTC^ovrei  avTOus 
;Matt.  xxviii.  19),  compared  with  fxa0>)Ta«  Trotei  Kal 
tain  '(Tec  (John  iv.  1). 


BAPTISM 

VI.  The  Types  of  Baptism.  —  1.  St.  Peter  (] 
Pet.  iii.  21)  compares  the  deliverance  of  Xoah  in 
the  Deluge  to  the  deliverance  of  Christians  in  bap- 
tism. The  passage  is  not  without  considerable 
difficulty,  though  its  general  sense  is  pretty  readily 
apparent.  The  apostle  had  been  speaking  of  tho8« 
who  had  perished  "  in  the  days  of  Noah  when  the 
ark  was  a-preparing,  in  which  few,  that  is  eight 
souls,  were  saved  by  water."  According  to  the 
A.  v.,  he  goes  on,  "  The  like  figure  whereunto  bap- 
tism doth  now  save  us."  The  Greek,  in  the  best 
MSS.,  i8*0  /coi  T//tas  avrlrimoy  vw  ffdt>(fi  fidir- 

rifffxa. Grotius  well  expounds  avrirvTrov 

hy  ayrlaroixov,  "  accurately  corresponding."  The 
difficulty  is  in  the  relative  8.  There  is  no  anteced- 
ent to  which  it  can  refer  except  vSarus,  "water;  " 
and  it  seems  as  if  ^6.trTi(Tixa  must  be  put  ui  appo- 
sition with  2,  and  as  in  explanation  of  it.  Noah 
and  his  company  were  saved  by  water,  "  which  wa- 
ter also,  that  is  the  water  of  baptism,  correspond- 
ingly saves  us."  Even  if  the  reading  were  ^,  it 
would  most  naturally  refer  to  the  preceding  v^uros. 
Certainly  it  could  not  refer  to  ki^wtov,  which  is 
feminine.  We  must  then  probably  interpret,  that, 
though  water  was  the  instrument  for  destroying  the 
disobedient,  it  was  yet  the  instrument  ordaineid  of 
God  for  floating  the  ark,  and  so  for  saving  Noah 
and  his  family;  and  it  is  in  correspondence  with 
this  that  water  also,  namely,  the  water  of  baptism, 
saves  Christians.  Augustine,  commenting  on  these 
words,  writes  that  "  the  events  in  the  days  of  Noah 
were  a  figure  cf  things  to  come,  so  that  they  who 
beUeve  not  the  Gospel,  when  the  Church  is  build- 
ing, may  be  considered  as  like  those  who  believed 
not  when  the  ark  was  prei..jnng ;  whilst  those  who 
have  believed  and  are  baptized  (i.  e.  are  saved  by 
baptism)  may  be  compared  to  those  who  were  for- 
merly saved  in  the  ark  by  water"  {Eptsl.  164,  torn. 
Ui  p.  579).  "  The  building  of  the  ark,"  he  says  again, 
"was  a  kind  of  preaching."  "The  waters  of  the 
Deluge  presignified  baptism  to  those  who  believed 
—  punishment  to  the  unl)elieving  "  (Jb.). 

It  would  be  impossible  to  give  any  definite  ex- 
planation of  the  words,  "baptism  doth  save  us," 
without  eitlier  expressing  a  theological  opuiion  or 
exhibiting  in  detail  different  sentiments.  The 
apostle,  however,  gives  a  caution  which  no  doubt 
itself  may  have  need  of  an  interpreter,  when  he 
adds,  "  not  the  putting  away  the  filth  of  the  flesh, 
but  the  answer  (^TreptoTTjyita)  of  a  good  conscience 
towards  God."  And  probably  all  will  agree  that 
he  intended  here  to  warn  us  against  resting  on  the 
outward  administration  of  a  sacrament,  with  no 
corresponding  preparation  of  the  conscience  and 
the  soul.  The  connection  in  this  passE^e  between 
baptism  and  "  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ " 
may  be  compared  with  Col.  ii.  12. 

2.  In  1  Cor.  x.  1,  2,  the  passage  of  the  Ked  Sea 
and  llie  shadowing  of  the  miracidous  cloud  are 
treated  as  types  of  baptism.  In  all  the  early  part 
of  this  chapter  the  wanderings  of  Israel  in  the  wil- 
derness are  put  in  comparison  with  the  life  of  the 
Christian.  The  being  under  the  cloud  and  the 
passing  through  the  sea  resemble  baptism ;  eating 
manna  and  drinking  of  the  rock  are  as  the  spiritua* 
food  which  feeds  the  Church;  and  the  different 
temptations,  sins,  and  punishments  of  the  IsraeUtes 
on  their  journey  to  Cauiian  are  helM  ip  as  a  warn- 
ing to  the  Corinthian  Church.  It  appears  tliat  th« 
Rabbins  themselves  speak  of  a  baptism  in  the  clou^ 
(see  Wetstein  in  h.  /.,  who  q>iotes  Pirke  H.  lUiezcr 
44;  see  also  Schoettgen  in  h.  I.)    The  passage  "ron 


BAPTISM 

he  condition  of  bondmen  in  Egypt  was  through 
Ihe  Red  Sea,  and  with  the  protection  of  the  himin- 
aus  cloud.  When  the  sea  was  passed,  the  people 
were  no  longer  subjects  of  Pharaoh ;  but  were,  un- 
der the  guidance  of  Moses,  forming  into  a  new 
commonwealth,  and  on  their  way  to  the  promised 
land.  It  is  sufficiently  apparent  how  this  may  re- 
semble the  enlisting  of  a  new  convert  into  the  body 
of  the  Christian  Church,  his  being  placed  in  a  new 
relation,  under  a  new  condition,  in  a  spiritual  com- 
monwealth, with  a  way  before  him  to  a  better  coun- 
try, though  surrounded  with  dangers,  subject  to 
temptations,  and  with  enemies  on  all  sides  to  en- 
counter in  his  progress." 

3.  Another  type  of,  or  rather  a  rite  analogous  to, 
baptism,  was  circumcision.  St.  Paul  (Col.  ii.  11) 
speaks  of  the  Colossian  Christians  as  having  been 
circumcised  with  a  circumcision  made  without 
hands,  when  they  were  buried  with  Christ  in  bap- 
tism, in  which  they  were  also  raised  again  with 

Him  (eV  ^  irepteT/UTJdrjTe avvraip^vres 

avTif  eV  r<fi  ^aiTriiTixaTi-  "  The  aorist  participle, 
as  so  often,  is  contemporary  with  the  preceding 
past  verb."  — Alford  in  h.  l.^  The  obvious  reason 
for  the  comparison  of  the  two  lites  is,  that  circum- 
cision was  the  entrance  to  the  Jewish  Church  and 
the  ancient  covenant,  baptism  to  the  Christian 
Church  and  to  the  new  covenant ;  and  perhaps  also, 
that  the  spiritual  significance  of  circumcision  had 
a  resemblance  to  the  spiritual  import  of  baptism, 
namely,  "  the  putting  off  the  body  of  the  sins  of 
the  flesh,"  and  the  purification  of  the  heart  by  the 
grace  of  God.  St.  Paid  therefore  calls  baptism  the 
circumcision  made  without  hands,  and  speaks  of 
the  putting  off  of  the  sins  of  the  flesh  by  Christian 
circumcision  {4v  rfj  irfpironfj  rod  Xpiarov),  i-  e. 
by  baptism. 

4.  Before  leaving  this  part  of  the  subject  we 
ought  perhaps  to  observe  that  in  more  than  one 
instance  death  is  called  a  baptism.  In  Matt.  xx. 
22,  Mark  x.  39,  our  I^ord  speaks  of  the  cup  which 
He  had  to  drink,  and  the  baptism  that  He  was  to 
be  baptized  with ;  and  again  in  Luke  xii.  50,  "  I 
have  a  baptism  to  be  baptized  with."  It  is  gen- 
erally thought  that  baptism  here  means  an  inunda- 
iion  of  sorrows;  that,  as  the  baptized  went  down 
mto  the  waters,  and  water  was  to  be  poured  over 
him,  so  our  Lord  meant  to  indicate  that  He  him- 
self had  to  pass  through  "  the  deep  waters  of  afHic- 
tion"  (see  Kuinoel  on  Matt.  xx.  22;  Schleusner, 
«.  V.  jSajTTt^cc).  "  To  baptize"  was  used  as  synon- 
ymous with  "to  overwhelm;"  and  accordingly  in 
after  times  martyrdom  was  called  a  baptism  of 
blood.  But  the  metaphor  in  this  latter  case  is 
evidently  different ;  and  in  the  above  words  of  our 
Lord  baptism  is  used  without  any  qualification, 
whereas  in  passages  adduced  from  profane  authors 
we  always  find  some  words  explanatory  of  the  mode 
of  the  immersion.*   Is  it  not  then  probable  that  some 


BAPTISM 


287 


deeper  significance  attaches  to  the  compaiison  of 
death,  especially  of  our  Lord's  death,  to  baptism 
when  we  consider  too  that  the  connection  of  bap- 
tism with  the  death  and  resurrection  of  Christ  is 
so  much  insisted  on  by  St.  Paul?     (See  below.) 

VII.  Nnmts  of  Baptism.  —  From  the  types  of 
baptism  referred  to  in  the  New  Testament,  we  may 
perhaps  pass  to  the  various  names  by  which  bap- 
tism seems  to  be  there  designated. 

1.  "  Baptism  "  (^dirr tafia-  the  word  fiaTrTia-/x6s 
occurs  only  three  times,  namely,  Mark  vii.  8;  Ileb. 
vi.  2,  ix.  10).  The  verb  fiairriCeii'  (from  fidTrrdv, 
to  dip)  is  the  rendering  of  v2^'^  by  the  LXX.  in 
2  K.  V.   14;    and  accordingly  the  Kabbius   usee? 

n^'*2tt  for  fidTTTia-fia-  The  Latin  Fathers  rei 
der  fianrl^eiv  by  tiny  ere  (e.  g.  Tertull.  adv.  Prax 
c.  26,  "  Novissim6  mandavit  ut  tingerentiu  I'atrea' 
Filium  et  Spiritum  Sanctum");  by  merger e  (as 
Ambros.  De  Saci-amentis,  Ub.  ii.  c.  7,  "  Interroga- 
tus  es,  Credis  in  Deum  Patrem  Omnipotentem : 
Dixisti,  Credo;  et  mersisti,  hoc  est  sepultus  es"), 
by  mergitare  (as  TertuUian,  Be  Corona,  Alilitis,  c. 
3,  "  Dehinc  ter  mergitamur " ) ;  see  Suicer,  s.  v. 
aj/aSvw.  By  the  Greek  Fathers,  the  word  fiairri- 
^eiv  is  often  used  frequently  figuratively,  for  to  im- 
merse or  overwhelm  with  sleep,  sorrow,  sin,  &c. 
Thus  vTrh  fifBris  fiairTi^6fievos  e»y  virvov,  buried 
in  sleep  through  drunkenness.  So  fcvplais  fiairri- 
^6fi.evo5  <pp6vTi(nv,  absorbed  in  thought  (Chry- 
sost.).  TaFs  jSapuTOTttis  afiaprlais  /8ey8o7rTi<r/ue- 
voi,  overwhelmed  with  sin  (Justin  M.).  See  Suicer, 
s.  V.  jSaTrrf^o).  Hence  fidirTifffia  properly  and  lit- 
erally means  immersion.'' 

2.  "  The  Water  "  {rh  SSaip)  is  a  name  of  bap- 
tism which  occurs  in  Acts  x.  47.  After  St.  Peter's 
discourse,  the  Holy  Spirit  came  visibly  on  Corne- 
lius and  his  company;  and  the  ajwstle  asked, 
"  Can  any  man  forbid  the  water,  that  these  should 
not  be  baptized,  who  have  received  the  Holy 
Ghost?"  In  ordinary  cases  the  water  had  been 
first  administered,  after  that  the  Apostles  laid  on 
their  hands,  and  then  the  Spirit  was  given.  But 
here  the  Spirit  had  come  down  manifestly,  before 
the  administration  of  baptism;  and  St.  Peter  ar- 
gued, that  no  one  could  then  reasonably  withhold 
baptism  (calling  it  "the  water")  from  those  who 
had  visibly  received  that  of  which  baptism  was  the 
sign  and  seal.  With  this  phrase,  rh  uSwp,  "the 
water,"  used  of  baptism,  compare  "the  breaking 
of  bread  "  as  a  title  of  the  Eucharist,  Acts  ii.  42. 

3.  "  The  Washing  of  Water"  {rh  Xovrphv  rod 
vSaros,  "the  bath  of  the  water"),  is  another 
Scriptural  term,  by  which  baptism  is  signified. 
It  occurs  Eph.  v.  26.  The  whole  passage  runs, 
"  Husbands  love  your  own  wives,  as  Christ  also 
loved  the  church  and  gave  himself  for  it,  that  He 
might  sanctify  and  cleanse  it  by  the  washing  of 


a  The  Fathers  consider  the  baptism  of  the  sea  and 
the  cloud  to  be  so  a  type  of  baptism,  that  the  sea  rep- 
resented the  water,  and  the  cloud  represented  the 
Sjarit.  (Greg.  Naz.  Oral,  xxxix.  634 :  epdimo-e  M<oii- 
*i9S,  oAA'  61'  v5aTi,  Koi  -npo  toutou  ci*  vec^eA.?)  (cat  ev  8a- 
,i(r<jT),  TVTriKws  Si  tovto  ^v,  cos  (cai  IlauAM  So-cer  i)  9a.- 
.jurtra  tov  liSaTos,  17  ve^eXr)  tou  Tlvevfiaro^.  See  Suicer, 
I. «•  fianTKrixa.)  Eis  Tbi*  Mioo-^i/  is,  according  to  some, 
by  the  ministry  of  Moses ;  or,  according  to  others, 
ander  the  guidance  of  Moses  (as  Chrysost.,Theophy- 
laot,  and  others,  in  h.  I.).  Most  plainly,  however,  and 
In  the  opinion  of  the  most  weighty  commentators, 
yjtVi  ancit^ut  and  modern,  it  means  "  into  the  religion 


■  and  law  of  Moses,"  who  was  the  mediator  of  the  old 
'  Covenant.  "  Baptized  into  Moses,"  therefore,  is  anti- 
!  thetical  to  the  expression,  "  baptized  into  Christ,-' 
'  Bom.  vi.  3,  Glal.  iii.  27. 

f>  As,  "  His  mersere  malis."  —  Virg.  ^n.  vi.  512. 
T|j  (ruti<}>op^  /Se/SaTTTto-M-eVoi'.  —  Heliodor.  .^kiop 
ii.  3. 
-  It  is  unquestionable,  however,  that  in  Mark  vii. 
4  iSjiTTTtfecrflat  is  used,  where  immersion  of  the  whole 
body  is  not  intended.     See  Lightfoot,  in  loc.    [Tor  th« 
opposite  opmion,  see  De  Wette  in  loc.  (Exeget.  Handh  • 
2  )0;   and  Meyer  in  loc.  {Komm.  ub.  a.  N.  T.  ed.  1864> 
See  especially  Fritzscbe,  Evang,  Marei,  p.  264.     H.] 


238  BAPTISM 

Rrater  with  the  word  "  {Iva  avr^v  ay ida-ri  Kada- 
jicras  Tifi  \ovTpq)  tov  SSarof  iv  p'i]fiaTi.,  "  that 
Ke  might  sanctify  it,  having  purified  it  by  the 
[well-known]  laver  of  the  water  in  the  word,"  Elli- 
2ott).  There  appears  clearly  in  these  words  a  ret- 
erence  to  the  bridal  bath ;  but  the  allusion  to  bap- 
tism is  clearer  still,  baptism  of  which  the  bridal 
bath  was  an  emblem,  a  tyije  or  mystery,  signifying 
to  us  the  spiritual  union  betwixt  Christ  and  His 
Church.  And  as  the  bride  was  wont  to  bathe  be- 
fore being  presented  to  the  bridegroom,  so  washing 
in  the  water  is  that  iiutiatory  rite  by  which  the 
Christian  Church  is  betrothed  to  the  Bridegroom, 
Christ. 

There  is  some  difficulty  in  the  construction  and 
interpretation  of  the  qualifying  words,  eV  p-fifiari, 
"by  the  word."  According  to  the  more  ancient 
interpretation  they  would  indicate,  that  the  out- 
ward rite  of  washing  and  bathing  is  insufficient 
and  unavaiUng,  without  the  added  potency  of  the 
Word  of  God  (conip.  1  Pet.  iii.  21,  "  Not  the  put- 
ting away  the  filth  of  the  flesh,"  &c.);  and  as  the 
KovTphv  TOV  liSaros  had  reference  to  the  bridal 
bath,  so  there  might  be  an  allusion  to  the  iV07(ls 
of  betrothal.  The  bridal  bath  and  the  words  of 
betrothal  typified  the  water  and  the  words  of  bap- 
tism. On  the  doctrine  so  expressed  the  language 
of  Augustine  is  famous :  "  Detralie  verbum,  et  quid 
est  aqua  nisi  aqua  ?  Accedit  verbum  ad  elemen- 
tum,  et  fit  sacramentum"  (Tract.  80  in  Jokan.). 
Yet  the  general  use  of  prifia  in  the  New  Testament 
and  the  grammatical  construction  of  the  passage 
seem  to  favor  the  opinion,  that  the  Word  of  God 
preached  to  the  (Jhurch,  rather  than  the  words  made 
use  of  m  baptism,  is  that  accompaniment  of  the 
laver,  without  which  it  would  be  imperfect  (see  El- 
licott,  ad  h.  I.). 

4.  "  The  washing  of  regeneration "  {Xovrphv 
■KaXiyyevfcias,  "the  bath  of  regeneration")  is  a 
phrase  naturally  connected  with  the  foregoing.  It 
occurs  Tit.  iii.  5.  All  ancient  and  most  modem 
commentators  have  interjjreted  it  of  baptism.  Con- 
troversy has  made  some  persons  unwiUing  to  ad- 
mit this  interpretation ;  but  the  question  probably 
should  be,  not  as  to  the  significance  of  the  phrase, 
but  as  to  the  degree  of  importance  attached  in  the 
words  of  the  apostle  to  that  which  the  phrase  in- 
dicates. Thus  Calvin  held  that  the  "  bath  "  meant 
baptism ;  but  he  explained  its  occurrence  in  this 
context  by  saying,  that  "  Baptism  is  to  us  the  seal 
of  salvation  which  Christ  hath  obtained  for  us." 
The  current  of  the  apostle's  reasoning  is  this.  He 
tells  Titus  to  exhort  the  Christians  of  Crete  to  be 
submissive  to  authority,  showing  all  meekness  to 
all  men:  "for  we  ourselves  were  once  foolish,  err- 
ing, serving  our  own  lusts ;  but  when  the  kmdness 
of  God  our  Saviour,  and  his  love  toward  man  ap- 
peared, not  by  works  of  righteousness  which  we 
performed,  but  according  to  his  own  mercy  He 
saved  us,  by  (through  the  instrumentality  of)  the 
bath  of  regeneration,  and  the  reiiev.ing  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  (S<d  Xovrpov  iraXiyyfuefflas  Koi  ayaKaiU(li- 
trecos  Tlvev/j.aros  ayiov),  which  He  shed  on  us 
abimdantly  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Saviour,  that, 
being  justified  by  his  grace,  we  might  be  made 
hdrs  of  eternal  Ufe  throuj^h  hope  (or  according  to 
hope,  kot'  4\irlSa)-'"  The  argument  is,  that 
Christians  should  be  kind  to  all  men,  remembering 
that  they  themselves  had  been  formerly  disobedient, 
but  that  by  God's  free  mercy  in  Christ  they  had 
teen  transplanted  into  a  better  state,  even  a  state 
>f  salvation  {eawoty  Tj/xai);  and  that  by  means 


BAPTISM 

of  the  bath  of  regeneration  and  the  renewal  of  thi 
Holy  Spirit.  If,  according  to  the  more  ancieu 
and  common  interpretation,  tlie  laver  means  baj> 
tism,  the  whole  will  seem  pertinent.  Christiana 
are  placed  in  a  new  condition,  made  members  of 
the  Church  of  Christ,  by  baptism,  and  they  ai-e 
renewed  in  the  spirit  of  their  minds  by  the  Holj 
Ghost.  One  question  naturally  arises  in  this  pas- 
sage. Does  avuKuivitxrews  depend  on  \ovTpov,  or 
on  5i<l?  If  we  adopt  the  opinion  of  those  who 
make  it,  with  iraXiyyevfo-'ias,  dependent  on  A.ou- 
Tpov,  which  is  the  rendering  of  the  Vulgate,  we 
mugt  understand  that  the  renewal  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  is  a  grace  corresponding  with,  and  closely 
allied  to,  that  of  regeneration,  and  so  immediately 
coupled  with  it.  But  it  seems  the  more  natural 
construction  to  refer  avaKaiuda-eais  U.  a-  to  Sid, 
if  it  were  only  that  the  relative,  which  connects 
with  the  verse  following,  belongs  of  necessity  to 
Tlvev/j.aTos.  Dean  Alford,  adopting  the  latter 
construction,  refers  the  "  washuig  "  to  the  laver  of 
baptism,  and  the  "renewing"  to  the  actual  effect, 
that  inward  and  spiritual  grace  of  which  the  laver 
is  but  the  outward  and  visible  sign.  Yet  it  is  to 
he  considered,  whether  it  be  not  novel  and  unknown 
in  Scripture  or  theology  to  speak  of  renewal  as 
the  spiritual  grace,  or  thing  signified,  in  baptism. 
There  is  confessedly  a  connection  between  baptism 
and  regeneration,  whatever  that  connection  may 
l>e.  But  "  the  renewal  of  the  Holy  Ghost  "  has 
been  mostly  in  the  language  of  theologians  (is  it 
not  also  in  the  language  of  Scripture  ? )  treated  as 
a  further,  perhaps  a  more  gradual  process  in  ♦he 
work  of  grace,  than  the  first  breathing  into  the 
soul  of  spiritual  life,  called  regeneration  or  new 
birth. 

There  is  so  much  resemblance,  both  in  the 
phraseology  and  in  the  argument,  between  this  pas- 
sage in  Titus  and  1  Cor.  vi.  11,  that  the  latter 
ought  by  all  means  to  be  compared  with  the  for- 
mer. St.  Paid  tells  the  Corinthians,  that  in  their 
heathen  state  they  had  been  stained  with  heathen 
vices;  "but,"  he  adds,  "ye  were  washed  "  (lit.  ye 
washed  or  bathed  yourselves,  aTreXoia-aarOe),  "but 
ye  were  sanctified,  but  ye  were  justified  in  the 
name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  by  the  Spirit 
of  our  God."  It  is  generally  believed  that  here  is 
an  allusion  to  the  being  baptized  in  the  name  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  ;  though  some  connect 
"  sanctified  "  and  "justified  "  as  well  as  "  washed," 
with  the  words  "  in  the  name,"  &c.  (see  Stanley, 
in  he).  But,  however  this  may  be,  the  reference 
to  baptism  seems  unquestionable. 

Another  passage  containing  very  similar  thoughts, 
clothed  in  almost  the  same  words,  is  Acts  xxii.  16, 
where  Ananias  says  to  Saul  of  Tarsus,  "  Arise, 
and  be  baptized,  and  wash  away  thy  sins,  calling 
upon  the  name  of  the  Lord  "  (avaa-Tas  fidirritrat 
Kol  i.7r6Xov(rai  ray  a/xaprias  crov,  iiriKaXecrdixe- 
vos  rh  ovofia  avTov)-  oee  by  all  means  Calvin's 
Commentary  on  this  passage. 

5.  "  Illumination  "  {<puiTian6s)-  It  has  been 
much  questioned  whether  (pwTi^f<T6ai,  "enlight- 
ened," in  Heb.  vi.  4,  x.  32,  be  used  of  baptism  oi 
not.  Justin  Martyr,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and 
almost  all  the  Greek  Fathers,  use  (pwricrfiSs  as  a 
synonym  for  baptism.  The  SjTiac  version,  the 
most  ancient  in  existence,  gives  this  sense  to  thj 
word  in  both  the  passages  in  the  Epistle  to  the  He- 
brews. Chrysostom,  Theodoret,  Theophy'iact,  and 
other  Greek  commentators  so  inter|)ret  it ;  and  the.' 
are  followed  by  Emesti,  Michaelis,  and  many  mod 


BAPTISM 

interpreters  of  the  highest  authority  CVVetstein 
^eites  from  Orac.  Sihyll.  i.  D'Sort  ^coTifeffOai)-  On 
Ihe  other  baud  it  is  now  very  commonly  alleged 
that  the  use  is  entirely  ecciasiastical,  not  Script- 
ural, and  that  it  arose  from  the  undue  esteem  for 
baptism  in  the  primitive  Church.  It  is  impossible 
to  enter  into  all  the  merits  of  the  question  here. 
If  the  usage  be  Scriptural,  it  is  to  be  found  only 
in  the  two  passages  in  Hebrews  above  mentioned ; 
but  it  may  perhaps  correspond  with  other  figures 
and  expressions  in  the  New  Testament.  The  pa- 
tristic use  of  the  word  may  be  seen  by  referring  to 
Suicer,  a-,  v.  (pcoTtcr/LiSsi  and  to  Bingham,  E.  A. 
bk.  xi.  ch.  i.  §  4.  The  rationale  of  the  name,  ac- 
cording to  Justin  Martyr,  is,  that  the  catechumens 
liefore  admission  to  baptism  were  instructed  in  all 
the  principal  doctrines  of  the  Christian  foith,  and 
hence  "  this  laver  is  called  illumination,  because 
those  who  learn  these  things  are  illuminated  in 
their  understanding"  (Ajxil.  ii.  94).  But,  if  this 
word  be  used  in  the  sense  of  baptism  in  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews,  as  we  have  no  mention  of  any 
training  of  catechumens  in  the  New  Testament, 
we  must  probably  seek  for  a  different  explanation 
of  its  origin.  It  will  be  remembered  that  (pwra- 
ywyia  was  a  term  for  admission  into  the  ancient 
mysteries.  Baptism  was  without  question  the  ini- 
tiatory rite  in  reference  to  the  Christian  faith  (cf. 
rpia  fiairTicr^iaTO,  fitas  ixvf](rea}s,  Can.  Apost.  i.). 
Now,  that  Christian  faith  is  more  than  once  called 
by  St.  Paid  the  Christian  "  mystery.''  The  "  niys- 
tery  of  God's  will"  (Eph.  i.  9),  "the  mystery  of 
Christ"  (Col.  iv.  3;  Eph.  iii.  4),  "the  mystery  of 
the  Gospel"  (Eph.  vi.  19),  and  other  like  phrases 
are  common  in  his  epistles.  A  Greek  could  hard- 
ly fail  to  be  reminded  by  such  language  of  the 
religious  mysteries  of  his  own  former  heathenism. 
But,  moreover,  seeing  that  "  in  Him  are  hid  all  the 
treasures  of  wisdom  and  knowledge,"  it  seems 
highly  probable,  that  in  three  memorable  passages 
St.  Paul  speaks,  not  merely  of  the  Gospel  or  the 
feith,  but  of  Christ  himself,  as  the  great  Mystery 
of  God  or  of  godliness.  (1.)  In  Col.  i.  27  we  read, 
"the  glory  of  this  mystery,  which  is  Christ  in 
you,"  ToG  fivarripiov  tovtou,  os  iffTiv  Xpiffrhs 
fv  iifiitv-  (2.)  In  Col.  ii.  2,  Lachmann,  Tregelles, 
and  EUicott,  as  we  think  on  good  grounds,  adopt 
the  reading  rov  /xvcTTrjpiov  rod  @eov,  XpiffTov, 
rightly  compared  by  Bp.  Ellicott  with  the  preced- 
ing passage  occurrmg  only  four  verses  before  it,  and 
interpreted  by  him,  "the  mystery  of  God,  even 
Christ."  (.3.)  And  it  deserves  to  be  carefully  con- 
sidered, whether  the  above  usage  in  Colossians  does 
»ot  suggest  a  clear  exposition  of  1  Tim.  iii.  16, 
h  t7)s  fucTffifias  fivaT^piov  hs  i<\>avepwQrt  k.  t.  A. 
or,  if  Christ  be  the  "  Mystery  of  God,"  He  may 
well  be  called  also  the  "Mystery  of  godliness;" 
»nd  the  masculine  relative  is  then  easily  intelligible, 
as  being  referred  to  'iipi(Tr6s  understood  and  im- 
plied in  fivffriipiov.  for,  in  the  words  of  Hilary, 
"  Deus  Christus  est  Sacramejktum." 

But,  if  all  this  be  true,  as  baptism  is  the  initia- 
iory  Christian  rite,  admitting  us  to  the  service  of 
God  and  to  the  knowledge  of  Christ,  it  may  not 
improbably  have  been  called  <pajTi<Tix6s  and  after- 
wards (pooTaycoyia,  as  having  reference,  and  as  ad- 
•litting  to  the  mystery  of  the  Gospel,  and  to  Christ 
himself,  who  is  the  Mystery  of  God. 

VIII.  —  From  the  names  of  baptism  we  must 
aow  pass  to  a  few  of  the  more  prominent  passages, 
"wt  aJready  considered,  in  which  baptism  is  re- 
wred  to. 


BAPTISM 


239 


1.  The  passage  in  John  iii.  5  —  "  Except  a  man 
be  born  of  water  and  of  the  Spirit,  he  cannot  enter 
into  the  kingdom  of  God  "  —  has  been  a  well-estab- 
lished battle-field  from  the  time  of  Calvin.  Hook- 
er's statement,  that  for  the  first  fifteen  centuries 
no  one  had  ever  doubted  its  application  to  baptism, 
is  well  known  (see  £ccL  Pol.  v.  lix.J.  Zuingliua 
was  probably  the  first  who  interpreted  it  other- 
wise. Calvin  understood  the  words  "  of  water  and 
of  the  Spirit "  as  a  Ij/  Sia  dvo7>/,  "  the  washing  or 
cleansing  of  the  Spirit"  (or  rather  perhaps  "by 
the  Spirit "),  "  who  cleanses  as  water,"  referring  to 
Matt.  iii.  11.  ("He  shall  baptize  you  with  the 
Holy  Ghost  and  with  fire")  as  a  parallel  usage. 
Stier  (  Words  of  the  Loo'd  Jesus,  in  h.  1.)  observps 
that  Liicke  has  rightly  said  that  we  may  regard 
this  interpretation  by  means  of  a  ty  Sii  Svoiv, 
which  erroneously  appealed  to  Matt.  iii.  11,  as  now 
generally  abandoned.  Stier,  moreover,  quotes  with 
entire  approbation  the  words  of  Meyer  (on  John 
iii.  5) :  —  "  Jesus  speaks  here  concerning  a  spiritual 
baptism,  as  in  chap.  vi.  concerning  a  spiritual  feed- 
ing ;  in  both  places,  however,  with  reference  to  their 
visible  auxiliary  means."  That  our  Lord  probably 
adopted  expressions  familiar  to  the  Jews  in  this 
discourse  with  Nicodemus,  may  be  seen  by  refer- 
ence to  Lightfoot,  II.  B.  in  loc. 

2.  The  prophecy  of  John  the  Baptist  just  referred 
to,  namely,  that  our  blessed  I>ord  should  baptize 
with  the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  fire  (Matt.  iii.  11), 
may  more  properly  be  interpreted  by  a  ev  Sia  5vo7i/. 
Bengel  well  paraphrases  it :  —  "  SpIrUus  Sdiiclus, 
quo  Christus  baptizat,  igneam  vim  habet;  atque 
ea  vis  ignea  etiam  conspicua  fuit  oculis  honiinum  " 
(Acts  ii.  3).  The  Fathers,  indeed,  spoke  of  a 
threefold  baptism  with  fire:  first,  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  in  the  shape  of  fiery  tongues  at  Pentecost ; 
secondly,  of  the  fiery  trial  of  aftlictiou  and  tempta- 
tion (1  Pet.  i.  7);  thirdly,  of  the  fire  which  at  the 
last  day  is  to  try  every  man's  works  (1  Cor.  iii.  13). 
It  is,  however,  very  improbable  that  there  is  any 
allusion  to  either  of  the  last  two  in  Matt.  iii.  11. 
There  is  an  antithesis  in  Jolm  the  Baptist's  lan- 
guage between  his  own  lower  mission  and  the  Di- 
vine authority  of  the  Saviour.  John  baptized  with 
a  mere  earthly  element,  tea«;hing  men  to  rej>ent, 
and  pointing  them  to  (.^hrist;  but  He  that  should 
come  after,  d  ipx^l^fvos,  was  empowered  to  bap- 
tize with  the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  fire.  The  water 
of  .John's  baptism  could  but  wash  the  body;  the 
Holy  Ghost,  with  which  Christ  was  to  baptize, 
should  purify  the  soul  as  with  fire. 

3.  Gal.  iii.  27 :  "  For  as  many  a-s  have  been  bap- 
tized into  Christ  have  put  on  Christ."  In  the 
whole  of  this  very  important  and  difficult  chapter, 
St.  Paul  is  reasoning  on  the  inheritance  by  the 
Church  of  Christ  jf  the  promises  made  to  Abra- 
ham. Christ  —  I.  e.  Christ  comprehending  his 
whole  body  mystical  —  is  the  true  seed  of  Abra- 
ham, to  whom  the  promises  belong  (ver.  16).  The 
Law,  which  came  after,  could  not  disannul  the 
promises  thus  made.     The  I^w  was  fit  to  restrain 

i  (or  perhaps  rather  to  manifest)  transgression  (ver. 
I  23).  The  Law  acted  as  a  pedagogue,  keepuig  us 
I  for,  and  leading  us  on  to,  Christ,  that  He  might 
oestow  on  us  freedom  and  justification  by  faith  in 
Him  (ver.  24).  But  after  the  coming  of  faith  we 
are  no  longer,  like  young  children,  under  a  peda- 
gogue, but  we  are  free,  as  heirs  in  our  Father's 
house  (ver.  25;  comp.  ch.  iv.  1-5).  "For  y°  alj 
are  God's  sons  (filii  emancipati,  not  naiSes,  but 
vloi,   Bengel   and  Ellicott)  through    the  faiti   in 


240  BAPTISM 

Christ  Jesus.  For  as  many  as  have  been  baptized 
into  Christ,  have  put  on  (clothed  yourselves  in) 
Christ  (see  Scboettgen  on  Kom.  xiii.  14).  In  Him 
is  neither  Jew  nor  (ireek,  neither  bond  nor  free, 
neither  male  nor  female;  for  all  ye  are  one  in 
Christ  Jesus"  (ver.  26-28).  The  argument  is 
plain.  All  Christians  are  (iod's  sons  through  union 
with  the  Only-begotten.  Itefore  the  faith  in  Him 
came  into  the  world,  men  were  held  under  the  tute- 
lage of  the  I^w,  Uke  children,  kept  as  in  a  state 
of  bondage  under  a  pedagogue.  But  after  the 
preaching  of  the  faith,  all  who  are  baptized  into 
Christ  clotlie  themselves  in  Him;  so  they  are  es- 
toomed  as  adult  sons  of  his  Father,  and  by  faith 
in  Him  they  may  he  justified  from  their  sins,  from 
which  the  Law  could  not  justify  them  (Acts  xiii. 
39).  The  contrast  is  between  the  Christian  and 
the  Jewish  church :  one  l)ond,  the  other  free ;  one 
infant,  the  other  adidt.  And  the  transition-point 
is  naturally  that  when  by  baptism  the  service  of 
Christ  is  undertaken,  and  the  promises  of  the  Gos- 
pel are  claimed.  This  is  represented  as  puttuig  on 
Christ,  and  in  Him  assuming  the  position  of  full- 
grown  men.  In  this  more  privileged  condition 
there  is  the  power  of  obtaining  justification  by 
faith,  a  justification  which  the  Law  had  not  to  offer. 

4.  1  Cor.  xii.  13 :  "  For  by  one  Spirit  (or  in  one 
spirit,  ^v  ej/i  irvfvfjiaTi)  we  were  all  baptized  into 
one  body,  whether  .lews  or  Greeks,  whether  bond 
or  free,  and  were  all  made  to  drink  of  one  Spirit." 
The  resemblance  of  this  passage  to  the  last  is  very 
clear.  In  the  old  dispensation  there  was  a  marked 
division  between  Jew  and  Gentile:  under  the  Gos- 
pel tliere  is  one  body  in  Christ.  As  in  Gal.  iii. 
16,  Christ  is  the  seed  (rh  cirtpfm),  so  here  He  is 
thfS  body  (ri  awfia),  into  which  all  Christians  be- 
come incorjwrated.  All  distinctions  of  Jew  and 
Gentile,  bond  and  free,  arc  abolished.  By  the 
grace  of  the  same  Spirit  (or  perhaps  "in  one  spirit" 
of  Christian  love  and  fellowship  (comp.  Eph.  ii.  18), 
without  division  or  separate  interests)  all  are  joined 
in  baptism  to  the  one  body  of  Christ,  his  imiversal 
church.  Possibly  there  is  an  allusion  to  both 
sacraments.  "  We  were  baptized  into  one  body, 
we  were  made  to  drink  of  one  Spirit  (|j/  nj/eC/ia 
iworiadrjixey'-  I-achm.  and  Tisch.  omit  fh)-  Both 
our  baptism  and  our  partaking  of  the  cup  in  the 
communion  are  tokens  and  pledges  of  Christian 
unity.  They  mark  our  union  with  the  one  body 
of  Christ,  and  they  are  means  of  grace,  in  which 
we  may  look  for  one  Spirit  to  be  present  with  bles-s- 
ing  (comp.  1  Cor.  x.  3,  17;  see  Waterland  on  the 
KttckaHst,  ch.  x.,  and  Stanley  on  1  ("or.  xii.  13). 

5.  Rom.  vi.  4  and  Col.  ii.  12,  are  so  closely  par- 
allel tliat  we  may  notice  them  together.  As  the 
apostle  ui  the  two  last-considered  passages  ^news 
baptism  iis  a  joining  to  the  mystical  laody  of  ( 'hrist, 
BO  in  these  two  passages  he  goes  on  to  speak  of 
(Christians  in  their  baptism  as  liuried  with  Christ 
in  his  death,  and  raised  again  with  Him  in  his 
resurrection."  As  the  natural  body  of  Christ  was 
laid  in  the  ground  and  then  raised  up  again,  so 
His  mystical  body,  the  Church,  descends  in  bap- 
tism into  the  waters,  in  which  also  {4v  £,  sc.  /3o7r- 
-ia/xart,  Col.  ii.  12)  it  is  raised  up  again  with 
Jhrist,  through  "  faith  in  the  mighty  working  of 
God,  who  i-aised  Him  from  the  dead."  Probably, 
^  in  the  former  passages  St.  Paul  had  brought 
forward  baptism  as  the  symbol  of  Christian  unity. 


n  "  Mersio  in  baptismate,  vel  cert^  aqua  superfusa, 
iq>uttaTain  refert"  (Bengal). 


BAPTISM 

80  in  those  now  before  us  he  refers  to  it  as  the 
token  and  ple<lge  of  the  spiritual  death  to  sin  and 
resurrection  to  righteousness ;  and  moreover  of  the 
final  victory  over  death  in  the  last  day,  through 
the  iK)wer  of  the  resurrection  of  Christ.  It  is 
said  that  it  was  partly  in  reference  to  this  passage 
ui  Colossians  that  the  early  Christians  so  gei.erallj 
used  trine  immersion,  as  signifying  thereby  the 
three  days  in  which  Christ  lay  in  the  grave  (see 
Suicer,  «.  r.  avaSvu,ll.  a). 

IX.  Rtcipitnts  of  Baptism.  —  The  command  to 
baptize  was  co-extensive  with  the  command  to  preach 
the  Gospel.  All  nations  were  to  be  e\angelized; 
and  they  were  to  be  made  disciples,  admitted  into 
the  fellowship  of  Christ's  religion,  by  baptism 
(Matt,  xxviii.  19).  Whosoever  believed  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Evangelists  was  to  be  baptized,  his  faith 
and  baptism  placing  him  in  a  state  of  salvation 
(Mark  xvi.  16).  On  this  command  the  Apostles 
acted;  for  the  first  converts  after  the  ascension 
were  enjoined  to  repent  and  be  baptized  (Acts  ii. 
37).  The  Samaritans  who  believed  the  preaching 
of  Philip  were  baptized,  men  and  women  (Acts 
viii.  12).  The  Ethiopian  eunuch,  as  soon  as  he 
profiessed  his  faith  in  Jesus  Christ,  was  baptized 
(Acts  viii.  37,  .38).  Lydia  listened  to  the  thuigs 
spoken  by  Paul,  and  was  baptized,  she  and  h» 
house  (Acts  xvi.  15).  The  jailer  at  Philippi,  the 
very  night  on  which  he  was  convinced  by  the  earth- 
quake in  the  prison,  was  baptized,  he  and  all  his, 
straightway  (Acts  xvi.  33). 

All  this  apjjears  to  correspond  with  the  general 
character  of  the  (iosjiel,  that  it  should  embrace 
the  world,  and  should  be  freely  v.'tfered  to  all  men. 
"  Him  that  eometh  unto  me  I  will  in  no  wise  cast 
out"  (John  vi.  37).  Like  the  Saviour  himself. 
Baptism  was  sent  into  the  world  "  not  to  condemn 
the  world,  but  that  the  world  might  be  saved  " 
(John  iii.  17).  Every  one  who  was  convinced  by 
the  teaching  of  the  first  preachers  of  the  Gospel, 
and  was  willing  to  enroll  himself  in  the  company 
of  the  disciples,  appears  to  have  been  admitted  to 
baptism  on  a  confession  of  his  faith.  There  is  no 
distinct  evidence  in  the  New  Testament  tliat  there 
was  ui  those  early  days  a  body  of  catechumens 
gradually  preparing  for  baptism,  such  as  existed  in 
the  ages  immediately  succeeding  the  Apostles,  and 
such  as  every  missionary  church  has  found  it  neces- 
sary to  institute.  The  Apostles,  indeed,  frequently 
insist  on  the  privileges  of  being  admitted  to  the 
fellowship  of  (^hrist's  Church  in  the  initiatory 
sacrament,  and  on  the  consequent  responsiliilities 
of  Christians;  and  these  are  the  grounds  on  which 
subsequent  ages  have  been  so  careful  in  preparing 
adults  for  baptism.  But  perhaps  the  circumstances 
of  the  Ajwstles'  age  were  so  peculiar  as  to  account 
for  this  apparent  difference  of  principle.  Convic- 
tion at  that  time  was  likely  to  V)e  sudden  and 
strong;  the  church  was  rapidly  forming;  the  Apos- 
tles had  the  gift  of  discerning  spirits.  All  this 
led  to  the  admission  t<W  baptisni  with  but  little  for- 
mal preparation  for  it.  At  all  events  it  is  evident 
'that  the  spirit  of  our  lx)rd'8  ordinance  was  compre- 
hensive, not  exclusive;  that  all  were  invited  Lc 
come,  and  that  all  who  were  willing  to  come  were 
graciously  received. 

The  great  question  has  been,  whether  the  invi- 
tation extended,  not  to  adults  only,  but  to  infantd 
also.  The  universality  of  the  invitation,  Christ's 
declaration  concerning  the  blessedness  of  infanti 
and  their  fitness  for  his  kingdom  (Mark  x.  14) 
I  the  admission  of  infants  to  ci'''Uimcisio>i  and  to  th« 


I 


BAPTISM 


BAPTISM 


241 


baptism  of  Jewish  proselytes,  the  mention  of  whole 
households,  and  the  subsequent  practice  of  the 
(jluirch,  have  been  principally  relied  on  by  the  ad- 
vocates of  infant  baptism.  The  silence  of  the  New 
Testament  concerning  the  baptism  of  infants,  the 
constant  mention  of  faith  as  a  prerequisite  or  con- 
dition of  baptism,  the  great  spiritual  blessings  which 
seem  attached  to  a  right  reception  of  it,  and  the 
responsibility  entailed  on  those  who  have  taken  its 
obligations  on  themselves,  seem  the  chief  objections 
urged  against  pitdobaptism.  But  here,  once  more, 
we  must  leave  ground  which  has  been  so  exten- 
sively occupied  by  controversialists. 

X.  The  Afode  of  Bcipti.im.  —  The  language  of 
the  New  Testament  and  of  the  primitive  fathers 
sufficiently  points  to  immersion  as  the  common 
mode  of  baptism.  John  the  Baptist  baptized  in 
the  river  Jordan  (Matt.  iii.).  Jesus  is  represented 
as  "  comuig  up  out  of  the  water  "  {ava&aivuv  airb 
Tov  vSuTos)  after  his  baptism  (Mark  i.  10)." 
,\gain,  John  is  said  to  have  baptized  in  yEnon  be- 
cause there  was  much  water  there  (John  iii.  23; 
see  also  Acts  viii.  36).  The  comparison  of  bap- 
tism to  burying  and  rising  up  again  (liom.  vi. ; 
Col.  ii.)  has  been  already  referred  to  as  probably 
derived  from  the  custom  of  immersion  (see  Suicer, 
8.  V.  ava5vu ;  Schoettgen,  in  Rom.  vi. ;  Vossius, 
De  Baplismo,  Diss.  i.  thes.  vi.).  On  the  other 
hand,  it  ha-s  been  noticed  that  the  family  of  the 
jailer  at  Philippi  were  all  baptized  in  the  prison  on 
the  night  of  their  conversion  (Acts  xvi.  33),  and 
that  the  three  thousand  converted  at  Pentecost 
(Acts  ii.)  appear  to  have  been  baptized  at  once:  it 
being  hardly  likely  that  in  either  of  these  cases 
immersion  should  have  been  possible.  Moreover 
the  ancient  church,  which  mostly  adopted  immer- 
sion, was  satisfied  with  affusion  in  case  of  cluneal 
baptism  —  the  baptism  of  the  sick  and  dying. 

Questions  ami  Answers.  —  In  the  earliest  times 
of  the  Christian  Church,  we  find  the  catechumens 
required  to  renounce  the  Devil  (see  Suicer,  $.  v.  airo- 
rdffffofjiat)  and  to  profess  their  faith  in  the  Holy 
Trinity  and  in  the  principal  articles  of  the  Creed 
(see  Suicer,  i.  653).  It  is  generally  supposed 
that  St.  Peter  (1  Pet.  iii.  21),  where  he  speaks  of 
the  "  answer  (or  questioning,  eirepcaTrtfjLa)  of  a 
good  conscience  toward  (Jod  "  as  an  important  con- 
stituent of  baptism,  refers  to  a  custom  of  this  kind 
as  existing  from  the  first  (see  however,  a  very  dif- 
ferent interpretation  in  Bengelii  Gnomon).  The 
"form  of  sound  words"  (2  Tim.  i.  13)  and  the 
"good  profession  professed  before  many  witnesses" 
(1  Tim.  vi.  12)  may  very  probably  have  similar  sig- 
nificance. 

XI.  The  Formula  of  Baptism.  —  It  should 
seem  from  our  Lord's  own  direction  (Matt,  xxviii. 
19)  that  the  words  made  use  of  in  the  administra- 
tion of  baptism  should  he  those  which  the  church 
has  generally  retained,  "  I  baptize  thee  in  the  name 
of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost:"  yet,  wherever  baptism  is  mentioned  in 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  it  is  only  mentioned  as 
in  "  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,"  or  "  in  the  name 
of  the  Lord"  (Acts  ii.  38,  viii.  16,  x.  48,  xix.  5). 
The  custom  of  the  primitive  church,  as  far  as  we 
lan  learn  from  the  primitive  Fathers,  was  always 
to  baptize  in  the  names  of  the  three  Persons  of 
the  Trinity  (see  Suicer,  s.  v.  PairTl((>>) ;  and  there 


a  •  With  OTTO  in  Mark  i.  10  (T.  R.),  as  quoted  above, 
.  would  be  only  "  from  ";  but  Lachmann,  Tischendorf, 

•nd  Tregelles  read  eic  tlxere,  wliich  would  agree  wi  Ji  •  Jk  being  used  there). 
16 


is  little  doubt  that  the  expressions  in  the  Book  of 
Acts  mean  only  that  those  who  were  baptized  with 
Christian  baptism  were  baptized  into  the  faith  of 
Christ,  into  the  death  of  (Christ,  not  th*t  the  fonic 
of  words  Wits  different  from  that  enjoined  by  our 
Lord  in  St.  Matthew. 

Sponsors.  —  There  is  no  mention  of  sponsors  in 
the  N.  T.,  though  there  is  mention  of  the  "  ques- 
tioning" (iirepu/TTifjLa)-  In  very  early  ages  of  the 
Church,  sponsors  (called  avdSoxot,  spon.'soi-es,  sus- 
ceptores)  were  in  use  bfith  for  children  and  adults. 
The  mention  of  then*  fost  occurs  in  Tertullian  — 
for  infants  in  the  De  Baptismo  (c.  18),  for  adults, 
.as  is  supposed,  in  the  De  Corona  Militis  (c.  3: 
"  Inde  suscepti  lactis  et  mellis  concordiam  prsegust- 
amus."  See  Suicer,  s.  v.  avaSixo/ua*).  In  the 
Jewish  baptism  of  proselytes,  two  or  three  sponsors 
or  witnesses  were  required  to  be  present  (see  above, 
Lightfoot  on  Matt.  iii.  6).  It  is  so  improbable 
that  the  Jews  should  have  borrowed  such  a  custom 
from  the  Christians,  that  the  coincidence  can  hard- 
ly have  arisen  but  from  the  Christians  continuing 
the  usages  of  the  Jews. 

XII.  Baptism  for  the  Dead.  —  1  Cor.  xv.  29. 
"  P^lse  what  shall  they  do  who  are  baptized  for  the 
dead  (yTrep  rSiv  veKpwu),  if  the  dead  rise  not  at 
•all?  Why  are  they  then  baptized  for  the  dead" 
(or,  "ybr  themV  Lachmann  and  Tisch.  read 
avrwv). 

1.  Tertullian  tells  us  of  a  custom  of  vicarious 
baptism  (vicanum  baptisma)  as  existing  among  the 
Marcionites  {De  Resur.  Carnis,  c.  48 ;  Adv.  Mar- 
cion.  lib.  V.  c.  10);  and  St.  Chrysostom  relates  of 
the  same  heretics,  that,  when  one  of  their  catechu- 
mens died  without  baptism,  they  used  to  put  a  liv- 
ing person  under  the  dead  man's  bed,  and  asked 
whether  he  desired  to  be  baptized ;  the  living  man 
answering  that  he  did,  they  then  baptized  him  in 
place  of  the  departed  (Chrys.  Horn.  xl.  in  1  Cor. 
XV.).  Epiphanius  relates  a  similar  custom  among 
the  C'erinthians  {/{ceres.  xx\'iii.),  which,  he  said, 
prevailed  from  fear  that  in  the  resurrection  those 
should  suffer  punishment  who  had  not  been  bap- 
tized. The  Cerinthians  were  a  very  early  sect; 
according  to  Irena-us  (iii.  11),  some  of  their  errors 
had  been  anticipated  by  the  Nicoiaitans,  and  St. 
John  is  said  to  have  written  the  early  part  of  his 
Gospel  against  those  errors;  but  the  Marcionites 
did  not  come  into  existence  till  the  middle  of  the 
2d  century.  The  question  naturally  occurs.  Did 
St.  Paul  in  1  Cor.  xv.  29  allude  to  a  custom  of 
this  kind,  which  even  in  his  days  had  begim  1 1 
prevail  among  heretics  and  ignorant  persons  V  If 
so,  he  no  doubt  adduced  it  as  an  argumentum  ad 
hominem.  "  If  the  dead  rise  not  at  all,  what  ben- 
efit do  they  expect  who  baptize  vicariously  for  the 
dead?  "  The  very  heretics,  who,  from  their  belief 
that  matter  was  incorrigibly  evil,  denied  the  possi- 
bility of  a  glorious  resurrection,  yet  showed  by  then 
superstitious  practices  that  the  resurrection  was  to 
be  expected ;  for,  if  there  be  no  resurrection,  theii 
baptism  for  the  dead  would  lose  all  its  significance 
It  is  truly  said,  that  such  accommodations  to  the 
opinions  of  others  are  not  uncommon  in  the  writ- 
ings of  St.  Paul  (comp.  Gal.  iv.  21-31;  and  see 
Stanley,  ad  h.  I.).  St.  Ambrose  (in  1  ad  Cor.  xv.) 
seems  to  have  acquiesced  in  this  interpretation. 
His  words  are,  "  The  Apostle  adduces  the  example 


the  remark  in  the  body  of  the  page.     See  also  KcU 
viii.  39,  where  the  A.  V.  errs  in  just  the  opposite  wa-, 


1^42 


BAPTISM 


of  those  who  were  so  secure  of  the  future  resurrec- ' 
tion  that  they  even  baptized  for  the  dead,  when  by 
accident  death  had  come  unexpectedly,  fearing  that 
the  unbaptized  might  either  not  rise  or  rise  to  evil." 
Perhaps  it  may  be  said,  that  the  greater  number  of 
modern  commentators  have  adopted  this,  as  the 
simplest  and  most  rational  sense  of  the  apostle's 
words.  And  —  which  undoubtedly  adds  much  to 
the  probability  that  vicarious  baptism  should  have 
been  very  ancient  —  we  learn  from  Lightfoot  (on 
1  Cor.  XV. )  that  a  custom  prevailed  among  the  Jews 
of  vicarious  ablution  for  such  as  died  under  any 
legal  uncleaimess. 

It  is,  however,  equally  conceivable,  that  tlie  pas- 
sage in  St.  Paul  gave  rise  to  the  subsequent  prac- 
tice among  the  Marcionites  and  Cerinthians.  Mis- 
interpretation of  Scriptural  passages  has  undoubt- 
edly been  a  fertile  source  of  superstitious  ceremony, 
which  has  afterwards  been  looked  on  as  having 
resulted  from  early  tradition.  It  is  certain  tliat 
the  Gi"eek  Fathers,  who  record  the  custom  in  ques- 
tion, wholly  reject  the  notion  that  St.  Paul  alluded 
to  it. 

2.  Chrysostom  believes  the  apostle  to  refer  to 
the  profession  of  faith  in  baptism,  part  of  which 
was,  "  1  beheve  in  the  resurrection  of  the  dead," 
irKxrevai  fls  yeKpwv  aydcrraaiu-  "  In  this  faith," 
he  says,  "  we  are  baptized.  After  confessing  this 
among  other  articles  of  faith,  we  go  down  into  the 
water.  And  reminding  the  Corinthians  of  this, 
St.  Paiil  says.  If  there  be  no  resurrection,  why  art 
thou  then  baptized  for  the  dead,  i.  e.  for  the  dead 
bodies  (ti  Kal  fiaTrri^ri  inrhp  twv  vfKpwy;  rovr- 
ecrri,  rwu  aca/jLiruv)  ?  For  in  this  faith  thou  art 
baptized,  believing  in  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  " 
(Horn.  xl.  in  1  Cor.  xv. ;  cf.  Horn.  xiii.  in  Jijnst.  ad 
Cm-inth.).  St.  Chrysostom  is  followed,  as  usual, 
by  Theodoret,  Theophylact,  and  other  Greek  com- 
mentators. Indeed,  he  had  been  anticipated  by 
Tertullian  among  the  Latins  (Adv.  Mar-don.  lib.  v. 
c.  10),  and  probably  by  Epiphanius  among  the 
Gkeeks  (Hceres.  xxviii.). 

nie  former  of  tlie  two  interpretations  above 
mentioned  commends  itself  to  us  by  its  simplicity; 
the  latter  by  its  antiquity,  having  almost  the  gen- 
eral consent  of  the  primitive  Christians  in  its  fa- 
vor (see  Suicer,  i.  642);  though  it  is  somewhat 
difficult,  even  vrith  St.  Chrysostom's  comment,  to 
reconcile  it  wholly  with  the  natural  and  granmiati- 
eal  constniction  of  the  words.  In  addition  to  the 
above,  which  seem  the  most  probable,  tlie  variety 
jf  explanations  is  almost  endless.  Among  them  the 
bllowing  appear  to  deserve  consideration. 

3.  "  What  shall  they  do,  who  are  baptized  when 
death  is  close  at  handV  "  Epiphan.  Hceres.  xxviii. 
3,  where  according  to  Bengel  im4p  will  have  the 
sense  of  near,  close  upon. 

4.  "  Over  the  graves  of  the  martjTS."  That 
such  a  mode  of  baptism  existed  in  after  ages,  see 
Euseb.  H.  E.  iv.  15;  August.  De  Civ.  Dei,  xx. 
9.  Vogsius  adopted  this  interpretation;  but  it  is 
very  unlikely  that  the  custom  should  have  prevailed 
in  the  days  of  St.  Paul. 

5.  "  On  account  of  a  dead  Saviour;  "  where  an 
enallage  of  number  in  the  word  veKpwv  must  be 
understood.     See  Rosenmiiller,  in  loc. 

6.  "  What  shall  they  gain,  who  are  baptized  for 
the  sake  of  tiie  dead  in  (Jhrist  V  "  i.  e.  that  so  the 
wXiipoifia  of  believers  may  be  filled  up  (comp.  Kom. 
ti.  12,  25;  Heb.  xi.  40).  that  "  God  may  complete 
the  number  of  his  elect,  and  hasten  his  kingdom." 
Bee  Olsliausen,  in  loc. 


BAPTISM 

7.  "  What  shall  they  do,  who  are  baptized  ii 
the  place  of  the  dead  ?  "  i.  e.  who,  as  the  ranks  of 
the  faithful  are  thinned  by  death,  come  forward  tc 
be  baptized,  that  they  may  fill  up  the  company  of 
believers.  See  also  Olshauscn  as  above,  who  ap- 
yiears  to  hesitate  between  these  last  two  interpre- 
tations. 

On  the  subject  of  Baptism,  of  the  piuctice  of 
the  Jews,  and  of  the  customs  and  opinions  of  the 
early  Christians  with  reference  to  it,  much  infor- 
mation is  to  be  found  in  Vossius,  Jje  Bo/jtisnio; 
Suicer,  s.  w.  ayaSvai,  fiaTrrl^a),  auaSexofxai,  k\i- 
vik6s,  &c. ;  Wetsteiii,  as  referred  to  above;  Bing- 
ham, Eccl.  Ant.  bk.  xi. ;  Vicecomes,  Dissertal tones, 
lib.  i.;  Lightfoot,  Hor.  Hel/r.;  and  Schoettgen, 
Hor.  Hebr.,  as  referred  to  above.  E.  H.  B. 

*  The  most  elaborate  recent  work  on  baptism  is 
J.  W.  F.  Hcfling's  Das  Sati-ament  der  Taufe,  2 
Bde.  Erlangen,  1846-48.  See  also  the  art.  Tavft 
(by  Steitz)  in  Herzog's  Real-Encykl.  xv.  428-486. 
References  to  the  controversial  Uterature  on  the 
subject  cannot  well  be  given  here.  The  essay,  how- 
ever, of  Dr.  T.  J.  Conant,  The  Meaning  and  Use 
of  Baptizein  philokit/ically  and  hisUnically  investi- 
(jaled,  published  as  an  Appendix  to  his  revised  ver- 
sion of  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  (New  York,  Amer. 
Bible  Union,  1860),  and  al.so  issued  separately,  de- 
serves mention  for  its  copious  collection  of  passages 
from  ancient  authors.  A. 

Supplement  to  Baitism. 

The  "  Laying  on  of  Hands  "  was  considered  in  the 
ancient  church  as  the  "Supplement  of  Baptism." 

I.  Imposition  of  hands  is  a  natural  form  by 
which  benediction  lias  been  expressed  in  all  ages 
and  among  all  people.  It  is  the  act  of  one  supe- 
rior either  by  age  or  spu-itual  position  towards  an 
inferior,  and  by  its  very  form  it  appears  to  bestow 
some  gift,  or  to  manifest  a  desire  that  some  gift 
should  be  bestowed.  It  may  be  an  evU  thing  that 
is  symbolically  bestowed,  as  when  guiltiness  was 
thus  transferred  by  the  high-priest  to  the  scajx!- 
goat  from  the  congregation  (Lev.  xvi.  21);  but. 
in  general,  the  gift  is  of  something  good  which  God 
is  sup{K)sed  to  bestow  by  the  chaimel  of  the  laying 
on  of  hands.  Thus,  in  the  Old  Testament,  .Jacoli 
accompanies  his  blessing  to  F-phraim  and  Manas.seh 
with  imposition  of  hands  ((jen.  xlviii.  14);  Joshua 
is  ordained  in  the  room  of  Moses  by  imposition  of 
hands  (Num.  xxvii.  18;  Ueut.  xxxiv.  9);  cures 
seem  to  have  been  wrought  by  the  prophets  by 
imposition  of  hands  (2  K.  v.  11);  and  tlie  high- 
priest,  in  giving  his  solemn  benediction,  stretched 
out  liis  hands  over  the  people  (Lev.  ix.  22). 

The  same  form  was  used  by  our  Lord  in  blessing 
and  occasionally  in  heaUng,  and  it  was  plainly 
regarded  by  the  Jews  as  customary  or  befitting 
(Matt.  xix.  13;  Mark  viii.  23,  x.  16).  One  of  the 
promises  at  the  end  of  St.  Mark's  Gospel  to  Christ'i 
followers  is  that  they  should  cure  tlie  sick  by  lay- 
ing on  of  hands  (Mark  xvi.  18);  and  accordingly 
we  find  that  Saul  received  his  sight  (Acts  ix.  17) 
and  Publius's  father  was  healed  of  his  fever  (Acts 
xxviii.  8)  by  imposition  of  hands. 

In  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  the  nature  of  th« 
gift  or  blessing  bestowed  by  the  A})ostolic  imiK>si- 
tion  of  hands  is  made  clearer.  It  is  called  the  gif^ 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  (viii.  17,  xix.  6).  This  gift  of 
the  Holy  (ihost  is  describal  as  the  fulfillment  of 
Joel's  prediction  —  "I  will  pour  out  my  Spirit  upon 
all  flesh,  and  your  sons  and  your  daughters  shal 
prophesy,  and  your  young  men  shall  see  visiina 


BAPTISM 


^  wd  your  old  men  shall  dream  dreams ;  and  on  my 
servants  and  on  my  bandmaideni>  I  wiU  pour  out  in 
'  those  days  of  my  Spirit,  and  they  shall  prophesy  " 
(ii.  17,  18,  and  38).  Accordingly  visible  super- 
natural powers  were  the  result  of  this  gift  —  powere 
which  a  Simon  MagUs  could  see,  the  capacity  of 
liestowing  which  he  could  covet  and  projwse  to 
purchase  (viii.  18).  In  the  case  of  the  Ephesian 
disciples  these  powers  are  stated  to  be.  Speaking 
I  with  tongues  and  Prophesying  (xix.  6).  Sometimes 
they  were  granted  without  the  ceremony  of  impo- 
sition of  hands,  in  answer  to  Apostolic  prayer  (iv. 
31),  or  in  confirmation  of  Apostolic  preaching  (x. 
44).  But  the  last  of  these  cases  is  described  as 
extraordinary  (xi.  17),  and  as  having  occmred  in 
an  extraordinary  manner  for  the  special  purpose  of 
impressing  a  hardly-learned  lesson  on  the  Jewish 
Christians  by  its  very  strangeness. 

By  the  time  that  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
was  written  we  find  that  there  existed  a  practice 
and  doctrine  of  imposition  of  hands,  which  is  pro- 
nounced by  the  writer  of  the  Epistle  to  be  one  of 
the  first  principles  and  fmidamentals  of  Christianity, 
wluch  he  enumerates  in  the  following  order:  —  (1.) 
riiedoctrmeof  Repentance;  (2.)  of  Faith;  (3.)  of 
Baptisms;  (4.)  of  Laying  on  of  Hands ;  (.5.)  of  the 
Resurrection;  (6.)  of  Eternal  Judgment  (Heb.  vi.  1, 
2).  Laying  on  of  Hands  in  this  passage  can  mean 
oidy  one  of  three  things  —  Ordination,  Absolution, 
or  that  which  we  have  already  seen  in  the  Acts  to 
have  been  practiced  by  the  Apostles,  imposition  of 
hands  for  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  on  the  bap- 
tized. The  meaning  of  Ordination  is  excluded  by 
the  context.  We  have  no  proof  of  the  existence 
of  the  habitual  practice  of  Absolution  at  this  period 
nor  of  its  being  accompanied  by  the  laying  on  of 
hands.  Everything  points  to  that  Liying  on  of  hands 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  immediately  succeeded  bap- 
tism in  the  Apostolic  age,  and  continued  to  do  so 
in  the  ages  immediately  succeeding  the  Apostles. 

The  Christian  dis])ensation  is  specially  the  dis- 
lensation  of  the  Spirit.  He,  if  any,  is  the  Vicar 
whom  Christ  deputed  to  fill  his  place  when  He  de- 
parted (John  xvi.  7).  The  Spirit  exhibits  himself 
not  only  by  his  gifts,  but  also,  and  still  more, 
by  his  graces.  His  gifts  are  such  as  those  enu- 
merated in  the  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians :  "  the 
gift  of  heaUng,  of  miracles,  of  prophecy,  of  dis- 
cerning of  spirits,  of  divers  kinds  of  tongues,  of 
irterpretation  of  tongues "  (1  Cor.  xii.  10).  His 
gra.:ies  are,  "  love,  joy,  peace,  long-suffering,  gentle- 
ness, goodness,  faith,  meekness,  temperance  "  (Gal. 
V.  22,  23):  the  former  are  classed  as  the  extraordi- 
nary, the  latter  as  the  ordinary  gifts  of  the  Spirit. 

It  was  the  wLU  of  the  Spirit  to  bestow  his  gifts 
in  different  ways  at  different  times,  as  well  as  in 
different  ways  and  on  different  persons  at  the  same 
time  (1  Cor.  xii.  6).  His  extraordinary  gifts  were 
(wured  out  in  great  abundance  at  the  time  when 
the  Christian  Church  was  being  instituted.  At 
110  definite  moment,  but  gradually  and  slowly, 
these  extraordinary  gifts  were  withheld  and  with- 
Vawn.  When  the  Church  was  now  contemplated 
13  no  longer  in  course  of  formation,  but  as  having 
been  now  brought  into  being,  his  miracles  of 
power  ceased  to  be  wrought  (see  Trench,  On  the 
Miracles,  Introduction,  and  Jeremy  Taylor,  On 
Confirmation).  But  He  continues  his  miracles  of 
grace.  His  ordinary  gifts  never  ceased  being  dis- 
pensed through  the  Church,  although  after  a  time 
Ihe  extraordinary  gifts  were  found  no    juger. 

With  the  Apostolic  age,  and  with  the  age  suc- 


BAPTISM 


243 


'  ceeding  the  Apostles,  we  may  suppose  that  the  con- 
sequences of  the  imposition  of  hands  which  mani- 
fested themselves  in  visible  works  of  power  (Acts 
viii.,  xix.)  ceased.  Nevertheless  the  practice  of 
the  imposition  of  hands  continued.  ■  \VTiyV  Be 
cause,  in  addition  to  the  visible  manifestation  o« 
the  Spirit  his  invisible  working  was  beUeved  to  be 
thereby  increased,  and  his  divine  strength  there- 
in imparted.  That  this  was  the  belief  ui  the  Ajxjs- 
tolic  days  themselves  may  be  thus  seen.  The  cer- 
emony of  imposition  of  hands  was  even  then  habit 
ual  and  ordmary.  This  may  be  concluded  from 
the  passage  already  quoted  from  Heb.  vi.  2,  where 
Imposition  is  classed  with  Baptisms  as  a  fimda- 
mental:  it  may  possibly  also  be  deduced  (as  we 
shall  show  to  have  been  believed)  from  2  Cor.  i.  21, 
22,  compared  with  Eph.  i.  13,  iv.  30;  1  John  ii 
20 ;  and  it  may  be  certainly  inferred  from  subse- 
quent universal  practice.  But  although  all  the 
baptized  immediately  after  their  baptism  received 
the  imposition  of  h'mds,  yet  the  extraordinary 
gifts  were  not  given  to  all.  "  Are  all  workers 
of  miracles?  have  all  the  gifts  of  healing?  do 
all  speak  with  tongues?  do  all  interpret?"  (1 
Cor.  xii.  29).  The  men  thus  endowed  were, 
and  must  always  have  been,  few  among  many. 
Why,  then,  and  with  what  results,  was  imposition 
of  hands  made  a  general  custom  ?  Because,  though 
the  visible  gifts  of  the  Spirit  were  bestowed  only 
on  those  on  whom  He  willed  to  bestow  them,  yet 
there  were  diversities  of  gifts  and  operations  {ib. 
11).  Those  who  did  not  receive  the  visible  gifts 
might  still  receive,  in  some  cases,  a  strengthening 
and  enlightenment  of  their  natural  faculties.  "  To 
one  is  given  by  the  Spirit  the  word  of  wisdom,  to 
another  the  word  of  knowledge  by  the  same  Spirit" 
{ib.  8);  while  aU  in  respect  to  whom  no  obstacle 
existed  might  receive  that  grace  which  St.  Paul 
contrasts  with  and  prefers  to  the  "  best  gifts,"  as 
"more  excellent"  than  miracles,  healing,  tongues, 
knowledge  and  prophesying  {ib.  31),  greater  too 
than  "faith  and  hope"  (xiii.  13).  This  is  the 
grace  of  "  charity,"  which  is  another  name  for  the 
ordinary  working  of  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  heart 
of  man.  This  was  doubtless  tlie  belief  on  which 
the  rite  of  Imposition  of  Hands  became  universal 
in  the  Apostolic  age,  and  continued  to  be  univer- 
sally observed  in  the  succeeding  ages  of  the  Church. 
There  are  numberless  references  or  allusions  to  it  in 
the  early  Fathers.  There  is  a  possible  allusion  to 
it  in  Theophilus  Antiochenus,  A.  d.  170  {Ad  Autol. 
1.  i.  c.  12,  al.  17).  It  is  spoken  of  by  Tertullian, 
A.  D.  200  {De  Bapt.  c.  viii.;  De  <Resurr.  Cam.  c. 
viii.);  by  Clement  of  Aleximdria,  A.  d.  200  {apud 
Euseb.  I.  iii.  c.  17);  by  Origen,  A.  d.  210  {Horn. 
vii.  in  Ezek.)\  by  Cyprian,  A.  d.  250  {Ep.  pp.  70, 
73);  by  Fimiilian,  A.  d.  250  {apud  Gy^^r.  Ep.  p. 
75,  §  8);  by  Cornelius,  a.  d.  260  {apud  Euseb.  1. 
vi.  c.  43);  and  by  almo.st  all  of  the  chief  writers 
of  the  4th  and  5th  centuries.  Cyprian  (foe.  cit.) 
derives  the  practice  from  the  example  of  the  Apostles 
recorded  in  Acts  viii.  FirmiUan,  Jerome,  and  Au- 
gustine refer  in  like  manner  to  Acts  xix.  "  The 
Fathers,"  says  Hooker,  "  everj-where  impute  unto 
it  that  gift  or  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  not  which 
makeih  us  first  Christian  men,  but,  when  we  are 
made  such,  assisteth  us  in  all  virtue,  armeth  us 
against  temptation  and  sin.  .  .  .  The  Fathers 
therefore,  being  thus  persuaded,  held  confirmation 
as  an  ordinance  Apostolic,  always  profitable  in 
God's  Chm-ch,  although  not  always  accompanied 
with  equal  largeness  of  those  external  effects  which 


244 


BAPTISM 


jave  it  countenance  at  the  first "  (Jiccl.  Pol.  v.  66, 
i). 

II.  Time  of  Cwtfirmation.  —  Originally  Impo- 
litioii  of  Hands  followed  immediately  upon  Bap- 
tism, so  closely  as  to  appear  as  part  of  the  bap- 
tismal ceremony  or  a  supplement  to  it.  ITiis  is 
clearly  stated  by  Tertullian  (Z>e  Bapt.  vii.,  viii.), 
Cyril  {Catech.  Myst.  iii.  1),  the  author  of  the 
Apostolical  Constitutions  (vii.  43),  and  all  early 
Christian  writers;  and  hence  it  is  that  the  names 
arppayis,  xp^or/^i^i  siyillum,  siynaculum,  are  applied 
to  Baptism  as  well  as  to  Imposition  of  Hands. 
(See  Euseb.  H.  E.  in.  23;  Greg.  Naz.  Ov.  p.  40; 
Herm.  Past.  iii.  9,  16;  Tertull.  De,  Spectac.  xxiv.) 
Whether  it  were  an  infant  or  an  adult  that  was 
baptized,  confirmation  and  admission  to  the  Eu- 
;harist  inunediately  ensued.  This  continued  to  be 
ihe  general  rule  of  the  Church  down  to  the  ninth 
century,  and  is  the  rule  of  the  Eastern  Churches  to 
the  present  time.  The  way  in  which  the  difference 
in  practice  between  East  and  West  grew  up  was  the 
following.  It  was  at  first  usual  for  many  persons 
to  be  baptized  together  at  the  great  1' estivals  of 
Easter,  Pentecost,  and  I'^piphany  in  the  presence  of 
the  bishop.  The  bishop  then  confirmed  the  newly- 
baptized  by  prayer  and  imposition  of  hands.  But 
by  degrees  it  became  customary  for  presbyters  and 
deacons  to  baptize  in  other  places  than  the  cathe- 
drals and  at  other  times  than  at  the  great  festivals. 
Consequently,  it  was  necessary  either  to  give  to 
presbyters  the  right  of  confirming,  or  to  defer  con- 
firmation to  a  later  time,  when  it  might  be  in  the 
power  of  the  bishop  to  perform  it.  The  Eastern 
Churches  gave  the  right  to  the  presbyter,  reserving 
only  to  the  bishop  the  composition  of  the  chrism  with 
which  the  ceremony  is  performed.  The  Western 
Churches  retained  it  in  the  hands  of  the  bishop. 
(See  Cone.  Carthng.  iii.  can.  36  and  iv.  can.  36; 
C(mc.  Tbfe^.  i.  can.  20;  Cone.  Autissiodor.ca.n.  Q\ 
Cone.  Bracar.  i.  can.  36  and  ii.  can.  4 ;  Cone.  EUber. 
can.  38  and  77.)  Tertullian  says  that  it  was  usual 
for  the  bishop  to  make  expeditions  (exeurrat)  from 
the  city  in  which  he  resided  to  the  villages  and  re- 
mote spots  in  order  to  lay  his  hands  on  those  who 
had  been  baptized  by  presbyters  and  deacons,  and  to 
pray  for  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  upon  them 
( Cont.  Lucif.  iv. ).  The  result  was  that,  in  the 
West,  men's  minds  became  accustomed  to  the  sev- 
erance of  the  two  ceremonies  which  were  once  so 
closely  johied  —  the  more,  as  it  was  their  practice 
to  receive  those  who  had  been  heretically  or  schis- 
matically  baptized,  not  by  rebaptism,  but  only  by 
im[)Osition  of  hands  and  prayer.  By  degrees  the 
severance  became  so  complete  as  to  be  sanctioned 
and  required  by  authority.  After  a  time  this  ap- 
pendix or  supplement  to  the  sacrament  of  baptism 
became  itself  erected  into  a  separate  sacrament  by 
the  I>atin  Church. 

III.  Names  of  Confirmation.  —  The  title  of 
'  Confirmatio  "  is  modern.  It  is  not  found  in  the 
•jarly  I^tin  Christian  writers,  nor  is  tliere  any 
jreek  equivalent  for  it:  for  rf\ela!(Tts  answers 
lather  to  "  consecratio  "  or  "  perfectio,"  and  refers 
■nther  to  baptism  than  confirmation.  The  ordinary 
Greek  word  is  xp^o-fin,  which,  like  the  Latin  "  unc- 
kio,"  expresses  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit's  grace. 
,n  this  geneiil  sense  it  is  used  in  1  John  ii.  20, 
»  Ye  have  an  unction  from  the  Holy  One,"  and  in 
2  (^r.  i.  21,  "He  which  hath  anointed  us  is  God, 
who  hath  also  sealed  us  and  given  the  earnest  of 
Jie  Spirit  in  our  hearts."  So  early  a  writer  as 
rortuUian  not  only  menfims  the  act  of  anouiting 


BARABBAS 

as  being  in  use  at  the  same  time  with  the  imiwal 
tion  of  hands  (De  Bapt.  vii.  and  viii.),  but  h« 
speaks  of  it  as  being  "  de  pristina  disciplina,"  even 
in  his  day.  It  is  certam,  therefore,  that  it  must 
have  been  introduced  very  early,  and  it  has  been 
thought  by  some  that  the  two  Scriptural  passages 
above  quoted  imply  its  existence  from  the  very  be- 
ginning. (See  Chrvsostom,  Hilary,  Theodoret, 
Conim.  in  he.  and  Cyril  in  Cattch.  3.) 

Another  Greek  name  is  a<ppayls.  It  was  so 
called  as  being  the  consummation  and  seal  of  the 
grace  given  in  baptism.  In  the  passage  quoted 
from  the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians  "sealing"  by 
the  Spirit  is  joined  with  being  "anohited  by  God." 
A  similar  expression  is  made  use  of  in  Eph.  i.  13, 
"  In  whom  also  after  that  ye  beheved  ye  were 
sealed  with  that  Holy  Spirit  of  promise;"  and 
agaui,  "the  Holy  Spirit  of  God,  whereby  ye  are 
sealed  imto  the  day  of  redemption  "  (Eph.  iv.  30). 
The  Latm  equivalents  are  siyillum,  siynaculum,  and 
(the  most  conmionly  used  Latin  term)  consignatio. 
Augustuie  {Dt  Trin.  xv.  26)  sees  a  reference  in 
these  passages  to  the  rite  of  confirmation. 

IV.  Bejinitions  of  Conjirmation.  —  The  Greek 
Church  does  not  refer  to  Acts  viii.,  xix.,  and  Heb. 
vi.  for  the  origin  of  confirmation  so  much  as  to  1 
John  ii.  and  2  Cor.  i.  Regarding  it  as  the  con- 
summation of  baptism  she  condemns  the  separation 
which  has  been  effected  in  the  West.  The  Kussian 
Church  defines  it  as  "  a  mystery  in  which  the  bap- 
tized believer,  being  anointed  with  holy  chrism  in 
the  name  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  receives  the  gifts  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  for  growth  and  strength  in  the 
spiritual  life "  {Longer  Catechism).  The  I^tin 
Church  defines  it  as  "  unction  by  chrism  (accom- 
panied by  a  set  form  of  words),  appUed  by  the 
Bishop  to  the  forehead  of  one  bajjtized,  by  means 
of  which  he  receives  increase  of  grace  and  strength 
by  the  institution  of  Christ"  (liguori  after  Bel- 
larniine).  The  English  Church  (by  imphcation)  as 
"a  rite  by  means  of  which  the  regenerate  are 
strengthened  by  the  manifold  gifts  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  the  Comfoi-ter,  on  the  occasion  of  their  rat- 
ifying the  baptismal  vow  "  ( Confirmation  Service). 
Were  we  to  criticise  these  definitions,  or  to  describe 
the  ceremonies  belonging  to  the  rite  in  different  ages 
of  the  Church,  we  should  be  passing  from  our  legit- 
imate sphere  into  that  of  a  Theological  Dictionary. 

Literature.  —  Hooker,  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  bk 
V.  §  66,  Oxf.  1863;  Bellarmine,  De  Sacramenk. 
ConJirnuUionis,  in  libro  De  Controversiis,  torn.  iii. 
Col.  Agr.  1629;  Dailld,  De  Conjii-matione  et  Ex- 
treina  Unctione,  <  Jenev.  1659 ;  Hammond,  De  Con- 
Jirmatione,  Oxon.  1661 :  Hall,  On  Imposition  of 
Hands,  Works,  ii.  870,  Lond.  1661 ;  Pearson, 
Lectio  V.  in  Acta  Apostxjlimim,  Minor  Works,  L 
362,  ( )xf.  1844 ;  Taylor,  A  Discourse  of  Confirma- 
tum,  \\'orks,  v.  619,  Lond.  1854;  Wheatly,  lllut- 
tratii  n  of  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  c.  ix.  Oxf. 
1846 ;  Bingham,  Ecclesiastical  Antiquities,  bk.  xii. 
Lond.  1856;  Liguori,  Thtologia  Moralis,  iii.  408, 
Paris,  1845;  Hey,  Lectures  on  Divinity,  Camb. 
1841;  Mill,  Pralectum  cm,  Heb.  vi.  2,  Camb.  1843: 
Palmer,  Origines  Liturgies:  On  Corifrmatio7i, 
Lond.  1845;  Bates,  College  Lectures  on  Christian 
Antiquities,  Lond.  1845;  Bp.  Wordsworth,  6'flte- 
chesis,  Ix)nd.  1857;  Dr.  Wordsworth,  Notes  tr. 
Greek  Test,  on  Acts  viii.,  xix.  and  Heb.  vi.,  Lond 
1860,  and  On  Cmfrmatim,  Lond.  1861;  Wall 
On  Confirmation,  I^ond.  1862.  F.  M. 

BARAB'BAS  (Ba'".8i3ai,  W3K  "^2,  bm  cf 


BARACHEL 


r 

^H|66t.  see  Siinonis  Onom.  JV.  T.  38),  a  robber 
^^Fatjo-t^s,  John  xviii.  40),  who  had  committed 
iouuxler  in  an  insurrection  (Mark  xv.  7 ;  Luke  xxiii. 
19)  in  Jerusalem,  and  was  lying  in  prison  at 
^he  time  of  the  trial  of  Jesus  before  Pilate-  When 
.he  Roman  governor,  in  his  anxiety  to  save  Jesus, 
proposed  to  release  him  to  the  people  in  accordance 
with  the  custom  that  he  should  release  one  prisoner 
to  them  at  the  Passover,  the  whole  nniltitude  cried 
Dut,  Alpe  TOuTov,  air6\vj'ov  Si  r)fuv  rhv  'Bapafi- 
fiai''-  which  request  was  complied  with  by  Pilate. 
According  to  many  \_^five,  two  of  them  a  securula 
mnnu]  of  the  cursive,  or  later  MSS.  in  Matt,  xxvii. 

til,  his  name  vfa.s'lri<Tovs  Bapa.00as ;  Pilate's  ques- 
"lon  there  running,  riva  OeKere  atroKvcrw  vfxiv  ; 
^lijffovv  Bapafi^uv,  t)  'IrjcTovv  rhu  \iy6jxevov  Xpiff- 
r6v ;  and  this  reading  is  supported  by  the  Armenian 
version,  and  cited  by  Origen  (on  Matt.  vol.  v.  35). 
It  has  in  consequence  been  admitted  into  the  text 
by  Fritzsche  and  Tischendorf."  But  the  contrast 
in  ver.  20,  "  that  they  should  ask  Barabbas,  and 
destroy  Jesus,"  seems  fatal  to  it.  H.  A. 

BAR'ACHEL  (^SD^??  [tchom  God  hoc 
blessed]  :  Bctpaxn'i\  •  Bnrnchel),  "  the  Buzite," 
fiither  of  Elihu  (Job  xxxii.  2,  6).     [Buz.] 

*  BARACHI'AH,  Zech.  i.  1,  7,  A.V.  ed. 
1611,  and  other  early  editions.     Berechiaii  7. 

BARACHI'AS  {Bapa.xia.s--  Bavachias],  Matt, 
xxiii.  35.  [Zacharias.] 

BA'RAK  (p"^2)  lightning,  as  in  Ex.  xix.  16: 
Bopt^K,  LXX. :  {Barac,  Vulg. :]  comp.  the  family 
Dame  of  Hannibal,  Barca  =  " fulmen  belli"),  son 
of  Abinoam  of  Kedesh,  a  refuge-city  in  Mount 
Naphthali,  was  incited  by  Deborah,  a  prophetess 
of  Ephraira,  to  deliver  Israel  from  the  yoke  of 
Jabin.  J  abin  ("  prudent  ")  was  probably  the  dy- 
nastic name  of  those  kings  of  northern  Canaan,  whose 
capital  city  was  Hazor  on  Lake  Merom.  Sisera, 
hds  general  and  procurator,  oppressed  a  promiscuous 
population  at  Harosheth.  Accompanied,  at  his  own 
express  desire,  by  Deborah,  Barak  led  his  rudely- 
armed  force  of  10,000  men  from  Naphthali  and 
Zebulon  to  an  encampment  on  the  summit  of  Tabor, 
where  the  nine  hundred  iron  chariots  of  Jabin 
would  be  useless.  At  a  signal  given  by  the  proph- 
etess, the  little  army,  seizing  the  opportunity  of 
a  providential  storm  (Joseph,  v.  5,  §  4)  and  a  wind 
that  blew  in  the  faces  of  the  enemy,  boldly  rushed 
down  the  hUl,  and  utterly  routed  the  unwieldy  host 
of  the  Canaanites  in  the  plain  of  Jezreel  (Esdraelon), 
"  tlie  battle  field  of  Palestine"  (Stanley,  S.  &  P. 
p.  331).  From  the  prominent  mention  of  Taanach 
(Judg.  v.  19,  "  sandy  soil  ")  and  of  the  river  Ki- 
ghon,  it  is  most  likely  that  the  victory  was  partly 
due  to  the  suddeidy  swollen  waves  of  that  impet- 
uous torrent  {xeifxcLp^ovs,  LXX.),  particularly  its 
western  branch  called  Megiddo.  The  victory  was 
decisive,  Harosheth  taken  (Judg.  iv.  16),  Sisera 
murdered,  and  Jabin  ruined.  A  peace  of  40  years 
oisued,  and  the  next  danger  came  from  a  different 
quarter.  The  victors  composed  a  splendid  epini- 
lian  ode  in  commemoration  of  their  deliverance 
(Judg.  v.). 

It  is  difficult  to  decide  the  date  of  Barak.  He 
ippears  to  have  been  a  contemporary  of  Shan»gar 
.Judg.  v.  6).     If  so,  he  could  not  have  been  so 


o  •  Tischendorf  adopted  this  reading  in  his  second 
Uipaic  eOltioa  (1849),  but  rejected  it  in  his  sevfth 
•attton  a.b59),  and  in  the  eiglitb.  now  (1867)  in  cou"-!* 


BARBARIAN  245 

much  a.s  178  years  after  Joshua,  wheie  he  is  gen- 
erally placed.  Lord  A.  Hervey  supposes  the  nar- 
rative to  be  a  repetition  of  Josh.  xi.  1-12  {(leneat- 
ogies,  p.  228  ff.).  A  great  deal  may  be  said  foi 
this  view;  the  names  Jabin  and  Hazor;  the 
mention  of  subordinate  kings  (Judg.  v.  19;  cf. 
.losh.  xi.  2  ff.);  the  general  locality  of  the  battle 
the  prominence  of  chariots  in  both  narratives,  ano 
especially  the  name  Misrephoth-maim,  which  seem» 
to  mean  "  burning  by  the  waters,"  as  in  the  marg. 
of  the  A.  v.,  and  not  "  the  flow  of  waters." 
Many  chronological  difficulties  are  also  thus  re- 
moved, but  it  is  fair  to  add  that  in  Stanley's 
opinion  (S.  &  P.,  p.  392,  note)  there  are  geo- 
graphical difficulties  in  the  way.  (Ewald,  Gesch. 
des  Volkes  Israel :  I/jrd  A.  Hervey,  Genealoqief, 
pp.  225-246  ff.)  [Deborah.]  F.  W.  F. 

*  The  means  we  have  at  present  for  illustrating 
the  local  scene  of  Barak's  victory  over  Sisera  im- 
part a  new  interest  to  the  narrative,  and  furnish  a 
remarkable  testimony  to  its  accuracy.  Though  the 
song  of  Deborah  and  Barak  was  vnitten  thousand? 
of  years  ago,  so  many  of  the  places  mentioned  in 
it  have  survived  to  our  time  and  been  identified 
that  this  battle-field  lies  now  mappetl  out  before  us 
on  the  face  of  the  country  almost  as  distinctly  as  if 
we  were  reading  the  account  of  a  contemporary 
event.  Dr."  Thomson,  who  has  had  his  home  for 
a  quarter  of  a  century  almost  in  sight  of  Tabor, 
at  the  foot  of  which  the  battle  was  fought,  has 
given  a  living  picture  of  the  movements  of  the  hos- 
tile armies,  and  of  the  localities  referred  to,  show- 
ing that  nearly  all  these  still  exist  and  bear  their 
ancient  names,  and  occur  precisely  in  the  order 
that  the  events  of  the  narrative  presuppose.  The 
passage  is  too  long  for  citation  {Land  and  Book,  i. 
141-144),  but  will  be  found  to  illustrate  strikingly 
the  topographical  accuracy  of  Scripture.  Stanley 
has  given  a  similar  description  ( Sin.  and  Pal.  p.  331, 
Amer.  ed.).  We  have  monographs  on  the  song  of 
the  conquerors  (Judg.  v. )  from  Holhnann,  Comment, 
philnl.-ci'it.  (Lips.  1818);  Y^Mtcher,  Aehrenlese  zum 
Alt.  Ttst.  (p.  16  ff);  Gumpach,  Alttestamentliche 
Stmiien  (Heidelberg,  1852);  and  Sack,  Lieder  in 
den  histarischen  Biicher  des  A.  T.  (1864).  The 
exegetical  articles  (embracing  translation  and  notes; 
of  Dr.  Robinson  {Bibl.  Repos.  i.  568-612)  and  of 
Prof.  Robbing  {Bibl.  Sacra,  xii.  pp.  597-642)  are 
elaborate  and  valuable.  The  Commentaries  on 
Judges  (those  of  Studer,  Keil,  Bertheau,  CasseD 
give  special  prominence  to  the  explanation  of  this 
remarkable  ode.  Tliere  is  a  spirited  though  free 
translation  of  the  song  in  Milraan'3  Histoi-y  of 
the  Jews,  i.  pp.  292-295  (Amer.  ed.).     H. 

BARBARIAN  {^dpfiapos).  Xlas  fih  "EWv 
$(ip0apos  is  the  common  Greek  definition,  quoted 
by  Serv.  ad  Virg.  jEn.  ii.  504;  and  in  this  strict 
sense  the  word  is  used  in  Rom.  i.  14,  "  I  am  debtor 
both  to  Greeks  and  barbarians;"  where  Luther 
used  the  term  "  Ungrieche,"  which  happily  expresses 
its  force.  "  EAAt^j'ss  koJ  fidpPapoi  is  the  constant 
division  found  in  Greek  literature,  but  Thucydides 
(i.  3)  points  out  that  this  distinction  is  subsequent 
to  Homer,  in  whom  the  word  does  not  occur,  al- 
though he  terms  the  Carians  ffap0ap6(pwuoi  {H. 
ii.  867,  where  Eustathius  connects  the  other  form 
KdpPayoi  with  Kdp).  At  first,  according  to  Stra- 
bo  (xiv.  p.  662),  it  was  only  used  kot'  hvofxaroiroCtM 

of  publication,  assigning  his  reasons  at  considerablt 
length.  See  also  Tregelles's  .^.rroKnv  rt'^/f-  Pml-  i  Ten 
of  the  Greek  A.  T.,  pp.  194-196  A 


246 


BARBAROUS 


hrl  T&v  6v<r€k(f>6pas  Koi  (rxKripus  koI  rpaxftts 
KaXovmwv,  and  its  generic  use  was  subsequent. 
It  often  retains  this  primitive  meaning,  as  in  1  Cor. 
liv.  11  (of  one  usuig  an  unknown  tongue),  and 
Acts  xxviii.  4  (of  the  Maltese,  who  spoke  a  Punic 
dialect).  So  too  /Esch.  Aqam.  2013,  xe^'SeJt'os 
dlKTjy  "Ayycera  (pwv^v  fidpPapov  KeKTTifxevri' 
and  even  of  one  who  spoke  a  patois,  Ere  Attrfitos 
&y  Koi  iv  (pcovij  fiap^a,pa>  redpa/xufvos,  Plat.  Pro- 
tag.  -341  c  (it  is  not  so  strong  a  word  as  iraXiy- 
y\wcr<Tos,  Donaldson,  Crat.  §  88);  and  the  often 
quoted  line  of  Ov.  Trist.  v.  10,  37,  — 

"  Barbarus  hie  ego  sum  quia  non  intelligor  uUi." 

The  ancient  Egyptians  (like  the  modem  Chinese) 
had  an  analogous  word  for  all  robs  /x-f)  a(pifftv 
dfioyKciaaovs,  Herod,  ii.  158;  and  fidpfiapos  is 
used  in  the  LXX.  to  express  a  similar  Jewisn  dis- 
tinction.    Thus  in  Ps.  cxiii.  1,  \ahs   fidpfiapos  is 

used  to  translate  t27 -,  "peregiuno  sermone  utens" 
(Schleusn.  Thet.  a.  v.),  which  is  also  an  onomato- 
poeian  from  fV^,  to  stammer.  In  1  Cor.  v.  13, 1 
Tim.  iii.  7,  we  have  oi  e^ce,  and  Matt.  vi.  32,  tA  tdur), 
used  Hebraistically  for  C*12,  D^f  S  (in  very  much 
the  same  sort  of  sense  as  that  of  fidpfiapoi)  to  dis- 
tinguish all  other  nations  from  the  Jews;  and  in 
the     Talmudists   we   find    Palestme   opposed    to 

iTl^nS,  just  as  Greece  was  to  Barbaria  or  jj  fidp- 
$apos-  (cf.  Cic.  Fin.  ii.  15;  Lightfoot,  Centuria 
Chorogr.  ad  init.)  And  yet  so  completely  was 
the  term  fidpPapos  accepted,  that  even  Josephus 
and  Philo  scrapie  as  little  to  reckon  the  Jews 
among  them  (Ant.  xi.  7,  §  1,  &c. ),  as  the  early 
Romans  did  to  apply  the  term  to  themselves 
("Demophilus  scripsit,  Marcus  vertit  barbare;" 
Plaut.  Asin.  prol.  10).  Very  naturally  the  word 
after  a  time  began  to  involve  notions  of  cruelty  and 
contempt  (e-nphi  Papfidpov,  2  Mace.  iv.  25,  xv.  2, 
&c.),  and  then  the  Romans  excepted  themselves 
from  the  scope  of  its  meaning  (Cic.  de  Hep.  i.  37, 
§  68).  Afterwards  only  the  savage  nations  were 
called  barbarians;  though  the  Greek  Constantino- 
politans  called  the  Romans  "  barbarians "  to  the 
very  last.  (Gibbon,  c.  51,  vi.  351,  ed.  Smith; 
Winer,  s.  v.)  F.  W.  F. 

*  BARBAROUS  (fidpfiapoi),  as  employed  in 
Acts  xxviii.  2  (A.  V.),  means  "foreign,"  a  sense 
now  obsolete,  and  designates  there  the  Mehtaeans 
as  speaking  a  different  language  from  the  Greeks. 
The  inhabitants  of  Melita  (Malta),  were  a  Phoenician 
race  and  spoke  the  Punic,  i.  e.  Phoenician,  as  spoken 
at  Carthage.  A  misunderstanding  of  the  term  ren- 
dered "barbarous "  in  Acts  xxviii.  2  led  Coleridge 
to  deny  that  the  Melitseans  could  be  meant  there, 
because  they  were  highly  civilized.  The  "  no  little 
kindness"  which  "the  barbarous  people  showed" 
to  the  wrecked  mariners  obUges  us  to  acquit  them  of 
any  want  of  humanity.  "  Barbarians  "  (see  above) 
would  be  less  inexact,  but  leans  now  towards  the 
same  objectionable  meaning.  H. 

BARHU'MITE,  THE.     [Bahurim.] 
BARI'AH  (n'^13  [a  bolt]:    Be^^f;    [Vat. 
MafJfj;]  Alex.  Bepio:  Baria),  one  of  the  sons  of 
Shemaiah,  a  descendant  of  the  royal  family  of  Ju- 
lah  (1  Chr.  iii.  22). 

BAR-JB'SUS.     [Elymas.] 
BAR-JO'NA.     [Peter.] 


BARLEY 

BAR'KOS  (D""ip~l2  [painter]:  Ba/j/crfs,  [Tat 
BapKovs;  in  Neh.]  BapKove,  [Alex.  BapKois:] 
Bercos).  "Children  of  Bai-kos"  were  among  tht 
Nethinim  who  returned  from  the  captivity  witl 
Zerubbabel  (l^zr.  ii.  53;  Neh.  vii.  55). 

BARLEY  (nnrt:',  ne'dt-dh :  Kpidii :  hm-rhum) 
the  well-known  usefid  cereal,  mention  of  which  ii 
made  in  numerous  passages  of  the  Bible.  Phnj 
(77.  N.  xviii.  7 )  states  that  barley  is  one  of  the 
most  ancient  articles  of  diet.  It  was  grown  by  th« 
Egyptians  (Ex.  ix.  31 ;  Herod,  ii.  77 ;  Diodor.  i.  34 ; 
Plin.  xxii.  25);  and  by  the  Jews  (Lev.  xxvii.  16; 
Deut.  viii.  8;  Ruth  ii.  17,  &c.),  who  used  it  for 
baking  into  bread,  chiefly  amongst  tlie  poor  (Judg. 
vii.  13;  2  K.  iv.  42;  John  vi.  9,  13);  for  making 
into  bread  by  mixing  it  with  wheat,  beans,  lentiles, 
millet,  &c.  (liz.  iv.  9);  for  making  into  cakes  (Ez. 
iv.  12);  as  fodder  for  horses  (1  K.  iv.  28).  Com- 
pare also  Juvenal  (\Tii.  154);  and  Phny  (//.  N. 
xviii.  14;  xxviii.  21),  who  states  that  though  bar- 
ley was  extensively  used  by  the  ancients,  it  had  in 
his  time  fallen  into  disrepute  and  was  generally 
used  as  fodder  for  cattle  only.  Soninni  says  that 
barley  is  the  common  food  for  horses  in  the  East. 
Oats  and  rye  were  not  cultivated  by  the  Jews,  and 
perhaps  not  knovra  to  them.  [Rye.]  (See  also 
Kitto,  Phys.  H.  of  Pal.  214.)  Barley  is  men- 
tioned in  the  Mishna  as  the  food  of  horses  and 
asses. 

The  barley  harvest  is  mentioned  Ruth  i.  22,  ii. 
23 ;  2  Sam.  xxi.  9,  10.  It  takes  place  in  Palestine 
in  March  and  April,  and  in  the  hilly  districts  as 
late  as  May;  but  the  period  of  course  varies  ac- 
cording to  the  localities  where  the  corn  gmws. 
Mariti  (Trav.  416)  says  that  the  barley  in  tlie 
plain  of  Jericho  begins  to  ripen  in  April.  Niebuhr 
(Besch.  von  Arab.  p.  160)  found  barley  ripe  at  the 
end  of  March  in  the  fields  about  Jerusalem.  The 
barley  harvest  always  precedes  the  wheat  harvest, 
in  some  places  by  a  week,  in  others  by  fully  three 
weeks  (Robinson,  Bib.  Res.  ii.  99,278).  In  Egypt 
the  barley  is  about  a  month  earlier  than  the  wheat ; 
whence  its  total  destraction  by  the  hail-storm  (Ex. 
ix.  31).  Barley  was  sown  at  any  time  between 
November  and  March,  according  to  the  season. 
Niebuhr  states  that  he  saw  a  crop  near  Jerusalem 
ripe  at  the  end  of  March,  and  a  field  which  had 
been  just  newly  sown.  Dr.  Kitto  adduces  the 
authority  of  the  Jewish  writers  as  an  additional 
proof  of  the  above  statement  (Phys.  II.  Pal.  229). 
This  answers  to  the  winter  and  spring-sown  wheat 
of  our  own  country ;  and  though  the  former  is  gen- 
erally ripe  somewhat  earlier  than  the  latter,'  yet 
the  harvest-time  of  both  is  the  same.  Thus  it  was 
with  the  Jews:  the  winter  and  spring-sown  barley 
were  usually  gathered  into  the  garners  aliout  the 
same  time;  though  of  course  the  very  late  spring- 
sown  crops  must  have  been  gathered  in  some  time 
after  the  others. 

M^or  Skinner  (Adventures  in  an  Overland  .Four 
ney  to  Imlia,  i.  330)  obseiTed  near  Damascus  a  field 
newly  sown  with  barley,  which  had  been  submitted 
to  submersion  similar  to  what  is  done  to  rice-fields. 
Dr.  Royle  (Kitto's  Cycl.  Bib.  Lit.  art.  -'Barley") 
with  good  reason  supposes  that  this  exjjlains  Is 
zxxii.  20 :  "  Blessed  are  ye  that  sow  beside  alJ 
waters;"  and  demurs  to  the  explanation  which 
many  writers  have  given,  namely,  that  allusion  ii 
made  to  the  mode  in  which  iHce  is  cultivated.  Wt 
cannot,  however,  at  all  agree  with  this  writer,  that  th« 
passage  in  Eccl.  xi.  1  has  any  reference  to  irriga 


BARLEY 

tion  of  newly  sown  barley-fiftids.  Salomon  in  the 
»ntext  is  enforcing  obligations  to  liberality,  of  that 
especial  nature  which  looks  noC  for  a  recompense: 
as  Bishop  Hall  says,  "  Bestow  thy  bzneficence  on 
those  from  whom  there  is  no  probability  of  a  re- 
turn of  kindness."  It  is  clear  that,  if  allusion  is 
made  to  the  mode  of  culture  referred  to  above, 
either  in  the  case  of  rice  or  brvrley,  the  force  and 
moral  worth  of  the  lesson  is  lost;  for  the  motive 
of  such  a  sowing  is  expectation  of  an  abundant  re- 
turn. The  meaning  of  the  passage  is  surely  this : 
"  Be  liberal  to  those  who  are  as  little  likely  to  repay 
thee  again,  as  bread  or  corn  cast  into  the  pool  or  the 
river  is  Ukely  to  return  again  unto  thee."  Barley, 
as  an  article  of  human  food,  was  less  esteemed  than 
wbfiat.  [Brk.vd.]  Compare  also  Calpurnius  ( AyC^. 
iii.  84),  Pliny  (//.  ;V.  xviii.  7),  and  Livy  (xxvii.  13), 
who  tells  us  that  the  Roman  cohorts  who  lost  their 
Bt;mdards  were  punished  by  having  barley  bread 
given  tliem  instead  of  wheaten.  The  .Jews  accord- 
ing to  Tract.  Sanhedr.  c.  9,  §  5,  had  the  following 
t-iw:  "Si  quis  loris  caesus  reciderit  jussu  judicum 
arcoe  uiditus  liordeo  clbatur,  donee  venter  ejus  rum- 
patur."  That  barley  bread  is  even  to  this  day  little 
esteemed  in  Palestine,  we  have  the  authority  of 
jaodem  travellers  to  show.  Dr.  Thomson  {Land 
and  Book,  p.  449)  says  "  nothing  is  more  common 
than  for  these  people  to  complain  that  their  oppres- 
gors  have  left  them  nothing  but  barley  bread  to 
eat."  This  fact  is  important  as  serving  to  elu- 
cidate some  passages  in  Scripture.  Why,  for  in- 
stance, was  barley  meal,  and  not  the  ordinary  meal- 
offering  of  wheal  flour,  to  be  the  jealousy-offering 
(Num.  V.  15)?  Because  thereby  is  denoted  the 
low  reputation  in  which  the  implicated  parties  were 
held.  The  homer  and  a  half  of  barley,  as  part  of 
the  purchase-money  of  the  adulteress  (Hos.  iii.  2), 
has  doubtless  a  similar  typical  meaning.  With  this 
cu«umstance  in  remembrance,  how  forcible  is  the  ex- 
pression in  Ezekiel  (xiii.  19),  "  Will  ye  pollute  me 
among  my  jjeople  for  handfuls  of  barley  f  "  And 
how  does  the  knowledge  of  the  fact  aid  to  point  out 
the  connection  between  Gideon  and  the  barley-cake, 
in  the  dream  which  the  "  man  told  to  his  fellow  " 
(Judg.  vii.  1.3).  Gideon's  "  family  was  poor  in 
Manasseh  —  and  he  was  the  least  in  his  father's 
house;"  ami  doubtless  the  Midianites  knew  it. 
Again,  the  IsraeUtes  had  been  oppressed  by  Midian 
for  the  space  of  seven  years.  Very  appropriate, 
therefore,  is  the  dream  and  the  interpretation  there- 
of. The  despised  and  humble  Isra«litish  deUverer 
was  as  a  mere  vUe  barley-cake  in  the  eyes  of  his 
enemies.  On  this  passage  Dr.  Thomson  remarks, 
'•  If  the  Midianites  were  accustomed  in  their  ex- 
temporaneous songs  to  call  Gideon  and  his  band 
"  Cf(A:es  of  barley  bread,''  as  their  successors  the 
haughty  Bedawin  often  do  to  ridicule  their  ene- 
mies, the  application  would  be  all  the  more  nat- 
ural." That  barley  was  cultivated  abundantly  in 
Palestine  is  clear  from  Deut.  viii.  8;  2  Chr.  ii. 
10,  15. 

The  cultivated  barleys  are  usually  divided  into 
"two-rowed"  and  "sLs-rowed"  kinds.  Of  the 
first  the  Hordeum  disiichum,  the  common  summer 
barley  of  Ejigland,  is  an  example;  while  the   H. 


"  The  Hebrpw  word  H")  'JW  is  derived  from  "IV J?7. 

T  .  -     T  ■ 

\omre ;  so  called  from  the  long,  rough  awns  which  are 
attached  to  the  husk.     Similarly,   hotJeum  is   from 
wnere. 
*  •  The  notice  of  Bamabaa  in  (Jal.  ii.  13  was  later. 


BARNABAS  247 

nexastichum,  or  winter  barley  of  fanners,  wiC 
serve  to  represent  the  latter  kind.  The  kind  usually 
grown  in  Palestine  is  the  H.  disiichum.  It  is  toe 
well  known  to  need  further  description."    W.  H. 

BAR'NABAS  (nSnilD" 12  :  ^apAfias: 
[Barnabas],  a  name  signifying  vlhs  itapaK\i]<Tews, 
"son  of  prophecy,"  or  "exhortation"  (or,  but  not 
so  probably,  '-consolation,"  as  A.  V.),  given  by 
the  Apostles  (Acts  iv.  36)  to  Joseph  (or  Joses,  as 
the  Rec.  Text),  a  Levite  of  the  island  of  Cj'prus, 
who  was  early  a  disciple  of  Christ  (according  to 
Euseb.  II.  E.  i.  12,  and  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  ii. 
176  Sylb.,  one  of  the  Seventy),  and  in  Acts  (/.  c.) 
is  related  to  have  brought  the  price  of  a  field  which 
he  had  sold,  and  to  have  laid  it  at  the  feet  of  the 
Apostles.  In  Acts  ix.  27,  we  find  him  introducing 
the  newly-converted  Saul  to  the  Apostles  at  Jeru- 
salem, in  a  way  which  seems  to  imply  pievious  ac- 
quaintance between  the  two.  On  tidings  coming 
to  the  church  at  Jerusalem  that  men  of  Cyprus  and 
Cyrene  had  been,  after  the  persecution  which  arose 
about  Stephen,  preaching  the  word  to  Gentiles  at 
Antioch,  Barnabas  was  sent  thither  (Acts  xi.  19- 
26),  and  being  a  good  man,  and  full  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  he  rejoiced  at  seeuig  the  extension  of  the 
grace  of  God,  and  went  to  Tarsus  to  seek  Saul, 
as  one  specially  raised  up  to  preach  to  the  Gentiles 
(Acts  xxvi.  17).  Having  brought  Saul  to  An- 
tioch, he  was  sent,  together  with  him,  to  Jerusa- 
lem, ujwn  a  prophetic  intimation  of  a  coming 
&mine,  with  reUef  to  the  brethren  in  Judaea  (Acts 
xi.  30).  On  their  return  to  Antioch,  the  two, 
being  specially  pointed  out  by  the  Holy  Ghost  (Acts 
xiii.  2)  for  the  missionary  work,  were  ordained  by 
the  church  and  sent  forth  (a.  t>.  45).  From  this 
time,  though  not  of  the  number  of  the  Twelve, 
Barnabas  and  Paul  enjoy  the  title  and  dignity  of 
apostles.  Their  first  missionary  journey  is  related 
in  Acts  xiii.,  xiv. ;  it  was  confined  to  Cyprus  and 
Asia  Minor.  Some  time  after  their  return  to  An- 
tioch (a.  d.  47  or  48).  they  were  sent  (a.  d.  50) 
with  some  others,  to  Jerusalem,  to  determine  with 
the  Apostles  and  Elders  the  difficult  question  re- 
specting the  necessity  of  circumcision  for  the  Gentile 
converts  (Acts  xv.  1  ff.).  On  that  occasion,  Paul 
and  Barnabas  were  recognized  as  the  Apostles  of 
the  uncircumcision.  After  another  stay  in  Antioch 
on  their  return,  a  variance  took  place  between  Bar- 
nabas and  Paul  on  the  question  of  taking  with 
them,  on  a  second  missionary  journey,  John  Mark, 
sister's  son  to  Barnabas  (Acts  xv.  36  ff.).  "The 
contention  was  so  sharp  that  they  parted  asunder; " 
and  if  we  may  judge  from  the  hint  furnished  by 
the  notice  that  Paul  was  commended  by  the  breth 
ren  to  the  grace  of  God,  it  would  seem  that  Bar- 
nabas was  in  the  wrong.  He  took  Mark,  and 
sailed  to  Cyprus,  his  native  island.  And  here  the 
Scripture  notices  of  him  cease:  those  found  in 
Gal.  ii.  1,  9,  13,  belong  to  an  earlier  period ;  ^  see 
above.  From  1  Cor.  ix.  6,  we  infer  that  Barnabas 
was  a  maiTied  man;  and  from  Gal.  /.  c,  and  the 
circumstances  of  the  dispute  with  Paul,  his  char- 
a*ter  seems  not  to  have  possessed  that  thoioughness 
of  purpose  and  determination  which  was  found  in 


if  we  place  Paul's  rebuke  of  Peter  (Oal.  ii.  11)  in  th« 
interval  between  the  apostle's  second  and  third  mission- 
ary journey.  Acts  xviii.  23  (Neander,  Pflanzung,  i 
351 ;  Baumgarten,  Apostelgeseh.  ii.  351  and  others) 
As  to  character,  some  of  the  Germans  compare  Bar 
nabas  with  Melancthon  and  Paul  wi'b  Luther.      H 


248 


BARODIS 


Qie  great  Apostle.  As  to  his  further  labors  Emd 
ileath,  traditions  differ.  Some  say  that  he  went 
to  Milan,  and  ijecanie  first  bisliop  of  the  church 
there:  the  Clementine  Homilies  make  Iiim  to  have 
been  a  disciple  of  our  Ix)rd  himself,  and  to  have 
preached  in  Kome  and  Alexandria,  and  converted 
Clement  of  Kome:  the  Clementine  Recognitions, 
to  h.ave  preached  in  Kome,  even  during  the  life-time 
of  our  Lord.  There  is  extant  an  apocryphal  work, 
probably  of  the  fifth  century,  Acta  et  Pasgio  Bar- 
ncdxB  in  Cypro,  which  relates  his  second  missionary 
journey  to  Cyprus,  and  his  death  by  martyrdom 
there ;  and  a  still  later  encomium  of  Barnabas,  by 
a  Cyprian  monk  Alexander,  which  makes  him  to 
have  been  brought  up  with  St.  Paul  under  Gamaliel, 
and  gives  an  account  of  the  pretended  finding  of 
his  body  in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Zeno  (474- 
490).  We  have  an  Epistle  in  21  chapters  called 
.^y  the  name  of  IJarnabas.  Of  this,  the  first  four 
chapters  and  a  half  are  extant  only  in  a  barl)aious 
Latin  version ;  the  rest  in  the  original  Greek."  Its 
authenticity  has  been  defended  by  some  great 
names;  and  it  is  quoted  as  the  work  of  Barnabas 
by  (Jlem.  Alex,  (seven  tim&s),  by  Origen  (thrice), 
and  Us  authenticity,  but  not  its  authority,  is  al- 
owed  by  Euseb.  (//.  E.  iii.  25)  and  Jerome  (Cn/nl. 
Scriptor.  Kcdesiast.  c.  6:  see  Pearson,  Vitidicue 
IfffKitianfe,  pt.  i.  c.  4).  But  it  is  very  generally 
given  up  now,  and  the  Epistle  is  believed  to  have 
been  written  early  ui  the  second  century.  The 
matter  will  be  found  concisely  treated  by  Hefele, 
in  the  prolegomena  to  his  edition  of  the  Apostolic 
Fathers,  1  vol.  8vo.,  Tiibingen,  1847;  and  more 
at  length  in  his  volume,  Bas  Sendscfireihen  des 
Ap.  Bariuibas,  ^c,  Tiibingen,  1840;  and  in  He- 
berle's  article  in  Herzog's  Cyclopaedia.  [See  also 
Norton's  Genuineness  of'  the  Gospels,  2d  ed.,  vol. 
i.  Add.  Notes,  pp.  ccl.-cclviii.,  Cambr.  1846,  and 
Donaldson's  Hist,  of  Christian  Literature  and 
Docli-ine,  i.  201-211,  Lond.  1864.  — A.]    H.  A. 

BAROTDIS  (BapwSls  [Vat.  Alex.  -Seis]: 
Raholis),  a  name  inserted  in  the  list  of  those  "  serv- 
ants of  Solomon  "  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel 
(1  Esdr.  V.  34).  There  is  no  corresponding  name 
fa  the  list  of  Ezra  or  Nehemiah. 

•  BARREL.  The  Hebrew  word  (1^  ;  ,',gp/<,: 
hydna)  so  rendered  in  1  K.  xvii.  12,  14,  16,  xviii. 
33,  is  everywhere  else  translated  Pitciiek,  which 
see.  In  the  passages  referred  to,  "pail"  (kiiner, 
De  Wette)  would  be  a  better  rendering  than 
"  barrel " ;  Coverdale  and  Sharpe  have  "  pitcher." 

A. 

BAR'SABAS.  [Joseph  Barsabas;  JunAs 
Barsabas.] 

BARTACUS  (BaprdKos:  Bezax),  the  father 
of  Apame,  the  concubine  of  king  Darius  (1  Esdr. 
iv.  29).  "The  admirable"  (<J  0avfjLa(rT6s)  was 
probably  an  official  title  belonging  to  his    rank. 

The  Syriac  version  has  ^tr"'S,  a  name  which  re- 
calls that  of  Artachaeaa  {'Aprax^ivs^  who  is 
named  by  Herodotus  (vii.  22,  117)  as  beuig  in  a 
high  position  in  the  Persian  army  under  Xerxes, 
and  a  special  favorite  of  that  king  (Simonis,  Onom.; 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Bioff.  i.  369). 

BARTHOL'OMEW    {BapeoKofiaios,   i-   e. 

a  *  The  recently  discovered  Codex  Sinaiticuf,  pub- 
UBhed  by  TiRchendort  In  1862  and  1863,  contains  the 
wtlre  opistle  in  Qrcek.  The  portion  supplied  by  the 
ViKttx  Smaiticux  is  given  literally  in  the  second  edition 


BARTiaLEUS 

^^PT*!?  "^?)  s'"*  of  Talmai:  comp.  the  LXX 
[&o\ainl,  &oKfi.i;  Alex.]  @oK/jLai,  QoKouat,  Josh 
XV.  14,  2  Sam.  xiii.  37,  and  QoXo/jxiioi,  Joseph 
Ant.  XX.  1,  §  1:  Bartholonueus),  one  of  the  Twelve 
Apostles  of  Christ  (Matt.  x.  3;  Mark  iii.  18;  Luke 
vi.  14;  Acts  i.  13).  His  own  name  nowhere  ap- 
pears in  the  thi-ee  first  Gospels;  and  it  lias  Ix.'en 
not  improbably  conjectured  that  he  is  identical  with 
Natlianael  (John  i.  45  if.).  Nathanael  tliere  ap- 
pears to  have  been  first  brought  to  Jesus  by  I'liilip; 
and  in  the  three  first  catalogues  of  the  Apostles 
(cit«d  above)  Bartholomew  and  Phihp  apjKMir  to- 
gether. It  is  difficult  also  to  imagine,  from  the 
place  assigned  to  Nathanael  in  John  xxi.  2,  that  he 
can  have  been  other  than  an  apostle.  If  tiiis  may 
be  assumed,  he  w;is  born  at  Cana  of  Galilee ;  and 
is  said  to  have  preached  the  gosjiel  in  India  (I'^useb. 
//.  E.  v.  10,  Jerome,  I'ir.  Illust.  36),  meaning 
thereby,  proi)ably,  Arabia  Felix  {"IvZoi  ol  kclKov- 
fifvoi  fuSai/xovfs,  Sophron.),  which  was  sometimes 
called  India  by  the  ancients  (Mosheim,  De  Rebvs 
Christ,  ante  Constant.  M.  Commentarii,  p.  206). 
Some  allot  Armenia  to  him  as  his  mission-field, 
and  report  him  to  have  Ijeen  there  flayed  alive  and 
then  crucified  with  his  head  downwards  (Assemann 
Bibl.  Or.  iii.  2,  20).  H.  A. 

BARTIMJE'US   [A.  V.   Bartime'usJ   (Bap 

Tiixaios,  i-  e-  ^»"^'^P  "'?'<  son  of  Timai),  a  Wind 
beggar  of  Jericho  who  (Mark  x.  46  ff. )  sat  by  the 
wayside  begging  as  our  Lord  passed  out  of  Jericho 
on  his  Last  journey  to  Jerusalem.  Notwithstanding 
that  many  charged  him  to  hold  his  peace,  he  con- 
tinued crying,  "Jesus,  thou  son  of  David,  have 
mercy  on  me  I"  Being  called,  and  his  blindness 
miraculously  cured,  on  the  ground  of  his  faith,  by 
Jesus,  he  became  thenceforward  a  disciple.  Nothing 
more  is  known  of  him.  H.  A. 

*  The  account  of  this  miracle  as  related  by  all 
the  Synoptists  is  comparatively  full  (Matt.  xx.  29- 
34;  Mark  x.  46-52;  Luke  xviii  35-43).  In  point  of 
vividness  of  description  and  moral  suggestiveness 
it  ia  hardly  surpassed  by  any  similar  narrative  in 
the  Gospel.  For  the  circumstances  under  which 
the  miracle  was  performe<l  and  its  import  as  a 
symbol  of  the  spiritual  relations  which  men  sustain 
to  Christ  as  the  great  Healer,  the  remarks  of  Trench 
{Miracles  of  our  Loi-d,  pp.  11-15,  341  ff.,  Amer. 
ed. )  deserve  to  be  read.  Westcott  classes  it  among 
"  the  miracles  of  personal  faith  "  so  signally  exempli- 
fied here,  both  in  its  degree  and  its  reward  (/«- 
trodnct.  to  the  Sttuiy  of  Die  Gospels,  p.  467,  Amer. 
ed.).  See  also  his  Characteristics  of  the  Gospel 
Miracles,  pp.  48-59.  I^  Clerc's  rule  explains 
the  apparent  discrepancy  that  Matthew  speaks  of 
two  blind  men  as  healed  at  this  time,  but  Mark 
and  Luke  of  only  one :  "  Qui  {ilura  narrat,  pauciora 
complectitur  ;  qui  pauciora  memorat,  plura  non 
negat."  It  has  been  thought  more  difficult  tr 
explain  how  Luke  should  seem  to  say  that  Jesus 
was  approaching  Jericho  wlieii  he  performed  the 
cure,  while  Matthew  and  Mark  say  that  he  per- 
fonned  it  as  he  was  leaving  Jericho.  One  reply  to 
this  statement  is  that  Jesus  may  have  healed  two 
blind  men,  one  before  he  entered  the  city  and  the 
other  on  his  departure  from  it ;  the  former  being 
the  instance  that  Luke  mentions,  the  latter  that 


of  Dressel's  Patrum  Apost.  Opera,  Lip*  1868,  and  W 
critically  edited,  with  the  rest  of  the  oplstle,  In  Bii 
genfeld's  Novum  Test,  extra  Omonem  receptum,  ftm 
a..  Lips.  1866.  A. 


BARUCH 

wuich  Mark  oientious,  while  Matthew  speaks  of  the 
iwo  cases  together.  So  Wieseler  {Synapse  der  vier 
Evang.  p.  332)  and  Ebrard  {Kritik  der  Evang. 
Geschich.  p.  467  ff.,  2te  Aufl.).  Neander  (note  in  his 
Leben  Jtsu  Chiisti,  p.  61 4,  4te  Aufl.)  inchnes  to 
the  same  view.  It  is  possible  also,  as  Bengel  sug- 
gests (Gnonum  iV.  T.  1. 140),  that  Bartimseus  having 
failed  in  his  first  application  when  .Jesus  arrived  at 
Jericho,  rejiewed  his  request  the  next  day  in  com- 
pany with  another  blind  man,  as  Jesus  left  the  house 
of  Zaccheus  and  the  city  on  his  way  to  Jerusalem. 
Two  additional  words  in  Luke  xviii.  38,  "  And  {on 
the  moii'om)  he  cried"  Ac,  would  thus  conciUate 
the  two  accounts  jjerfectly;  and,  really,  the  con- 
fessedly firagmentary  character  of  the  narratives 
allows  us,  without  violence,  to  suppose  that  omis- 
sion.   Trench  favors  this  last  explanation.       H. 

BA'RUOH  {'\\^~^'^,  blessed  ^Benedict:  Ba- 

oovx'i  Joseph.  'Bapovxos'-  Baitcch).  1.  Son  of 
Neriali,  the  friend  (Jer.  xxxii.  12),  amanuensis 
(Jer.  xxxvi.  4  ff. ;  32)  and  faithful  attendant  of 
Jeremiah  (Jer.  xxxvi.  10  ff. ;  Joseph.  Ant.  x.  6,  §  2; 
B.  c.  603),  in  the  discharge  of  his  prophetic  office. 
He  was  of  a  noble  family  (Joseph.  Ant.  x.  9,  §  1, 
i^  iirta-f}nou  (T(p65pa  oiKias;  comp.  Jer.  li.  59; 
Bai.  i.  1,  De  tribu  Simeon,  Vet.  I^at.),  and  of  dis- 
tinguished acquirements  (Joseph.  /.  c.  rfj  TraTpepw 
y\d>TTri  Stapep6i'TCcs  irfTraiSfv/j.fi/os) ;  and  his 
brother  Seraiah  held  an  honorable  office  in  the  court 
of  Zedekiah  (Jer.  li.  59).  His  enemies  accused 
him  of  mfluencing  Jeremiah  in  favor  of  the  Chal- 
dteans  (Jer.  xliii.  3;  cf.  xxxvii.  13);  and  he  was 
thrown  into  prison  with  that  prophet,  where  he 
remained  till  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  b.  c.  586 
(Joseph.  Ant.  x.  9,  §  1).  By  the  ijermission  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  he  remained  with  Jeremiah  at  Mas- 
phatha  (Joseph.  I.  c. ) ;  but  was  afterwai-ds  forced 
to  go  down  to  Egypt  with  "  the  remnant  of  Judah 
that  were  returned  from  all  nations  "  (Jer.  xUii.  6; 
Joseph.  Ant.  x.  9,  §  G).  Nothing  is  known  cer- 
tainly of  the  close  of  his  life.  According  to  one 
tradition  he  remained  in  Egypt  till  the  death  of 
Jeremiah,  and  then  retired  to  Babylon,  where  he 
died  in  the  12th  year  after  the  destruction  of  Jeni- 
Balem  (Bertholdt,  Einl.  1740  n.).  Jerome,  on  the 
other  hand,  states  "  on  the  authority  of  the  Jews  " 
(Hebriei  trculunt),  that  Jeremiah  and  Baruch  died 
in  Egypt  "  before  the  desolation  of  the  country  by 
Nabuchodonosor "  {Comm.  in  Is.  xxx.  6,  7,  p. 
405).     [Jekk.miah.]  B.  F.  W. 

2.  The  son  of  Zabbai,  who  assisted  Nehemiah 
m  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  20). 

3.  A  priest,  or  family  of  priests,  who  signed  the 
covenant  with  Nehemiah  (Neh.  x.  6). 

4.  The  son  of  Col-hozeh,  a  descendant  of  Perez, 
or  Pharez,  the  son  of  Judah  (Neh.  xi.  5). 

BA'RUCH,  THE  BOOK  OP,  is  remark- 
able as  the  only  book  in  the  Apocrypha  which  is 
formed  on  the  model  of  the  Prophets ;  and  though 
it  is  wanting  in  originality,  it  presents  a  vivid  re- 
flection of  the  ancient  prophet  ic  fire.  It  may  be 
divided  into  two  main  parts,  i.-iii.  8,  and  iii.  9- 
end.  The  first  part  consists  of  an  introduction 
(i-  Ifl'i))  followed  by  a  confession  and  prayer  (i. 
l5-iii.  8).  The  second  part  opens  with  an  abrunt 
address  to  Israel  (iii.  9-iv.  30),  pointing  out  the 
lin  of  the  people  in  neglecting  the  divine  teaching 
irf  Wisdom  (iii.  9-iv.  8),  and  mtroducing  a  noble  j 
•uient  of  JerusBlem  over  her  children,  through  i 
»hich  hope  still  gleams  (iv.  9-30).     After  thj  the| 


BARUCH,  THE  BOOK  OF        249 

tone  of  the  book  again  changes  suddenly,  *nd  the 
writer  addresses  Jerusalem  in  words  of  triumphant 
joy,  and  pamts  in  the  glowing  colors  of  IsaiaJi  the 
return  of  God's  chosen  people  and  their  abiding 
glory  (iv.  30-v.  9). 

1.  The  book  at  present  exists  in  Greek,  and  in 
several  translations  which  were  made  from  the 
Greek.  The  two  classes  into  which  the  Greek 
MSS.  may  be  divided  do  not  present  any  very  re- 
markable variations  (Fritzsche,  £lni.  §  7);  but  the 
Syro-Hexaplaric  text  of  the  Milan  MS.,  of  which 
a  complete  edition  is  at  length  announced,  is  said 
to  contain  references  to  the  version  of  Theodotion 
(Eichhom,  £inl.  in  die  Apoc.  Schnjl.  p.  388  u.), 
which  must  imply  a  distinct  recension  of  the  Greek, 
if  not  an  independent  rendering  of  an  original  He- 
brew text.  Of  the  two  Old  Latin  versions  which 
remain,  that  which  is  incorporated  in  the  Vulgate 
is  generally  literal;  the  other  (Carus,  Rom.  1688; 
Sabatier)  is  more  free.  The  vulgar  Syriac  and 
Arabic  follow  the  Greek  text  closely  (Fritzsche, 
/.  c). 

2.  The  assumed  author  of  the  book  is  undoubt- 
edly the  companion  of  Jeremiah,  though  Jann 
denied  this;  but  the  details  are  inconsistent  with 
the  assumption.  If  the  reading  in  i.  1  be  correct 
(eT6j;  De  VVette  conj.  /j,r)ui,  Einl.  §  321  a;  comp. 
2  K.  XXV.  8),  it  is  impossible  to  fix  "  the  fifth  year  " 
in  such  a  way  as  to  suit  the  contents  of  the  book, 
which  exhibits  not  only  historical  inaccuracies  but 
also  evident  traces  of  a  later  date  than  the  begin- 
nmg  of  the  Captivity  (iii.  9  flf.,  iv.  22  flf. ;  i.  3  ff. 
Comp.  2  K.  XXV.  27). 

3.  The  book  was  held  in  little  esteem  among  the 
Jews  (Hieron.  Prosf.  in  Jer  em.  p.  834  .  .  .  nee 
habetur  apud  Hebrceos ;  Epiph.  de  mens,  oh  KelvTai 
iiriaToKaX  {Bapohx)  '"'ap'  'E/Spaiois) ;  though  it  is 
stated  in  the  Greek  text  of  the  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions that  it  was  read,  together  with  the  Lamen- 
tations, "  on  the  tenth  of  the  month  Gorpiaeus " 
i.  e.  the  day  of  Atonement;  Const.  Ap.  v.  20,  1). 
But  this  reference  is  wanting  in  the  Syriac  version 
(Bunsen,  Anal.  Ante-Nic.  ii.  187),  and  the  asser- 
tion is  unsupported  by  any  other  authority.  There 
is  no  traee  of  the  use  of  the  book  in  the  New  Tes- 
tament, or  in  the  Apostolic  Fathers,  or  in  Justin 
But  from  the  time  of  Irenseus  it  was  frequently 
quoted  both  in  the  East  and  in  the  West,  and  gen- 
erally as  the  work  of  Jeremiah  (Iren.  Adv.  Hcer. 
v.  35, 1,  signijicavit  Jeremias,  Bar.  iv.  36-v. ;  Ter- 
TUL,!..  c.  Gnost.  8,  Hieremice,  Bar.  (Epist.)  vi.  3 
ff.;  Clem.  P(jed.  i.  10,  §  91,  Sta  'Upefxiov,  Bar.  iv. 
4;  id.  PcBd.  ii.  3,  §  36,  Of  la  ypa<pi\.  Bar.  iii.  16- 
19;  Grig.  ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi.  25;  'lepe/nlas  trvi 
dpi\vois  KoL  rfj  iTTKTToKfj  ( ?  ) ;  Cypr.  Test.  Lib. 
ii.  6,  apud  Hieremiojn,  Bar.  iii.  35,  &c. ).  It  was, 
however,  "obelized"  throughout  in  the  LXX.  as 
deficient  in  the  Hebrew  {Cod.  Chis.  ap.  Daniel, 
&c.,  Romse,  1772,  p.  xxi.).  On  the  other  hand  it 
is  contained  as  a  separate  book  in  the  Pseudo-Lao- 
dicene  Catalogue,  and  in  the  Catalogues  of  Cyril 
of  Jerusalem,  Athanasius,  and  Nicephorup ;  but  it 
is  not  specially  mentioned  in  the  Conciliar  cat- 
alogues of  Carthage  and  Hippo,  probably  as  be- 
ing included  under  the  title  Jeremiah.  (Comp. 
[Athan.]  Syra.  S.  Script,  ap.  Credner,  Zur  Gesch 
des  Kan.  138.  Hilar.  Prol.  in  Psalm.  15.)  It 
is  omitted  by  those  writers  who  reproduced  in  the 
main  the  Hebrew  Canon  {e.  g.  Melito,  Gregory  Na- 
zianzen,  Epipnanius).  Augustine  quotes  the  words 
of  Baruch  (iii.  16)  as  attributed  "more  commonly 
to  Jeremiah "  {quidam  .  .  .  scriba  ejus  attrlbu^ 


250        BARUOH,  THE  BOOK  OP 

'•unt  .  .  .  sedJeremioicelebi-atiushuletui:  de  Civ. 
sviiL  33),  and  elsewhere  uses  them  as  such  (c. 
Fuust.  xii.  43).  At  the  Couucil  of  frent  Banich 
vras  admitted  into  the  Romish  Canon;  but  the 
Protestant  churches  have  unanimously  placed  it 
among  the  Apocryphal  liooks,  though  Whiston 
maintained  its  authenticity  {I.  c.  infra). 

4.  Considerable  discussion  has  been  nused  as  to 
the  original  language  of  the  book.  Those  who 
advocated  its  authenticity  generally  supposed  that 
it  was  first  written  in  Hebrew  (Huet,  Dereser,  &c. ; 
but  Jahn  is  undecided:  Bertholdt,  Junl.  1765),  and 
this  opinion  found  many  supporters  (liendtsen, 
Griineberg,  Movers,  Hitzig,  De  Wette,  MtiI. 
§  323).  Others  again  have  maintained  that  the 
Greek  is  the  original  text  (Eichhorn,  Junl.  388  fF. ; 
Bertholdt,  JLinl.  1757;  Hiivernick,  ap.  De  Wette, 
/.  c).  The  truth  appears  to  lie  between  tliese  two 
extremes.  The  two  divisions  of  the  book  are  dis- 
tinguished by  marked  peculiarities  of  style  and 
language.  The  Hebraic  character  of  the  first  part 
(i.-iii.  8)  is  such  as  to  mark  it  as  a  translation 
and  not  as  the  work  of  a  Hebraizmg  Greek :  e.  </. 

.  14,  15,  22,  ii.  4,  9,  25,  iii.  8;  and  several  obscu- 
rities seem  to  be  mistranslations:  e.  y.  i.  2,  8,  ii. 
18,  29.  The  second  part,  on  the  other  hand,  which 
is  written  with  greater  freedom  and  vigor,  closely 
approaches  the  Alexandrine  type.  And  the  imita- 
tions of  Jeremiah  and  Daniel  which  occur  through- 
out the  first  part  (cf.  i.  15-18  =  Dan.  ix.  7-10;  ii. 
1,  2  =  Dan.  ix.  12, 13;  u.  7-19  =  Dan.  ix.  13-18) 
give  place  to  the  tone  and  imagery  of  the  Psalms 
and  Isaiah. 

5.  The  most  probable  explanation  of  this  con- 
trast is  gained  by  supposing  that  some  one  thor- 
oughly conversant  with  the  Alexandrine  transla^ 
tJon  of  Jeremiah,  perhaps  the  translator  himself 
(Hitzig,  Fritzsche),  found  the  Hebrew  fragment 
which  forms  the  basis  of  the  book  already  attached 
to  the  writings  of  that  prophet,  and  wrought  it  up 
into  its  present  form.  The  peculiarities  of  lan- 
guage common  to  the  LXX.  translation  of  Jer- 
emiah and  the  first  part  of  Haruch  seem  too  great 
to  be  accounted  for  in  any  other  way  (for  instance 
the  use  of  Secrfj-drr^s,  airoaroK-i],  fi6iJ.fiT](ris  (/3o/x- 
/Stri/),  airotKi<rfi6s,  fidwa,  airoffTpftpeiv  {neut.), 
epyd^fffdai  tivl,  ijvo/ia  iiriKa\f7crdat  eirl  Tivt), 
and  tlie  great  discrepancy  which  exists  between  the 
Hebrew  and  Greek  texts  as  to  the  arrangement  of 
the  later  chapters  of  Jeremiah,  increases  the  prob- 
abihty  of  such  an  addition  having  been  made  to 
the  canonical  prophecies.  These  verbal  coincidences 
jease  to  exist  in  the  second  part,  or  become  very 
rare ;  but  this  also  is  distinguished  by  ch:  racteristic 
words:  e.  g.  d  aldvios,  6  ayios,  iirdyety.  At  the 
same  time  the  general  unity  (even  in  language, 
e.  g.  yapixoavvfi)  and  coherence  of  the  book  in 
its  present  form  point  to  tlie  work  of  one  man. 
(Fritzsche,  Einl.  §  5;  Hitzig,  Psalm,  ii.  119; 
Ewald,  Gesch.  d.  Volkes  hr.  iv.  232  n.)  Bertholdt 
"ippears  to  be  quite  in  error  {Einl.  1743,  1762)  in 
wsiguing  iii.  1-8  to  a  separate  writer  (De  Wette, 
Eird.  §  322). 

6.  There  are  no  certain  data  by  which  to  fix  the 
time  of  the  composition  of  Baruch.  Ewald  {I.  c. 
»p.  230  ff.)  assigns  it  to  the  close  of  the  Persian 
period ;  and  this  may  be  true  as  far  as  the  Hebrew 
portion  is  concerned;  but  the  present  bo<ik  must 
be  placed  considerably  later,  probably  about  the 
time  of  the  war  of  liberation  (c.  b.  c.  160),  or 
■omewhat  earlier. 

7     Tie  Epistle  of  Jeremiah^  which,  according 


BASCAMA 

to  the  authority  of  some  Greek  MSS.,  stands  ii 
the  English  version  as  the  6  th  chapter  of  Baruch, 
is  the  work  of  a  later  period.  It  consists  of  a  rhe 
toricaJ  declamation  against  idols  (comp.  Jer.  x., 
xxix.)  in  the  form  of  a  letter  addressed  by  Jer 
emiah  "to  them  which  were  to  be  led  captive  U 
Babylon."  The  letter  is  divided  into  clauses  bj 
the  repetition  of  a  common  burden:  they  are  tic 
gods;  fear  them  not  (vv.  16,  23,  29,  66);  how  can 
a  man  think  or  say  that  tJiey  are  gods  f  (vv.  40,  44, 
56,  64).  The  condition  of  the  text  is  closely  anal- 
ogous to  that  of  Baruch ;  and  the  letter  tbund  the  sainr 
partial  reception  in  the  Church.  The  author  shows 
an  intimate  acquauitance  with  idolatrous  worship 
and  this  circumstance,  combined  with  the  purity 
of  the  Hellenistic  dialect,  points  to  Egypt  as  the 
country  in  which  the  epistle  was  written.  There 
in  no  jx)sitive  evidence  to  fix  its  date,  for  the  sup- 
posed reference  in  2  Mace.  ii.  2  is  more  than  un- 
certain ;  but  it  may  be  assigned  with  probabUity  to 
the  first  century  b.  c. 

8.  A  Syriac  first  Epistle  of  Baruch  "  to  the  nine 
and  a  half  tribes  "  (comp.  2  Ii^dr.  xiii.  40,  Vers. 
Arab.)  is  found  in  the  Ixtndon  and  Paris  Polyglotts. 
This  is  made  up  of  commonplaces  of  warning,  en- 
couragement, and  exhortation.  Fritzsche  (EinL 
§8)  [with  whom  Davidson  agrees  (Introd.  to  the 
0.  T.  iii.  424)]  considers  it  to  be  the  production 
of  a  Syrian  monk.  It  is  not  found  in  any  other 
language.  Whiston  {A  Collection  of  AutherUio 
Records,  &c.  London,  1727,  i.  1  ff.,  25  ff.)  en- 
deavored to  maintain  the  canonicity  of  this  epistle 
as  well  as  that  of  the  Book  of  Baruch. 

B.  F.  W. 

*  The  "  F'irst  Epistle  of  Baruch  "  has  also  been 
published  in  Lagarde's  Lii^ii  I'et.  Test.  Apocr.  Syr- 
iace,  Berl.  1861,  and  a  I^tin  translation  (taken 
from  the  London  Polyglott)  may  be  found  in  Fa- 
bricius's  Cwi.  psetulcpigr.  V.  T.,  ii.  145  ff.  Gins- 
burg,  in  the  3d  ed.  of  Kitto's  Cyclop,  of  Bibl.  Lit., 
gives  a  fuU  analysis  of  the  epistle,  and  expresses 
his  surprise  that  this  "  mteresting  rehc ' '  of  antiquity 
has  been  so  unjustly  neglected.  He  supposes  it  to 
have  been  written  by  a  Jew  about  the  middle  of 
the  second  century  b.  c.  A. 

BAR'ZELAI  [3  syl.],  1  Esdr.  v.  38,  marg 
[but  Berzelus  in  the  text.     See  Addus]. 

BARZIL'LAI  [3  syl.] 
^«AAt  [Vat.  Alex.  -At*;  in  Ezr.,  ^fp(e\Ka%  etc.; 
in  Neh.,  Alex.  Bfo^eAA-oif]  =  Berzellai).  1.  A 
wealthy  GUeadite  who  showed  hospitality  to  David 
when  he  fled  from  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xvii.  27).  On 
the  score  of  his  age,  and  probably  from  a  feeling 
of  independence,  he  declinetl  the  king's  oflt;r  of 
ending  his  days  at  court  (2  Sam.  xix.  32-39). 
David  before  his  death  recommended  his  sons  to 
the  kindness  of  Solomon  (1  K.  ii.  7).  [The  de- 
scendants of  his  daughter,  who  married  into  a 
priestly  family,  were  unable,  after  the  Captivity,  to 
prove  their  genealogy  (Ezr.  ii.  61;  Neh.  vil.  63. 
See  1  Esdr.  v.  38).] 

2.  A  Meholathite,  whose  son  Adriel  married 
Michal,  Saul's  daughter  (2  Sam.  xxi.  8). 

K.  W.  B. 

BAS'ALOTH  (BeuraXcjii ;  [Alex.  BoaA««; 
[Aid.  BaaaKwO:]  PhasaUm).  1  Esdr.  v.  31. 
[Bazlith.] 

BAS'CAMA  if]  BcurKCfiO.:  Jos.  Batr/ctf:  Bos- 
cnma),  a  place  in  Gilead  (tl?  tV  raXaaS^Ttv)  whew 
Jonathan  Maccabseus  was   killed  by    Trj^jho,  aai 


^'  T~?,  iron:  Bep- 


I^^ftom  which  his  bones  were  afterwards  disinterred 
I^^Exd  conveyed  te  Modin  by  his  brother  Simon  (1 
Mace.  xiii.  23;    Joseph.  Anl.  xiii.  6,   §  6).     No 
h-ace  of  the  name  has  yet  been  discovered.      G. 

BA'SHAN  (almost  invai-iably  with  the  definite 
article,  ly'^L^  '•  Bacrdv-  Bdsun),  a  district  on 
the  east  of  Jordan.  It  is  not,  like  Argob  and  other 
districts  of  Palestine,  distinguished  by  one  constant 
designation,   but  is  sometimes  spoken   of  as   the 

"land  of  Bashan"  ('^H  VT:^')  1  thr.  v.  11;  and 
comp.  Num.  xxi.  33,  xxxii.  33),  and  sometimes  as 
"all  Bashan  "  ('s  1  ^^  ;  Deut.  iii.  10,  13;  Josh, 
xii.  5,  xiii.  12,  30),  but  most  commonly  without 
any  addition.  It  was  taken  by  the  children  of  Is- 
rael after  their  conquest  of  the  land  of  Sihon  from 
Amon  to  Jabbok.  They  "turned"  from  their 
road  over  Jordan  and  "  went  up  by  the  way  of 
Bashan  "  —  probably  by  very  much  the  same  route 
as  that  now  followed  by  the  pilgrims  of  the  Hajj 
and  by  the  Romans  before  them  —  to  Edrei  on  the 
vrestern  edge  of  the  Lejah.  [Edkei.]  Here  they 
encountered  Og  king  of  Bashan,  who  "  came  out " 
probably  from  the  natural  fastnesses  of  Argob,  only 
to  meet  the  entire  destruction  of  himself,  his  sons, 
and  all  his  people  (Num.  xxi.  33-  35 ;  Deut.  iii.  1- 
3).  Argob,  with  its  GO  strongly  fortified  cities, 
evidently  formed  a  principal  portion  of  Bashan 
(Deut.  iii.  4,  5),  though  still  ordy  a  portion  (13), 
there  being  besides  a  large  number  of  unwalled 
towns  (5).  Its  chief  cities  were  Ashtaroth  (t.  c. 
Beeshterah,  comp.  Josh.  xxi.  27  with  1  Chr.  vi. 
71),  Edrei,  Golan,  Salcah,  and  possibly  Mahanaim 
(Josh.  xiii.  30).  Two  of  these  cities,  namely,  Go- 
lan and  Beeshterah,  were  allotted  to  the  Levites 
of  the  family  of  Gershom,  the  former  as  a  "  city 
of  refuge"  (Josh.  xxi.  27;  1  Chr.  vi.  71). 

The  hmits  of  Bashan  are  very  strictly  defined. 
It  extended  from  the  "border  of  GUead"  on  the 
south  to  Mount  Hermon  on  the  north  (Deut.  iii.  3, 
10,  14;  Josh.  iii.  5;  1  Chr.  v.  23),  and  from  the 
Arabah  or  Jordan  valley  on  the  west  to  Salchah 
{Sidkhad)  and  the  border  of  the  Geshurites,  and 
the  Maacathites  on  the  east  (Josh.  xii.  3-5 ;  Deut. 
iii.  10).  This  important  district  was  bestowed  on 
the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh  (Josh.  xiii.  29-31),  to- 
gether with  "  half  Gilead."  After  the  Manassites 
had  assisted  their  brethren  in  the  conquest  of  the 
country  west  of  the  Jordan,  they  went  to  their  tents 
and  to  their  cattle  in  the  possession  which  Moses 
had  given  them  in  Bashan  (xxii.  7,  8).  It  is  just 
named  in  the  list  of  Solomon's  commissariat  dis- 
tricts (1  K.  iv.  13).  And  here,  with  the  exception 
of  one  more  passing  glimpse,  closes  the  history  of 
Bashan  as  far  as  the  Bible  is  concerned.  It  van- 
ishes from  our  view  until  we  meet  with  it  as  being 
devastated  by  Hazael  in  the  reign  of  Jehu  (2  K.  x. 
33).  True  the  "  oaks  "  of  its  forests  and  the  wild 
cattle  of  its  pastures  —  the  "  strong  buUs  of  Ba^ 
shan  " — long  retained  then-  proverbial  fame  (Ez. 
ixvii.  6;  Ps.  xxii.  12),  and  the  beauty  of  its  high 
downs  and  wide  sweeping  plains  could  not  but 
itrike  now  and  then  the  heart  of  a  poet  (Am.  iv. 
1;  Ps.  Ixviii.  15;  Jer.  1.  19;  Mic.  vu.  14),  but  his- 
tory it  has  none ;  its  very  name  seems  to  have  givn 
place  as  quickly  as  possible  to  one  which  had  a 
ionnection  with  the  story  of  the  founder  of  the 
lation  (Gen.  xxxi.  47-48),  ar  i  therefore  more  claim 
\o  use.  Even  so  early  as  the  time  of  the  conquest, 
■'Gilead"  seems  to  have  begun  to  take  the  first 
Dlace  as  the  designation  of  the  country  beyoud  the 


BASHAN  251 

Jordan,  a  place  which  It  retained  afterwards  to  Hbe 
exclusion  of  Bashan  (comp.  Josh.  xxii.  9,  15,  32; 
Judg.  XX.  1;  Ps.  Ix.  7,  cviii.  8;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  21 
2  K.  XV.  29).  Indeed  "  Bashan "  is  most  fre- 
quently used  as  a  mere  accompaniment  to  the  name 
of  Og,  when  his  overthrow  is  alluded  to  m  the  na- 
tional poetry. 

After  the  Captivity,  Bashan  is  mentioned  as  di- 
vided into  four  provinces  —  Gaulanitis,  Aiwanitis. 
Trachouitis,  and  Batanaea.  Of  these  four,  aU  but 
the  third  have  retained  almost  perfectly  their  an- 
cient names,  the  modem  Lejah  alone  having  su- 
perseded the  Argob  and  Trachouitis  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments.  The  province  of  Jaulan  is  the 
most  western  of  the  four;  it  abuts  on  the  sea  of 
Galilee  and  the  lake  of  Merom,  from  the  former  of 
which  it  rises  to  a  plateau  nearly  3000  feet  above 
the  surface  of  the  water.  This  plateau,  though 
now  almost  wholly  uncultivated,  is  of  a  rich  soil, 
and  its  N.  W.  portion  rises  into  a  range  of  hills 
almost  everywhere  clothed  with  oak  forests  (Porter, 
ii.  259).  No  less  than  127  ruined  villages  are  scat- 
tered over  its  surface.     [Golan.] 

The  Hauran  is  to  the  S.  E.  of  the  la.st  named 
province  and  S.  of  the  Lejah ;  like  Jauhn,  its  sur- 
face is  perfectly  flat,  and  its  soil  esteemed  among.st 
the  most  fertile  in  Syria.  It  too  contains  an  im- 
mense number  of  ruined  towns,  and  also  many 
inhabited  villages.     [Haukan.] 

The  contrast  which  the  rocky  intricacies  of  the 
Lejah  present  to  the  rich  and  iiat  plains  of  the 
Hauran  and  the  Jaulan  has  already  been  noticed. 
[Akooh.] 

The  remaining  district,  though  no  doubt  much 
smaller  in  extent  than  the  ancient  Bashan,  still 
retains  its  name,  modified  by  a  change  frequent  in 
the  Oriental  languages.  Avd-el-Bathanyeh  lies  on 
the  east  of  the  Lejah  and  the  north  of  the  range 
of  Jebel  Hauran  or  ed  Druze  (Porter,  ii.  57).  It 
is  a  mountainous  district  of  the  most  picturesque 
character,  alwunding  with  forests  of  evergreen  oak, 
and  with  soil  extremely  rich ;  the  surface  studded 
with  towns  of  very  remote  antiquity,  deserted  it  is 
true,  but  yet  standing  almost  as  perfect  as  the  day 
they  were  built. 

For  the  boundaries  and  characteristics  of  thes«5 
provinces,  and  the  most  complete  researches  yet 
published  into  this  interesting  portion  of  Palestine, 
see  Porter's  Damascus,  vol.  ii.  [and  his  Giant  Cities 
of  Bashan,  I860].  G. 

*  We  have  a  valuable  work  for  information  con 
cerning  some  parts  of  Bashan  in  the  Reisebericht 
lib.  Hauran  u.  die  Trachonen  by  Dr.  John  Wetz 
stein,  Prussian  Consul  at  Dama-scus  (BerUn,  1860). 
He  explored  especially  that  region  of  almost  fab- 
ulous wonders,  El-Lejah,  the  supjwsed  Argob,  and 
by  his  testimony  fully  contirms  the  accounts  of 
other  travellers.  An  excellent  map  (drawn  by  Kie 
pert)  accompanies  the  book,  showing,  ui  addition  to 
the  names  of  places,  the  roads  ancient  and  modem 
and  various  geographical  features,  as  Wadys  or  val- 
leys, streams,  lakes,  and  mountains.  He  paid  spe- 
cial attention  to  the  inscriptions  (Semitic,  Greek, 
and  I.,atin)  found  there  in  great  numbers,  some  of 
which  are  copied  in  this  volume.  It  contains  also 
illustrations  (woodcuts)  of  the  architectural  remains 
of  •'bis  district. 

It  should  be  mentioned  that  Dr.  Wetzstein  dis- 
sents from  the  view  of  the  great  body  of  scholars  that 
EU Lejah  (his  orthography  is  Lega)  is  the  Argob 
of  Scripture.  His  reasons  for  doing  so  are  mainlj 
negative  ir  tueir  character,  and  are  outweighed  bj 


252 


BASHAN-HAVOTH-JAIK 


Jboee  va  the  other  side.  He  thinks  the  country 
jould  uever  have  been  subjugated  by  the  Hebrews. 
He  states  as  proof  of  the  inaccessibility  and 
strength  of  this  almost  impregnable  position  that 
Ibraliim  Pasha,  whose  armies  made  Constantino- 
ple itself  tremble,  in  1838  stormed  the  place  de- 
fended by  only  5000  men  for  6  months,  sacrificed 
20,000  regular  troops,  and  was  obUged  at  last  to 
withdraw,  wholly  baffled  in  liis  attempt.  But  the 
Bible  represents  the  conquests  of  Moses  on  the 
east  of  the  Jordan  as  confessedly  extraordinary 
(Deut.  xxxi.  4;  Josh.  ii.  10,  ix.  10.  Ac.).  If  it  be 
necessary  to  insist  on  that  consideration,  we  must 
say  that  the  success  of  the  Hebrew  arms  could  not 
be  doubtful  in  a  warfare  in  which  they  stood  un- 
der a  leadership  guided  and  upheld  by  divine  co- 
operation. He  argues  also  that  the  territory  con- 
quered by  the  Hebrews  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan 
could  not  have  included  the  present  El-Lejnh, 
and  hence  that  Argob  must  be  sought  elsewhere. 
But  the  boundaries  of  the  Hebrew  territory  be- 
yond the  Jordan  are  vaguely  described :  they  were 
not  the  same  at  all  periods,  and  it  is  going  be- 
yond our  knowledge  to  affinu  that  they  could  not 
at  the  time  of  the  first  Hebrew  uivasion  have 
embraced  the  region  of  Argob.  For  the  positive 
gromids  on  which  the  identification  of  EI^Lejah 
with  Argob  rests,  see  under  Aegob  and  Chkbel. 

The  Prussian  Consul  mentions  a  striking  fact  in 
illustration  of  the  fertility  of  the  country  assigned 
to  Reuben,  Gad,  and  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh, 
and  of  its  adaptation  to  the  wants  of  a  nomadic 
and  pastoral  people  such  as  many  of  these  Hebrews 
were  (Num.  xxxii.  1-5,  33).  He  says  {Reise- 
bericht,  p.  82)  tliat  the  provinces  tliere  of  Kanetra 
and  Golan  are  the  best  watered  and  richest  for 
pasturage  not  only  of  Pertea  but  of  all  Syria; 
BO  that  the  wandering  tribes  of  nomads  alone  feed 
there  more  than  300,000  camels  six  months  in  the 
year  ;  while,  as  ascertained  from  the  bureau  of 
tax-registration  at  Damascus,  42  other  Bedouin 
tribes  range  there  (nomadisireti)  during  the  entire 
year.  Hence  the  agricultural  population  have  for 
centuries  been  driven  away  and  the  cities  once 
found  in  that  quarter  he  now  in  ruins.  H. 

BA'SHAN-HA'VOTH-JA'IR,  a  name 
given  to  Argob  after  its  conquest  by  Jair  (Deut.  iii. 
14).     [Havoth-Jaik.] 

BASH'EMATH,or  BAS'MATH  (nDJCa, 
jrayrani :  Baffffxad  [etc.] :  Basemath).  1.  Daugh- 
ter of  Ishmael,  the  last  married  of  the  three  wives 
jf  Esau  (Gen.  xxxvi.  3,  4,  13),  from  whose  son, 
^uel,  four  tribes  of  the  Edoniites  were  descended. 
When  first  mentioned  she  is  called  Mahalath  (Gen. 
xxviii.  9);  whUst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  name 
Bashemath  is  in  the  narrative  (Gen.  xxvi.  34)  given 
to  another  of  Esau's  wives,  the  daughter  of  Elon 
the  Hittite.  It  is  remarkable  that  all  Esau's  wives 
receive  diflferent  names  in  the  genealogical  table  of 
the  Momites  (Gen.  xxxvi.)  from  those  by  which 
they  have  been  previously  mentioned  in  the  history. 
The  diversity  will  be  best  seen  by  placing  the  names 
lide  by  side :  — 


GEMEALOar 

(Oen.  xxxvi.  2,  3). 

1.  Adah,  d.  of  Elon. 

2.  Aholibamah,  d.  of  Anah. 
i.  Bashemath.ci.  oflshmael. 


Nawutivb 
(Gen.  xxvi.  34  J  xxviii.  9). 

2.  Bashemath,  d.  of  Elon. 
1.  Judith,  d.  of  Beeri. 

3.  Mahalath,  d.  oflshmael. 


Whatever  be  the  explanation  of  this  diversity  of 
nines,  there  is  every  reason  for  supposing  that  they 


BASIN 

refer  to  the  same  persons  resi)ectively ;  and  we  ma) 
well  conclude  with  Hengsteni)erg  that  the  changj 
of  all  the  names  cannot  have  arisen  from  accident 
and  further,  that  the  names  in  the  genealogical 
table,  which  is  essentially  an  Edomitish  document, 
are  those  which  these  women  respectively  bore  a« 
the  wives  of  Esau  (Hengstenberg,  Auth.  d.  Pent,  ii 
277,  Eng.  transl.  ii.  226).  This  view  is  confirmed 
by  the  fact  that  the  Seirite  wife,  who  is  called  Judith 
in  the  narrative,  appears  in  the  genealogical  account 
under  the  name  of  Aholibamah,  a  name  which 
appears  to  have  belonged  to  a  district  of  Idumea 
(Gen.  xxxvi.  41).  The  only  ground  for  hesitation 
or  suspicion  of  error  in  the  text  is  the  occurrence 
of  this  name  Bashemath  both  in  the  narrative  and 
the  genealogy,  though  apphed  to  different  ijcrsons. 
The  Samaritan  text  seeks  to  remove  this  difficulty 
by  reading  Mahalath  instead  of  Bashemath  in  the 
genealogy.  We  might  with  more  probability  sup- 
pose that  this  name  (Bashemath)  has  been  assigned 
to  the  wrong  person  in  one  or  other  of  the  passages ; 
but  if  so  it  is  impossible  to  determine  which  is  er- 
roneous. 

2.  {BaaenfL^B-i  Alex.  Mo(r€^a0.]  A  daughter 
of  Solomon  and  wife  of  one  of  his  officers,  called 
m  A.  V.  Basmath  (1  K.  iv.  15).        F.  W.  G. 

*  According  to  the  Masoretic  pointing,  the  name 
in  English  in  all  the  passages  should  be  Basemath ; 

for  the  sibilant  is  tt'  and  not  ^'.  The  Bishops' 
Bible  has  Basemath,  except  in  1  K.  iv.  15,  where  it 
is  Basmath,  as  in  A.  V.  H. 

BASIN.     (1.)  P^T^:  t^iiKr-  phiala;    from 

p"^^,  to  scatter  (Ges.  p.  434);  often  in  A.  V.  bowl. 

(2.)  "jaS:  KpaT-l]p:  crater.     (3.)  ~l"1D!r  :  crater; 

in  A.  V.  sometimes  cup,  from  "^I^?  cava;  a  cup 

with  a  lid.  (4.)  ^D,  wrongly  in  LXX.  (Ex.  xii. 
22)  Ovpa,  and  in  Vulg.  limen  (Ges.  p.  965). 

1.  Between  the  various  vessels  bearing  in  the 
A.  V.  the  names  of  basin,  bowl,  charger,  cup  and 
dish,  it  is  scarcely  possible  now  to  ascertain  the 
precise  distinction,  as  very  few,  if  any  remains  are 
known  up  to  the  present  time  to  exist  of  Jewish 
earthen  or  metal  ware,  and  as  the  same  words  are 
variously  rendered  in  different  places.  We  can 
only  conjectm-e  as  to  their  form  and  material  from 
the  analogy  of  ancient  Egyptian  or  Assyrian  speci- 
mens of  works  of  tlie  same  kind,  and  from  modem 
Oriental  vessels  for  cuUnary  or  domestic  purposes. 
Among  the  smaller  vessels  for  the  Tabernacle  or  Tem- 
ple-service, many  must  have  been  required  to  receive 
from  the  sacrificial  victims  the  blood  to  be  sprinkled 
for  purification.  Moses,  on  the  occa.sion  of  the 
great  ceremony  of  purification  in   the  wilderness, 

put  half  the  blood  in  "  the  basins  "  H-SSn,  or 
bowls,  and  afterwards  sprinkled  it  on  the  people 
(Ex.  xxiv.  6,  8,  xxix.  21;  l.ev.  i.  5,  15,  iii.  2,  8, 
13,  iv.  5,  34,  viii.  23,  24,  xiv.  14,  25,  xvi.  15,  IC; 
Heb.  ix.  19).  Among  the  vessels  cast  in  metal, 
whether  gold,  silver,  or  brass,  by  Hiram  for  Solomon 
besides  the  laver  and  great  sea,  mention  is  madt 

of  basins,  bowls,  and  cups.  Of  the  first  ('p';T^ 
marg.  borols)  he  is  said  to  have  made  100  (2  Chi 
iv.  8;  1  K.  vii.  45,  46.  Cf.  Ex.  xxv.  29  and  1  Chr 
xxviii.  14,  17).  Josephus,  probably  with  great 
exaggeration,  reckons  of  (t>id\ai  and  airovSf7a, 
20,000  in  gold  and  40,000  in  silver,  besides  at 
equal  number  in  each  metal  of  Kparrjpfs,  foi  thi 


■ 


BASKET 


cflferings  of  flour  mixed  with  oil  (Ant.  viii.  3,  §§  7, 
8.    Comp.  Birch,  Hist,  of  Pottery,  i.  152). 

2.  The  "basin"  from  which  our  \jotA  washed 
the  disciples'  ffeet,  vnrri)p,  was  probably  deeper  and 

larger  than  the  hand-basin  for  sprinkling,  "^"'D 
(Jer.  lii.  18),  which,  iu  A.  V.  "caldrons,"  Vulg. 
lebetes,  is  by  the  Syr.  rendered  basins  for  washing 
the  feet  (John  xiii.  5).  (Schleusner,  Drusius.) 
[Washing  of  Feet  and  Hands.] 

H.  W.  P. 

BASKET.     The  Hebrew  terms  used  in  the 

description  of  this  article  are  as  follows:  (1.)  ^O, 
so  called  from  the  twic/s  of  which  it  was  originally 
made,  specially  used  as  the  Greek  kuvovv  (Horn. 
Od.  iii.  442),  and  the  Latin  cnmsti-um  (Virg.  ^n. 
i.  701)  for  holding  bread  (Gen.  xl.  16  flf. ;  Ex.  xxix. 
3,  23;  Lev.  viii.  2,  26,  31;  Num.  vi.  1.5,  17,  I'J). 
rhe  form  of  the  Egyptian  bread-basket  is  delineated 
in  Wilkinson's  Anc.  Egypt,  iii.  226,  after  the  speci- 
mens represented  in  the  tomb  of  Rameses   HL 


Egyptian  Baskets.     (From  TVilkinson.) 

These  were  made  of  gold  (comp.  Hom.  Od.  x.  355), 
and  we  must  assume  that  the  term  sal  passed  from 
i*s  strict  etymological  meaning  to  any  vessel  applied 
to  the  purpose.  In  Judg.  vi.  19,  meat  is  served  up 
in  a  sal,  which  could  hardly  have  been  of  wicker- 
work.  The  expression  "'"IfT  "'^D  (Gen.  xl.  16) 
is  sometimes  referred  to  the  material  of  which  the 
baskets  were  made  {Kava  paiud,  Symm.),  or  the 
white  color  of  the  peeled  sticks,  or  lastly  to  their 
being  "full  of  holes"   (A.  V.  margin),  ••'.  e.  open 

twrA  baskets.  (2.)  n'l  •- D^D,  a  word  of  kindred 
origin,  applied  to  the   basket  used  in  gathering 

grapes  (Jer.  vi.  9).    (3.)   W^,  in  which  the  first 


Egyptian  Ba.sketa.     (Prom  WllKnson.) 


fruits  of  the  harvest  were  presented  (De':t.  xxvi. 
2.  4).  From  its  being  coupled  with  the  kneadinw- 
bowl  (A.  V.  "store";  Deut.  xxviii  5,  17),  we 
may  infer  that  it  was  also  ustJ  for  household  p-ir- 
poses,  perhaps  to  bring  the  com  to  the  mill.  The 
«qnivalent  term  in  the  LXX.  for  this  cid  the  i^-eced- 


BAT  253 

ing  Hebrew  words  is  KdpraWos^  which  specifically 
means  a  basket  that  tapers  downwards  {H6^ivoi 
6|us  Tck  K<i.Tw,  Suid.),  similar  to  the  Roman  cortds 
This  shape  of  basket  appears  to  have  been  familial 

to  the  Egyptians  (Wilkinson,  ii.  401).  (4.)  L^bs, 
so  called  from  its  similarity  to  a  bird-cage  or  trap 
{KdpTaWos  is  used  in  the  latter  sense  in  Exjclus. 
xi.  30),  probably  in  regard  to  its  having  a  lid:  it 
was  used  for  carrying  fruit  (Am.  viii,  1,  2);  the 
LXX.  gives  i77os;  Symm.  more  correctly  K(i\adosi 

the  Vulg.  uncinus.  (5.)  ^^"^,  used  like  the  Greek 
KdKados  (LXX.)  for  carrying  fruit  (Jer.  xxiv.  1, 
2),  as  well  as  on  a  larger  scale  for  carrying  clay  to 
the  brick-yard  (Ps.  Ixxxi.  6 ;  k6((>iuos,  LXX. ;  pote, 
A.  v.),  or  for  holding  bulky  articles  (2  K.  x.  7; 
KdpraWos,  LXX.):  the  shape  of  this  basket  and 
the  mode  of  carrying  it  usual  among  the  brick- 
makers  in  Egypt  is  delineated  in  Wilkinson,  ii.  99, 
and  aptly  illustrates  Ps.  Ixxxi.  6. 

The  name  Sallai  (Neh.  xi.  8,  xii.  20)  seems  to 
indicate  that  the  manufacture  of  baskets  waa  a 
recognized  trade  among  the  Hebrews. 

In  the  N.  T  baskets  are  described  under  the 
three  following  terms,  k6<j)ivos,  a-rrvpls,  and  ffap- 
-yavT),  The  last  occurs  only  in  2  Cor.  xi.  33,  in 
describing  St.  Paul's  escape  from  Damascus:  the 
word  properly  refers  to  anything  twisted  like  a  rope 
(/Esch.  Suppl.  791)  or  any  article  woven  of  rope 
{Tr\4yixa  ri  iK  (Txofv^oii,  Suid.)  ;  fish-baskets 
specially  were  so  made  (awh  <rxoiviov  irXfjudTiov 
(is  uiroSoxV  IxOvait/,  Etym.  Mag.).  With  regard 
to  the  two  former  words,  it  may  be  remarked  that 
k6(\>ivos  is  exclusively  used  in  the  description  of  the 
miracle  of  feeding  the  five  thousand  (Matt.  xiv.  20, 
xvi.  9 ;  Mark  vi.  43 ;  Luke  ix.  17 ;  John  vi.  13), 
and  awvpls  in  that  of  the  four  thousand  (Matt.  xv. 
37;  Mark  viii.  8);  the  distinction  is  most  definitely 
brought  out  in  Mark  viii.  19,  20.  The  ffirvpls  ia 
also  mentioned  as  the  means  of  St.  Paul's  escape 
(Acts  ix.  25).  The  diflference  between  these  two 
kinds  of  baskets  is  not  very  apparent.  Their  con- 
struction appears  to  have  been  the  same ;  for  k6<Pivos 
is  explained  by  Suidas  as  a.Yyf'iov  ttKsktSv,  while 
(Tirvpls  is  generally  connected  with  (rirelpa.  The 
fftrvpls  (spoi-ia,  Vulg.)  seems  to  have  been  most 
appropriately  used  of  the  provision  basket,  the 
Roman  sportuln.  Hesychius  explains  it  as  rh  t«» 
trvpSiv  S770S ;  compare  also  the  expression  Siiirvot 
airh  (TirvplSos  (Athen.  viii.  17).  The  K6<piuot 
seems  to  nave  been  generally  larger.  According  to 
Etym.  Mag.  it  is  fiadu  kuI  ko7\ov  x<^pflt^°-'i  ^ 
used  by  the  Romans  (Colum.  xi.  3,  p.  460)  it  con- 
tained manure  enough  to  make  a  portable  hot-bed 
[Diet,  of  Ant.,  Coi'HiNUs] :  in  Rome  itself  it  was 
constantly  carried  about  by  the  Jews  {qtun-um 
cophinus  fcenumque  supellex,  Juv.  iii.  14,  vi.  542' 
Greswell  (Diss.  viii.  pt.  4)  surmises  that  the  use 
of  the  cophinus  was  to  sleep  in,  but  there  is  little 
to  support  this.  W.  L.  B. 

BAS'MATH  (nnpa  [fragrant]:  ■},  Bao- 
efifidd  [Alex.  Maa-f/iad]  •  Basemnth),  a  daughtei 
of  Solomon,  married  to  Ahimaaz,  one  of  his  com- 
missariat officers  (1  K.  iv.  15).     [Bashemath.] 

BAS'SA  (Bao-crof;  Alex.  [Aid.]  Bdaau:  Vulg 
not  recognizable),  1  Esdr.  v.  16.     [Bezai,] 

BASTAI  [2  syl]  (Bo«reat:  Hasten),  1  Esdr 
T.  13.     [Besai.] 

BAT  (^  trP,  'atalUph:  yvKrtpls--  vesper 
'Mio).     There  is  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  A  V 


254 


BAT 


is  correct  in  its  rendering  of  this  word :  the  deriva- 
tion of  the  Hebrew  name,"  the  authority  of  the  old 
versions,  which  are  all  agreed  upon  the  point,*  and 
the  context  of  the  passages  where  the  Hebrew  word 
occurs,  are  conclusive  as  to  the  meaning.  It  is  true 
that  in  the  A.  V.  of  Lev.  xi.  19,  and  Deut.  xiv.  ]8, 
the  \ilalleph  closes  the  lists  of  '\fowk  that  shall 
not  be  eaten;"  but  it  must  te  remembered  that 
the  ancients  considered  the  bat  to  partake  of  the 
nature  ot  a  bird,  and  the  Hebrew  dph,  "  fowls," 


Bat.     ( Taphozous  perfornlits  ) 


which  literally  means  "  a  wing,"  might  be  applied 
to  any  winged  creature:  indeed  this  seems  clear 
from  Lev.  xi.  20,  where,  immediately  after  the 
^atcdleph  is  mentioned,  the  following  words,  which 
were  doubtless  suggested  by  this  name,  occur:  "  All 
fowls  that  creep,  going  upon  all  four,  shall  be  an 
abomination  unto  you."  Besides  the  passages  cited 
above,  mention  of  the  bat  occurs  in  Is.  ii.  20 :  "  In 
that  day  a  man  shall  cast  his  idols  of  silver  and  his 
idols  of  gold  ....  to  the  moles  and  to  the  bats:  " 
and  in  Baruch  vi.  22  [or  Epist.  of  Jer.  22],  in  the 
passage  that  so  graphically  sets  forth  the  vanity  of 
the  Babylonish  idols :  "  Their  faces  are  blacked 
through  the  smoke  that  cometh  out  of  the  temple; 
upon  their  bodies  and  heads  sit  bats,  swallows,  and 
birds,  and  the  cats  also." 


Bat.     {Rkinolophus  tridens.) 

Bats  delight  to  take  up  their  abode  in  caverns 
and  dark  places.     Several  species  of  these  animals 


a  Krom   ^tQiV  =  JJa^     {g^iateU),   «'  the  night 

<raa  dark,"  and  f]V  "flying":  wKrepii,    from  nJf, 
'  DiKht "  :  ve^pertiiio,  from   "  vesper,"  the  evening. 


BATH 

are  found  in  Egypt,  some  of  which  occur  doubtle« 
in  Palestine.  Molossus  Ruppdii,  Vespertilio  inpU 
Irellus  var.  ^gyptim,  V.  auritus  var.  JKyt/pt. 
Taphozous  perforatm,  Nycttris  T/iebaica,  Rtiino. 
poma  microphyllum,  Jihinobpkm  tiidens,  occur  in 
the  tombs  and  pyramids  of  Egypt. 

Many  travellers  have  noticed  the  immense  num- 
bers of  bats  that  are  found  in  caverns  in  the  East, 
and  Layard  says  that  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  to 
a  cavern  these  noisome  beasts  compelled  him  to 
retreat  (Nineveh  and  Babylon,  p.  307).  To  this 
day  these  animals  find  a  congenial  lurking  abode 
"amidst  the  remains  of  idols  and  the  sculptured 
representations  of  idolatrous  practices"  (Scnpt. 
Nat.  /?.  p.  8):  thus  forcibly  attesting  the  meaning 
of  the  prophet  Isaiah's  words.  Bats  belong  to  the 
order  Cheiroptera,  class  Mammalia.         W.  H. 

BASTARD.  Among  those  who  were  excluded 
from  entering  the  congregatioL,  that  is,  from  inter- 
marrying with  pure  Hebrews  (Selden,  Table  Talk, 
8.  V.  "Bastard"),  even  to  the  tenth  generation, 

was  the  mamzer  ("^T^tt,  A.  V.  "bastard"),  whc 
was  classed  in  this  respect  with  the  Ammonite  and 
Moabite  (Deut.  xxiii.  2).  The  term  is  not,  how 
ever,  applied  to  any  illegitimate  offspring,  bom  out 
of  wedlock,  but  is  restricted  by  the  Rabbins  to  the 
issue  of  any  connection  within  the  degrees  prohibited 
by  the  l.aw.  A  mamzer,  according  to  the  Mishna 
(Yebavioth,  iv.  13),  is  one,  says  It.  Akiba,  who  is 
bom  of  relations  between  whom  marriage  is  forbid- 
den. Simeon  the  Temanite  says,  it  is  every  one 
whose  parents  are  liable  to  the  punishment  of. 
"  cutting  off"  by  the  hands  of  Heaven;  K.  Joshua, 
every  one  whose  parents  are  liable  to  death  by  the 
house  of  judgment,  as,  for  instance,  the  offspruig 
of  adultery.  The  ancient  versions  (LXX.,  Vulg., 
Syr.),  add  another  class,  the  children  of  a  harlot, 
and  in  this  sense  the  term  mamer  or  manser  sur- 
vived in  Pontifical  law  (Selden,  De  Succ.  iri  Bon. 
Defunct.,  c.  iii.): 
"  Manzeribus  scortmn,  sed  moecha  nothis  dedit  ortum." 

The  child  of  a  goi,  or  non-Israelite,  and  a  mamzer 
was  also  reckoned  by  the  Talmudists  a  mrimzer,  aa 
was  the  issue  of  a  slave  and  a  mamzer,  and  of  a 
mamzer  and  female  proselyte.  The  term  also  occurs 
in  Zech.  ix.  6,  "  a  bastard  shall  dwell  in  Ashdod," 
where  it  seems  to  denote  a  foreign  race  of  mixed 
and  spurious  birth.  Ur.  Geiger  infers  from  this 
passage  that  mamzer  specially  signifies  the  issue 
of  such  marriages  between  the  Jews  and  the  women 
of  Ashdod  as  are  alluded  to  in  Neh.  xiii.  23,  24, 
and  applies  it  exclusively  to  the  Philistine  bastard. 

W.  A.  W. 

BATH,  BATHING.  This  was  a  prescribed 
part  of  the  Jewish  ritual  of  purification  in  cases  of 
accidental,  leprous,  or  ordinary  uncleanness  (Lev. 
xv.pass.,  xvi.  28,  xxii.  6;  Num.  xix.  7, 19;  2  Sam. 
xi.  2,  4;  2  K.  V.  10);  as  also  after  mourning  which 
always  implied  defilement,  e.  g.  Ruth  iii.  3 ;  2  Sam. 
xii.  20.  The  high-priest  at  his  inauguration  (\je\: 
xiii.  6)  and  on  the  day  of  atonement,  once  before 
each  solemn  act  of  propitiation  (xvi.  4,  24),  waa 
also  to  bathe.  Tliis  the  rabbis  have  multiplied  into 
ten  times  on  that  day.  Maimon.  ( Constit.  de  Vasii 
Sanct.  V.  3)  gives  rules  for  the  strict  privacy  of  th« 


Bat,  perhaps,  from  blatta,  blacta  (are  Wedgwood,  Diet 
Engl.  EtymoL). 
6  With   the  exception  of  the  Syriac,  whieb   baf 

ifOO-t  (t'voio),  "  a  peacock." 


I 


BATH 


BATH-ZACHARIAb 


255 


high-prieat  in  bathing.  Tnere  were  batli-rooms  in 
tha  later  Temple  over  the  chambers  Abtines  and 
ffappai-vah  for  the  priests  use  (Lightfoot,  Descr. 
of  Temp.  p.  24).  A  bathing-chamber  was  probably 
included  in  houses  even  of  no  great  rank  in  cities 
from  early  times  (2  Sam.  xi.  2);  much  more  in 
those  of  the  wealthy  in  later  times ;  often  in  gardens 
(Susan.  15).  With  this,  anointing  was  customarily 
ioined ;  the  climate  making  both  these  essential 
alike  to  health  and  pleasure,  to  which  luxury  added 
the  use  of  perfumes  (Susan.  17;  Jud.  x.  3;  Esth. 
ii.  12).  The  "  pools,"  such  as  that  of  Siloam,  and 
Hezekiah's  (Neh.  iii.  15,  16;  2  K.  xx.  20;  Is.  xxii. 
11;  John  ix.  7),  often  sheltered  by  porticoes  (John 
V.  2),  are  the  first  indications  we  have  of  public 
bathing  accommodation.  Ever  since  the  time  of 
Jasou  (Prideaux,  ii.  168)  the  Greek  usages  of  the 
bath  probably  prevailed,  and  an  allusion  in  Josephus 
(Aoi/cJjuecos  (TTpaTiccTiKiiTepoy,  B.  J.  i.  17,  §  7) 
seems  to  imply  the  use  of  the  bath  (hence,  no  doubt 
a  public  one,  as  in  Rome)  by  legionary  soldiers 
We  read  also  of  a  castle  luxuriously  provided  with 
a  volume  of  water  in  its  court,  and  of  a  Herodian 
palace  with  spacious  pools  adjoining,  in  which  the 
guests  continued  swimming,  &c.  in  very  hot  weather 
from  noon  till  dark  (Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  4,  §  11,  xv. 
3,  §  3).  The  hot  baths  of  Tiberias,  or  more  strictly 
of  Emmaus  (Euseb.  Orwmast.  AlOd/x,  query  \lfxdd  ? 
Bonfrerius)  near  it,  and  of  Callirrhoe,  near  the 
Eastern  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea,  were  much  resorted 
to.  (Reland,  i.  46;  Joseph.  Ant.  xviii.  2,  xvii.  6, 
§  5,  £.  J.  i.  33,  §  5  ;  Amra.  JMarcell.  xiv.  8  ; 
Stanley,  373, 295.)  The  parallel  customs  of  ancient 
%ypt,  Greece,  and  Rome,  are  too  well  known  to 
need  special  allusion.  (See  Diet,  of  Or.  ami  Rom. 
Ant,  art.  Balnece).  H.  H. 

*  The  N.  T.  passages  should  be  noticed.  In 
John  xiii.  10  (where  KeAov/nevos  is  opposed  to 
pi\\ia(r6ai)  there  is  an  unquestioned  reference  to  the 
practice  of  bathing,  especially  before  partaking  of 
the  Passover  meal.  For  \ovrp6v  in  Eph*.  v.  26 
and  Tit.  iii.  5,  variously  rendered  as  "bath"  or 
"bathing,"  see  Baptism  IV.  3,  4;  and  Meyer  and 
Ellicott  on  those  passages.  Whether  ^anriffwvTut.  in 
Mark  vii.  4  refers  to  bathing  the  body  after  coming 
from  market  (De  Wette,  Meyer),  or  washing  by 
immersion  what  has  been  purchased  and  brought 
from  market  (Lange,  Bleek),  is  a  point  about  which 
interpreters  differ.  As  to  the  means  for  bathing 
which  the  Jews  anciently  possessed  in  the  tanks 
and  reservoirs  within  and  around  Jerusalem,  and 
which  to  some  extent  the  inhabitants  of  that  city 
possess  at  present,  see  Waters,  under  Jf:ki:sa- 
i.KM.  The  traveller  in  the  East  finds  the  syna- 
gogues of  the  modern  Jews,  e.  g.  those  at  Safed 
in  Galilee,  furnished  with  large  bathing  rooms  for 
the  performance  of  the  washings  which  they  prac- 
tice m  connection  with  their  worship.  The  syna- 
gogues at  Jerusalem  have  a  similar  arrangement. 

H. 

BATH.    [Measures.] 

BATH-RAB'BIM,  the  gate  of  (~)^tt7 
•3"^21"ri2),  one  of  the  gates  of  the  ancient  city 
)f  Heshbon,  by  ( vl?)  which  were  two  "  pools,"  « 
▼hereto  Solomon  likens  the  eyes  of  his  beloved 
(Cwit.  vii.  4  [5]).     The  "  Gate  of  Bath-rabbim  " 


at  Heshbon  would,  according  to  the  Oriental  cus- 
tom, be  the  gate  pointing  to  a  town  of  that  name. 
The  only  place  in  this  neighborhood  at  all  resem- 
bling Bath-rabbim  in  sound  is  Rabbah  {Amman), 
but  the  one  tank  of  which  we  gain  any  intelligence 
as  remaining  at  Hesban,  is  on  the  opposite  (S.)  side* 
of  the  town  to  Amman  (Porter,  Handbook,  p.  298). 
Future  investigations  may  settle  this  point.  The 
LXX.  and  ViUg.  translate:  eV  nvKais  dvyarphs 
TToWuv'i  in  porta  JiVue  multitudinis.  G. 

BATH'SHEBA  Irather  Bath-shel)a]  ("n? 

2?5^'>  2  Sam.  xi.  3,  &c.;  also  called  Bath-shua, 

r-1C7"n2,  in  1  Chr.iii.5:  Bripaafiif;  [Alex.Bi?^- 
(rajSee  in  2  Sam.  and  1  K.  i.  11 ;]  Joseph.  BetOera- 
P'f) :  [^Bethsabee ;]  i.  e.  daughter  of  an  oath,  or, 
daughter  of  seven,  sc.  years),  the  daughter  of  Eliam 
(2  Sam.  xi.  3),  or  Ammiel  (1  Chr.  iii.  5),  the  so^ 
of  Ahithophel  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  34),  the  wife  of  Uriah 
the  Hittite.  It  is  probable  that  the  enmity  of 
Ahithophel  towards  David  was  increased,  if  not 
caused,  by  the  dishonor  brought  by  him  uj)on  hia 
family  in  the  person  of  Bathsheba.  The  child 
which  was  the  fruit  of  her  adulterous  intercourse 
with  David  died:  but  after  marriage  she  became 
the  mother  of  four  sons,  Solomon  (Matt.  i.  6), 
Shimea,  Shobab,  and  Nathan.  When,  in  David's 
old  age,  Adonyah,  an  elder  son  by  Haggith,  at- 
tempted to  set  aside  in  his  own  favor  the  succession 
promised  to  Solomon,  Bathsheba  was  employed  by 
Nathan  to  inform  the  king  ol  the  conspiracy  (1  K. 
i.  11,  15,  23).  After  the  accession  of  Solomon, 
she,  as  queen-mother,  requested  permission  of  her 
son  for  Adonijah  to  take  in  marriage  Abishag  the 
Shunammite.  This  permission  was  refused,  and  be- 
came the  occasion  of  the  execution  of  Adonijah 
(1  K.  ii.  24,  25).  [David.]  Bathsheba  was  said 
by  Jewish  tradition  to  have  composed  and  recited 
Prov.  xxxi.  by  way  of  admonition  or  reproof  to  her 
son  Solomon,  on  his  marriage  with  Pharaoh's 
daughter.  Calmet,  Diet.  s.  v. ;  Com.  a  Lapid.  en 
Prov.  xxxi.  H.  W.  P. 

BATH-SHU'A  (V^tTTI?  [daughter  of  an 
oath]:  Vat.  and  Alex,  n  Briptrafife:  Betlisabee), 
a  variation  of  the  name  of  Bathsheba,  mother  of 
Solomon,  occurring  only  in  1  Chr.  iii.  5.  It  is  per- 
haps worth  notice  that  Shua  was  a  Canaanite  name 
(comp.  1  Chr.  ii.  3,  and  Gen.  xxxviii.  2,  12  —  where 
"  Bath-shua  "  is  really  the  name  of  Judah's  wife), 
while  Bathsheba's  original  husband  was  a  Hittite. 

BATH-ZACHARFAS  (quasi  H^-t^T  H'^a 
[house  of  Z.]:  Baid(axapia;  Alex,  and  Joseph. 
Be6(ax<ipia.'-  Bethzachara),  a  place,  named  only 
1  Mace.  vi.  32,  33,  to  which  Judas  Maccabeus 
marched  from  Jerusalem,  and  where  he  encamped 
for  the  relief  of  Bethsura  (Bethzur)  when  the  latter 
was  besieged  by  Antiochus  Eupator.  The  two 
places  were  seventy  stadia  apart  (Joseph.  Ant.  xii. 
9,  §  4),  and  the  approaches  to  Bathzacharia  were 
intricate  and  confined  —  ffTffrjs  oijin]s  rrjs  Trap6- 
Sov  (Joseph.  B.  J.  i.  1,  §  5,  and  comp.  the  passage 
cited  a'-ove,  from  which  it  is  evident  that  Josephus 
knew  the  spot).  This  description  is  met  in  every 
respect  by  the  modem  Beit  Sakdrieh,  which  has 
been  discovered  by  Robinson  at  nine  nules  north 
of  Beit  sur,  "  on  an  almost  isolated  promontory  or 


a  The  "  nsh-pools  »  of  the  A.  V.  is  from  pisHnce  of        6  *  Tristram  {Land  of  Israel,  p.  540)  makes  it  beaf 
•he  Vulg.    The  Hebrew  word  Berecth  is  simply  a  pool    southeaat  of  He$b&n.  H 

V  taotc.  I 


256 


Battle-axe 


tell,  juttinjr  jvi  tetween  two  deep  valleys,  and  con- 
nected with  tio  high  ground  south  by  a  low  neck 
between  tho  heaJs  of  ihe  valleys,  the  neck  forming 
the  only  place  of  access  to  what  must  have  been 
an  almost  impregnable  position "  (Rob.  iii.  283, 
28i).  The  place  lies  in  the  entangled  country  west 
of  the  Hebron  road,  between  four  and  five  miles 
oouth  of  Bethlehem.     [Bethzuk  ]  G. 

*  BATTLE-AXE  (Jer.  U.  20).  [Axe,  7; 
Maul.] 

*  jBATTTLEMENT.     [House.] 
BA'VAI   [2  syl.]    C*??    [of   Persian   origin, 

0«6  j:  Bci-et;  [Vat.  BeSet;  Comp.  Bafiat-]  Ba- 
vai),  son  of  Henadad,  niler  {"'W)  of  the  "dis- 
trict" (Tf  ^S)  of  Keilah  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah 
,Neh.  iii.  18). 

BAY-TREE  (n^T^^,"  ezrdcJi:  ^^Spos  rov 
.ufidvov'-  cedrm  Libani).  It  is  difficult  to  see 
upon  what  giouuds  the  translators  of  the  A.  V. 
nave  understood  the  Hebrew  word  of  Ps.  xxxvii. 
35  to  signify  a  "bay-tree":  such  a  rendering  is 
entirely  unsupported  by  any  kind  of  evidence. 
Most  of  the  Jewish  doctors  understand  by  the  terra 
ezrdch  "  a  tree  which  grows  in  its  own  soil "  — one 
that  has  never  been  transplanted;  which  is  the 
interpretation  given  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V. 
Some  versions,  as  the  Vulg.  and  the  Arabic,  follow 
the  LXX.,  which  reads  "cedar  of  Lebanon,"  mis- 
taking the  Hebrew  word  for  one  of  somewhat  simi- 
lar form.''  Celsius  {Hkrob.  i.  194)  agrees  with  the 
author  of  the  sixth  Greek  edition,  which  gives  au- 
r6x9<»P  {iruliyena,  "  one  bom  in  the  land  ")  as  the 
meaning  of  the  Hebrew  word :  with  this  ^^ew  Kabbi 
Solomon  and  Hammond  (Comment.on  Ps.  xxxvii.) 
coincide.  Dr.  Royle  (Kitto's  Cycl.  Bib.  Lit.  art. 
"Ezrach")  suggests  the  Arabic  Ashruk,  which  he 
says  is  described  in  Arabic  works  on  Materia  Med- 
ica  as  a  tree  having  leaves  like  the  ghar  or  "  bay- 
tree."  This  opinion  must  be  rejected  as  unsup- 
ported by  any  authority. 

Perhaps  no  tree  whatever  is  intended  by  the  word 
tzrdch,  which  occurs  in  several  passages  of  the  He- 
brew Bible,  and  signifies  "  a  native,"  in  contradis- 
tinction to  "  a  stranger,"  or  "a  foreigner."  Comp. 
Lev.  xvi.  29 :   "  Ye  shall  afl9ict  your  souls  .... 

whether  it  be  one  of  your  own  country  (n^TSn, 
kdezrdch)  or  a  stranger  that  sojoumeth  among 
you."  The  epithet  "green,"  as  Celsius  has  ob- 
served, is  by  no  means  the  only  meaning  of  the 
Hebrew  word ;  for  the  same  word  occurs  in  Dan. 
iv.  4,  where  Nebuchadnezzar  uses  it  of  himself: 
"  I  was  flourishing  in  my  palace."  In  all  other 
passages  where  the  word  ezrach  occurs,  it  evidently 
is  spoken  of  a  man  (Ceb.  Hierob.  i.  196).  In  sup- 
port of  this  view  we  may  observe  that  the  word 
translated  "  in  great  power  "  <^  more  litei-ally  signi- 
fies "  to  be  formidable,"  or  "  to  cause  terror,"  and 
that  the  word  which  the  A.  V.  translates  "  spread- 
ing himself,"  <<  more  properly  means  to  "  make 
bare."  The  passage  then  might  be  thus  para- 
phrased :  "  I  have  seen  the  wicked  a  terror  to  oth- 
ers, and  behaving  with  barefaced  aud-vcity,  just  as 
lorae  proud  native  of  the  land."  In  the  Levitical 
Law  tie  oppression  of  the  stranger  was  strongly 


«  From  rrit,  ortiM  ut  {Sol). 


BDELLIUM 

forbidden,  perhaps  therefore  some  reference  to  sncL 
acts  of  oppression  is  made  in  these  words  of  th« 
psalmist.  \v\  H 

BAZ'LITH  (."T'Vra  [a  stripping,  naked. 
ness]).  "Children  of  B."  were  amongst  the  Nk 
THINIM  who  returned  with  Zenibbabel  (Neh.  vii, 
54).     In  Ezr.  ii.  52,  the  name  is  given  as  Baz- 

LUTH  ( n-lbV2  [which  means  the  same] ).  LXX, 
m  both  places  BcuraXde;  [but  Vat.  in  Ezr.  Boira- 
5a»6,  in  Neh.  havawO:]   Besluth.     [Basaloth.] 

BAZ'LUTH    (nn*:):'?:    PcuraKdie;    [Vat. 
hcuraSve.]   Besluth).     Bazlith  (Ezr.  ii.  52). 
BDELLIUM    (nVl2,    beddlach:    4„ep«|, 

KpiarraWoV.  bdellium),  a  precious  substance,  the 
name  of  which  occurs  in  Gen.  ii.  12,  with  "  gold  " 
and  "onyx  stone,"  as  one  of  the  productions  of 
the  land  of  Havilah,  and  in  Num.  xi.  7,  where 
manna  is  in  color  compared  to  bdellium.  There 
are  few  subjects  that  have  been  more  copiously  dis- 
cussed than  this  one,  which  relates  to  the  nature 
of  the  article  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  word  bedd- 
lach; and  it  must  be  confessed  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  labor  bestowed  upon  it,  we  are  still  as  much 
in  the  dark  as  ever,  for  it  is  quite  impossible  to  say 
whether  bedolach  denotes  a  mineral,  or  an  animal 
production,  or  a  vegetable  exudation.  Some  writ- 
ers have  supposed  that  the  word  should  be  written 
berolach  (beryl),  instead  of  bedolach,  as  Wahl  (in 
Descr.  Asioi,  p.  850)  and  Hartmann  (rfe  Mulier. 
Hebraic,  iii.  96 ),  but  beryl,  or  aqua  WMrine,  which 
is  only  a  pale  variety  of  emerald,  is  out  of  the 
question,  for  the  bdellium  was  white  (Ex.  xvi.  31, 
with  Num.  xi.  7),  while  the  beryl  is  yellow  or  red, 
or  faint  blue;  for  the  same  reason  the  &vdpa^  ("car- 
buncle") of  the  LXX.  (in  Gen.  /.  c.)  must  be  re- 
jected ;  while  KpvaraWov  ("crystal")  of  the 
same  version,  which  interpretation  is  adopted  by 
Keland  (de  Situ  Paradisi,  §  12),  is  mere  conjecture. 
The  Greek,  Venetian,  and  the  Arabic  versions,  with 
some  of  the  Jewish  doctors,  understand  "  pearls  " 
to  be  intended  by  the  Hebrew  word ;  and  this  in- 
terpretation Bochart  (Hieroz.  iii.  592)  and  Gese- 
nius  accept;  on  the  other  hand  the  Gr.  versions  of 
Aquila,  Theodotion,  and  Synmiachus,  Josephm 
(Ant.  iii.  1,  §  6),  Salmasius  (Jfyl.  latri.  p.  181), 
Celsius  (Hierob.  i.  324),  Sprengel  (Hist,  liei  Herb. 
i.  18,  and  Comment,  in  Dioscm:  i.  80),  and  a  few 
modem  writers  believe,  with  the  A.  V.,  that  bedd- 
lach ^=  bdellium,  i.  e.  an  odoriferous  exudation  from 
a  tree  which  is,  according  to  Ksempfer  (Aman. 
Exot.  p.  668)  ihei  Borassus  flaheUifcn'mis,  Linn.,  of 
Arabia  Felix;  compare  PUny  (H.  N.  xii.  9,  §  19), 
where  a  full  description  of  the  tree  and  the  gum  ia 
given.  The  aromatic  gum,  according  to  Dioscori- 
des  (i.  80)  was  called  jxiSfXKOv  or  /3J\x<"''  '"^^ 
according  to  Pliny  brochcm,  malacha,  maldacon, 
names  which  seem  to  be  allieid  to  the  Hebrew  bedd- 
lach. Plautus  (Cure.  i.  2,  7)  uses  the  word  bdell- 
ium. 

As  regards  the  theory  which  explains  bedfilach. 
by  "  pearls,"  it  must  be  allowed  that  the  evidence 
in  its  favor  is  very  inconclusive;  in  the  first  place 
it  assumes  that  Havilah  is  some  spot  on  the  Persian 
Gulf  where  pearls  are  found,  a  point  however,  which 
is  fairly  open  to  question ;  and  secondly,  it  must  ht 


niVry2,     see  the  Hebrew  Lndeoiu,  «.  V9. 


BEALIAH 

rBmembered  that  there  are  other  Hebrew  words  for 
'  pearls,"  namely,  Ditr,"-  and  according  t«  Bochart, 
Penimm,''  though  there  is  much  doubt  as  to  the 
ineaninir  of  this  latter  word. 

The  fact  that  eben,  "a  stone.,"  is  prefixed  to 
shSham,  "onyx,"  and  not  to  bedolach,  seems  to  ex- 
clude the  latter  from  being  a  mmeral;  nor  do  we 
think  it  a  sufficient  objection  to  say  "  that  such  a 
production  as  bdellium  is  not  valuable  enough  to 
be  classed  with  gold  and  precious  stones,"  for  it 
*ould  be  easy  to  prove  that  resinous  exudations 
were  held  in  very  high  esteem  by  the  ancients,  both 
.Jews  and  Gentiles ;  and  it  is  more  probable  that 
the  sacred  historian  should  mention,  as  far  as  may 
be  in  a  few  w)rds,  the  varied  productions,  vegeta- 
ble as  well  as  mineral,  of  the  country  of  which  he 
was  speaking,  rather  than  confine  his  remarks  to 
its  mineral  treasures ,  and  since  there  is  a  similarity 
of  form  between  the  (Jreek  fiSf?<\iov,  or  /j.dBeAKoy, 
and  the  Hebrew  bedolach,  and  as  this  opinion  is 
well  supported  by  authority,  the  balance  of  proba- 
bilities appears  to  us  to  be  in  favor  of  the  transla- 
tion of  the  A.  v.,  though  the  point  will  probably 
always  be  left  an  open  one.''  W.  H 

BEALI'AH  (n^7j?2l,  remarkable  as  con- 
taining the  names  of  both  Baal  and  Jah :  BaoA.io ; 
[Vat.  FA.  BaSaia;  Alex.  BaaSm:]  Baalia  „  a 
Beryamite,  who  went  over  to  David  at  Ziklag  (1 
Chr.  xii.  5). 

BE'ALOTH  (n'ibpa,  the  plur.  fern,  form 
of  Baal:  Ba\)xaivdv;  Alex.  BaKwQ:  Baloth),  a 
trwn  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  24). 

BE'AN,  CniLUREN  [Sons]  of  (viol  Batdv, 
Jcaeph.  viol  tou  Badyov  '•  jUd  Bean),  a  tribe,  appar- 
ently of  predatory  Bedouin  habits,  retreating  into 
"t3wers"  {irxjpyovs)  when  not  plundering,  and  who 
were  destroyed  by  Judas  jMaccabseus  (1  Mace.  v.  4). 
The  name  has  been  supposed  to  be  identical  with 
Beon  ;  but  in  the  absence  of  more  information 
this  must  remain  mere  conjecture,  especially  as  it  is 
very  diflicult  to  tell  from  the  context  whether  the 
residence  of  this  people  was  on  the  east  or  west  of 
Jordan.  G. 

BEANS  (iy^dpol:  Kia/ios:  faba).  There 
appears  never  to  have  been  any  doubt  about  the 
correctness  of  the  translation  of  the  Hebrew  word. 
Beans  are  mentioned  with  various  other  things  in 
2  Sam.  xvii.  28,  as  having  been  brought  to  David 
at  the  time  of  his  flight  from  Absalom,  and  again 
in  Ez.  iv.  9,  beans  are  mentioned  with  "  barley, 
lentiles,  millet,  and  fitches,"  which  the  prophet  was 
ordered  to  put  into  one  vessel  to  be  made  into 
bread.  Pliny  (//.  N.  xviii.  12)  also  states  that 
l>eans  were  used  for  a  similar  purpose.  Beans  are 
cultivated  in  Palestine,  which  country  grows  many 
of  the  leguminous  order  of  plants,  such  as  lentils, 
kidney-beans,  vetches,  &c.  Beans  are  in  blossom 
in  Palestine  in  January;  they  have  been  noticed  in 
flower  at  Lydda  on  the  2.3d,  and  at  Sidon  and  Acre 
evBQ  earlier  (Kitto,  Phys.  H.  Palest.  215);  they 


"1?,  Heb.;    .J,  Arab. 

'  The  derivation  of  nVlS  iadoubtfu,  •  butFiirst's 
Btynology  from   712,   wtanare,  fluere,    '  to  distill," 

n*m  root  b;[T  or  b^  (Greek  /saiXX-eiv     -s  in  favor 
it  the  bdellium. 

17 


BEAR  257 

continue  in  flower  till  March.  In  Egypt  beans  are 
sown  in  November  and  reaped  in  the  middle  of 
February ;  but  in  Syria  the  harvest  is  later.  Dr. 
Kitto  {ibid.  319)  says  that  the  "stalks  are  cut 
down  with  the  scythe,  and  these  are  afterwards  cut 
and  crushed  to  fit  them  for  the  food  of  cattle;  the 
beans  when  sent  to  market  are  often  deprived  of 
their  skins  by  the  action  of  two  small  imW-stones 
(if  the  phrase  may  be  allowed)  of  clay  dried  in  the 
sun."  Dr.  Shaw  {Travels,  i.  257,  8vo  ed.  1808) 
says  that  in  Northern  Africa  beans  are  usually  full 
podded  at  the  beginning  of  March,  and  continue 
during  the  whole  spring ;  that  they  are  "boiled  and 
stewed  with  oil  and  garlic,  and  are  the  prmcipal 
food  of  persons  of  all  distinctions." 

Herodotus  (ii.  37)  states  that  the  Egyptian 
priests  abhor  the  sight  of  beans,  and  consider  them 
impure,  and  that  tlie  people  do  not  sow  this  pulse 
at  all,  nor  indeed  eat  what  grows  in  their  country ; 
but  a  passage  in  Diodorus  implies  that  the  absti  ■ 
nencc  from  this  article  of  food  was  not  general. 
Tlie  remark  of  Herodotus,  therefore,  requires  limit- 
ation. The  dislike  which  Pythagoras  is  said  to 
have  maintained  for  beans  has  been  by  some  traced 
to  the  influence  of  the  Egyptian  priests  with  that 
philosopher  (see  Smith's  Diet,  of  Gr.  and  Rom. 
Bioy.  art.  "Pythagoras"). 

Hiller  {Hierophyt.  ii.  130),  quoting  from  the 
Mishna,  says  that  the  high-priest  of  the  Jews  was 
not  allowed  to  eat  either  eggs,  cheese,  flesh,  bruised 
beans  {/abas  J'resas),  or  lentils  on  the  day  before 
the  sabbath. 

The  bean  ( l^cia  /aba)  is  too  well  known  to  need 
description;  it  is  cultivated  over  a  large  portion  of 
the  old  world  from  the  north  of  Europe  to  the  south 
of  India;  it  belongs  to  the  natural  order  of  ))lant3 
called  Lcguininoste.  W.  H. 

BEAR  (n'"^,«  Heb.  and  Ch.,  or  dSl, dob:  «pjt- 
Tos,  &pKos,  \uKos  in  Prov.  xxviii.  15;  fitpifiva 
Prov.  xvii.  12,  as  if  the  word  were  3S"^ :  ursus, 
ursa).  This  is  without  doubt  the  Syrian  bear 
( Ursus  Syriacus),  which  to  this  day  is  met  with 
occasionally  in  Palestine.  Ehrenberg  says  that 
this  bear  is  seen  only  on  one  part  of  the  summit 
of  Lebanon,  called  Mackmel,  the  other  peak,  Gebel 
Sanin,  being  strangely  enough  free  from  these  ani  - 
mals.  The  Syrian  bear  is  more  of  a  frugivoroua 
habit  than  the  brown  bear  (Ursm  arctos),  but 
when  pressed  with  hunger  it  is  known  to  attaek 
men  and  animals ;  it  is  very  fond  of  a  kind  of  chick- 
pea ( Cicer  arietinus),  fields  of  which  are  often  laid 
waste  by  its  devastations.  The  excrement  of  the 
Syrian  bear,  which  is  termed  in  Arabic,  Bar-ed- 
dub,  is  sold  in  Egypt  and  Syria  as  a  remedy  in 
ophthalmia;  and  the  skin  is  of  considerable  value. 
Most  recent  writers  are  silent  respecting  any  S[)ecies 
of  bear  in  SjTia,  such  as  Shaw,  Volney,  llassel- 
quist,  Burckhardt,  and  Schulz.  Seetzen,  however, 
notices  a  report  of  the  existence  of  a  bear  in  the 
province  of  Hasbeiya  on  Mount  Hermon.  Khedef 
supposed  this  bear  must  be  the  Ursus  arctos,  foi 

V"19,  firom  bbS,  "  to  roll,"  in  allusion  to  its 
form.  Lat.  bulla ;  Dutch,  bol,  "  a  bean."  The  Ara- 
bic word  ij«j,  /til,  is  identical.     Gesen.  Thes.  s.  r 

2"^,  from  D"^^,  lente  incedere :  but  hochart 
conjectures  an  Arabic  root  =  "  to  be  hairy."  Forskal 
{Descr.  An.  p.  iv.)  nx  ntions  tie  \,^i^,  dubb,  Karugtl 
the  Arabian  &una.     Ls  this  the  Ursus  arrtm '' 


258  BEARD 

which  opinion,  however,  he  seems  to  have  had 
no  authority ;  and  a  recent  writer,  Dr.  Thomson 
{Land  and  Book,  p.  573),  says  that  the  Syrian 
bear  is  still  found  on  the  higher  mountains  of  this 
country,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  Ilermon  stand 
in  great  fear  of  him.  Hemprich  and  Ehrenberg 
{Hyinbolie  Phys.  pt.  i.)  infonn  us  that  during  the 
summer  months  these  bears  keep  to  the  snowy  parts 
of  I^banon  Init  descend  in  winter  to  the  villages 
and  gardens  t  is  probable  also  that  at  this  period 
in  former  days  they  extended  their  visits  to  other 


Syrian  Bear  ( Ursus  Syriacus). 


parts  of  Palestine;  for  though  this  species  was  in 
ancient  times  far  more  numerous  than  it  is  now, 
yet  the  snowy  summits  of  Lebanon  were  probably 
always  the  summer  home  of  these  animals."  Now 
we  read  in  Scripture  of  bears  being  found  in  a 
wood  between  Jericho  and  Kethel  (2  K.  ii.  24);  it 
is  not  improbable,  therefore,  that  the  destruction 
of  the  forty-two  children  who  mocked  Elisha  took 
place  some  time  in  the  winter,  when  tliese  animals 
inhabited  the  low  lands  of  Palestine. 

The  ferocity  of  the  bear  when  deprived  of  its 
young  is  alluded  to  in  2  Sam.  xvii.  8 ;  Prov.  xvii. 
12;  Hos.  xiii.  8;  its  attacking  flocks  in  1  Sam. 
xvii.  34,  &c. ;  its  craftiness  in  ambush  in  Lam.  iii. 
10,  and  that  it  was  a  dangerous  enemy  to  man  we 
leam  from  Am.  v.  19.  The  passage  in  Is.  lix.  11, 
would  be  better  translated,  "  we  yronn  like  bears," 
in  allusion  to  the  animal's  plaintive  groaning  noise 
(see  Ifechart,  Hieroz.  ii.  135;  and  Hor.  Ej).  xvi. 
51,  "  circumgemit  ursus  ovile").  The  bear  is  men- 
tioned also  in  Kev.  xiii.  2;  in  Dan.  vii.  5;  Wisd. 
xi.  17;  I'xclus.  xlvii.  3.  W.  H. 

BEARD  (^Pt:  TrdrywV.  barba).  Western 
.Asiatics  have  always  cherished  the  beard  as  the 
badge  of  the  dignity  of  manhood,  and  attached  to 
it  the  importance  of  a  feature.  The  Egyptians,  on 
tJie  contrary,  sedulously,  for  the  most  part,  shaved 
the  hair  of  the  face  and  head,  and  compelled  their 
slaves  to  do  the  Uke.  Herodotus  (i.  3G )  mentions 
it  as  a  peculiarity  of  the  I'^gyptians,  that  they  let 
the  beard  grow  in  mourning,  being  at  all  other 
times  shaved.  Hence  Joseph,  when  released  from 
prison,  "shaved  his  beard"  to  appear  before  Pha- 
raoh (Gen.  xli.  14).  It  was,  however,  the  practice 
among  the  Egyptians  to  wear  a  false  beard  made 
nf  plaited  hair,  and  of  a  different  form  according 
to  the  rank  of  the  persons,  prirate  individuals  being 
represented  with  a  small  beard,  scarcely  two  inches 
long,  kings  with  one  of  considerable  length,  square 


BEARD 

at  ibe  bottom,  and  gods  with  one  *.un.li.g  np  at 
the  end  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  Egyjjt.  suppl.  plate  77 
part  2).  The  enemies  of  the  Egyptians,  including 
probably  many  of  the  nations  of  Canaan,  Syria, 
and  Armenia,  &c.,  are  represented  nearly  always 
bearded.  On  the  tomb  of  Beni  Hassan  is  repre- 
sented a  train  of  foreigners  with  assea  and  cattle, 
who  all  have  short  beards,  as  have  also  groups  of 
various  nations  on  another  monument. 


•  *Mr.  Tristram  not  only  found  "the  tracks  of 
Bears  "  In  the  snow,  on  the  sides  of  Hennon  {Land  of 
Isratl,  p.  607),  but  even  in  Wady  Hatn&m  (see  Beth- 
ikBxaL),  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake  of  OalUee.  saw  to 


Beards.     Egyptian,   from   Wilkinson   (top   row).     Of 
otlier  nations  from  Rosellini  and    Layard  (bottom 

row). 

I''gyptians  of  low  caste  or  mean  condition  are 
represented  sometimes,  in  the  spirit  of  caricature, 
ajjparently  with  beards  of  slovenly  grow*.h  (VVil- 
kinson,  ii.  127).  In  the  Ninevite  monuments  is  a 
series  of  battle-views  from  the  capture  of  l^achisb 
Ijy  Sennacherib,  in  which  the  captives  have  beardi 
vevy  like  some  of  those  in  the  Egyptian  monu- 
ments. 

There  is,  however,  an  appearance  of  convention- 
alism both  in  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  treatment  of 
the  hair  and  beard  on  monuments,  which  prevents 
our  accepting  it  as  characteristic.  Nor  is  it  poesi- 
ble  to  decide  with  certainty  the  meaning  of  the 
precept  (Lev.  xix.  27,  xxi.  5)  regarding  the  "cor- 
ners of  the  i)eard."  It  seems  to  imply  something 
in  which  the  cut  of  a  Jewish  beard  had  a  ceremo- 
nial difterence  from  that  of  other  western  Asiatics; 
and  on  comparing  Herod,  iii.  8  with  Jer.  ix.  26, 
xxv.  23,  xlLx.  32,  it  is  likely  that  the  .lews  retained 
the  hair  on  the  sides  of  the  face  between  the  ear 
and  eye  {Kp6Taipoi)>  which  the  Arabs  and  others 
shaved  away.  Size  and  fullness  of  beard  are  sa'l 
to  be  regarded,  at  the  present  day,  as  a  mark  of 
respectabihty  and  trustworthiness.  The  lieard  is 
the  object  of  an  oath,  and  that  on  which  blessing* 
or  shame  are  spoken  of  as  resting  (D'Arvieux, 
Mteurs  et  Coutumes  des  Arabes).  The  custom 
was  and  is  to  shave  or  pluck  it  and  the  hair  out  in 
mourning  (Is.  1.  6,  xv.  2;  Jer.  xli.  5,  xMii.  37,' 
Ezr.  ix.  3;  Bar.  vi.  31  [or  Epist.  Jer.  31]);  to  neg- 
lect it  in  seasons  of  permanent  affliction  (2  Sam. 
xix.  24),  and  to  regard  any  insult  to  it  as  the  '.ast 
outrage  which  enmity  can  inflict.  Thus  Dand 
resented  the  treatment  of  his  ambassadors  hy  Ha- 
nun  (2  Sam.  x.  4);  so  the  people  of  Grod  are  figu- 
ratively spoken  of  as  "beard"  or  "hair"  which 
he  will  shave  with  "  the  razor,  the  king  of  Assyria  '• 
(Is.  vii.  20).  The  beard  was  the  object  of  saluts 
tion,  and  under  this  show  of   ftiendly  reverenc* 


his  surprise  "  a  brown  Syrian  bear  clumrily  but  nf 
idly  olamI>er  down  the  rocks  and  cross  the  ravine"  (| 
447).  H 


BEAST 

foab  l)eguiled  Amasa  (2  Sam.  xx.  9).  The  dress- 
jifj  trimming,  anointing,  &c.  of  the  beard,  was 
performed  with  much  ceremony  by  persons  of 
wealth  and  rank  (Ps.  cxxxiii.  2).  The  removal  of 
the  beard  was  a  part  of  the  ceremonial  treatment 
proper  to  a  leper  (Lev.  xiv.  9).  There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  the  Jews  compelled  their  slaves  to  wear 
beards  otherwise  than  they  wore  their  own;  al- 
though the  Romans,  when  they  adopted  the  fash- 
ion of  shaving,  compelled  their  .slaves  to  cherish 
their  hair  and  beard,  and  let  them  shave  when 
manumitted  (Liv.  xxxiv.  52,  xlv.  44:).        H.  H. 

BEAST.  The  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of 
the  following  Hebrew  words:  ntSHS,  "^"^^'Sj 
T^^r}  (SVn,  Chald.). 

1.  Behemdh  (H^HS  :  a  ^^  rerpdwoSa,  to 
KT-fiyri,  rh,  dripla-  jumentum,  besiia,  animantia, 
pecus:  "beast,"  "cattle,"  A.  V.),  which  is  the 
general  name  for  "  domestic  cattle  "  of  any  kind, 
is  used  also  to  denote  "  any  large  quadruped,"  as 
opposed  to  fowls  and  creeping  things  (Gen.  vii.  2, 
vi.  7,  20;  Ex.  ix.  2.5;  Lev.  xi.  2;  1  K.  iv.  33; 
Prov.  XXX.  30,  &c.);  or  for  "beasts  of  burden," 
horses,  mules,  etc.,  as  in  1  K.  xviii.  5,  Neh.  ii.  12, 
14,  etc. ;  or  the  word  may  denote  "  wild  beasts," 
u  in  Deut.  xxxii.  24,  Hab.  ii.  17,  1  Sam.  xvii.  44. 
[Behemoth,  note ;  Ox.] 

2.  Bi'ir  (")"^i73  :  ra  <^opeia,  rh  Kr-fivri-  ju- 
mentum: "beast,"  "cattle")  is  used  either  col- 
lectively of  "all  kinds  of  cattle,"  like  the  Latin 
pecus  (Ex.  xxii.  4;  Num.  xx.  4,  8,  11;  Ps.  Ixxviii. 
48),  or  specially  of  "  beasts  of  burden  "  (Gen.  xlv. 
17).     This  word  has  a  more  limited  sense  than  the 

,  and  is  derived  from  a  root,  "'2-^,  "to 


pasture." 

3.  Chayyah  (n*n  :  Bnpiov,  (wov,  O-fip,  rerpd- 

ovs,    KTTJvos,     epirerSv,    drjpidKcoros,    fipcarSs' 

fera,  animantin,  animal:  "beast,"  "wild  beast." 

This  word,  which  is  the  feminine  of  the  adjective 

"'H,  "living,"  is  used  to  denote  any  animal.  It 
is,  however,  very  frequently  used  specially  of  "  wild 
beast,"  when  the  meaning  is  often  more  fuUy  ex- 
pressed by  the  addition  of  the  word  niJ^n  {has- 
tddeh,  wild  beast),  "of  the  field  "  (Ex.  xxiii.  11; 
Uv.  xxvi.  22;  Deut.  vii.  22;  Hos.  ii.  14,  xiii.  8; 
Jer.  xii.  9,  &c.).    Similar  is  the  use  of  the  Chaldee 

<Vn  {cheyvd).f>  W.  H. 

BE'BAI  [2  syl.]  ^2  il  [Pehlevi,  fatherly] : 
[In  Ezr.,]  Ba^at,  [Vat.  Ba/Sei,  Alex.  Bafiaf,  in 
Neh.,]  Btj/Si,  Be$ai,  [etc.;  in  1  Esdr.  BijySot, 
Zebes:]   Bebai). 

1.  "  Sons  of  Bebai,"  623  (Neh.  628)  m  number, 
returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. 
11;  Neh.  vii.  16;  1  Esdr.  v.  13),  and  at  a  lat«r 
oeriod  twenty-eight  more,  under  Zecharlah  the  son 
of  Uebai,  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  viii.  11).  Four 
of  this  family  had  taken  foreign  wives  (ICzr.  x.  28; 
1  Esdr.  ix.  29).  The  name  occurs  also  among  those 
ifho  sealed  the  covenant  (Neh.  x.  15)      [B.»bi.] 


a  From  the  unused  root  0712,   "to  be  dumb." 

-     T  " 

6  The  word  C'S^J"  ia  translated  by  t«>«  A.  V.  "  wild 
leasts  of  the  desiert "  in  Is.  xiii.  21,  xxxIt.  14 ;  Jer.  1. 
»     The  root  is  H^^*,  "to  be  dry;''  whence  •*!?, 


BBOHER  259 

2.  (BajSf  [Vat.  Alex.  Ba)3ei].)  Father  of  Zecha- 
riah,  who  was  the  leader  of  the  twenty-eight  men 
of  his  tribe  mentioned  above  (Ezr.  viii.  11). 

BE'BAI  [2  syl]  (Alex.  [Comp.  Aid.]  Bvfiai; 
[Sin.  AfieX^aifi;]  Vat.  omits;  Vulg.  omits),  a  place 
named  only  in  Jud.  xv.  4.  It  is  possibly  a  mere 
repetition  of  the  name  Chobai  occurring  next  to  it. 

BE'CHER  C^'?:  [in  Gen.]  Box<^p,  [Alex. 
Xofiwp;  in  Num.,  Comp.  Bex^pt  ^^^  others  omit; 
m  1  Chr.,  Bax'tp,  Alex.  Boxop,  Vat.  A^axei  l» 
ver.  8,  in  ver.  6  omits:]  Bechor,  [in  Num.  Becker :] 
Jirst-born,  but  according  to  Gesen.  a  yoimg  camel, 
which  Simonis  also  hints  at,  Onom.  p.  399). 

1.  The  second  son  of  Benjamin,  according  to  the 
list  both  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21,  and  1  Chr.  vii.  6;  but 
omitted  in  the  list  of  the  sons  of  Benjamin  in  ] 
Chr.  viii.  1,  as  the  text  now  stands.  No  one,  how- 
ever, can  look  at  the  Hebrew  text  of  1  Chr.  viii.  1, 

••    .      -  -   V  ••  •  '    •  T  .     •  ' 

without  at  least  suspecting  that  1~Tr3,  his  Jirsi- 

boni,  is  a  corruption  of  "^."?Sli  Becker,  and  that 

the  sufEx  1  is  a  corruption  of  1,  and  belongs  to 

the  following  "72W"K,  so  that  the  genuine  sense 
in  that  case  would  be,  Benjamin  begat  Bela,  Becher, 
and  Ashbel,  in  ex9x;t  agreement  with  Gen.  xlvi.  21. 
The  enumeration,  the  sec;>nd,  the  third,  etc.,  must 
then  have  been  added  since  the  corruption  of  the 
text.  There  is,  however,  another  view  which  may 
be  taken,  namely,  that  1  Chr.  viii.  1  is  right,  and 

that  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21  and  1  Chr.  viii.  8,  "^^3,  as  a 

proper  name,  is  a  corruption  of  "1-3,  first-bom, 
and  so  that  Benjamin  had  no  son  of  the  name  of 
Becher.  In  favor  of  this  view  it  may  be  said  that 
the  position  of  Becher,  immediately  following  Bela 
the  first-bom  in  both  passages,  is  just  the  position 
it  would  be  in  if  it  meant  "  first-bom;  "  that  Ber- 
cher  is  a  singular  name  to  give  to  a  second  son; 
and  that  the  discrepance  between  Gen.  xlvi.  21, 
where  Ashbel  is  the  third  son,  and  1  Chr.  viii.  1, 
where  he  is  expressly  called  the  second,  and  the 
omission  of  Ashbel  in  1  Chr.  vii.  6,  would  all  be 

accounted  for  on  the  supposition  of  "112  having 
been  accidentally  taken  for  a  proper  name,  instead 
of  in  the  sense  of  "  first-born."  It  may  be  added 
further  that  in  1  Chr.  viii.  38,  the  same  confusion 
has  arisen  in  the  case  of  the  sons  of  Azel,  of  whom 
the  second  is  in  the  A.  V.  called  Bocheru,  in  He- 
brew ^IDZ',  but  which  in  the  LXX.  is  rendered 
irpwrdTOKos  avTOv,  and  another  name,  'Accf,  added 
to  make  up  the  six  sons  of  Azel.  And  that  the 
LXX.  are  right  in  their  rendering  is  made  highly 
probable  by  the  very  same  form  being  repeated  in 
ver.  39,  "  and  the  sons  of  Eshek  his  brother  u-ere 

Ulam  his  first-born,  TT133,  Jehush  the  secmrl,"' 
(fee.  The  support  too  which  Becher  as  a  propei 
name  derives  from  the  occurrence  of  the  same  name 
in  Num  rxvi.  35,  is  somewhat  weakened  by  the 
fact  tha's.  Bered  (BopciS,  LXX.)  is  substituted  for 
Becher  in  1  Chr.  vii.  20,  and  that  it  is  omitted 


'fa  desert;"  D***!?  =  "any  dwellers  in  a  dry  or 
desert  region,"  jackals,  hyenas,  &c.  Bochart  is  wrong 
in  limiting  the  word  to  mean  "  wild  oataa  "  ( '-RKroz  H 
206). 


260  BECHER 

iltogtther  in  Ihe  LXX.  version  of  Num.  xxvi.  35. 
Moreover,  which  is  perhaps  the  strongest  argument 
of  ail,  in  the  enumeration  of  the  Benjamite  families 
m  Num.  xxvi.  38,  there  is  no  mention  of  Becher 
or  the  Bachrites,  but  Ashbel  and  the  Ashbelites 
immediately  follow  Bela  and  the  13elaites.  Not- 
withstanding, however,  all  this,  the  first  supposition 
was,  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted,  substantiidly  the 
true  one.  Becher  was  one  of  Benjamin's  three  sons, 
Bela,  Becher,  Ashbel,  and  came  down  to  Eg}'pt  with 
Jacob,  being  one  of  the  fourteen  descendants  of 
Rachel  who  settled  in  I'^ypt,  namely,  Joseph  and 
his  two  sons  Manasseli  and  Ephraim,  Benjamin  and 
his  three  sons  above  named,  Gera,  Naaman,  Ehi 

CnS,  alias  Q"1^nS,  Ahiram,  Num.  xxvi.  38,  and 

nnnS,   Aharat,    1    Chr.    viii.    1,    and   perhaps 

ninS  and  n*nW,   ver.   4  and   7),  and  Ard 

C?"]^,  but  in  1  Chr.  viii.  3,  "T^^,  Addar),  the 
Bons  of  Bela,  Muppim  (otherwise  Shuppim,  and 
Shephuphan,  1  Chr.  vii.  12,  15,  viii.  5;  but  Shu- 
pham,  Num.  xxvi.  39)  and  Huppim  (Huram,  1 
Chr.  viii.  5,  but  Hupham,  Num.  xxvi.  39),  appar- 
ently the  sons  of  Ahiram  or  Ehi  (Aher,  1  Chr.  vii. 
12),  and  Rosh,  of  whom  we  can  give  no  account, 
as  there  is  no  name  the  least  like  it  in  the  parallel 

passages,  unless  percliance  it  be  for  Joash  (t?"'!  i  ), 
a  son  of  Ifecher,  1  Chr.  vii.  8."  And  so,  it  is  wor- 
thy of  observation,  the  LXX.  render  the  passage, 
only  that  they  make  Ard  the  son  of  Gera,  great- 
grandson  therefore  to  Benjamin,  and  make  all  the 
others  sons  of  Bela.  As  regards  the  posterity  of 
Becher,  we  have  already  noticed  the  singular  fact 
of  there  being  no  family  named  after  him  at  the 
numbering  of  the  Israelites  in  the  plains  of  Moab, 
as  related  in  Num.  xxvi.  But  the  no  less  singular 
circumstance  of  there  being  a  Becher,  and  a  family 
of  Bachrites,  among  the  sons  of  Ephraim  (ver.  35), 
seems  to  supply  the  true  explanation.  The  slaugh- 
ter of  the  sons  of  Ephraim  by  the  men  of  Gath, 
who  came  to  steal  their  cattle  out  of  the  land  of 
Groshen,  in  that  border  affray  related  in  1  Chr.  vii. 
21,  had  sadly  thinned  the  house  of  Ephraim  of  its 
males.  'Hie  daughters  of  Ephraim  must  therefore 
have  sought  husbands  in  other  tribes,  and  in  many 
cases  must  have  been  heiresses.  It  is  therefore 
highly  probable  that  Becher,*  or  his  heir  and  head 
of  his  house,  married  an  Ephraimitish  heiress,  a 
daughter  of  Shuthelah  (1  Chr.  vii.  20,  21),  and  so 
tliat  his  house  was  reckoned  in  the  tribe  of  Ephra- 
im, just  as  Jair,  the  son  of  Segub,  was  reckoned  in 
the  tribe  of  Manasseh  (1  Chr.  ii.  22;  Num.  xxxii. 
10,  41).  The  time  when  Becher  first  appears 
■tmong  the  Ephraim  ites,  namely,  just  before  the  en- 
tering into  tlie  promised  land,  when  the  people  were 
numbered  by  genealogies  for  the  express  purpose  of 
dividing  the  inheritance  equitably  among  the  tribes. 
Is  evidently  liighly  favorable  to  this  view.  (See 
Num.  xxvi.  52-56,  xxvii.).  The  junior  branches 
of  Bccher's  family  would  of  course  continue  in  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin.  Their  names,  as  given  in  1 
3hr.  vii.  8,  were  Zemira,  Joash,  Eliezer,  Elioenai, 


a  We  are  more  inclined  to  think  it  is  a  corruption 
Bf  Ql     or    CS"',    and  belongs  to   the  preceding 

■^nW,  Ehi,  as  Ahiram  is  certainly  tho  right  name, 
VI  appears  by  Num.  xxvi.  88. 
*>  Tttls  Tiew  BuggestB  the  possibility  of  Uecher  being 


BECHORATH 

Omri,  Jerimoth,  and  Abiah ;  other  branches  po» 
sessed  the  fields  round  Anathoth  and  Alameth, 
called  Alemeth  \i.  60,  and  Almon  Josh.  xxi.  18. 
Which  of  the  above  were  Becher's  own  sons,  and 
which  were  grandsons,  or  more  remote  descendants;, 
is  perhaps  imjwssible  to  determine.  But  the  most 
important  of  them,  as  being  ancestor  to  king  Saul, 
and  his  great  captain  Abner  (2  Sam.  iii.  37),  the 
last-named  Abiah,  was,  it  seems,  hterally  Becher's 
son.  The  generations  apjiear  to  have  been  as  fol- 
lows: Becher — Abiali  (Aphiah,  1  Sam.  ix.  1)  — 
Bechorath  <'  —  Zeror  —  Abiel  (Jehiel,  1  Chr.  ix.  35) 
—  Ner  —  Kish  —  Saul.  Abner  was  another  son 
of  Ner,  brother  therefore  to  Kish,  and  uncle  to 
Saul.  Abiel  or  Jehiel  seems  to  have  been  the  first 
of  his  house  who  settled  at  Gibeon  or  Gibeah  (1 
Chr.  viii.  29,  ix.  35),  which  <^  perhaps  he  acquired 
by  his  marriage  with  Maachah,  and  which  became 
thenceforth  the  seat  of  his  family,  and  was  called 
afterwards  Gibeah  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  xi.  4;  Is.  x.  29). 
From  1  Chr.  viii.  6  it  would  seem  that  l>efore  thia 
Gibecn  or  Geba  had  been  possessed  by  the  sons  of 
Ehud  (called  Abihud  ver.  3)  and  other  sons  of  Bela. 
But  the  text  appears  to  be  very  corrupt. 

Another  remarkable  descendant  of  Becher  waa 
Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri,  a  Benjamite,  who  headed 
the  formidable  rebellion  against  David  descril)ed  in 
2  Sam.  XX. ;  and  another,  probably,  Shimei  the  son 
of  Gera  of  Bahurini,  who  cursed  David  as  he  fled 
from  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xvi.  5),  since  he  is  said  to 
be  "  a  man  of  the  family  of  the  house  of  Saul." 
But  if  so,  Gera  must  be  a  different  person  ftom  the 
Gera  of  Gen.  xlvi.  21  and  1  Chr.  viii.  3.     PerhapB 

therefore  nF^?'  L  is  used  in  the  wider  sense  of 
tribe,  as  Josh.  vii.  17,  and  so  the  passage  may  only 
mean  that  Shimei  was  a  Benjamite.  In  this  caao 
he  would  be  a  descendant  of  Bela. 

From  what  has  been  said  above  it  will  be  seen 
how  important  it  is,  with  a  view  of  reconciling  ap- 
parent discrepancies,  to  bear  in  mind  the  different 
times  when  different  passages  were  written,  as  well 
as  the  principle  of  the  genealogical  divisioi>s  of  the 
families.  Thus  in  the  case  before  us  we  have  the 
tril>e  of  Benjamin  described  (1.)  as  it  was  about  the 
time  when  Jacob  went  down  into  Egypt;  (2.)  as  it 
was  just  before  the  entrance  into  Canaan ;  (3. )  as  it 
was  in  the  days  of  David :  and  (4.)  as  it  was  eleven 
generations  after  Jonathan  and  David,  i.  e.  in  Heze- 
kiali's  reign.  It  is  obvious  how  in  these  later  timei 
many  new  heads  of  houses,  called  sons  of  Benjamin^ 
would  have  sprung  up,  while  older  ones,  by  failure 
of  lines,  or  translation  into  other  tribes,  would  have 
disappeared.  Even  the  non-appearance  of  I?echer 
in  1  Chr.  viii.  1  may  be  accounted  for  on  this  prin- 
ciple, without  the  necessity  for  altering  the  text. 

2.  Son  of  Ephraim,  Num.  xx\'i.  35,  cdled  Bered< 
1  Chr.  vii.  20.     Same  as  the  preceding. 

A.  C.  H. 

BECHO'RATH  (m'ir2  [frst-bwn] :  B«-| 
xlp   [Vat.  -x««p];    Alex.    Bfx<<'P«^-    Bechorath). 
so!i  of  Aphiah,  or  Abiah,  and  grandson  of  Ikcher 
according  to  1  Sam.  ix.  1;  1  Chr.  vii.  8.     [Bb- 
CIIKR.]  A.  C.  H. 

really  the  flrst-bom  of  Beiijamin,  but  having  forfeital 
his  birthright  for  the  salie  of  the  Ephraimitish  inher 
itance. 

c  It  is  possible  that  Bechorath  may  be  the  nmt'' 
person  as  Becher,  and  that  the  order  has  been  ao«l  \ 
dentally  inverted. 

d  Comp.  1  Chr.  vii.  14,  viii.  5,  6,  29,  ix.  86. 


I 


BECTILETH 


BECTILETH,  the  plain  )f  {rl  irtSlov 
B»iKTt\ald  [Vat.  -T6i-];  ^^^-  BemKeB.  [and  so 
giii.ca;  Sin.i  BairovXia] :  Syr.  JL2^xJ.ja  J^O 

=  Uuse  of  slaughter)^  mentioned  in  Jud.  ii.  21, 
as  lying  between  Nineveh  and  Cilicia.  The  name 
has  been  compared  with  BaKTaXaWa,  a  town  of 
Syria  named  by  Ptolemy ;  Bactiali  in  the  Peutin- 
ger  Tables,  which  place  it  21  miles  from  Antioch. 
The  most  important  plain  in  this  direction  is  the 
Bekaa,  or  valley  lying  between  the  two  chains  of 
Lebanon.  And  it  is  possible  that  Bectileth  is  a 
corruption  of  that  well-known  name:  if  indeed  it 
be  a  historical  word  at  all.  G. 

BED  and  BED-CHAMBER.  We  may  dis- 
tinguish in  the  Jewisli  bed  five  principal  parts :  — 
(1.)  the  substratum;  (2.)  the  covering;  (3.)  the 
pillow;  (4.)  the  bedstead  or  analogous  support  for 
■      "  '   the  ornament-il  portions 


Beds      (irom  ieilows,  Asm  Minor  ) 

1.  This  substantive  portion  of  the  bed  was  hm- 
ited  to  a  mere  mat,  or  one  or  more  quilts. 

2.  A  quilt  finer  than  those  used  in  1.  In  sum- 
mer a  thin  blanket  or  the  outer  garment  worn  by 
day  (1  Sam.  xix.  13)  sufficed.  This  latter,  in  the 
case  of  a  poor  person,  often  formed  both  1.  and  2. 
and  tliat  without  a  bedstead.  Hence  the  law  pro- 
vided that  it  should  not  be  kept  in  pledge  after 
sunset,  that  the  poor  man  might  not  lack  his  need- 
fiil  covering  (Deut.  xxiv.  13). 

3.  The  only  material  mentioned  for  this,  is  that 
which  occurs  1  Sam.  xix.  13,  and  the  word  used  is 
of  doubtful  meaning,  but  seems  to  signify  some 
fobric  woven  or  plaited  of  goat's  hair.  It  is  clear, 
however,  that  it  was  somethmg  hastily  adopted  to 
aerve  as  a  pillow,  and  is  not  decisive  of  the  ordi- 
nary use.  In  Ez.  xiii.  18  occurs  the  word  HD^ 
(TrpoffKfcpdkawv,  LXX.),  which  seems  to  be  the 
proper  term.  Such  pillows  are  common  to  this 
day  in  the  Ea.st,  formed  of  sheep's  fleece  or  goat's 
skin,  with  a  stuffing  of  cotton,  &c.  We  read  of  a 
"pillow"  [rower's  cushion;  see  Ship,  13.]  also,  in 
the  boat  in  which  our  Lord  lay  asleep  (Mark  iv. 
38)  as  he  crossed  the  lake.  The  block  of  stone 
uuch  as  Jacob  used,  covered  perhaps  with  a  gar- 
ment, was  not  unusual  among  the  poorer  folk,  shep- 
herds, &c. 

_  4.  The  bedstead  wa?  not  always  necessary,  the 
iivan,  or  platform  along  the  side  or  end  of  an  Ori- 
ental room,  sufficing  as  a  support  for  the  bedding. 
(See  preceding  cut.)  Yet  some  slight  and  portable 
paine  seems  impUed  anxong  the  senses  of  the  word 
n^P,  which  is  used  .or  a  "bier"  (2  Sar-..  iii. 
31),  and  for  the  ordinary  bed  (2  K.  iv.  10),  for  the 
^tter  on  which  a  sick  person  might  be  carried  (1 
8«m  xix.  15),  for  Jacob's  bed  of  olokness  (Gen. 
ivii    31),  and  for  the  couch  on  which  guests  re- 


BEDAD  261 

clined  at  a  banquet  (Esth.  i.  6).  Thus  it  seem* 
the  comprehensive  and  generic  term.     The  proper 

word  for  a  bedstead  appears  to  be  27"^^,  used 
Deut.  iii.  11,  to  describe  that  on  which  lay  the 
giant  Og,  whose  vast  bulk  and  weight  required  one 
of  iron. 


Bed  and  Head-rest.  (Wilkinson,  Ancient  Egypti.ms.) 
5.  The  ornamental  portions,  and  those  which 
luxury  added,  were  pillars  and  a  canopy  (Jud.  xiii. 
9),  ivory  carvings,  gold  and  silver  (Joseph.  Ant. 
xji  21,  14),  and  probably  mosaic  work,  purple  and 
fine  linen,  are  also  mentioned  as  constituting  parts 
of  beds  (Ksth.  i.  6;  Cant.  iii.  9, 10)  where  the  word 

11"^"}^S,  LXX.  <^ope?oi',  seems  to  mean  "a  litter" 
'Prov.  vii.  16,  17;  Amos  vi.  4).  So  also  are  pa 
fumes. 

There  is  but  little  distinction  of  the  btd  from 
sitting  furniture  among  the  Orientals,  the  same  ar- 
ticle being  used  for  nightly  rest,  and  during  the 
day  This  appUes  both  to  the  divan  and  bedstead 
in  all  its  forms,  except  perhaps  the  litter.     There 

was  also  a  garden-watcher's  bed,  n3^7P,  ren- 
dered variously  in  the  A.  V.  "cottage"  and  "lodge," 
which  seems  to  have  been  slung  like  a  hammock, 
perhaps  from  the  trees  (Is.  i.  8,  xxiv.  20). 

Josephus  {Ant.  xii.  4,  11)  mentions  the  bed- 
chambers in  the  Arabian  palace  of  Hyrcanus. 


Pillow  or  Head-rest.  (Wilkinson,  Ancient  Egyptians.) 
The  ordinary  furniture  of  a  bed-chamber  in  pri- 
vate Ufe  is  given  in  2  K.  iv.  10.  The  "  bed-cham- 
ber" in  the  temple  where  Joash  was  hidden,  was, 
as  Calmet  suggests  {Diet,  of  Bib.,  art.  Beds), 
probably  a  store-chamber  for  keeping  beds,  not  a 
mere  bedroom,  and  thus  better  adapted  to  con- 
ceal the  fugitives  (2  K.  xi.  2;  2  Chr.  xxii.  11. 

mt2^n  "tin  "  chamber  of  beds,"  not  the  usual 

23t|7p  "^^n  "ciamber  of  reclining,"  Ex.  viii- 
3  and  passim ,. 

The  position  of  the  bed-chamoer  in  the  most  re- 
mote and  secret  parts  of  the  palace  seems  marked 
in  the  passages  Ex.  viii.  3 ;  2  K.  vi.  12.     H.  H. 

BE'DAD  (IIS  [separation]:  Bop<£S;  \V^m^ 


262  BEDAIAH 

BaS(£8  :J  Badad),  the  father  of  one  of  the  kings  of 
Edom,  "Hadad  ben-Bedad"  (Gen.  xxxvi.  35;  1 
Chr.  i.  46). 

•  BPiDA'IAH  (3  syl.),  Ezr.  x.  35.     [Bede- 

L.\.H.] 

BETJAN  ell's,  [servile,  Ges.]  :  iBapdK :] 
Badan).  1.  Mentioned  1  Sara.  xii.  11,  as  a. Judge 
of  Israel  between  Jerubbaal  (Gideon)  and  .Jephthah. 
As  no  such  name  occurs  in  the  book  of  Judges, 
various  conjectures  have  been  formed  as  to  the  per- 
son meant,  most  of  which  are  discussed  in  Pole 
(Synqims,  in  loc).  Some  maintain  him  to  be  the 
,Iair  mentioned  m  Judg.  x.  3,  who,  it  must  then 
be  supposed,  was  also  called  Bedaii  to  distinguish 
him  from  the  older  Jair,  son  of  Manasseh  (Num. 
xxxii.  41),  a  IJedan  being  actually  named  among 
the  descendants  of  Manasseh  in  1  Chr.  vii.  17. 
The  Chaldee  Paraphrast  reads  Samson  for  Bedan 
in  1  Sam.  xii.  11,  and  many  suppose  Bedan  to  be 
another  name  for  .Samson,  either  a  contraction  of 
Ben-Dan  (the  son  of  Dan  or  Danite),  or  elise  mean- 
ing in  or  into  Dan  (?)  with  a  reference  to  Judg. 
xiii.  25.  Neither  explanation  of  the  word  is  very 
probable,  or  defended  by  any  analogy,  and  the  order 
of  the  names  does  not  agree  with  the  supposition 
that  Bedan  is  Samson,  so  that  there  is  no  real  ar- 
gument for  it  except  the  authority  of  the  Para- 
phrast. The  LXX.,  Syr.,  and  Arab,  all  have 
Batak,  a  very  probable  correction  except  for  the 
order  of  the  names.  Ewald  suggests  that  it  may 
be  a  false  reading  for  Abdon.  After  all,  as  it  is 
clear  that  the  book  of  Judges  is  not  a  complete 
record  of  the  period  of  which  it  treats,  it  is  possible 
that  Bedan  was  one  of  the  Judges  whose  names 
are  not  preserved  in  it,  and  so  may  perhaps  be  com- 
pared with  the  Jael  of  Judg.  v.  6,  who  was  prob- 
ably also  a  Judge,  though  we  know  nothhig  about 
the  subject  except  from  I)eborah's  song.  The  only 
objection  to  this  view  is,  that  as  Bedan  is  mentioned 
with  Gideon,  Jephthah,  and  Samuel,  he  would  seem 
to  have  been  an  important  Judge,  and  therefore  not 
likely  to  be  omitted  in  the  history.  The  same  ob- 
jection applies  in  some  degree  to  the  views  which 
identify  him  with  Abdon  or  Jair,  who  are  but  cur- 
sorily mentioned.  G.  E.  L.  C. 

2.  (BaSa/i;  [Vat.  (OuA.o/x)  ;8o8o/i;]  Alex.  Ba- 
5av.)  Son  of  Ulam,  the  son  of  Gilead  (1  Chr. 
vii.  17).  W.  A.  W. 

BEDE'IAH  [3  syl.]  (n^l2  [senant  of  Je- 
hovah]: BaSata;  [Vat.  Bapata:]  Badaias),  one 
of  the  sons  of  Bani,  in  the  time  of  Ezra,  who  had 
taken  a  foreign  wife  (Ezr.  x.  35).  [llie  A.  V.  ed. 
1611,  etc.,  r^s  Bed'dah.] 

BEE  (n~i"i;i"^,a  deborah:  fieMcrea,  /tte\i<r- 
adiv'-  apis).  Mention  of  this  insect  occurs  in 
Deut.  i.  44,  "  The  Amorites  which  dwelt  in  that 
mountain  came  out  against  you,  and  chased  you  as 
bees  do;  "  in  Judg.  xiv.  8,  "  There  was  a  swarm  of 
iees  and  honey  in  the  carcase  of  the  lion ;  "  in  Ps. 
txviii.  12,  "They  compassed  me  about  like  6ees;" 
snd  in  Is.  vii.  18,  "  It  shall  come  to  pass  in  that 
jay  that  the  Lord  shall  hiss  for  the  fly  that  is  in 
Jhe  uttermost  parts  of  the  rivers  of  E^ypt,  and  for 


BEE 

the  bee  that  is  in  the  land  of  .Vssyria."  lliat  Pal 
cstine  abounded  in  bees  is  evident  from  the  descrip 
tion  of  that  land  by  Moses,  for  it  was  a  land  "  flow- 
ing with  milk  and  honey;  "  nor  is  there  any  reason 
for  supposing  that  this  expression  is  to  be  understood 
otherwise  than  in  its  litieral  sense.  Modern  trav- 
ellers occasionally  allude  to  the  bees  of  Palestine. 
Dr.  Thomson  {Land  and  Book,  p.  299)  speaks  of 
immense  swarms  of  bees  which  made  their  home 
in  a  gigantic  cliff  of  Wady  Kum.  "  The  people 
of  M'alia,  several  years  ago,"  he  says,  "let  a  man 
down  the  face  of  the  rock  by  ropes.  He  was  en- 
tirely protected  from  the  assaults  of  the  bees,  and 
extracted  a  large  amount  of  honey ;  but  he  was  so 
terrified  by  the  prodigious  swarms  of  bees  that  he 
could  not  be  induced  to  repeat  the  exploit."  This 
forcibly  illustrates  Deut.  xxxii.  13,  and  Ps.  Ixxxi. 
16,  as  to  "  honey  out  of  the  stony  rock,"  and  the 
two  passages  out  of  the  Psalms  and  Judges  quoted 
above,  as  to  the  fearful  nature  of  the  attacks  of 
these  insects  when  irritated. 

MaundreU  {Trav.  p.  66)  says  that  in  passing 
through  Samaria  he  perceived  a  strong  smell  of 
honey  and  of  wax;  and  that  when  he  was  a  mile 
from  the  Dead  Sea  he  saw  bees  busy  among  the 
flowers  of  some  kind  of  saline  plant.  Mariti  ( Trav. 
iii.  139)  assures  us  that  bees  are  found  in  great 
multitudes  amongst  the  hills  of  Palestine,  and  that 
they  collect  their  honey  in  the  hollows  of  trees  and 
in  clefts  of  rocks;  (comp.  Land  and  Book;  p.  566). 
That  bees  are  reared  with  great  success  in  Pales- 
tine, we  have  the  authority  of  Hasselquist  ( Trav. 
p.  236)  and  Dr.  Thomson  {ib.  p.  253)  to  show. 

English  naturalists,  however,  appear  to  know  but 
little  of  the  species  of  bees  that  are  found  in  Pal- 
estine. Dr.  Kitto  says  (Phys.  JI.  Pal.  p.  421) 
there  are  two  species  of  bees  found  in  that  country, 
Apis  longicornis,  and  Apis  mellijica.  A.  Umgir 
carnis,  however,  which  :=  A'«cer«  longicoi:,  is  a 
European  species;  and  though  Klug  and  Ehren- 
berg,  in  the  Symbolce  Physicte,  enumerate  many 
SjTian  species,  and  amongst  them  some  species  of 
the  genus  L'ucera,  yet  A',  kmyiarr.  is  not  found  in 
their  list.  Mr.  F.  Smith,  our  best  authority  on  the 
Hymenoptera,  is  inclined  to  beUeve  that  the  honey- 
bee of  Palestine  is  distinct  from  the  honey-l)ee  (A. 
mellifcn)  of  this  country.  And  when  it  is  remem- 
bered that  the  last-named  writer  has  described  a« 
many  as  .seventeen  species  of  true  honey-bees  (the 
genus  Ajyis),  it  is  very  probable  that  tlie  species  of 
our  own  country  and  of  I'aJestine  are  distinct. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  attacks  of  bees  in 
Eastern  countries  are  more  to  be  dreaded  than  they 
arc  in  more  temperate  climates.  Swarms  in  the 
luist  a;e  far  larger  than  they  are  with  us,  and,  on 
account  of  the  heat  of  the  climate,  one  can  readily 
imagine  that  their  stings  must  give  rise  to  very 
dangerous  symptoms.  It  would  be  easy  to  quote 
from  Aristotle,  vElian,  and  Pliny,  in  proof  of  what 
has  been  stated ;  but  let  the  reader  consult  Mungo 
Park's  Travels  (ii.  37,  38)  as  to  the  incident  which 
occurred  at  a  spot  he  named  "Bees'  Creek"  from 
the  circumstance.  Compare  also  Oedniann  {Ver 
misch.  Samml.  pt.  vi.  c.  20).  We  can  well,  there- 
fore, understand  the  fall  force  of  the  Psalmist'l 
complaint,  "  They  came  about  me  like  bees."  * 


a  From  "^3"^,  ordine  duxit ;  co'dgit  (examen).   Ges. 

nes.  8.  y. 

ft  It  is  very  curioug  to  observe  that  in  the  passage 
jf  Deut.  i.  44,  the  Syriac  version,  the  Targuni  of  Oii- 
tofoe,  and  an  Arabic  MS.,  read,  "  (Aliased  you  as  bees 


that  are  smolced  ;  "  showing  how  ancient  the  custom  If 
of  taking  bees'  nests  by  means  of  smoke.  Constan; 
allusion  is  made  to  this  practice  in  classical  authon 
Wasps"  nests  were  taken  in  the  same  way.  3«e  B« 
chart  {hieroz   iii.  860). 


r 


BEE 


BEELZEBUL 


263 


The  passage  about  the  swarm  of  bees  and  honey 
O  the  lion's  carcase  (Judg.  xiv.  8)  admits  of  easy 
explanation.  The  lion  which  Samson  slew  had 
been  dead  some  little  time  before  the  bees  had  taken 
up  their  abode  in  the  carcase,  for  it  is  expressly 
lUkted  that  "  after  a  time,"  Samson  returned  and 
law  the  bees  and  honey  in  the  hon's  carcase,  so  that 
"  i^"'  as  Oedmann  has  well  observed,  "  any  one  here 
represents  to  himself  a  corrupt  and  putrid  carcase, 
the  occurrence  ceases  to  have  any  true  simihtude, 
for  it  is  well  known  that  iu  these  countries  at  cer- 
tain seasons  of  the  year  the  heat  will  ui  the  course 
of  twenty-four  hours  so  completely  dry  up  the  moist- 
ure of  dead  camels,  and  that  without  their  under- 
going decomposition,  that  their  bodies  long  remain, 
like  mummies,  unaltered  and  entirely  free  from 
offensive  odor."  To  the  foregoing  quotation  we 
may  add  that  very  probably  the  ants  would  help 
to  consume  the  carcase,  and  leave  perhaps  in  a 
short  time  Uttle  else  than  a  skeleton.  Herodotus 
(v.  114)  speaks  of  a  certain  Onesilus  who  had  been 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Amathusians  and  beheaded, 
and  whose  head  having  been  suspended  over  the 
gates,  had  become  occupied  by  a  swarm  of  bees; 
compare  also  Aldrovandus  (Z?e  Insect,  i.  110).  Dr. 
Thomson  {Land  and  Book,  p.  56G)  mentions  this 
occurreuce  of  a  swarm  of  bees  in  a  hon's  carcase  as 
an  extraordinary  thing,  and  makes  an  unhappy  con- 
jecture, that  perhaps  "  hornets,"  debabir  in  Arabic, 
are  intended,  "if  it  were  known,"  says  he,  "that 
they  manufactured  honey  enough  to  meet  the  de- 
mands of  the  story."  It  is  known,  however,  that 
hornets  do  iwt  make  honey,  nor  do  any  of  the 
&mily  Vtspidee,  with  the  exception,  as  far  as  has 
been  hitherto  observed,  of  the  BraziUan  Nectanna 
meUifica.  The  passage  in  Is.  vii.  18,  "  the  Lord 
shall  hiss  for  the  bee  that  is  in  the  land  of  Assyria," 
has  been  understood  by  some  to  refer  to  the  prac- 
tice of  "calling  out  the  bees  from  their  hives  by  a 
hissing  or  whistling  sound  to  their  labor  in  the 
fields,  and  summoning  them  again  to  return  "  in 
the  evening  (Harris,  N'at.  H.  of  Bible,  art.  Bee). 
Bochart  (Ilieroz.  iii.  358)  quotes  from  Cyril,  who 
thus  explains  this  passage,  and  the  one  in  Is.  v.  26. 
Columella,  Pliny,  ^Elian,  Virgil,  are  all  cited  by 
Bochart  hi  illustration  of  this  practice ;  see  numer- 
ous quotations  in  the  Hkrozoicon.  Mr.  Denham 
(in  Kitto's  Cyc.  Bid.  Lit.  art.  Bee)  makes  the  fol- 
lowing remarks  on  this  subject :  —  "  No  one  has 
offered  any  proof  of  the  existence  of  such  a  cus- 
tom, and  the  idea  will  itself  seem  sufficiently  strange 
to  all  who  are  acquainted  with  the  habits  of  bees." 
That  the  custom  existed  amongst  the  ancients  of 
calling  swarms  to  their  hives,  must  be  famiUar  to 
every  reader  of  Virgil, 

'■  Timiitusque  cie,  et  Martis  quate  cymbala  circum," 

*ud  it  is  curious  to  observe  that  this  practice  has 
jontinued  down  to  the  present  day.  Many  a  cot- 
«^er  beheves  the  bees  will  more  readily  swarm  if 
ke  beats  together  pieces  of  tin  or  u-on.  As  to  the 
•eal  use  in  the  custom,  this  is  quite  another  matter ; 
out  no  careful  entomologist  would  hastily  adopt 
Miy  opinion  concerning  it. 

In  all  probabihty  however,  the  expression  in 
Isaiah  has  reference,  as  Mr.  Denham  says,  "  to  the 
lustom  of  the  people  in  the  East  of  calUng  the  at- 
tention of  any  one  by  a  significant  hiss,  or  rather 

to." 

The  LXX.  has  the  following  eulogium  on  the 
see  m  Prov.  vi.  8 :  '  Go  to  the  :  ee,  and  learn  how 
tilifi-nt  she  is,  and  what  a  noble  work  she  produces, 


whose  labors  kings  and  private  men  use  fiir  theik' 
health;  she  is  desired  and  honored  by  all,  smd 
though  weak  in  strength,  yet  smce  she  values  wis- 
dom, she  prevails."  This  passage  is  not  found  in 
any  Hebrew  copy  of  the  Scriptures :  it  exists,  how- 
ever in  the  Arabic,  and  it  is  quoted  by  Origen, 
Clemens  Alexandrinus,  Jerome,  and  other  ancient 
writers.     As  to  the  proper  name,  see  Dkbouah. 

The  bee  belongs  to  the  fanuly  Apidoe,  of  the 
Hifmenopterous  order  of  insects.  W.  H. 

*  On  this  subject  of  bees  in  Palestine,  Mr.  Tris- 
tram furnishes  important  testimony  (LmkI  of 
Israel,  pp.  86,  87).  After  speaking  of  "bee-keep- 
ing" in  that  country,  carried  so  far  that  almost 
"  every  house  possesses  a  pile  of  bee-hives  in  its 
yard,"  he  adds  respecting  the  number  of  wild  bees 
as  foUows :  "  The  innumerable  ilssiu-es  and  clefts 
of  the  limestone  rocks,  which  everywhere  Hank  the 
valleys,  afford  in  their  recesses  secure  shelter  for 
any  number  of  swarms,  and  many  of  the  15edouin, 
particularly  in  tlie  wilderness  of  Judaea,  obtain 
their  sulsistenee  by  bee-hunting,  bringing  into  Je- 
rusalem jais  of  that  wild  honey  on  which  John  the 
Baptist  fed  in  the  wUdemess  and  which  Jonathan 
had  long  before  unwittingly  tasted,  when  the  comb 
had  dropped  on  the  ground  from  the  hollow  of  the 
tree  in  which  it  was  suspended.  The  visitor  to  the 
Wady  Kum,  "when  he  sees  the  busy  multitudes  of 
bees  about  its  clefts,  cannot  but  recall  to  mind  the 
promise,  '  With  honey  out  of  the  stony  rock  would 

1  have  satisfied  thee.'  There  is  no  epithet  of  the 
land  of  promise  more  true  to  the  letter,  even  to  the 
present  day,  than  this,  that  it  was  '  a  land  flowing 
with  Hulk  and  honey.'  "  H. 

BEELFADA  (VT'^y^ll ^ krwwn  by  Baal: 
'EAtaSt;  [Vat.  FA.  BaAeySae ;]  Alex.  BaWiaSa- 
Baaliada),  one  of  David's  sons,  born  iu  Jerusalem 
(1  Chr.  xiv.  7).  In  the  Usts  in  Samuel  the  name 
is  Eliada,  El  being  substituted  for  Baal. 

BEEL'SARUS  (BeeKadpos  ■■  Beelsuro),  1 
Esdr.  V.  8.     [BiLSHAN.] 

BEELTETH'MUS  (B(  eAree^os ;  Alex.  [Ba- 
e\Tedfios,]  Bee\Tefj,a}d.  Bnlt/iemus),  an  officer  of 
Artaxerxes  residing  hi  Palestine  (1  Esdr.  ii.  IG, 

25).  The  name  is  a  corruption  of  23^^  7^2 
=  /oc(/  oj' Judy  merit,  A.  V.  "chancellor;  "  the  title 
of  Kehum,  the  name  immediately  before  it  (Ezr. 
iv.  8). 

BEEL'ZEBUL  {Bee\CePo6\:  Beelzebub),  th« 
title  of  a  heathen  deity,  to  whom  the  Jews  ascribed 
the  sovereignty  of  the  evil  spirits  (Matt.  x.  25,  xii. 
24;  Mark  iii.  22;  Luke  xi.  15  ff.).  The  correct 
reading  is  without  doubt  Beelzebul,  and  not  Beel- 
zebub [A.  v.]  as  given  in  the  Syriac,  the  Vulg.,  and 
some  other  versions;  the  authority  of  the  MSS. 
is  decisive  in  favor  of  the  former,  the  alteration 
being  easily  accounted  for  by  a  comparison  with 

2  K.  i.  2,  to  which  reference  is  made  ui  the  passages 
quoted.  [Baal,  p.  207,  No.  2.]  Two  questions 
present  themselves  in  connection  with  this  subject: 
;i.)  How  are  we  to  a<;count  for  the  change  of  the 
final  letter  of  the  name?  (2.)  On  what  grounds 
did  the  Jews  assign  to  the  Baal-zebub  of  Ekron  the 
necuUar  position  of  S  ipxo'y  T&jf  Sai/j-ouiccv  'i  The 
sources  of  information  at  our  command  for  the  an- 
swer of  these  questions  are  scanty.  The  names  are 
not  foujv^  elsewhere.  The  LXX.  translates  Baal- 
zebub  BatO  wia,  as  also  does  Josephus  {AiU.  ii 
2,  §  1);  and  the  Talmudical  writers  are  silent  on 
the  subject. 


264 


BBELZEBUL 


1.  Tho  explauations  offered  in  reference  to  the 
change  of  the  name  may  be  ranged  into  two  classes, 
•ccording  as  they  are  based  on  the  sound  or  the 
nieaniny  of  the  word.  The  former  proceeds  on  the 
assumption  that  the  name  Beelzebub  was  offensive 
to  the  Greek  ear,  and  that  the  final  letter  was  al- 
tered to  avoid  the  double  b,  just  as  Habakkuk  be- 
eame  in  the  LXX.  'Ajx^aKovfi  (Hitzig,  Vm-btrntrk. 
In  Habakkuk),  the  choice  of  ?,  as  a  substitute  for 
b,  being  decided  by  tlie  previous  occurrence  of  the 
letter  in  the  former  part  of  the  word  (15engel, 
Gnomon  in  Matt.  x.  25,  comparing  TAf\^6K  in  the 
LXX.  as  =  Michal).  It  is,  however,  by  no  means 
^lear  why  other  names,  such  as  M;igog.  or  Eldad, 
should  not  have  undergone  a  similar  change.  We 
should  prefer  the  assumption,  in  connection  with 
this  view,  that  the  change  was  purely  of  an  acci- 
dental nature,  for  which  no  satisfactory  reason  can 
oe  assigned.  The  second  class  of  explanations  car- 
ries the  greatest  weight  of  authority  with  it.  The^e 
proceed  on  the  ground  that  the  Jews  intentionally 
changetl  the  pronunciation  of  the  word,  so  as  either 
to  give  a  significance  to  it  adapted  to  their  own 
ideas,  or  to  cast  ridicule  upon  the  idolatry  of  the 
neighboring  nations,  in  which  case  we  might  com- 
pare the  adoption  of  Sychar  for  Sychem,  Beth-aven 
for  Ueth-el.  The  Jews  were  certainly  keenly  alive 
to  the  significance  of  names,  and  not  imfrequenily 
indulged  in  an  exercise  of  wit,  consistuig  of  a  play 
upon  the  meaning  of  the  words,  as  in  the  case  of 
Nabal  (1  Sam.  xxv.  25),  Abraham  (Gen.  xvii.  5), 
and  Sarah  (Gen.  xvii.  15).  Lightfoct  {Kxercitn- 
tions,  Matt.  xii.  24)  adduces  instances  from  the 
Talmudical  writers  of  opprobrious  puns  applied  to 
idols.  The  explanations,  which  are  thus  based  on 
etymological  grounds,  branch  off  into  two  classes ; 

some  connect  the  term  with  -^y^,  habitation,  thus 
making  15eelzebul  =  oi/coSf <r7r({TTjs  (Matt.  x.  25), 
the  lord  of  the  dwellinr/,  whether  as  the  "prince  of 
the  power  of  the  air"  (Eph.  ii.  2),  or  as  the 
prince  of  the  lower  world  (Paulus,  quoted  by 
Olshausen,  Comment,  in  IMatt.  x.  25),  or  as  inhab- 
iting human  bodies  (Schleusner,  Lex.  s.  v.),  or  as 
occupying  a  mansion  in  the  seventh  heaven,  like 
Saturn  in  Oriental  mythology  (Movers,  Phimiz.  i. 
260,  quoted  by  Winer,  Realmrt.  art.  Beelzebub ; 
comp.  MichaeUs,  Suppl.  nd  Lex.  p.  205,  for  a  sim- 
ilar view).  Others  derive  it  from  1[^^,  dung  (a 
word,  it  must  be  observed,  not  in  use  in  the  Bible 
"tself,  but  frequently  occurring  in  Talmudical  writ- 
ers), thus  making  I5eelzebul,  literally,  the  Un-d  of 
duny,  or  the  dunyhill ;  and  in  a  secondary  sense,  as 
zebel  was  used  by  the  Talmudical  writers  as  =  idol 
or  idolatry  (comp.  Lightfoot,  Exercit.  Matt.  xii.  24; 
Luke  xi.  15),  the  lord  of  idols,  jnince  of  false 
ijods,  in  which  case  it  =  &p^wi/  tuv  Zaiixoviuv . 
It  is  generally  held  that  the  former  of  these  two 
lenses  is  more  particularly  referred  to  in  the  N. 
r.  (Carpzov.  Appar.  p.  498,  comj>aring  the  term 

«"*  -^-  2  as  though  comiected  with  ^^3,  dung ; 
Olshausen,  Comment,  in  Matt.  x.  25).  The  latter, 
however,  is  atlopted  by  IJghtfoot  and  Schleusner. 
We  have  lastly  to  notice  the  ingenious  conjecture 
of  Hug  (as  quoted  by  Winer)  that  the  fly,  under 
irhich  Baal-zebub  was  represented,  was  the  Scara- 


u  There  Is  no  connection  between  the  "  gathering  " 
in  Ter.  16  and  that  in  xx.  8.  From  the  A.  V.  it  might 
tw  Inferred  that  the  former  passage  referred  to  the 
ivvnt  dowribad  in  the  latter ;  but  the  two  word:  rec- 


JiEEH, 

bceus  piluiaiiua  or  dunghill  bei.:e,  in  which  osm 
Baal-zebub  and  Beelzebul  might  be  used  indifier 
ently. 

2.  The  second  question  hinges  to  a  certain  extent 
on  the  first.  The  reference  in  Matt.  x.  25  [xii.  24] 
may  have  originated  in  a  fancied  resemblance  Itetween 
the  application  of  Ahaziah  to  Baal-zebub,  and  tiiat 
of  the  Jews  to  our  Lord  for  the  ejection  of  the  un- 
clean spirits.  As  no  human  remedy  availed  for  the 
cure  of  this  disease,  the  .lews  naturally  referred  it 
to  some  higher  jwwer  and  selected  Baal-zebub  as 
the  heathen  deity  to  whom  application  was  made  in 
case  of  .severe  disease.  The  title  6,p-)(a>v  twv  5ot- 
fxoviwv  may  have  si)ecial  reference  to  the  nature  of 
the  disease  in  question,  or  it  may  have  been  educed 
from  the  name  itself  by  a  fancied  or  real  etymology. 
It  is  wortliy  of  special  observation  that  the  notices 
of  Beelzebul  are  exclusively  connected  with  the  sub- 
ject of  demoniacal  possession,  a  circumstance  which 
may  account  for  the  subsequent  disapi>earauce  of 
the  name.  W.  L.  R. 

BE'ER  ("'SS  =  well:  rh  (f>peap :  puttus). 

1.  One  of  the  latest  halting-places  of  the  Israel- 
ites, lying  beyond  the  Arnon,  and  so  called  because 
of  the  well  which  was  there  dug  by  the  "  princes  " 
and  "  nobles  "  of  the  peoi)le,  and  is  perpetuated  in 
a  fragment  of  poetry  (Num.  xxi.  16-18)."  This 
is  possibly  the  Beek-elim,  or  "  well  of  heroes," 

referred  to  in  Is.  xv.  8.  The  "wilderness"  (''2^!l) 
which  is  named  as  their  next  starting  point  in  the 
last  clause  of  verse  18,  may  be  that  before  spoken  of 

in  13,  or  it  may  be  a  copyist's  mistake  for  ~1S2D, 
It  was  so  understood  by  the  LXX.,  who  read  the 
clause,  Kol  airh  (pptajos  —  "and  from  the  well," 
i.  e.  "from  Beer." 

According  to  the  tradition  of  the  Targumists  — 
a  tradition  in  part  adopted  by  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  t. 
4)  —  this  was  one  of  the  appearances,  the  last  before 
the  entrance  on  the  Holy  Land,  of  the  water  wliich 
had  "  followed  "  the  [)eople,  from  its  first  arrival  at 
liephidim,  tlirough  their  wanderings.  The  water 
—  so  the  tradition  a])pears  to  have  run  —  was  grant- 
ed for  the  sake  of  Sliriam,  her  merit  being  that,  at 
the  peril  of  her  life,  she  had  watched  the  ark  in 
wliich  lay  the  infant  Moses.  It  followed  the  march 
over  mountains  and  into  valleys,  encircling  the  en- 
tire camp,  and  funiishing  water  to  every  man  at 
his  own  tient  door.  This  it  did  till  her  death 
(Num.  XX.  1),  at  which  time  it  disappeared  for  a 
season,  apparently  rendering  a  special  act  necessary 
on  each  future  occasion  for  its  evocation.  The 
striking  of  the  rock  at  Kadesh  (Num.  xx.  10)  was 
the  first  of  these;  the  digging  of  the  well  at  Beer 
by  the  staves  of  the  princes,  the  second.  Miriam's 
well  at  last  found  a  home  in  a  gulf  or  recess  in  the 
sea  of  Galilee,  where  at  certain  seasons  its  water 
flowed  and  was  r&sorted  to  for  healing  puqwses 
(Targums  Onkelos,  and  Ps.  Jon.  Num.  xx.  1,  xxi. 
18,  and  also  the  quotations  from  the  Talmud  in 
Lightfoot  on  John  v.  4  [and  Wetstein  on  1  Cor. 
X.  4]). 

2.  A  place  to  which  Jotham,  the  son  of  Gideon, 
fled  for  fear  of  his  brother  Abimelech  (Judg.  ix. 
21).  There  is  nothing  in  the  text  or  elsewhere  X* 
indicate  its  position  (LXX.  Vat.  Boj^p;  the  Alex. 


dered  "gather"  are  radically  differ«nt> — ^H"    !• 
ch.  XX.,  P]DS  in  xxi. 


BEERA 

Atirel;  Alters  the  pcossage  —  koI  iiropevdr]  iy  dStf 
Kal  i<puyfv  fls  'Papa;  Vulg.  in  Btnt).  G. 

*  Some  have  thought  this  second  lieer  to  be  the 
lame  as  IJeeroth  (which  see),  to  whijh  the  objection 
is  that  Jothain  would  not  have  l)een  secure  in  a 
place  so  near  Shechem.  Dr.  Robinson  heard  of 
a  deserted  vill;ige  tl-Bireh  near  the  border  of  the 
plain  of  I'hilistia,  of  course  much  more  remote 
from  Sheclieni,  and  affording  an  opixirtunity  of 
ready  escape  thence  into  the  desert  if  necessary ; 
and  he  inquires  whether  Beer  may  not  possibly 
nave  been  tliere  {Rts.  ii.  132).  A  name  like  this 
n)u.-»t  have  been  given  to  many  places.  H. 

BEE'RA  (iSi;;^S2  [a  well]  :  Berip^;  [Vat. 
Ba(aiA.a:J  Bera),  son  of  Zophah,  of  the  tribe  of 
Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  37). 

BEE'RAH  (nnS2  [«  well]:   Be^/\;    Alex. 

Ber)p«:  Beera),  prince  (S^tL'^v)  of  the  Reuben- 
ites,  can-ied  away  by  Tiglath-Pileser  (1  Chr.  v.  6). 
BE'ER-E'LIM  (2''':'S  ~1S3,  well  of  heroes  : 
<f>p(ap  rov  Ai\elfi,  [Sin.  AfAj^t,  Comp.  Aid.  'EAfi'/*]  : 
puteus  Eliiii),  a  spot  named  in  Is.  xv.  8  as  on  the 
"border  of  ^loab,"  apparently  the  south,  Eglaim 
being  at  the  north  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  The 
name  points  to  the  well  dug  by  the  chiefs  of  Israel 
on  their  appmach  to  the  promised  land,  close  by 
the  "border  of  Moab"  (Num.  xxi.  16;  comp.  1.3), 
and  such  is  the  suggestion  of  Gesenius  (Jesriia, 
533).  [IJkku,  1.]  Heer-elim  was  probably  chosen 
by  the  Prophet  out  of  other  places  on  the  boundary 
DO  account  of  the  similarity  between  tiie  sound  of 

Uie  name  and  that  of  H  H  ^  ^5^  —  the  "  howling  " 
which  was  to  reach  even  to  that  remote  point 
(Ewald,  Proph.  i.  233).  G. 

BEE'RI  (■*  "lS2,yc)«<fflnMs,  Gasen. ;  illusti-ious, 
BHirst:"  [Becix'  Alex.]  Ber/p,  Gen.,  Berjpei,  Hos.: 
Beeri).  1.  The  father  of  Judith,  one  of  the  wives 
of  Esau  (Gen.  xxvi.  34).  There  need  be  no  ques- 
tion that  Judith,  daughter  of  Beeri,  is  the  same 
person  as  is  called  in  the  genealogical  table  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  2)  Aholil)amah,  daughter  of  Anah,  and  con- 
sequently Beeri  and  Anah  must  be  regarded  as 
names  of  the  same  person.  There  is  the  further 
difficulty  that  Beeri  is  spoken  of  as  a  Hittite, 
whilst  Anah  is  called  a  Horite  and  also  a  Hivite, 
and  we  have  thus  three  designations  of  race  given 
to  the  same  individual.  It  is  stated  under  Anah 
that  Ilivite  is  most  probably  to  be  regarded  as  an 
error  of  transcription  for  Horite.  With  regard  to 
Ihe  two  remaining  names  the  difficulty  does  not 
Mem  to  be  formidable.     It  is  agreed  on  all  hands 

.hat  the  name  Horite  C*  "in)  signifies  one  who 
dwells  in  a  hole  or  cave,  a  Troglodyte;  and  it  seems 
in  the  highest  degree  probable  that  the  inhabitants 
of  Mount  Seir  were  so  designated  because  they  in- 
habited the  numerous  caverns  of  that  mountainous 
r^ion.  The  name  therefore  does  not  designate 
ihem  according  to  their  race,  but  merely  according 
to  their  motle  of  hfe,  to  whatever  race  they  might 
belong.  Of  their  race  we  know  nothing  except  in- 
ieed  what  the  conjunction  of  these  two  names  in 
Terence  to  the  same  individual  may  teach  us :  and 
Vom  this  case  we  may  fairly  conclude  that  these 
•^oglodyt^is  or  Horites  belonged  in  part  at  least  to 

"  •According  to  Plirst,  Erktdrer,  "explainer  "  (not 
lU';:£trioug  "  as  represented  above).  F 

'^B  of  the  very  few  -ases  in  which  the  two  wot/Is 


BEEROTH  265 

the  widely  extended  Canaanitish  tribe  at  the  Hit- 
tites.  On  tliis  supposition  tiie  difficulty  vanishes 
and  each  of  the  accounts  gives  us  just  the  infor- 
mation we  might  expect.  In  the  narrative,  where 
the  stress  is  laid  on  Esau's  wife  being  of  the  race 
of  Canaiin,  her  father  is  called  a  Hittite;  wliiLsl 
in  the  genealogy,  where  the  stress  is  on  Esau's  con- 
nection by  marriage  with  the  previous  occui)ants  of 
Mount  Seir,  he  is  most  naturally  and  proi^rly  do- 
scribed  under  the  more  precise  term  Horite. 

2.  Father  of   the  prophet   Hosea  (Hos.    i.    1 ). 

F.  W.  G. 

be'ER-lahai-ro'I  (^S")  ^n^  -^sa 

well  of  the  living  ami  seeing  [6"o(/]  :  (ppeap  ou 
euiiirioy  el5ou;  rb  (ppeap  t»}s  dpdireccs'-  puttusvi- 
ventis  et  vitlentix  me),  a  well,  or  rather  a  living 
spring '' (A.  V.  ywMnii-fm,  comp.  Gen.  xvi.  7),  be- 
tween Kadesh  and  Bered,  in  the  wilderness,  "  in 
the  way  to  Shur,"  and  therefore  ui  the  "south 
country  "  (Gen.  xxiv.  02),  which,  according  to  the 
explanation  of  the  text,  was  so  named  by  Hagai 

because  God  saw  her  (*S')  there  (Gen.  xvi.  14). 
From  the  fact  of  this  etjTnology  not  being  in  agree- 
ment with  the  formation  of  the  name,  it  has  been 
suggested  (Ges.  Tlies.  175)  that  the  origin  of  the 
name  is  I^chi  (comp.  Judg.  xv.  9,  19).  It  would 
seem,  however,  that  the  I.«chi  of  Samson's  advent- 
ure was  much  too  far  north  to  be  the  site  of  the 
well  Lachai-roi. 

By  this  well  Isaac  dwelt  both  before  and  after 
the  death  of  his  father  (Gen.  xxiv.  G2,  xxv.  11). 
In  both  these  passages  the  name  is  given  in  the 
A.  V.  as  "  the  well  Lahai-roi." 

Mr.  Rowland  announces  the  discovery  of  the  well 
Lahai-roi  at  Moxjle  or  Moilnhi,  a  station  on  the 
road  to  Beer-sheba,  10  hours  south  of  Ruhei:.t^h; 
near  which  is  a  hole  or  cavern  bearing  the  name 
of  Beit  Hagai-  (Ritter,  Sinai,  1086,  7);  but  this 
requires  confirmation. 

This  well  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  that  near 
which  the  life  of  Ishmael  was  preserved  on  a  subse- 
quent occasion  (Gen.  xxi.  19)  and  which,  according 
to  the  Moslem  belief,  is  the  well  Zem-zem  at 
Mecca.  G. 

BEB'ROTH  (n'*nS3,  weUs:  BvpwT,B«ir 
paidd,  Bripdd'-  Berotfi)  one  of  the  four  cities  of  the 
Hivites  who  deluded  Joshua  into  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  them,  the  other  three  being  Gibeor,  Che- 
phirah,  and  Kirjath-Jearim  (.Tosh.  ix.  17).  Beeroth 
was  with  the  rest  of  these  towns  allotted  to  Benja- 
min (xviii.  2.5),  in  whose  possession  it  continued  at 
the  time  of  David,  the  murderers  of  Ishbosheth  lac- 
ing named  as  belonging  to  it  (2  Sam.  iv.  2).  From 
the  notice  in  this  place  (verse  2,  3)  it  would  appear 
that  the  original  inhabitants  had  been  forced  from 
the  town,  and  had  taken  refuge  at  Gittaim  (Neh. 
xi.  33),  possibly  a  IMiilistine  city. 

Beeroth  is  once  more  named  with  Chephirah  and 
Kirjath--rearim  in  the  list  of  those  who  returned 
from  Babylon  (Ezr.  ii.  25;  Neh.  vii.  29;  1  Esdr. 
v.  19).     [Bekotii.] 

Beeroth  was  known  in  the  times  of  Eusebius, 
and  his  description  of  its  position  ( Onom.  Beeroth, 
with  the  corrections  of  Reland,  618,  9;  Rob.  i. 
452,  note)  agrees  perfcctJy  with  that  of  the  modern 
el-Bireh.  which  stands  at  about  10  miles  north  of 

1'^y,  Atn,  a  liring  epring,  and  *^S3,  -SeT  in  wtl 
flcial  well  vre  app'ied  to  the  tame  thins. 


266 


BEEROTH 


Jerusalem  by  the  great  road  to  Ndbhis,  just  b&- 
bw  a  ridge  which  bounds  the  prospect  northwards 
n-oni  the  Holy  city  (Rob.  i.  451,  2;  ii.  262).  No 
mention  of  Beeroth  beyond  those  quoted  above  is 
found  in  the  Bible,  but  one  link  connecting  it  with 
tlie  N.  T.  has  been  suggested,  and  indeed  embodied 
in  tlie  traditions  of  Talestine,  which  we  may  well 
wisli  to  re£;ard  as  true,  namely,  that  it  was  the  place 
Rt  which  the  parents  of  "  the  child  Jesus  "  discovered 
that  he  was  not  among  their  "  company  "  (I.uke  ii. 
■i'6-ib).  At  any  rate  the  spring  of  el-Bireh  is  even 
to  this  day  the  customary  resting-place  for  caravans 
going  northward,  at  the  end  of  the  first  day's 
journey  from  Jerusalem  (Stanley,  215;  Lord  Nu- 
gent, ii.  112;  Schubert  in  Winer,  s.  v.). 

Besides  Rimmon,  the  father  of  Baanah  and  Re- 
tthab,  the  murderers  of  Ishboshetli  [2  Sam.  iv.  2,  6, 

9]  we  find  Nahari  "the  Beerothite"  ('^ri~)S3r': 
H-ndapaios'i  [Vat.'^  Alex.  Btj^cbOoios:]  2  Sam. 
ixiii.  37),  or  "  the  Berothite  "  (""iT^SH:  j  Btjo- 
jiBlx  [Alex.  Bt;p<b0,]  1  Chr.  xi.  39),  one  of  the 
"  mighty  men  "  of  David's  guard.  G. 

*  As  liable  to  less  molestation  from  the  Samari- 
tans, esjiecially  when  the  oliject  of  going  to  Jerusa- 
lem was  to  keep  the  festivals  (comp.  Luke  ix.  53), 
it  may  be  pi-esumed  that  the  Galilean  caravans 
would  usually  take  the  longer  route  through  Pera-a; 
and  hence  in  returning  they  would  be  likely  to 
make  the  first  day's  halt  neai'  the  eastern  foot 
of  the  Jfount  of  Olives  (about  2  miles).  It  is  not 
customary  in  the  East  to  travel  more  than  1  or  2 
hours  the  first  day;  and  in  this  instance  they 
woidd  encamp  earlier  still,  because  to  go  further 
would  have  been  to  encounter  the  night-])erils 
of  the  desert  between  Jerusalem  and  Jericho, 
nie  avvo^ia  (Luke  ii.  44)  shows  that  the  holy 
family  travelled  in  a  caravan.  Books  of  travel 
abundantly  illustrate  this  custom  as  to  the  extent 
of  the  first  day's  journey.  See,  for  example, 
Maundrel]"s  .Umnii^y  from  Altji/jv  to  .hrmxiU'ia 
(1697)  p.  1;  Richardson's  Tnweh  along  the  Afcdi- 
ten-nnean,  ii.  174;  13eldam's  liecoUectknu  of 
Scenes  in  the  East,  i.  281 ;  Miss  Martineau's  Eastern 
Life,  ii.  194;  Burckhardt's  Reisen  in  Syrien,  i.  ll-'i." 
It  is  not  surprising,  under  such  circumstances,  that 
Jesus  was  not  missed  till  the  close  of  this  first  brief 
day.  The  time  to  Beeroth  (Btreh)  would  be 
greater,  but  not  so  great  as  to  make  the  separation 
a  cause  of  anxiety  to  the  parents;  and  so  much  the 
less,  as  one  of  the  objects  of  stopping  so  soon  was 
M  see  whether  the  party  was  complete  —  whether 
ill  had  arrived  at  the  place  of  rendezvous.  On  this 
ircident,  see  Life  q/'our  Lwd,  by  Mr.  Andrews,  p. 
1(13.  H. 

BEE'ROTH  OF  the  Children  of  Ja'akan 

O"!  j'"'^'^•?3  rriSa  :  Bvpii>e  vluv  'IokIh;  [Vat.] 
Alex.  luKdfi'-  Beroth  Jiliorum  Jacan),  the  wells  of 
the  tril>e  of  Bene-Jaakan,  which  formed  one  of  the 
halting-i)laces  of  the  Israelites  in  the  desert  (Deut. 
t.  (!)•  In  the  lists  in  Num.  xxxiii.,  the  name  is 
pven  a^  Bkxk-,Taakan  only.  6. 

BEE'ROTHITE.     [Beeroth.] 

BE'ER-SHE'BA    (VDL"   ISS,  »nt?'2, 


n  •  Dr.  Frieclr.  Strauss  in  his  HelorCs  WaUfahrt  naeh 
'tni.vilfm  (i.  63)  with  the  accuracy  bo  characteristic 
'^  thiit  charming  work,  makes  the  first  day's  journey 
»f  the  pilgrims  but  Ij  hour,  after  starting  from  Alex- 
ladria  en  their  marcli.  H. 


BEER-SHEBA 

well  of  meaning,  or  of  seven:  ^p^ap  dpKtef/kiv, 
and  ♦pe'ap  rod  dpKov,  in  Genesis;  3r]paafif4  ia 
Joshua  and  later  books;  Jos.  Br}paovPal-  BpKtor 
Se  (bptap  \eyoiTo  &v'  Bersabee),  the  name  of  on« 
of  the  oldest  places  in  Palestine,  and  which  formed, 
according  to  the  well-known  expression,  the  southern 
limit  of  the  country. 

There  are  two  accounts  of  the  origin  of  the 
name.*  1.  According  to  the  first,  the  well  was  dug 
by  Abraham,  and  the  name  given,  because  there  h« 
and  Abimelech  the  kuig  of  the  Philistines  "  sware  " 
(•1^2^'?)  both  of  them  (Gen.  xxi.  31).  But  thf 
compact  was  ratified  by  the  setting  apart  of  "  seven 
ewe  lambs; "  and  as  the  Hebrew  word  for  "  seven  " 

•8  ^?f'.',  fineirt,  it  is  equally  possible  that  this  ia 
the  meaning  of  the  name.  It  should  not  lie  over- 
looked that  here,  and  in  subsequent  earUer  notices 
of  the  place,  it  is  spelt  Beer-shaba  {VDXT  2). 

2.  The  other  narrative  ascribes  the  origin  [or  re- 
affirmation] of  the  name  to  an  occurrence  almost 
precisely  similar,  in  which  both  Abimelech  the  king 
of  the  Philistines,  and  Phichol  his  chief  captain, 
are  again  concerned,  with  the  difierence  that  tlie 
person  on  the  Hebrew  side  of  the  transaction  ia 
Isiiac  instead  of  Abraham  (Gen.  xxn.  31-33).  Here 
tliere  is  no  reference  to  the  "  seven  "  lambs,  and  we 

are  left  to  infer  the  derivation  of  Shibeah  (Hl^SP^, 
not  "  Shebah,"  as  in  the  A.  V.)  iroxa  the  mention 
of  the  "swearing"  (^ll"'?*;'";)  in  ver.  31. 

If  we  accept  the  statement  of  verse  18  as  refer- 
ring to  the  same  well  as  the  former  account,  we  shall 
be  spared  the  necessity  of  inquiring  whether  these 
two  .accounts  relate  to  separate  occurrences,  or 
refer  to  one  and  the  same  event,  at  one  time  ascribed 
to  one,  at  another  time  to  another  of  the  early  heroes 
and  founders  of  the  nation.  There  are  at  present 
on  the  S]X)t  two  principal  wells,  and  five  smaller 
ones.  They  are  among  the  first  objects  encountered 
on  the  entrance  uito  Palestine  from  the  south,  and 
being  highly  characteristic  of  the  life  of  the  Bible, 
at  the  s.ame  time  that  the  identity  of  the  site  is  be- 
yond all  question,  the  wells  of  Beer-sheba  never  fail 
to  call  forth  the  enthusiasm  of  the  traveller. 

The  two  principal  wells  —  apparently  the  only 
ones  seen  by  Robinson  —  are  on  or  close  to  the 
northern  bank  of  the  Wady  es-Stbn\  They  lie 
just  a  hundred  yards  apart,  and  are  so  placed  as  to  be 
visible  from  a  considerable  distance  (IJonar,  Land 
of  Prom.  1).  Tlie  Larger  of  the  two,  which  lies  to 
the  east,  is,  according  t<r  the  careful  measurement* 
of  Dr.  Robinson,  12i  feet  diiun.,  and  at  the  Ume 
of  his  visit  (Apr.  12)  was  44  J  feet  to  the  surface 
of  the  water :  the  masonry  which  incloses  the  wdl 
reaches  downward  for  28  J  feet. 

The  other  well  is  5  feet  diani.  and  was  42  feet  to 
the  water.  The  curb-stones  round  the  mouth  of 
both  wells  are  worn  into  deep  grooves  by  the  action 
of  the  ropes  of  so  many  centuries,  and  "look  as  if 
frilled  or  fluted  all  round."  K'ound  the  larger 
well  there  are  nine,  and  roiuid  the  smaller  five 
large  stone  troughs  —  some  nnich  woni  and  brokoi, 
others  nearly  entire,  lying  at  a  dist.aiice  of  10  or  IS 
feet  from  the  edge  of  the  well.  There  were  formerlj 
ten  of  these  troughs  at  the  larger  well.     The  circk 


b  *  Two  accounts,  one  probably  of  the  origin,  ant 
the  other  of  a  renewal,  of  the  name,  after  a  long  ia 
terral.  B 


BEER-SHEBA 

iTound  is  carpeted  with  a  sward  of  fine  short  grass 
with  crocuses  and  Ulies  (Bonar,  6,  6,  7).  The 
irater  is  excellent,  the  best,  as  Dr.  R.  emphaticahy 
records,  which  he  had  tasteti  since  leaving  Sinai. 

The  five  lesser  wells  —  apparently  the  only  ones 
seen  by  Van  de  Velde  —  are  according  to  his  account 
and  the  casual  notice  of  Bonar,  in  a  group  in  the 
bed  of  the  wady,  not  on  its  north  bank,  and  at  so 
great  a  distance  from  the  other  two  that  the  latter 
vfere  missed  by  Lieut.  V. 

On  some  low  hills  north  of  the  large  wella  are  scat- 
tered the  foundations  and  ruins  of  a  town  of  moder- 
ate size.  There  are  no  trees  or  shrubs  near  the  spot. 
So  much  for  the  actual  condition  of  Beer-sheba. 

After  the  digging  of  the  well  Abraham  planted 

a  "grove"  (T'tt^'S,  eshel)  as  a  place  for  the  wor- 
ship of  Jehovah,  and  here  he  lived  until  the  sacrifice 
of  Isaac,  and  for  a  long  time  afterwards,  xxi.  23  — 
xxii.  1,  19.  Here  also  Isaac  was  dweUing  at  the 
time  of  the  transference  of  the  birthright  from 
Esau  to  Jacob  (xxvi.  33,  xxviii.  10),  and  from  the  pa- 
triarchal encampment  round  the  wells  of  his  grand- 
&ther,  Jacob  set  forth  on  the  journey  to  Mesopo- 
tamia which  changed  the  course  of  his  whole  life. 
Jacob  does  not  appear  to  have  revisited  the  place 
until  he  made  it  one  of  the  stages  of  his  journey 
down  to  Egypt.  He  then  halted  there  to  offer 
sacrifice  to  "the  God  of  his  father,''  doubtless 
under  the  sacred  grove  of  Abraham. 

From  this  time  till  the  conquest  of  the  country 
we  lose  sight  of  B.,  only  to  catch  a  momentary 
glimpse  of  it  in  the  lists  of  the  "cities"  in  the  ex- 
treme south  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  28)  given  to  the 
tribe  of  Simeon  (xix.  2;  1  Chr.  iv.  28).  Samuel's 
WHS  were  judges  in  Beer-sheba  (1  Sam.  viii.  2),  its 
distance  no  doubt  precluding  its  being  among  the 
rumber  of  the  "  holy  cities"  (LXX.  to7s  rtyiacrixt- 
vois  ir(iA€(n)  to  which  he  himself  went  in  circuit 
every  year  (vii.  16).  By  the  times  of  the  monarchy 
it  had  become  recognized  as  the  most  southerly 
place  of  the  country.  Its  position  as  the  place  of 
arrival  and  departure  for  the  caravans  trading  be- 
tween Palestine  and  the  countries  lying  in  that 
direction  would  naturally  lead  to  the  formation  of 
a  town  round  the  wells  of  the  patriarchs,  and  the 
great  Egyptian  trade  begun  by  Solomon  must  have 
increased  its  importance.  Hither  Joab's  census 
extended  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  7 ;  1  Chr.  xxi.  2),  and  here 
Elijah   bade   farewell   to   his   confidential   servant 

(■^1^''^'^)  before  taking  his  journey  across  the 
desert  to  Sinai  (1  K.  xix.  3).  From  Dan  to  Beer- 
iheba  (Judg.  xx.  1,  &c.),  or  from  Beer-sheba  to  Dan 
(1  Chr.  xxi.  2:  couip.  2  Sam.  xxiv.  2),  now  became 
•he  estabhshed  formula  for  the  whole  of  the  pi-om- 
sed  land;  just  as  "from  Geba  to  B."  (2  K.  xxiii. 
8),  or  "from  B.  to  Moimt  Ephraim"  (2  Chr.  xix. 
4)  was  that  for  the  southern  kingdom  after  the 
tisruption.  After  the  return  from  the  Captivity 
he  formula  is  narrowed  still  more,  and  becomes 
'  from  B.  to  the  Valley  of  Hinnom  "  (Neh.  xi.  30). 


o  There  is  a  correspondence  worth  noting  becween 
iie   word    "  way "    or   "  manner "   in    this    formula 

("n .??J'7)  literally  "  the  road  "),  and  the  word  ^  i66s, 
•the  way  "  (.V.  V.  incorrectly  "  that  way  ").  by  which 
flie  new  religion  is  designated  in  the  Ac*-*"  of  the 
IpoBtles  (see  ix.  2  &c.). 

b  Bochart,  Qesenias,  FUrst,  Jablonski,  and  others, 
•re  disposed  to  assign  to  this  word  an  Egyptian  origin, 
nhemou,  or  Pe/iemoiit,  i,  e.  bm  marinus.  Others,  and 
VMenmViller  amongn  tliu  numbai,  believe  the  word  ia 


BEHEMOTH  267 

One  of  the  wives  of  Ahaziah,  king  of  JudaJi, 
Zibiah  mother  of  Joash,  was  a  native  of  Beer-shela 
(2  K.  xii.  1 ;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  1 ).  From  the  incidental 
references  of  Amos,  we  find  that,  like  Bethel  and 
Gilgal,  the  place  was  at  this  time  the  seat  of  an 
idolatrous  worship,  apparently  connected  in  some 
intimate  manner  with  the  northern  kingdom  (Am. 
V.  5,  viii.  14).  But  the  allusions  are  so  slight  that 
nothing  can  be  gathered  from  them,  except  that  in 
the  latter  of  the  two  passages  quoted  above  we  have 
perhaps  preserved  a  form  of  words  or  an  adjuration 
used  by  the  worshippers,  "  Live  the  'way'  of  Beej- 
sheba!  "  "  After  this,  with  the  mere  mention  that 
Beer-sheba  and  the  villages  round  it  ("  daughtere  " ) 
were  re-inhabited  after  the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  30), 
the  name  dies  entirely  out  of  the  Bible  records ;  Uke 
many  other  places,  its  associations  are  entirely  con- 
fined to  the  earUer  history,  and  its  name  is  not  ever 
once  mentioned  in  the  New  Testament. 

But  though  unheard  of,  its  position  insured  a 
continued  existence  to  Beer-sheba.  In  the  time  of 
Jerome  it  was  still  a  considerable  place  {oppiduvi. 
Quffist.  ad  Gen.  xvii.  30;  or  vicus  yrandis,  Onom.), 
the  station  of  a  Roman  praesidium ;  and  later  it  is 
mentioned  in  some  of  the  ecclesiastical  lists  as  an 
episcopal  city  under  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem  (Re- 
land,  p.  620).  Its  present  condition  has  been  already 
described.  It  only  remains  to  notice  that  the  place 
retains  its  ancient  name  as  nearly  similar  in  sound 
as  an  Arabic  signification  will  permit  —  Bir  es-Sebd 
—  the  "  well  of  the  lion,"  or  "  of  seven.'  G. 

BEESH'TERAH  (H^nrr???  :  ^  Bocropd, 
Alex.  BeeOapa;  [Comp.  Aid.  Beeadepd'-]  Basra), 
one  of  the  two  cities  allotted  to  the  sons  of  Gershom, 
out  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  beyond  Jordan  (Josh, 
xxi.  27).  By  comparison  with  the  parallel  list  in 
1  Chr.  vi.  71,  Beeshterah  appears  to  be  identical 
with  Ashtaroth.  In  fact  the  name  is  considered 
by  Gesenius  as  merely  a  contracted  form  of  Beth- 
Ash  taroth,  the  house  of  A.  ( Thes.  190  ;  comp. 
175).     [BosoR.]  G. 

BEETLE.  See  Chartjol  (Vs-IH),  «.  « 
Locust. 
BEHEADING.  [Punishments.] 
BEHE'MOTH  (nhcna:*  evpia:  Be- 
hemoth).  This  word  has  long  been  considered  one 
of  the  dubia  vexata  of  critics  and  commentators, 
some  of  whom,  as  Vatablus,  Drusius,  Grotius  ( Crit. 
Sac.  Annot.  ad  Job.  xl.),  Pfeiffer  (Dubia  vexata  S. 
S.,  p.  594,  Dresd.  1679),  CasteU  {Lex.  Hept.  p. 
292),  A.  Schultens  {Comment,  in  Job  xl.),  Micha- 
elis  <^  {Suppl.  ad  Lex.  Ileb.  No.  208),  have  under- 
stood thereby  the  elephant;  while  others,  as  Bc- 
chart  {Hieroz.  iii.  705),  Ludolf  {IJist.  jEthiop.  i. 
11),  Shaw  {Trav.  ii.  299,  Svo.  Lonrl.),  Scheuchzei 
{Phys.  Sac.  on  Job  xl.),  Rosenmiiller  {Not.  an 
Bochart.  Hieroz.  iii.  705,  and  Schol.  ad  Vet.  Test. 
in  Job  xl.),  Taylor  {Appendix  to  CalmeCs  Diet. 
Bibl.  No.  Ixv.),  Harmer  {Observations,  ii.   319), 


the  plural  majestatis  or  n!2n2.  Rosemniiller'g  ob- 
jection to  the  Coptic  origin  of  the  word  is  worthy  of 
observation,  —  that,  if  this  was  the  case,  the  LXX. 
interpreters  wouta  not  have  given  ^pCa  as  its  repre- 
sentative. 

c  Michaelis  translates  ni^HS  by  jumenta,  an(| 
thinks  the  name  of  the  elephant  has  dropped  ont 
"  Mihi  videtur  nomen  eleph«ntis  forte  ^'^S  excidiMe.'' 


•268 


BEHEMOTH 


Gesenius  {Thts.  s.  v.  mJinS),  FuTst  (Concord. 
Heb.  8.  v.),  and  English  commentators  generally, 
believe  the  hippopotamus  to  be  denoted  by  the 
origina.  word.  Other  critics,  amongst  whom  is 
I>ee  {Comment,  on  Job  xl.,  and  Lex.  Ilvb.  s.  v. 

m!2n5),  consider  the  Hebrew  tenn  as  a  plural 
noun  for  "cattle"  in  general;  it  being  left  to  the 
reader  to  apply  to  the  Scriptural  allusions  the  par- 
ticular animal,  which  may  be,  according  to  ijee, 
"  either  the  horse  or  wild  ass  or  wild  bull "(!);" 
compare  also  Keiske,  Conjtclurm  in  Job.  p.  1G7.  Dr. 
Mason  Good  {Book  of  J(^b  literally  trnnslnted,  p. 
473,  Lond.  1712)  has  hazarded  a  conjecture  that 
the  behemoth  denotes  some  extinct  pachyderm  like 
the  mammoth,  with  a  view  to  combine  the  charac- 
teristics of  the  hippopotamus  and  elephant,  and 
80  to  fulfill  all  the  Scriptural  demands;  compare 
with  this  Michaelis  {Sup.  ad  Lex.  Heb.  No.  208), 
and  Hasseus  (in  Dissertat.  Sylbff.  No.  vii.  §  37 
and  §  38,  p.  506),  who  rejects  with  some  scorn  the 
notion  of  the  identity  of  behemoth  and  mammoth. 
Dr.  Kitto  {Plct.  Bib.  Job  xl.)  and  Coli  Hamilton 
Smith  (K-itto's  Cycl.  Bib.  Lit.,  art.  Behemoth),  from 
being  unable  to  make  nil  the  Scriptural  details  cor- 
respond with  any  one  particular  animal,  are  of 
opinion  that,  beliemoth  is  a  plural  term,  and  is  to 
be  taken  "  as  a  poetical  personification  of  the  great 
pachydermata  generally,  wherein  the  idea  of  hip- 
popotamus is  predominant."  The  term  behemoth 
would  thus  be  the  counterpart  of  leviathan,  the 
animal  mentioned  next  in  the  book  of  Job;  which 
word,  although  its  signification  in  that  passage  is 
restricted  to  the  croco<lile,  does  yet  stand  in  Script- 
ure for  a  python,  or  a  whale,  or  some  other  huge 
monster  of  the  deep.  [Leviathan.]  We  were 
at  one  time  inclined  to  coincide  with  this  view,  but 
a  careful  study  of  the  whole  passage  (Job  xl.  15-24) 
has  led  us  to  the  full  conviction  that  the  hippopot- 
amus alone  is  the  animal  denoted,  and  that  all  the 
details  descriptive  of  the  behemoth  accord  entirely 
with  the  ascertained  habits  of  that  animal.* 

Gesenius  and   Kosenmiiiler  have  remarked  that, 
since  in  the  first  part  of  Jehovah's  discourse  (Job 


Hippopotamus  amphiUus. 

xrxviii.,  xxxix.)  lan/l  animals  and  birds  are  men- 
tioned, it  suits  the  general  purpose  of  that  discourse 
Isetter  to  suppose  that  aqriatic  w  amphihiova  creat- 
ures are  spoken  of  in  the  last  half  of  it ;  a)id  that 
aince  the  leviathan,  by  almost  universal  consent, 
denotes  the  crocodile,  the  behemoth  seems  clearly 
to  point  to  the  hippopotamus,  his  associate  in  the 


a  Mast  disappointing  are  the  arguments  of  the  late 
Professor  Lee  as  to  "  Behemoth  "  and  "  Leriathan," 
»oth  criti(:ally  and  zoologically. 

6  *  Se«  Dr.  Conant's  note  ( Translation  of  Job,  p.  156) 
*  accordance  with  this  opinion.  11. 

«  A  recent  traveller  in  Egypt,  the  (lev.  J.  L.  Erring- 


BEHEMOTH 

Nile.  Harmer  ((?6sen).  ii.  319)  says  -'thoidt 
great  deal  of  beauty  in  the  ranging  the  descriptioi:! 
of  the  behemoth  and  the  leviathan,  for  in  thi 
Mosaic  pavement  the  people  of  an  Y.g)  ptian  barqut 
are  represented  as  darting  spears  or  some  sucb 
weajwus  at  one  of  the  river-horses,  as  another  of 
them  is  pictured  with  two  sticking  near  his  shoulders. 
....  It  was  then  a  customary  thing  with  the  old 
Egyptians  thus  to  attack  these  animals  (see  also 
AV^ilkinson,  Anc.  Egypt,  iii.  71);  if  so,  how  beauti- 
ful is  the  arrangement  :  there  is  a  most  happy 
gradation;  after  a  grand  but  just  representation 
of  the  terribleness  of  the  river-horse,  the  Almighty 
is  represented  as  going  on  with  his  expostulations 
something  after  this  manner :  —  '  But  dreadful  as 
this  animal  is,  barbed  irons  and  spears  have  some 
times  prevailed  against  him;  but  what  wilt  thoii 
do  with  the  crocodile?  Canst  thou  fill  his  skin 
with  barbed  irons  V  '  "  &c..  Sac.  In  the  Littiostrotum 
Prcenestinum,  to  which  Mr.  Harmer  refers,  there 
are  two  crocodiles,  associates  of  three  river-horses, 
which  are  represented  without  spears  sticking  in 
them,  though  they  seem  to  be  within  shot. 

It  has  been  said  that  some  parts  of  the  descrip- 
tion in  Job  cannot  apply  to  the  hippopotamus :  the 
20th  verse  for  instance,  where  it  is  said,  "  the 
mountains  bring  him  forth  food."  This  passage, 
many  writers  .say,  suits  the  elephant  well,  but  can- 
not be  applied  to  the  hippopotamus,  whicli  is  never 
seen  on  mountains.  Again,  the  24th  verse  —  "  his 
nose  pierceth  through  snares  "  —  seems  to  be  spoken 
of  the  trunk  of  the  elephant,  "  with  its  extraordinary 
deUcacy  of  scent  and  touch,  rather  than  to  the 
obtuse  perceptions  of  the  river-horse."  In  answer 
to  the  first  objection  it  has  l)een  stated,  with  great 

reason,  that  the  word  hdrim  (C'^n)  is  not  neces- 
sarily to  be  restricted  to  what  we  understand  com- 
monly by  the  expression  "  mountains."  In  the 
Pra;nestine  pavement  alluded  to  above,  there  are 
to  be  seen  here  and  tliere,  as  Jlr.  Harmer  has 
observed.  "  hillocks  rising  above  the  water."  In 
Ez.  xliii.  15  (margin),  the  altar  of  God,  only  ten 
cubits  high  and  fourteen  square,  is  called  "  the 
mountain  of  God."  "  Tlie  eminences  of  Egypt, 
which  appear  as  the  inundation  of  the  Nile  de- 
creases, may  undoubtedly  be  called  mountains  in 
the  poetical  language  of  Job."  Hut  we  think  there 
is  no  occasion  for  so  restricted  an  explanation.  The 
hippopotamus,  as  is  well  known,  frequently  leaves 
the  water  and  the  river's  bank  as  night  approaches, 
and  makes  inland  excursions  for  the  sake  of  the 
pasturage,  when  he  commits  sad  work  among  the 
growing  crops  (Hasselquist,  Trav.  p.  188).  No 
doubt  he  might  be  oftt-n  observed  on  the  hill-sidos 
near  the  spots  frequented  by  him.  Again,  it  must 
be  remembered  that  the  "  mountains "  are  men- 
tioned by  way  of  contrast  to  the  natural  habits  of 
aquatic  animals  generally,  which  never  go  far  from 
the  water  and  the  banks  of  the  river:  but  tiie  liehe- 
moth,  though  passing  mucli  of  his  time  in  the 
water  and  in  "  tiie  covert  of  the  reed  and  fens," 
eateth  grass  like  cattle,  and  feedeth  on  the  hillsidef 
in  company  with  the  beasts  of  the  field. '^  There  it 
much  beauty  in  the  pa.s.sages  which  contrast  the 
habits  of  the  hippopotamus,  an  amphibious  animal, 

ton,  writes  to  us  —  "  The  valley  of  the  Nile  in  Uppel 
Egypt  and  Nubia  is  in  parts  so  very  narrow  that  tht 
mountains  approach  within  a  few  hundred  yards,  ant 
even  lens,  to  the  river's  bank  ;  the  hippopotamus  then 
fore  might  well  be  said  to  get  Its  food  from  th  e  moiu 
tains,  on  the  sides  of  which  it  would  grow." 


BEHEMOTH 

inth  those  of  herbivorous  land-quadrupeds:  but  if 
Jie  elephant  is  to  be  understood,  the  whole  descrip- 
fdon  is  comparatively  speaking  tame. 

With  respect  to  the  second  objection,  the-e  is 
little  doubt  tliat  the  marginal  reading  is  nearer  the 
Hebrew  than  that  of  the  text.  "  Will  any  take 
him  in  his  sight,  or  bore  his  nose  with  a  gui?  " 
Perhaps  this  refers  to  leading  him  about  alive  with 
a  ring  ui  his  nose,  as,  says  KosenmiiUer,  "  the 
Arabs  are  accustomed  to  lead  camels,"  and  we  may 
add  the  English  to  lead  buUs,  "  with  a  ring  passed 
through  the  nostrils."  The  e.xpression  in  verse  17, 
"he  bendeth  his  tail  hke  a  cedar,"  has  given  occa- 
sion to  much  discussion ;  some  of  the  advocates  for 

the  elephant  maintaining  that  the  word  zdndb  (^3T) 
may  denote  either  extremity,  and  that  here  the 
elephant's  trmik  is  intended.  The  parallelism,  hoW' 
ever,  clearly  requires  the  posterior  appendage  to  be 
signified  by  the  term.  The  expression  seems  to 
allude  to  the  stiff,  unbending  nature  of  the  animal's 
tail,  which  in  this  respect  is  compared  to  the  trunk 
of  a  strong  cedar  which  the  wind  scarcely  moves. 

The  description  of  the  animal's  lying  under  "  the 
shady  trees,"  amongst  the  "reeds"  and  wiUows,  is 
peculiarly  applicable  to  the  hippopotamus."  It  has 
been  argued  that  such  a  description  is  equally  appli- 


BEHEMOTH 


269 


«  "  At  every  turn  there  occurred  deep,  still  pools, 
and  occasional  sandy  islands  densely  clad  with  lofty 
reeds.  Above  and  beyond  these  reeds  stood  trees  of 
Immense  age,  beneath  which  grew  a  rank  kind  of  grass 
on  which  the  sea-co\7  delights  to  pasture  "  (6.  Cum- 
ming,  p.  297). 

6  TJ'S37  Bochart  says,  "  near  thes,"  i.  e.  not  for 
firom  thy  own  country.  Gesenius  and  Rosenmiiller 
translate  the  word  "  pariter  atque  te."  Cary  {note  on 
(.  e.)  understands  it  "  at  the  same  time  as  I  made 
thee." 

T^VTI,  "  grass,"  not  "  hay,"  aa  the  Vulg.  has 
It,  and   some  commentators  :  it  is  from  the  Arabic 
I  to  be  green."     The  Hebrew  word  occurs 


yAS^, 


In  Num.  xi.  5,  in  a  limited  sense,  to  denote  "  leeks." 
<*  D'*^   seems  to  refer  here  to  the  bones  cf  the 

togs  more  particularly  ;  the  marrow  bones. 
*   D 175   perhaps  here  denotes  the  rib  bones,  as  is 

prooable  from  the  singular  number  T'tlS  7"^t2!23 

which  appears  to  be  distributive  and  thereby  emphatic. 
See  BoseDmiill.  Sehol.  in  /.  c. 

f  "  With  these  apparently  combined  teeth  the  hip- 
popotamus can  cut  the  grass  as  neatly  as  if  it  were 
mown  with  the  scythe,  and  Is  able  to  sever,  as  if  with 
shears,  a  tolerably  stout   and    thick   stem  "  (Wood's 

Nat.  Hist.  i.  762).  2^n  perhaps  =  the  Greek  apTrrj. 
See  Bochart  (iii.  722),  who  cites  Nicander  {Tkeriac. 
J66)  as  comparing  the  tooth  of  this  animal  to  a  scythe. 
The  next  verse  explains  the  purpose  and  use  of  the 
"  scythe  "  with  which  God  has  provided  his  creature  ; 
namely,  in  order  that  he  may  eat  the  grass  of  the 
Ulls. 

0  D'^  ;^.*;^"nnri  :  uirb  Trai/ToSaTTo.  SeVSpa :  sub 
umbra.  A.  Schultens,  following  the  Arabic  writers 
Saadias  and  Abulwalid,  was  the  first  European  com- 
Jientator  to  propose  "  the  lotus-tree  "  as  the  si  ^ifica- 

Uon  of  the  Hebrew  7S**,  which  occurs  only  n  this 
M»d  the  following  verse   of   Job.     He  identifies  the 

Uhtom  word  with  the  AraMc  (JL^,  which  according 


cable  to  the  elephant ;  but  this  is  hardly  the  case,  for 
though  the  elephant  is  fond  of  frequent  ablutions,  and 
is  frequently  seen  near  water,  yet  the  constant  habit 
of  the  hippopotamus,  as  implied  in  verses  21,  22, 
seems  to  be  especially  made  the  subject  to  which 
the  attention  is  directed.  The  whole  passage  (.lob 
xl.  15-24)  may  be  thus  literally  translated :  — 

"  Behold  now  behemoth,  whom  I  made  with  thee  j  b 
he  eateth  grass  c  like  cattle. 

"  Behold  now,  his  strength  is  in  his  loins,  and  hig 
power  in  the  muscles  of  his  belly. 

"  He  bendeth  his  tail  like  a  cedar  :  the  smews  cf  his 
thighs  interweave  one  with  another. 

"  His  bones  rf  are  as  tubes  of  copper  ;  his  (solid) 
bones  eiich  one  e  as  a  bar  of  forged  iron. 

"  He  is  (one  of)  the  chief  of  the  works  of  Qod  ;  his 
Maker  hath  furnished  him  with  his  scythe  (tooth)./ 

"  For  the  hills  bring  him  forth  abundant  food,  and 
all  the  beasts  of  the  field  have  their  pastime  there. 

"  Beneath  the  shady  trees  o  he  Ueth  down,  in  thiP 
covert  of  the  reed,  and  fens  .A 

"  The  shady  trees  cover  him  with  their  shadow  ;  the 
willows  of  the  stream  surround  him. 

"  Lo !  the  river  swelleth  proudly  against  him,  yet 
he  is  not  alarmed  :  he  is  securely  confident  though  a 
Jordan*  burst  forth  agiiinst  his  mouth. 

"  WUl  any  one  capture  him  when  in  his  sight  ?  * 
will  any  one  bore  his  nostril  in  the  snare  ?  " 

9m 

to  some  authorities  is  another  name  for  the  .  i\j)M 

(sic/r),  the  lotus  of  the  ancient  "  lotophagi,"  Zizyphus 
lotus.  It  would  appear,  however,  from  Abu'lfadli,  cited 
by  Celsius  (Hlerob.  ii.  191),  that  the  DIml  is  a  species 
distinct  from  the  S/dr,  which  latter  plant  was  also 
known  by  the  names  Salam  and  Nabk.  Sprengel 
identifies  the   DhM  with   the   Jv\jube-tree  (Zizyphus 

vulgaris).  But  even  if  it  were  proved  that  the  7^^ 
and  the   Jl_o   were  identical,  the  explanation  of  the 

tjLo  by  Freytag,  "  Arbor  quae  remota  a  fluminibus 
nonnisi  pluvia  rigatur,  aliis  lotus,  Kam.  Dj."  does  not 
warrant  us  in  associating  the  tree  with  the  reeds  and 
willows  of  the  Nile.  Gesenius,  strange  to  say,  supposes 
the  reeds,  out  of  which  numerous  birds  are  flyiug  in 
the  subjoined  woodcut  from  Sir  Q.  Wilkinson's  work, 
and  which  are  apparently  intended  to  represent  the 
papyrus  reeds,  to  be  the  lote  lilies.  His  words  are 
"  At  any  rate,  on  a  certain  Egyptian  monument  which 
represents  the  chase  of  tlie  hippopotamus,  I  observe 
this  animal  concealing  himself  in  a  wood  of  water- 
lotuses —  in  loli  a'lualica;  sylva  "  (Wilkinson,  Mannert 
and  Customs,  iii.  71).  We  prefer  the  rendering  of  the 
A.  V.  "  shady  trees  ;  "  and  so  read  the  Vulg.,  ICimchi, 
and  Aben  Ezra,  the  Syriac  and  the  Arabic,  with  Bochart 

Rosenmiiller   takes   D^  vW!^,     "  more  Aranueo   pro 

S'^bv!;,  ut  DS^*5  pro  DDS^  supra  vii.  6,  et 
Ps.  Iviu.'S"  (Schol.  ad  Job.  xl.  21). 

A  See  woodcut.  Compare  also  Bellonius,  quoted  by 
Bochart :  "  Vivit  arundinibus  et  cannis  sacchari  et 
foliis  papyri  herbae." 

•    ^^1^,  from  Tl'^,  "  to  descend."     The  name 

of  Jordan  is  used  poetically  for  any  river,  as  the  Greek 
poets  use  Ida  for  any  mountain  and  Achelous  for  any 
water  (Rosenmiill.  Schol.),  or  perha]«  in  its  original 
meaning,  as  simply  a  "  rapid  river."  (See  Stanley ,  S 
^  P.  §  37.)  This  verse  seems  to  refer  to  the  inunda- 
tion of  the  Nile. 

k  This  seems  t*^  be  the  meaning  implied-  Compare 
in  the  case  of  Lf^athan,  ch.  xli.  2,  5 ;  but  see  also 
Cary's  rendering  "  He  neceivetb  it  (the  river)  up  ti 
his  eyes. 


270 


BEKAH 


Thia  description  agrees  in  every  particular  with 
the  hippopotifinus,  which  we  fully  believe  to  be  the 
representative  of  the  behemoth  of  Scripture. 

According  to  the  TaLnud,  Behemoth  is  some 
huge  land-aninial  which  daily  consumes  the  grass 
off  a  thousand  hills ;  he  is  to  have  at  some  future 
period  a  battle  with  leviathan.  On  account  of  his 
grazing  on  the  mountains,  he  is  called  "  the  bull 
of  the  high  mountains."  (See  Lewysohn,  Zool. 
lies  Tcdmmls,  p.  355.1  "The  'fathers,'  for  the 
most  part,"  says  Cary  (Job,  p.  402)  "surrounded 
the  object  with  an  awe  equally  dreadful,  and  in  the 
behemoth  here,  and  in  the  leviathan  of  the  next 
ehapter,  saw  nothing  but  mystical  representations 


BELA 

of  the  devU;  others  agam  have  here  pictured  li 
themselves  some  hieroglyphic  monster  tliat  has  nt 
re:il  existence;  but  these  wild  imaginations  are  sur 
passed  by  that  of  Bolducius,  who  in  the  behemoth 
actually  beholds  Christ !  " 

The  skin  of  the  hippopotamus  is  cut  into  whipt 
by  the  Dutch  colonists  of  S.  Africa,  and  tlie  monu- 
ments of  %ypt  testify  that  a  similar  use  was  mad* 
of  the  skin  by  the  ancient  Eg}-ptians  {Atic.  Egypt. 
iii.  73).  The  inhabitants  of  S.  Africa  hold  the 
flesh  of  the  hippopotamus  in  high  esteem ;  it  is  said 
to  be  not  unlike  pork. 

The  hippopotamus  belongs  to  the  order  Pachy- 
deiTHcUa,  chas  MammaUa.  W.  H. 


Cliase  of  the  Hippopotamus.     (WUUnsoa. 


BE'KAH.     [Weights.] 

BEL.     [Baal.] 

BEL  AND  DRAGON.  [Daniel,  Apocrt 

"HAL  ADDITIONS  TO.] 

BET, A  (27^5  :  BaX<£,  and  BoAe,  and  BaA<{«, 
ben.  xiv.  2,  8 :  Bela ;  a  swallowing  up,  or  desti-uc- 
tion.  In  the  JAber  Nom.  J/tbr.,  in  St.  Jerome's 
works,  torn,  ii.,  it  is  corrupted  to  2aA.a(,  in  the 
Cod.  Keg.;  but  in  the  Cod.  Colbert,  it  is  written 
BdWa,"  and  interpreted  /coTairoj'Ti(7-/udsr  (see  Ps. 
Iv.  (liv.)  9,  Sept.).     Jerome  appears  to  confound  it 

with    /^2,  where  he  renders  it   "habens,  sive 

Oevorans ;"    and   witu    H^S,    where   he  says, 
"  Balla,  absorpta  sive  inveterata"). 

1.  [BaAc£>c:  Bala.]  One  of  the  five  cities  of  the 
plain  which  was  spared  at  the  intercession  of  Ix>t, 

■ad  received  the  name  of  Zoar  (~iyi!?),  smallness, 


"  BiAAa  is  also  the  LXX.'s  version  of  Sera,  Oen. 

QT.  a 


i.  e.  a  Utile  one  (Gen.  xiv.  2,  xix.  22).  It  lay  on 
the  southern  extremity  of  the  Dead  Sea,  on  tha 
frontier  of  Moab  and  Palestine  (Jerome  on  Is.  xv.), 
and  on  the  route  to  Egj'pt;  the  connection  in  which 
it  is  found.  Is.  xv.  5 ;  Jer.  xlviii.  34 ;  Gen.  xiii.  10. 
We  first  read  of  Bela  in  Gen.  xiv.  2,  8,  where  it 
is  named  with  Sodom,  Goniorrha,  Adniah,  and 
Zeboiim,  as  forming  a  confederacy  under  their 
respective  kings,  in  the  vale  of  Siddim,  to  resist  the 
supremacy  of  the  king  of  Shinar  and  his  associates. 
It  is  singular  that  the  king  of  Bela  is  the  only  one 
of  the  five  whose  name  is  not  given,  and  tliis  sug- 
gests the  probability  of  Bela  having  been  his  own 
name,  as  well  as  the  name  of  his  city,  which  may 
have  been  so  called  from  him.  The  tradition  of  tiie 
Jews  was  that  it  was  called  Beln  from  having  been 
repeatedly  engulfed  by  earthquakes;  and  in  th« 
passage  Jer.  xlviii.  34,  "  Prom  Zoar  even  unt« 
Horonaim  (have  they  uttered  tlieir  voice)  as  ai 
heifer*  of  three  years  old,"  and   Is.  xv.  5,  tbej 


b  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  both  piuwmes  tt>« 
ery  of  the  distreaaed  Moabiteii  is  coiuiiared  Co  the  lo'viai 


BELA 

ibsurdly  fancied  an  allusion  to  its  destruction  by 
ibtee  eai-thquakes  (Jerome,  Qucest.  Neb.  in  Gen. 
liv.)-  There  is  nothing  improbable  in  itself  in  the 
iupposed  allusion  to  the  swallowing  up  of  the  city 

by  an  earthquake,  which  V  2  exactly  expresses 
(Num.  xvi.  30);  but  the  repeated  occurrence  of 
37v3,  and  words  compounded  with  it,  as  names 
of  men,  rather  favors  the  notion  of  the  city  havmg 
been  caDed  Bela  from  the  name  of  its  founder. 
This  is  rendered  yet  more  probable  by  Bela  beuig 
the  name  of  an  Edomitish  king  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  32. 
For  further  infomiation  see  Ue  isaulcy's  Narrative, 
57-481,  and  Stanley's  S.  cf  P.  285.  [Zoar.] 
2.  [BaA.a/c :  Bda,  Bale  in  1  Chr.]  Son  of  Beor, 
lO  reigned  over  Edom  in  the  city  of  Uinhabah, 
light  generations  before  Saul,  king  of  Israel,  or 
about  the  time  of  tiie  Exodus.  Bernard  Hyde,  fol- 
lowing some  Jewish  commentators  (Simon.  Onomast. 
U2,  note),  identifies  this  Bela  with  Balaam  the  son 
of  Beor ;  but  the  evidence  from  the  name  does  not 
seem  to  prove  more  than  identity  of  family  and 
race.  There  is  nothing  whatever  to  guide  us  as  to 
the  age  of  Beor,  or  Bosor,  the  founder  of  the  house 
from  which  Bela  and  Balaam  sprung.  As  regards 
the  i.anie  of  Bela's  royal  or  native  city  Dinhabah, 
which  Fiirst  and  Gesenius  render  "  place  of  plunder," 
it  may  be  suggested  whether  it  may  not  possibly 

be  a  form  of  H^ni,  the  Chaldee  for  gold,  after 
the  analogy  of  the  frequent  Chaldee  resolution  of 
the  dagesh  forte  into  nun.  There  are  several  names 
of  places  and  persons  in  Idumea  which  point  to 
gold  as  found  there — as  Dizahab,  Deut.  i.  1, 
" place  of  gold ;  "  Mezahab,  "  waters  of  gold,"  or 
"gold-streams,"  Gen.  xxxvi.  39.«  Compare  Dehe- 
bris,  the  ancient  name  of  tlie  Tiber,  famous  for  its 
yellow  waters.  If  tliis  derivation  for  Dinhabah  be 
true,  its  Chaldee  form  would  not  be  difficult  to 
accoimt  for,  and  would  supply  an  additional  evidence 
of  the  early  conquests  of  the  Chaklees  in  the  direction 
of  Idumea.     The  name  of  Bela's  ancestor  Beor, 

"1172,  is  of  a  decidedly  Chaldee  or  Aramaean  form, 

like  Peor  "1'^?,  Pethor  "IH?,  Eehob  I'm,  and 
others ;  and  we  ai"e  expressly  told  that  Balaam  the 
Bon  of  Beor  dwelt  in  Pethor,  which  is  by  the  river 
of  the  land  of  the  children  of  his  people,  i.  e.  the 
river  Euphrates ;  and  he  himself  describes  his  home 
as  being  in  Aram  (Num.  xxii.  5,  xxiii.  7).  Saul 
again,  who  reigned  over  Edom  after  Sandah,  came 
from  Rehoboth  by  the  river  Euphrates  (Gen.  xxxvi. 
37).  We  read  in  Job's  time  of  the  Chaldaeans 
making  incursions  into  the  land  of  Uz,  and  carrying 
off  the  camels,  and  slaying  Job's  servants  (Job  i. 
17).  In  the  time  of  Abraham  we  have  the  king 
of  Shinar  apparently  extending  his  empire  so  as  to 
make  the  kings  on  the  borders  of  the  Dead  Sea  his 
tributaries,  and  with  liis  confederates  extending  his 
jonquests  into  the  very  country  which  was  after- 
wards the  land  of  Edom  (Gen.  xiv.  6).  Putting 
all  this  together,  we  may  conclude  with  some  con- 
fidence that  Bela  the  son  of  Beor,  who  reigned  over 
Edom,  was  a  Chaldaaan  by  birth,  and  reigned  in 
Edom  by  conquest.     He  may  have  been  coutem- 


^f  a  heifer  whosa  calf  has  be<!n  taken  Irom  her      The 

3  of  companscn  is  veiy  frequently  omitted  in  Hebrew 
poetry. 

a  In  n2n"T*^,  "  the  golden  city,"  Is.  xiv.  4,  the 
fading  is  doubtful  (Gesen.  in  v.). 


BEUAJL.  271 

porary  with  Moses  and  Balaam.  Hadad,  jf  whicli 
name  there  were  two  kings  (Gen.  xxxvi.  35,  39),  is 
probably  another  instance  of  an  Aramsean  king  of 
Edom,  as  we  find  the  name  Benhadad  as  that  of  the 
kings  of  Syria,  or  Aram,  in  later  history  (1  K.  xx.). 
Compare  also  the  name  of  Hadad-ezer,  king  of 
Zobah,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Euphrates  (2 
Sam.  viii.  3,  &c.).  The  passage  Gen.  xxxvi.  31-39, 
is  given  in  duplicate  1  Chr.  i.  43-51. 

3.  [BaAa,  BaAe,  etc.:  Bela].  Eldest  son  of 
Benjamin,  according  to  Gen.  xlvi.  21,''  Num.  xxvi. 
38,  1  Chr.  vii.  6,  viii.  1,  and  head  of  the  family  of 
the  Belaites.  The  houses  of  his  family,  according 
to  1  Chr.  viii.  3-5,  were  Addar,  Gera,  Abihud  (read 

Ehud  l^nS,  for  "l!1"'"'2S),  Abishua,  Naaraan. 
Ahoah,  Shupham,  and  Haram.  Of  these  Ehud  is 
the  most  remarkable.  The  exploit  of  I'^hud  the 
son  of  Gera,  who  shared  the  pecuharity  of  so  many 
of  his  Benjamite  brethren,  in  being  left-handed 
(Judg.  XX.  16),  in  slaymg  Eglon  the  king  of  Moab, 
and  delivering  Israel  from  the  Moabitish  yoke,  is 
related  at  length  Judg.  iii.  14-30.  The  greatness 
of  the  victory  subsequently  obtained  may  be  meas- 
ured by  the  length  of  the  rest  of  80  years  which 
followed.  It  is  perhaps  worth  noticing  that  as  we 
have  Husham  by  the  side  of  Bela  among  the  kings 
of  Edom,  Gren.  xxxvi.  34,  so  also  by  the  side  of 
Bela,  son  of  Benjamin,  we  have  the  Bienjamite  fam- 
ily of  Hushim  (1  Chr.  vii.  12),  sprung  apparently 
from  a  foreign  woman  of  that  name,  whom  a  Ben- 
jamite took  to  wife  in  the  land  of  Moab  (1  Chr. 
viii.  8-11).     [Bkchek.] 

4.  [BaAe/c;  Alex.  BoAe:  Bala.']  Son  of  Ahaz, 
a  IJeubenite  (1  Clir.  v.  8).  It  is  remarkable  that 
his  country  too  was  "  in  Aroer,  even  unto  Nebo 
and  Baal-meon;  and  eastward  he  inhabited  unto 
the  entering  in  of  the  wilderness  from  the  river 
Euphrates"  (8,  9).  A.  C.  H. 

BE'LAH.     [Bela,  3.] 
BE'LAITES,  THE  C^^^an :  s  BoAi';  [Vat. 
Alex.  -Aei :  BelniUe] ),  Num.  xxvi.  38.     [Bei^v,  3.] 
BEL'EMUS   (B^\6/ios:   Balsamus),  1  Esdr. 

ii.  16.       [BiSHLAM.] 

BE'LIAL.  The  translators  of  our  A.  V.,  fol- 
lowing the  Vulgate,   have  frequently  treated   the 

word   7^02  as  a  proper  name,  and  given  it  in 

the  form  Belial,  in  accordance  with  2  Cor.  vi.  15 
This  is  particiUarly  the  case  where  it  is  connected 

with  the  expressions  ^'^i^,  man  of,  or  *(2  son  of: 
in  other  instances  it  is  translated  vncktd  or  some 
equivalent  term  (Deut.  xv.  9;  Ps.  xli.  8,  ci.  3 
Prov.  vi.  12,  xvi.  27,  xix.  28;  Nah.  i.  11,  15). 
There  can  be  no  question,  however,  that  the  word 
is  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  proper  name  in  the  0.  T. ; 
its  meaning  is  wori/dess7itss,  and  hence  reckksmess, 
lawlessness.     Its  etj'mology  is  uncertain :  the  first 

part  ^^'2.:^ without;  the  second  part  has  been  va- 
riously connected  with  ^S37  yi>ke,  as  in  the  Vulg. 
(Judg.  xix.  22)  Belial,  id  est  absque  jugo,  in  the 
sense  of  unbridled,  rebellious;  with  H  ^37,  to  a*- 
cend,  as  =  without  ascent,  that  is,  oj"  the  loweii  con- 
dition ;  and  lastly  with  V^^,  usefulness  =  tnlkow 


b  In  A.  V.  ■'  B<ilah,"  the  V   being  rendered  b/  H 
Comp.  Sbdab  [3 ;  Hebbon,  2j. 


272  BELLOWS 

luefulness,  that  is,  good  for  nothiny  (Gesen.  7'Ae- 
taur.  p.  209):  the  latter  appears  to  be  the  most 
probable,  not  only  in  regard  to  sense,  but  also  as 
explaining  the  unusual  fusion  of  the  two  words,  the 
s  at  the  end  of  the  one  and  at  the  beginning  of  the 
othei'  leading  to  a  cvasis,  originally  in  the  pronun- 
ciation, and  afterwards  in  the  WTiting.  The  ex- 
pression son  or  rurm  of  Belial  must  be  understood 
aa  meaning  simply  a  worthless,  lawless  fellow  (ira- 
pwofios,  IJiX. ) :  it  occurs  frequently  in  this  sense 
in  the  historical  books  (Judg.  xix.  22,  xx.  13;  1 
8am.  i.  16,  ii.  12,  x.  27,  xxv.  17,  25,  xxx.  22 ;  2 
Sam.  xvi.  7,  xx.  1;  IK.  xxi.  10;  2  Chr.  xiii.  7), 
and  only  once  in  the  earlier  books  (Deut.  xiii.  13). 

The  adjunct   IC"*S  is  occasionally  omitted,  as  in 

Sam.  xxiii.  C,  and  Job  xxxiv.  18,  where  V^*  ^;2 
stands  by  itself,  as  a  term  of  reproach.  The  later 
Hebrews  used  (laKoi  and  /nape  in  a  similar  manner 
(Matt.  V.  22):  the  latter  is  perhaps  the  most  anal- 
ogous; in  1  Sam.  xxv.  25,  Nabal  (^112  =  fiwpSs) 

b  described  as  a  man  of  Belial,  as  though  the  terms 
were  equivalent. 

In  the  N.  T.  tlie  term  appears  in  the  form  Be- 
Aiap  and  not  B(\la\,  as  given  in  the  A.  V.  The 
change  of  A  into  p  was  common ;  we  have  an  in- 
stance even  in  Biblical  Hebrew  m"1:T^  (Job 
xxxviu.  32)  for  nhb-Ttt  2  K.  xxiii.  5);  in  Chal- 
dee  we  meet  with  S*^"in  for  C'tr'  vH,  and  vari- 
ous other  instances;  the  same  change  occurred  in 
the  Doric  dialect  ((pavpos  for  <j>avKos),  with  which 
the  Alexandrine  writei-s  were  most  familiar.  The 
term  as  used  in  2  Cor.  vi.  15  is  generally  under- 
stood as  an  apixjUative  of  Satan,  as  the  personifica- 
tion of  all  that  wiis  bad :  Bengel  (  Cmomon  in  loc. ) 
explains  it  of  Antichrist,  as  more  strictly  the  oppo- 
site of  Christ  {pmnem  colluviem  antichnsiianam 
notare  vk/ttur).  W.  L.  B. 

BELLOWS  (nQT2  :  <pvffvr-fip,  LXX.).  The 
word  occurs  only  in  Jer.  vi.  29,  "  The  bellows  are 
burned;"  where  their  use  is  to  heat  a  smelting 
furnace.  They  were  known  even  in  the  time  of 
Moses,  and  perhaps  still  earlier,  since  the  operations 
of  a  foundry  would  be  almost  impossible  without 
them.  A  picture  of  two  different  kinds  of  bellows, 
both  of  highly  ingenious  construction,  may  be  found 
in  Wilkinson,  Atic.  Egypt-  iii.  338.  "  They  con- 
sisted," he  says,  "  of  a  leather,  secured  and  fitted 
into  a  frame,  from  which  a  long  jiipe  extended  for 
aarrying  the  wind  to  the  fire.     They  were  worked 


IgyptUn  Bellowa.  (F.  Cailliard,  Reeherchts  sur  Us  Arts 
des  Aneiens  igyptiens.) 

)y  tne  feet,  the  operator  standing  upon  them,  with 


BELLS 

one  under  each  foot,  and  pressing  them  altematet} 
while  he  pulled  up  each  exhausted  skin  with  a 
string  he  held  in  his  hand.  In  one  instance  we 
observe  from  the  painting,  that  when  the  man  left 
the  bellows,  they  were  raised  as  if  inflated  with  air 
and  this  would  imply  a  knowledge  of  the  valve 
The  pipes  even  in  the  time  of  I'hothmes  III.,  [sup- 
posed to  be]  the  contemporary  of  Moses,  appeal 
to  have  been  simply  of  reed,  tipped  with  a  metal 
point  to  resist  the  action  of  the  fire." 

Bellows  of  an  analogous  kind  were  early  known 
to  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  Homer  (//.  xviii.  470) 
speaks  of  20  (()vaai  in  the  forge  of  Hepha?stos,  and 
they  are  mentioned  frequently  by  ancient  authors 
{Diet,  of  Ant.,  art.  Follis).  Ordinary  hand-bel- 
lows, made  of  wood  and  kid's-skin,  are  used  by  the 
modern  Egyptians,  but  are  not  found  in  the  old 
paintings.  They  may  however  have  been  known, 
as  they  were  to  the  early  Greeks.  F.  W.  F. 

BELLS.  ITiere  are  two  words  thus  translated 
in  the  A.  V.,  namely,  "J^ -P5,  Ex.  xxviii.  33  (from 

aVQ,  tostiike;  Kdtluves,  LXX.),  and  HI^^D, 
Zech.  xiv.  20  (ri  M  rhv  x^^^^ov  rod  Xinrov, 
LXX.;  A.  v.,  marg.  "bridles,"  from  ^^^*,  to 
st}-ike). 

In  Ex.  xxviii.  33  the  bells  alluded  to  were  the 
golden  ones,  according  to  the  Kabbis  72  in  number 
(Winer,  s.  v.  Sditlkn),  which  alternated  with  the 
three-colored  pomegranates  round  the  hem  of  the 
high-priest's  epliod.  The  object  of  them  was  "  that 
his  sound  might  be  leard  when  he  went  in  unto  the 
holy  place,  and  when  he  came  out,  that  he  die  not " 
(lix.  xxviii.  35),  or  "  that  as  he  went  there  might 
be  a  sound,  and  a  noise  made  that  might  be  heard 
in  the  temple,  for  a  memorial  to  the  childien  of  his 
people  "  (Ecclus.  xlv.  9).  No  doubt  they  answered 
the  same  purpose  as  the  bells  used  by  the  Brah- 
mins in  the  Hindoo  ceremonies,  and  by  the  Roman 
Catholics  during  the  celebration  of  ma-ss  (comp. 
Luke  i.  21).  To  this  day  bells  are  fret]uently 
attached,  for  the  sake  of  their  pleasant  sound,  to 
the  anklets  of  women.  [Anklkt.J  TIip  little 
girls  of  Cairo  wear  strings  of  them  round  their 
feet  (Lane,  Mod.  Egypt,  ii.  370,  and  at  Ki>qjar, 
Mungo  Park  saw  a  dance  "  in  which  many  j)er- 
formers  a.ssisted,  all  of  whom  were  provided  with 
little  bells  fastened  to  their  legs  and  arms." 

In  Zech.  xiv.  20  "belLs  of  the  horses  "  (where 
our  marg.  Vers,  follows  the  LXX.)  is  proliably  a 
wrong  rendering.     The  Hebrew  word  is  almost  the 

same  as  C^Pl  .1'^  "  *  P*>'"  of  cymbals,"  and  as 
they  are  supposed  to  be  inscril)ed  with  the  words 
"  Holiness  unto  the  I>ord,"  it  is  more  probable  that 
they  are  not  bells,  but  "  concave  «r  fiat  j)ieees  of 
brass,  which  were  sometimes  attached  to  liorses  for 
the  sake  of  ornament"  (.lahn,  Arch.  Bibl.  §  96). 
Indeed    they   were    probably    the    same    as    the 

C^3'"intt7,  fj.r]vl(TKoi  (Is.  iii.  18;  .ludg.  viii.  21), 
lunuUe  of  gold,  silver,  or  brass  used  as  omanienta, 
and  hung  by  the  Arabians  round  the  necks  of  their 
camels,  as  we  still  see  them  in  England  on  the  bar- 
ness  of  horses.  They  were  not  only  ornan)cntai, 
but  useful,  as  their  tinkling  tended  to  enhven  the 
animals:  and  in  the  cjimvans  they  thus  served  the 
purpose  of  our  intxlern  siieep-i)ells.  The  coinpari- 
son  to  the  Kdi^tuvfs  used  by  the  (iieeks  to  test 
horses  seems  out  of  jJace;  and  hence  Arcbbisliof 
Seeker's  explanation  of  the  verse,  as  meaning  tlxal 


BELMAIM 

tar-liorees  would  become  useless,  and  their  trap- 1 
pbgs  would  be  converted  to  sacred  purposes,  Lsl 
untenable.  The  general  meaning,  as  obvious  from  I 
the  context,  is  that  true  religion  will  then  be  uni- 
tersally  professed.  F.  W.  F. 

BELMA'IM  (Bf\0fu;  [Vat.]  Alex.  BeX^aifx; 
[Shi.  A/SeAj8ai/u;  Lump.  BeA/xotyu:]  Bdiiui),  a 
place  which,  from  the  terms  of  the  passage,  would 
appear  to  have  been  south  of  Dothaim  (Jud.  vii. 
3).  Possibly  it  is  the  same  as  Belmen,  though 
whether  tiiis  is  the  case,  or  indeed  whether  eitlier 
of  tliem  ever  liad  any  real  existence,  it  is  at  pre.seiit 
impossil)le  to  determine.  [Judith.]  The  Syriac 
has  Aliel-raechola.  G. 

BEL'MEN  ([liom.  Comp.]  B6Am«V;  [Sin.] 
Alex.  BiK^lLa.lv■,  l\At.  BaiA/toii/] :  Vulg.  omits), 
ft  place  named  amongst  the  towns  of  Samaria  as 
lying  between  Beth-horon  and  Jericho  (Jud.  iv.  4). 
The  Hebrew  name  would  seem  to  have  been  Abel- 
maim;  but  the  only  place  of  that  name  in  the 
0.  T.  was  far  to  tlie  north  of  the  locality  here 
alluded  to.  [AuEL-jiAm.]  The  Syriac  version 
has  Abel-meholah,  which  is  more  consistent  with 
the  context.     [Abel-jieholah;  Belmaim.] 

G. 

BELSHAZ'ZAR   (^STStrbs,    Dan.   v.  1, 

^d  "1-21CM75>  ^'iJ-  1=  BaXriixap  [Alex.  Bapro- 
ffop  in  Dan.  v.  1] :  BaUnsar),  the  last  king  of 
Babylon.  According  t«  the  well-known  scriptural 
narrative,  he  was  warned  of  his  coming  doom  by 
the  handwriting  on  tlie  wall  which  was  interpreted 
by  Daniel,  and  was  slain  during  a  splendid  feast  in 
bis  palace.  Similarly  Xenoplion  {Cyrup.  vii.  5,  3) 
tells  us  that  Babylon  was  taken  by  Cyrus  in  the 
night,  while  the  inhabitants  were  engaged  in  feast- 
ing and  revelry,  and  that  tlie  king  was  killed.  On 
the  other  hand  the  narratives  of  Berosus  in  Jose- 
phus  (c.  Aphn.  i.  20)  and  of  Herodotus  (i.  184  ff.) 
difler  from  the  above  accoimt  in  some  important 
particulars.  l?erosus  calls  the  last  king  of  Babylon 
Nabonnedus  or  Nabonadius  {Nabu-nit  or  Nabonn- 
kit,  i.  e.  Ntbo  blessts,  or  makes  prosperous),  and 
Bays  that  in  the  17th  year  of  his  reign  Cyrus  took 
Babylon,  the  king  having  retired  to  the  neighbor- 
ing city  of  Boi-sippus  or  Borsippa  (Birs-i-Nimrud), 
called  by  Niebuhr  {Lect.  on  Anc.  Hist,  xii.)  "the 
Chaldean  Benares,  the  city  in  which  the  Chalda-ans 
had  their  most  revered  objects  of  religion,  and  where 
they  cultivated  their  science."  Being  Itlockaded  in 
that  city,  Nabonnedus  surrendered,  his  hfe  was 
spared,  and  a  principality  or  estate  given  to  him  in 
Carniauia,  where  he  died.  According  to  Herodotus 
the  last  king  was  called  Labynetus,  a  name  easy  to 
reconcile  with  tlie  Nabonnedus  of  Berosus,  and  the 
Nabuiiiiidochus  of  Megasthenes  (Euseb.  Prcep. 
Ecuiu/.  IK.  i\).  Cyrus,  after  defeating  Labynetus 
ui  the  open  field,  appeared  before  Babylon,  within 
which  the  besie<;ed  defied  attack  and  even  block- 
ade, as  they  had  walls  300  feet  high,  and  75  feet 
thick,  forming  a  square  of  1.5  miles  to  a  side,  and 
had  stored  up  previously  several  years'  provision. 
But  he  took  the  city  by  drawing  off  for  a  time  the 
waters  of  the  Euphrates,  a.id  then  marching  in 
with  his  wliole  army  along  lis  bed,  during  a  great 
Babylonian  festival,  wliile  the  people,  feeling  per- 
fectly secure,  were  scattered  over  the  whole  city  in 
reckless  amusement.  These  discrepancies  have 
lately  been  cleared  up  by  the  discoveries  of  Sir 
Henrj-  Kiiwlinson;  and  the  histories  of  ,>rofane 
writers,  far  from  contradicting  the  Scriptura.  aarra^ 
18 


BELSHAZZAR  273 

tive,  are  shown  to  explain  and  confirm  it.  In  1854 
he  deciphered  the  inscriptions  on  some  cylinders 
found  in  the  ruins  of  ITm-Qeer  (the  ancient  Ur  of 
the  Chaldees),  containing  memorials  of  the  works 
executed  by  Nabonnedus.  From  these  inscriptions 
it  appears  that  the  eldest  son  of  Nabonnedus  was 
called  Bel-shar-ezar  and  admitted  by  his  father  to 
a  share  in  the  government.  This  name  is  com- 
{X)unded  of  Bel  (the  Babyloni?n  god),  Shar  {a  king), 
and  the  same  termination  as  in  Nabopolassar,  Neb- 
uchadnezzar, &c.,  and  is  contracted  into  Beishaz- 
zar,  just  as  Neriglissar  (again  with  the  same  ter- 
mination) is  formed  from  Nergal-sharezar.  In  a 
communication  to  the  Athenseum,  No.  1377,  Sir 
Henry  Hawlinson  says,  "  we  can  now  understand 
how  13elshazzar,  as  joint  king  with  his  father,  may 
have  been  governor  of  Babylon,  when  the  city  was 
attacked  by  the  combined  forces  of  the  Medes  and 
Persians,  and  may  have  perished  in  the  assault 
which  followed ;  while  Nabonnedus  leading  a  force 
to  the  relief  of  the  place  was  defeated,  and  obUged 
to  take  refuge  in  Borsippa,  capitulating  after  a 
short  resistance,  and  being  subsequently  assigned, 
according  to  Berosus,  an  honorable  retirement  in 
Carmania."  In  accordance  with  this  view  we 
arrange  the  last  Chaldaean  kings  as  follows:  —  Neb- 
uchadnezzar, ,  his  son  Evil-merodach,  Neriglissar, 
Laborosoarchod  (his  son,  a  boy,  killed  in  a  conspir- 
acy), Nabonnedus  or  Labynetus,  and  I^lshazzar. 
Herodotus  says  that  Labynetus  was  the  son  of 
(Jueen  Nitocris;  and  Megastlienes  (Euseb.  Chr. 
Arm.  p.  60)  tells  us  that  he  succeeded  Laborosoar- 
chod, but  was  not  of  his  family.  tia^auviBoxop 
airoSeiKyvffi  jSaciAea,  TrpoaijKOVTd  oi  owSeV.  In 
Dan.  v.  2,  Nebuchadnezzar  is  called  the  father  of 
Belshazzar.  This  of  coui-se  need  only  mean  grand- 
father or  ancestor.  Now  Nerighssar  usurped  the 
throne  on  the  murder  of  Evil-merodach  (Beros.  ap. 
Joseph.  Aphm.  i.):  we  may  therefore  well  suppose 
that  on  the  death  of  his  son  Laborosoarchod,  Neb- 
uchadnezzar's family  was  restored  in  the  pei-son  of 
Nabonnedus  or  Labynetus,  possibly  the  b^^n  of  that 
king  and  Nitocris,  and  father  of  Belshazzar.  The 
chief  objection  to  this  supposition  would  be  that 
if  Neriglissar  married  Nebuchadnezzar's  daughter 
(.Joseph,  c.  Ajiioii.  i.  21)  [20,  Didot's  ed.],  Nabon- 
nedus would  through  her  be  connected  with  laboro- 
soarchod. This  difficulty  is  met  by  the  theory  of 
Hawlinson  {Herod.  Essay  viii.  §  25),  who  connects 
Belshazzar  with  Nebuchadnezzar  through  his  mo- 
ther, thinking  it  probable  that  Nabu-nahit,  whom 
he  does  not  consider  related  to  Nebuchadnezzar, 
would  strengthen  his  position  by  marrying  the 
daughter  of  that  king,  who  would  thus  be  Belshaz- 
zar's  maternal  grandfather.  A  totally  different 
view  is  taken  by  Marcus  Niebuhr  (Geschichte  As- 
sures uTul  Babel's  seit  Phul,  p.  91),  who  considers 
Belshazzar  to  be  another  name  for  Evil-merodach, 
the  son  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  He  identifies  their 
characters  by  comparing  Dan.  v.  with  the  language 
of  Berosus  about  Evil-merodach,  irpoffras  rav 
irpayfiaraiv  avS/xoos  Kol  affeXyws-  He  considers 
that  the  capture  of  Babylon  described  in  Daniel, 
was  not  by  the  Persians,  but  by  the  Medes,  under 
Astyages  (i.  e.  Darius  the  Mede),  and  that  between 
the  reigns  of  Evil-merodach  or  Belshazzar,  and  Ne- 
riglissar, we  must  insert  a  brief  period  during  which 
Babylon  was  subject  to  the  M«les.  Tliis  solves  a 
difficulty  as  to  the  age  of  Darius  (Dan.  v.  31;  cf. 
Rawhnson,  Essay  iii  §  11),  but  most  people  will 
probably  prefer  the  actual  facts  discovered  by  Sir 
Henry  Rawiinson  to  the  theory  (though  doubtless 


274 


BELTESHAZZAR 


fety  ingeLwv.s)  of  Niebuhr.     On  Rawlinson's  view, 
Bekbazzar  died  b.  c.  538,  on  Niebulir's  b.  c.  559. 

G.  E.  L.  C. 
BELTESHAZZAR.     [Daniel.] 
BEN  (]2  [son]:  LXX.  omits:  Ben),  a  Levite 
"of   tlie  second   degree,"  one  of  the  portera  ap- 
pointed by  David  to  the  service  of  the  ark  (1  Cbur. 
rv.  18). 

BENAIAH  [3  syl.]  (^n^J?  and  n;32  = 
built  by  J  ah:  Bavalas'-  Banalas),  the  name  of  sev- 
eral Israelites :  — 

1.  Benaiahu;  the  son  of  Jehoiada  the  chief 
priest  (1  Chr.  xxsii.  5),  and  therefore  of  the  tribe 
of  I^vi,  though  a  native  of  Kabzeel  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
•20;  1  Chr.  xi.  22),  in  the  south  of  Judah;  set  by 
David  (1  Chr.  xi.  25)  over  his  body-guard  of  Chere- 
thites  and  Peletliites  (2  Sam.  viii.  18 ;  1  K.  i.  38 ; 
1  Chr.  xviii.  17;  2  Sam.  xx.  23)  and  occupying 
a  middle  rank  between  the  first  three  of  the  Gib- 
borim,  or  "  mighty  men,"  and  the  thirty  "  valiant 
men  of  the  armies"  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  22,  23;  1  Chr. 
xi.  25,  xxvii.  6;  and  see  Kennicott,  Biss.  p.  177). 
The  exploits  which  gave  him  this  rank  are  nar- 
rated in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  20,  21;  1  Chr.  xi.  22.  He 
was  captain  of  the  host  for  the  third  month  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  5). 

lienaiah  remained  faithful  to  Solomon  during 
Adonijah's  attempt  on  the  crown  (1  K.  i.  8,  10),  a 
matter  in  which  he  took  part  in  his  official  capacity 
as  commander  of  the  king's  body-guard  (1  K.  i.  32. 
38,  44);  and  after  Adonijah  and  Joab  had  both 
been  put  to  death  by  his  hand,  he  was  raised  by 
Solomon  into  the  place  of  the  latter  as  commander- 
ai-chief  of  the  whole  army  (ii.  35,  iv.  4). 

I3enaiah  apijears  to  have  had  a  son,  called  after 
his  grandfather,  Jehoiada,  who  succeeded  Ahitho- 
phel  about  the  person  of  the  king  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
34).  But  this  is  possibly  a  copyist's  mistake  for 
"  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada." 

2.  [Vat.  Alex.  om.  in  2  Sam. ;  Vulg.  in  2  Sam. 
and  1  Chr.  xi.  Banaia.]  Benaiati  the  Pirathon- 
ite;  an  Ephraimite,  one  of  David's  thirty  mighty 
men  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  30;  1  Chr.  xi.  31),  and  the  cap- 
tain of  the  eleventh  monthly  course  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
14). 

3.  [In  1  Chr.  xv.  18,  Bavala.]  Bknaiahu:  a 
Levite  in  the  time  of  David,  who  "  played  with  a 
psaltery  on  Alamoth  "  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  20,  xvi.  5). 

4.  [1  Chr.  XV.  24,  Bavata;  Vat.  Alex.  FA. 
Bavai-]  Benaiahit;  a  priest  in  the  time  of  Da- 
vid, appointed  to  blow  the  trumpet  before  the  ark 
(1  Chr.  XV.  24,  xvi.  ii). 

5.  [Vat.  om.]  Be.vaiah;  a  Levite  of  the  sons 
of  Asaph  (2  Chr.  xx.  14). 

6.  [Vat.  @avai  ffavatas.]  Benaiahu;  a  Le- 
vite in  the  time  of  Hezekiah,  one  of  the  "  overseers 

(□""T'^n'-?)  of  offerings  "  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  13). 

7.  [Vat.  om. ;  Alex.  Bavaia-  Banaia.']  Be- 
naiah; one  of  the  "princes"  (Q''S'"ii73)  of  the 
families  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  36). 

8.  Benaiah;  four  laymen  in  the  time  of  Ezra 
who  had  taken  strange  wives.  [Bavaia:  Vulg.  1, 
Banen;  3,  Banens ;  4,  Banaia.]  1  (Ezr.  x.  25). 
[Baamas.]  2  (I">.r.  X.  .'50).  [Naidus.]  3  (Ezr. 
t.  35),  and  4  (x.  43).     [Banaias.] 

9.  Benaiahu;  father  of  I'elatiah,  "a  prince  of 
khe  peoiile  "  in  the  time  of  I'jtekiel  (xi.  1,  13). 

BEN-AM'MI  O^i""!?,  tern  of  my  kindred), 


BENE-KEDEM 

the  son  of  the  younger  daughter  of  Lot,  and  tbt 
progenitor  of  the  Ammonites  (Gen.  xix.  38).  Th« 
reading  of  the  LXX.  and  Vulgate  differs  from  the 
Hebrew  text  by  inserting  the  name  of  Amnion  ai 
well  as  the  exclamation  which  originated  it:  koJ 
iKaKece  rb  Suofia  aiirov  'A/jLixav  \eyovaa  Tih. 
yf vovs  ti.ov  [Alex.  Afifiau  o  vtos  rov  yevovs  ftov]  ■ 
Amnion,  id  est  filius pojndi  mti. 

BEN'E-BE'RAK  (pnn-"'32  \sons  of  light- 
niny  or  of  Barak]  :  Bavai/Sa/cciT;' Alex.  Bar7j/3o- 
pvM'  et  Bane  el  Barach:  Syr.  ■»  ">,  !S-!!fc.^),  on* 

of  the  cities  of  the  tribe  of  Dan,  mentioned  only  in 
Josh.  xix.  45.  The  paucity  of  information  wliich  we 
possess  regarding  this  tribe  (omitted  entirely  from 
the  lists  in  1  Chr.  ii.-viii.,  and  only  one  family 
mentioned  in  Num.  xxvi.)  makes  it  impossible  to 
say  whether  the  "  sons  of  Berak  "  who  gave  their 
name  to  tliis  place  belonged  to  Dan,  or  were,  as  we 
may  perhaps  infer  from  the  name,  earlier  settlers 
disiwssessed  by  the  tribe.  The  reading  of  the 
Syriac,  Baal-debac,  is  not  confirmed  by  any  other 
version.  By  Eusebius  the  name  is  divided  (comp. 
Vulg.),  and  BapoKni  is  said  to  have  been  then  a 
village  near  Azotus.  No  trace  has  been  found  of 
it.  G. 

*  Knobel  (Josua,  p.  471)  identifies  it  with  Jbn 
Abrak,  an  hour's  distance  from  eU  Yeliudiyth  (Je- 
hud),  according  to  Scholz  {Raise,  p.  256).        A. 

BEN'E-JA'AKAN    (IP]?^  "32,    children 

[sons]  of  ,/aakan  [perh.  sagacious,  wise,  Fiirst]: 
Bavaia;  Alex.  BaviKav:  Bemjaacan),  a  tribe  who 
gave  their  name  to  certain  wells  in  the  desert  which 
fonned  one  of  the  halting-places  of  tlie  Israelites 
on  their  journey  to  Canaan.  [Beeroth  I^ene- 
.JAAKAN.]  In  Num.  xxxiii.  31,  32,  the  name  is 
given  in  the  shortened  fonn  of  Bene-jaakan.  The 
trilie  doubtless  derived  its  name  from  Jaakan,  the 
son  of  Ezer,  son  of  Seir  the  Horite  (1  Chr.  i.  42), 
whose  name  is  also  given  in  Genesis  as  Akan. 
[Aran;  Jakan.] 

The  situation  of  these  wells  has  not  been  yet 
identified.  In  the  time  of  Eusebius  ( Onom.  Bcroth 
fil.  .Jacin,  'luKfi/j.)  the  spot  was  shown  10  miles 
from  Petra  on  the  top  of  a  mountain.  Kobinson 
suggests  the  small  fountain  et-  Tniyibeh,  at  the  bot- 
tom of  the  Pass  er-Rulmj  under  Petra,  a  short 
distance  from  the  Arabah.  The  word  iJeeroth, 
however,  suggests  not  a  spring  but  a  group  of  ar- 
tificial weUs. 

In  the  Targ.  Ps.  Jon.  the  name  is  given  in  Num- 
bers as  Aktha,  SnpV  "n"-?.  G. 

BEN'E-KE'DEM  {':^'7P.,  ""S?,  the  children 
[sons]  of  the  East),  an  ai)pellati()n  given  to  a  pecpir, 
or  to  peoples,  dwelling  to  tlie  east  of  Palestine.  It 
occura  in  the  following  pas.s;iges  of  the  O.  T. :  (1.) 
Gen.  xxix.  1,  "  Jacob  came  into  the  land  of  the 
l)eoi)le  of  the  luist,"  in  which  was  therefore  reck- 
oned Haran.  (2.)  Job  i.  3,  Job  was  "  the  greatest 
of  all  the  men  of  the  East"  [Job].  (3.)  Judg. 
vi.  3,  33,  vii.  12,  viii.  10.  In  the  first  three  pas- 
sages the  Bene-Kedeni  are  mentioned  together  with 
the  Midianites  and  the  Amalckites;  and  in  the 
fourth  the  latter  j)eoples  seem  to  be  included  in  thil 
common  name :  "  Now  Zebah  and  Zahnunna  [werej 
in  Karkor,  and  their  hosts  with  them,  about  fifieei 
thousand  [men],  all  that  were  left  of  all  the  hosts 
of  the  children  of  the  I'jwit."  In  the  events  tfl 
which  these  passages  of  Judges  relate,  we  find  • 


BEN  HAD  AD 


P 

lurious  reference  to  the  languajje  spoken  by  these 
Mstem  tribes,  which  was  understood  by  Gideon  and 
his  servant  (o:  one  of  them)  as  tney  listened  to  the 
talk  in  the  camp;  and  from  this  it  is  to  be  inferred 
that  they  spolce  a  dialect  intelligible  to  an  Israelite : 
an  inference  bearing  on  an  affinity  of  race,  and 
thence  on  the  growth  of  the  Semitic  languages. 
(4.)  1  K.  iv.  30,  "  Solomon's  wisdom  excelled  the 
urisdoni  of  all  the  children  of  tlie  East  country." 
(5.)  Is.  xi.  14;  Jer.  xlix.  28;  Ez.  xxv.  4, 10.  From 
the  first  passage  it  is  difficult  to  deduce  an  argu- 
ment, but  the  other  instances,  with  their  contexts, 
are  highly  important.  In  Ezekiel,  Amnion  is  de- 
livered to  the  "  men  of  the  East,"  and  its  city 
Rabbah  is  prophesied  to  become  "a  stable  for 
camels,  and  the  Ammonites  a  couching-place  for 
flocks ;  "  referring,  apparently,  to  the  habits  of  the 
wandering  Arabs;  while  "palaces"  and  "dwell- 
ings," also  mentioned  and  thus  rendered  in  the  A. 
v.,  may  be  better  read  ^- camps"  and  "tents." 
The  words  of  Jeremiah  strengthen  tlie  supposition 
just  mentioned :  "  Concerning  Kedar,  and  con- 
eeming  Hazor,  which  Nebuchadrezzar  king  of 
Babylon  shall  smite,  thus  saith  the  Lord,  Arise  ye, 
go  up  to  Kedar,  and  spoil  the  men  of  the  East. 
Their  tenis  and  their  flocks  shall  they  take  away: 
they  shall  take  to  themselves  their  curtains  [i.  e. 
tents],  and  all  their  vessels,  and  their  camels." 

Opinions  are  divided  as  to  the  extension  of  the 
appellation  of  Bene-Kedem;  some  (as  Kosenmiiller 
and  Wmer)  holding  that  it  came  to  signify  the 
Arabs  generally.  From  a  consideration  of  the  pas- 
gages  above  cited,  and  that  which  makes  mention 
of  the  land  of  Kedem,  Gen.  xxv.  6  [Ishmael], 
we  tliink  (with  Geseiiius)  that  it  prunarily  signified 
the  peoples  of  the  Arabian  d&serts  (east  of  Palestine 
and  Lower  Egypt),  and  chiefly  the  tribes  of  Ish- 
mael  and  of  Keturah.  extending  perhaps  to  Meso- 
potamia and  Babylonia  (to  which  we  may  suppose 
Kedem  to  apply  in  Num.  xxiii.  7,  as  well  as  in  Is. 
ii.  6);  and  that  it  was  sometimes  applied  to  the 
Arabs  and  their  country  generally.  The  only  pos- 
itive  instance  of  this  latter  signification  of  Kedem 
occurs  in  Gen.  x.  30,  where  "  Sephar,  a  mount  of 
the  £<ist,"  is  by  the  common  agreement  of  scholars 
situate  m  Southern  Arabia  [Akabia;  Sephaii]. 

In  the  0.  T.  ■2*^^,  with  its  conjugate  forms, 
ieems  to  be  a  name  of  the  peoples  otherwise  called 
Bene-Kedem.  and  with  the  same  Umitations.  The 
same  may  be  observed  of  jj  avoroA^  in  the  N.  T. 

(Matt.  u.  1  fi".).    cin  >j2,  nin  \J2i  V"!?^', 

err)  \^'^^,  and  2~Tn  (in  the  pas-sages  above  re- 
ferred to),  are  translated  by  the  LXX.  and  in  the 
Vulg.,  and  sometimes  transcribed  (KeSs'/i)  by  the 
Ibnier;  except  LXX.  in  1  K.  iv.  30,  and  LXX. 
and  Vulg.  in  Is.  ii.  6,  where  they  make  Kedem  to 
relate  to  ancient  time.  E.  S.  P. 

BIjNHA'DAD  [more  correctly  Ben-hadad] 
^"'"f "  2  son  of  Iladnd :  vihs^ASep:  Benadacl), 
the  name  of  three  kings  of  Damascus.  Hadad  or 
Arf7</was  a  Syrian  god,  probably  the  Sun  (Macrob. 
Saturnilhi,  i.  23),  still  worshipped  at  Damascus  in 
the  time  of  .Josephus  {Ant.  ix.  4,  6),  and  from  it 
teveral  Syrian  names  are  derived,  as  Hadadezer, 
.  e.  /ffidid  has  hAped.  The  "jiora  of  Hudtul," 
herefore.  means  worshipper  of  Hadad.  Damascs, 
ifter  liaving  been  taken  by  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  5, 
<),  was  delivered  from  subjection  to  his  successor 


BEN HADAD 


275 


by  Rezon  (1  K.  xi.  24),  who  "  was  an  adveisary  to 
Israel  all  the  days  of  Solomon." 

Benhadad  I.  was  either  son  or  grandson  to 
Rezon,  and  in  his  time  Damascus  was  supreme  in 
Syria,  the  various  smaller  kingdoms  which  sur- 
rounded it  being  gradually  absorbed  into  its  terri- 
tory. Benhadad  must  have  been  an  energetic  and 
powerful  sovereign,  and  his  alliance  was  comted 
botli  by  Baasha  of  Israel  and  Asa  of  Judah.  He 
finally  closed  with  the  latter  on  receiving  a  large 
amount  of  treasure,  and  conquered  a  great  part  of 
the  N.  of  Israel,  thereby  enabling  Asa  to  pursue 
his  victorious  operations  in  the  S.  From  1  K.  xx. 
34,  it  would  appear  that  he  continued  to  make  war 
upon  Israel  in  Omri's  time,  and  forced  him  to 
make  "streets"  in  Samaria  for  Syrian  residents. 
[Ahab.]     This  date  is  b.  c.  950. 

Benhadad  II.,  son  of  the  preceding,  and  also 
king  of  Damascus.  Some  authors  call  him  (jrand- 
son,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  unusual  in  antiquity 
for  the  son  to  inherit  the  father's  name.  But  Ben- 
hadad seems  to  have  lieen  a  religious  title  of  the 
SjTian  kings,  as  we  see  by  its  reappearance  as  the 
name  of  Hazael's  son,  Benliadad  III.  Long  wars 
with  Israel  characterized  the  reign  of  Benhadad  II., 
of  which  the  earlier  campaigns  are  described  under 
Ahab.  His  power  and  the  extent  of  his  dominion 
are  proved  by  the  thirty-two  vassal  kings  who  ac- 
companied him  to  his  first  siege  of  Samaria.  Some 
time  after  the  death  of  Ahab,  probably  owing  to 
the  diiticulties  in  which  Jehoram  of  Israel  was  in- 
volved by  the  rebellion  of  Moab,  Benhaflad  renewed 
the  war  with  Israel,  and  after  some  minor  attempts 
wliich  were  frustnited  by  Elisha,  attacked  Samaria 
a  second  time,  and  pressed  the  siege  so  closely  that 
there  was  a  terrible  famine  in  the  city,  and  atrocities 
were  committed  to  get  food  no  less  revolting  than 
those  wliich  Josephus  relates  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem 
by  Titus.  But  when  the  .Syrians  were  on  the  very 
point  of  success,  they  suddenly  broke  up  in  the 
night  in  consequence  of  a  sudden  panic,  under  which 
they  fancied  that  assistance  was  coming  to  Israel 
from  Egypt  or  some  Cana;initish  cities  as  Tjtc  or 
Ramoth.  Jehoram  seems  to  have  followed  up  this 
unhoped-for  deUverance  by  successful  offensive  ojier- 
ations,  since  we  find  from  2  K.  ix.  1  that  Ramoth 
in  Gilead  was  once  more  an  Israelitish  town. 
[Ahab.]  Soon  after  Benhadad  fell  sick,  and  sent 
Hazael,  one  of  his  chief  officers,  with  vast  presents, 
to  consult  Elisha,  who  hapjjened  to  be  in  Damascus, 
as  to  the  issue  of  his  malady.  Elisha  replied  that 
the  sickness  was  not  a  mortal  one,  but  that  still  he 
would  certainly  die,  and  he  announced  to  Hazael 
that  he  would  be  his  successor,  with  tears  at  the 
thought  of  the  misery  which  he  would  brin"-  on 
Israel.  On  the  day  after  Hazael's  return  Benhadad 
was  murdered,  but  not,  as  is  commonly  thought 
from  a  cursory  reading  of  2  K.  viii.  15,  by  Hazael. 
Such  a  supposition  is  hardly  consistent  with  Hazael's 
character,  would  involve  F^lisha  in  the  gnilt  of  liav- 
ing suggested  the  deed,  and  the  introduction  of 
Hazael's  name  in  the  latter  clause  of  ver.  15  can 
scarcely  be  accounted  for,  if  he  is  also  the  subject 
of  the  first  clause.  Ewald,  from  the  Hebrew  text 
and  a  general  consideration  of  the  chapter  ( Gesch 
des  V.  I.  iii.  523,  7iote),  thinks  that  one  or  more 
of  Benhadad's  own  servants  were  the  murderers: 
Calmet  {Fragm.  vii.)  believes  that  the  wet  cloth 
which  caused  his  death,  was  intended  to  effect  hig 
cure.  This  view  he  supports  iy  a  reference  to 
Bruce's  Travels,  iii.  33.  Hazael  succeeded  him 
perhaps  because  he  had  no  m  \  tral  heirs,  and  with 


276  BEN-HAIL 

him  expired  the  dynasty  founded  by  Rezon.  Ben- 
Dadad'g  death  was  about  B.  c.  890,  and  he  must 
have  reigued  some  30  years. 

Uenhauai)  hi.,  son  of  the  above-mentioned 
Hazad,  and  his  successor  on  the  throne  of  Sjria. 
His  reign  was  disastrous  for  Damascus,  and  the 
vast  power  wielded  by  his  father  sanic  into  insig- 
nificance. In  the  strilting  language  of  Scripture, 
"  Jehoaliaz  [the  son  of  Jeliu]  besought  the  Ix)rd,  and 
the  Ix)rd  hearkened  unto  liini,  for  he  saw  the  oppres- 
sion of  Israel,  because  the  king  of  Syria  oppressed 
them;  and  tlie  Lord  gave  Israel  a  savior"  (2  K. 
xiii.  4,  5).  This  savior  was  Jeroboam  II.  (cf.  2 
K.  xiv.  27),  but  the  prosperity  of  Israel  began  to 
revive  in  the  reign  of  his  father  Jehoash,  the  son 
of  Jelioahaa.  When  lienhadad  succeeded  to  the 
throne  of  Ilazael,  .lehoash,  in  accordance  with  a 
propliecy  of  the  dying  Elisha,  recovered  the  cities 
wliich  Jehoahiiz  had  lost  to  the  Syrians,  and  beat 
him  in  Aphek  (2  K.  xiii.  17)  in  tlie  plain  of  Es- 
draelon,  wliere  Aliab  had  already  defeated  Benhadad 
II.  [Ahab.]  Jehoash  gained  two  more  victories, 
but  did  not  restore  tlie  doininion  of  Israel  on  the 
E.  of  Jordan.  This  glory  was  reserved  for  his  suc- 
cessor. The  date  of  Benhadad  III.  is  h.  c.  840. 
His  misfortunes  in  war  are  noticed  by  Amos  i.  4. 

G.  E.  L.  C. 

BEN-HA'IL  (^^n^n,  son  of  the  host,  i.  e. 

wanior:  Benhnil),  one  of  the  "princes"  (^"[^H!?) 
whom  king  Jelioshaphat  sent  to  teach  in  the  cities 
of  Judali  (2  Chr.  xvii.  7).  The  LXX.  translates, 
Tovi  riyov/xeyovs  aurov  K  al  t  o  ii  s  v  i  o  v  s  rwv 
i  V  V  a,T  i)  V. 

BEN-HA'NAN  Ci^ri"]?  [son  of  the  merd- 
fut]:  vihs^avd;  Alex,  [wos]  kvav-  fdius  Hanan), 
jon  of  Shimon,  in  the  lineof  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  20). 

BENI'NU  i^y^'^L  i(Mr son\:  Bavovat\  [Vat. 
FA.  Bei'ta/uetj' ;]  Alex,  ^avovaiai ;  [Aid.  Bai/- 
ovuai'i  (Jbmp.  Borourf':]  Baninu),  a  I^evite;  one 
of  tliose  who  sealed  the  covenant  with  Nehemiah 
(Neh.  X.  13  [14]). 

BEN'JAMIN  (r*:;^?:  Bc/ia/iiV,  B6,/.a- 
uflv'  Benjamin).  1.  The  youngest  of  the  children 
of  Jacob,  and  the  only  one  of  the  thirteen  (if  indeed 
there  were  not  more:  comp.  "all  his  daughters," 
Gen.  xxxvii.  35,  xlvi.  7),  who  was  born  in  Palestuie. 
His  birtli  took  place  on  the  road  between  Bethel 
and  lietlileheni,  a  short  distance  —  "a  length  of 
"earth" — from  the  latter,  and  his  mother  Hachel 
died  in  the  act  of  giving  birth  to  him,  naming  him 
Hith  lier  last  breath  Ben-oni,  "son  of  my  sorrow" 
^conip.  1  Sam.  iv.  li)-22).  This  was  by  Jacob 
ohantjed  into  Benjamin  {Binyamin)  (Gen.  xxxv. 
16-18). 

The  name  is  worthy  some  attention.  From  the 
teniis  of  tlie  story  it  would  appear  to  be  implied 
that  it  w:is  bestowed  on  the  child  in  opposition  to 
the  des|X)nding,  and  probably  ominous,  name  given 
him  by  his  dying  mother,  and  on  this  assumption 
It  has  i)een  interpreted  to  mean  •'  Son  of  the  right 
hand,"   i.  c.    fortunate,    dexterous,    Felix;  as  if 

7''fi^"*3.  This  interpretation  is  inserted  in  the 
text  of  the  Vulgate  and  the  margin  of  the  A.  V. 
and  has  the  supjwrt  of  Gesenius  {Thes.  219).  On 
»he  other  hand  the  Samaritan  <  "odex  gives  the  name 

•n  an  altercl  form  as  i-"*  *3J2,  son  of  days,  i.  e. 
ion  of  my  old  age  (comp.  Gen.  xliv.  20),  which  is 
wioptfd  iy  Philo,  Alien- F^ra,  and  othen.     Both 


BENJAMIN 

these  interpretations  are  of  comparatively  late  dftte 
and  it  is  notorious  that  such  explanatory  glosaei 
are  not  only  often  in\ented  long  subsequently  t« 
the  original  record,  but  are  as  often  at  varianoa 
with  the  real  meaning  of  that  record.  The  meanmg 
given  by  Josephus—  hik  tV  ^t'  outo)  yeVoyusjoj* 
6hvvr)v  rfi  nr^rpl  {Ant.  i.  21,  §  3)  —  i's  completely 
different  from  either  of  the  above.  However  this 
may  be,  the  name  is  not  so  pointed  as  to  agree  with 
any  interpretation  founded  on  "son  of"  —  being 
33,  and  not  33.  Moreover  m  the  adjectival  form* 
of  the  word  the  first  syllable  is  generally  suppressed 
as   ^rp-J-^J?  or   ^r^*n  'a,  ,-.  «.  "sons  of 

Yemini,"  for  sons  of  Benjamin;  ''3"*C*  CZ7"*S 
"man  of  Yemini,"  for  man  of  Benjamin  (1  Sam. 
ix.  1;  Esth.  ii.  5);  "'^''T::''  ^7?^,  land  of  Yemmi 
for  land  of  Benjanim  (1  Sam.  ix.  4);  as  if  the 
patriarch's  name  had  been  originally  1"*^^,  Yamin 
(comp.  Gen.  xlvi.  10),  and  that  of  the  tribe  Yemin- 
ites.  These  a4Jectival  forms  are  carefully  preserved 
in  the  LXX.  [In  Judg.  iii.  15  and  1  Sam.  ix.  1 
the  A.  V.  reads  in  the  margin  "  son  of  Jemini," 
and  "  son  of  a  man  of  Jemini."] 

Until  the  journeys  of  Jacob's  sons  and  of  Jacob 
himself  into  Egypt  we  hear  nothing  of  Benjamin, 
and  as  far  as  he  is  concerned  those  well-knoura 
narratives  disclose  nothing  beyond  the  very  strong 
affection  entertained  towards  him  by  his  father  and 
his  whole-brother  Joseph,  and  the  relation  of  fond 
endearment  in  which  he  stood,  as  if  a  mere  darhng 
child  (comp.  Gen.  xliv.  20),  to  the  whole  of  his 
family.  Even  the  harsh  natures  of  the  elder 
patriarchs  relaxed  towards  him.  But  Benjamin 
can  hardly  have  been  the  "  lad  "  which  we  com- 
monly imagine  him  to  be,  for  at  the  time  that  the 
patriarchs  went  down  to  reside  in  Egypt,  when 
"every  man  with  his  house  went  with  Jacob,"  ten 
sons  are  ascribed  to  Benjamin,  —  a  larger  number 
than  to  any  of  his  brothers,  —  and  two  of  these, 
from  the  plural  formation  of  their  names,  were 
themselves  apparently  famiUes  (Gen.  xlvi.  21).° 

And  here,  little  as  it  is,  closes  all  we  know  of  the 
Ufe  of  the  patriarch  himself;  henceforward  the  his- 
tory of  Benjamin  is  the  history  of  the  tribe.  And 
up  to  the  time  of  the  entrance  on  the  Promised 
Land  that  history  is  as  meagre  as  it  is  afterward* 
full  and  interesting.  We  know  indeed  that  shortly 
after  the  departure  from  Egypt  it  was  the  smallest 
tribe  but  one  (Num.  i.  36;  comp.  verse  1);  that 
during  the  march  its  position  was  on  the  west  of 
the  tabernacle  with  its  brother  tribes  of  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh  (Num.  ii.  18-24).  We  have  the 
names  of  the  "  captain  "  of  the  tribe,  when  it  set 
forth  on  its  long  march  (Num.  ii.  22);  of  the 
"ruler"  who  went  up  with  his  fellows  to  spy  out 
the  land  (xiii.  9) :  of  the  families  of  which  the  tribe 
consisted  when  it  was  marshalled  at  the  great  halt 
in  the  plains  of  Moab  by  Jordan-.Jericho  (Num. 
xxvi.  38-41,  63),  and  of  the  "prince"  who  wae 
chosen  to  assist  ui  the  dividing  of  the  land  (xxxiv. 
21).  These  are  indeed  preserved  to  us.  But  there 
is  nothing  to  indicate  what  were  the  characteristic* 
and  I)ehavior  of  the  tribe  which  sprang  from  the 
orphan  darling  of  his  father  and  brothers.  No 
touches  of  personal  biography  like  those  with  whiob 


a  According  to  other  lists,  some  of  these  "  children ' 
would  seem  to  have  been  grandchildren  'Rcmp.  Nno 
xxTl.  88-41  i  1  Chr.  vil.  6-12,  vlli.  1). 


I 


BENJAMIN 


BEN JAM!  S 


277 


m  are  favored  concerning  Ephraim  (1  Chr.  vu  2(7- 
23):  no  record  of  zeal  for  Jehovah  like  Levi  (Ex. 
uxii.  26):  no  evidence  of  special  bent  as  iu  the 
sase  of  lieuben  and  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.).  The  only 
foreshadowing  of  the  tendencies  of  the  tribe  which 
was  to  produce  Ehud,  Saul,  and  the  perpetrators 
of  the  deed  of  Gibeah,  is  to  be  found  in  the  prophetic 
gleam  which  lighted  up  tiie  dying  Jacob,  "  Benja- 
min shall  ravin  as  a  wolf:  in  the  morning  he  shall 
Jevour  tlie  prey,  and  at  nignt  he  shall  divide  the 
spoil"  (Gen.  xlix.  27). 

The  proximity  of  ISenjamiu  to  Ephraim  during 
the  march  to  the  Promised  Land  was  maintained 
in  the  teiritories  allotted  to  each.  Benjamin  lay 
immediately  to  the  south  of  Ephraim  and  between 
him  and  Judah.  The  situation  of  this  territory 
was  highly  favorable.  It  formed  almost  a  paral- 
lelogram, of  about  26  miles  in  length  by  12  in 
breadth.  Its  eastern  boundary  was  the  Jordan,  and 
from  thence  it  extended  to  tlie  wooded  district  of 
Kijjath-jearim,  a  point  about  eight  miles  west  of 
Jerusalem,  while  in  the  other  direction  it  stretched 
from  the  valley  of  Ilinnom,  under  the  "  Shoulder 
of  the  Jebusite"  on  the  south,  to  Bethel  on  the 
Dorth.  Thus  Dan  intervened  between  Benjamin 
and  the  Philistines,  while  the  communications  with 
the  valley  of  the  Jordan  were  in  their  own  power. 
On  the  south  the  ten-itory  ended  abruptly  with  the 
steep  slopes  of  the  hill  of  Jerusalem;  on  tlie  north 
it  melted  imperceptibly  into  the  possessions  of  the 
friendly  Epliraim.  The  smaUness  of  this  district, 
hardly  larger  than  the  county  of  Middlesex  [Eng.], 
was,  according  to  tlie  testimony  of  .Josephus,  com|)en- 
sated  for  by  the  excellence  of  the  land  (Sib.  tV  ttjs 
•yrjs  dperV)  ^'*'-  ^-  !)•"  In  the  degenerate  state 
of  modern  Palestine  few  traces  remain  of  this  ex- 
eellence.  But  other  and  more  enduring  natural 
peculiarities  remain,  and  claim  our  recognition, 
rendering  this  possession  one  of  the  most  remark- 
able among  those  of  the  tribes. 

(1.)  Tlie  general  level  of  this  part  of  Palestine 
is  very  high,  not  less  than  2000  feet  above  the 
maritime  plain  of  the  Mediterranean  on  the  one 
side,  or  than  .3000  feet  above  the  deep  valley  of  the 
Jordan  on  the  other,  besides  which  this  general 
level  or  plateau  is  surmounted,  in  the  district  now 
under  consideration,  by  a  large  number  of  emi- 
nences —  defined,  rounded  hills  —  almost  every  one 
of  which  has  borne  some  part  in  the  history  of  the 
tribe.  Many  of  these  hills  carry  the  fact  of  their 
existence  in  their  names.  Gibeon,  Gibeah,  Geba 
or  Gaba,  all  mean  "hill;  "  Ramah  and  Kamathaim, 
"eminence;"  Mizpeh,  " watch-tower ;"  while  the 
"ascent  of  Beth-horon,"  the  " cliff  Kimmon,"  the 
"  pass  of  Michmash  "  with  its  two  "  teeth  of  rock," 
all  testify  to  a  country  eminently  broken  and  hilly. 

The  special  associations  which  belong  to  each  of 
these  eminences,  whether  as  sanctuary  or  fortress, 
many  of  them  arising  from  the  most  stirring  inci- 
dents in  the  history  of  the  nation,  will  be  best 
uaraiued  under  the  various  separate  heads. 


a  A  trace  of  the  p.asture  lands  may  be  found  in  the 
mentlou  of  the  "  herd  "  (1  Sam.  xi.  5) ;  and  possibly 
irthers  in  the  names  of  some  of  the  towns  of  Benjamin  : 
M  hap-PiiRih,  "  the  cow  ;  "  Zelah-ha-^Ieph,  "  the  ox- 
rib  "  (Josh,  xviii.  23,  28). 

b  It  is  perhaps  hardly  fanciful  io  aak  if  we  may  not 
•ccomit  in  this  way  for  the  curious  prevalence  among 
<ie  names  of  the  towns  of  Btrn^amin  of  the  titles  of 
>ibe.t.  lla-AvvuD,  the  Avites ;  Zemaraim,  the  Ze- 
awites  ;  ha-Ophni,  the  Ophnite  ;  Chephar  ha-Am- 
-li,  *.he  village  of  the  AjumoaiteB;  ha-Jebuai,  the 


(2.y  No  less  important  than  these  emiutoces  ait 
tie  torrent  beds  and  ravines  by  which  the  uppei 
country  breaks  down  into  the  deep  tracts  on  each 
side  of  it.  They  formed  tlien,  as  they  do  still,  the 
only  mode  of  access  from  either  the  plains  of  Philis- 
tia  and  of  Sharon  on  the  west,  or  the  deep  valley 
of  the  Jordan  on  the  east  *  —  the  latter  steep  and 
precipitous  in  the  extreme,  the  former  more  gradual 
in  their  decUvity.  Up  these  western  passes  swarmed 
the  Philistines  on  their  incursions  during  the  times 
of  Samuel  and  of  Saul,  driving  the  first  king  of 
Israel  right  over  the  higher  district  of  his  own  tril^e 
to  Gilgal  in  the  hot  recesses  of  the  Arabah,  and 
establishing  themselves  over  the  face  of  the  countr* 
from  Michmash  to  Ajalon.  Down  these  same  defiles 
they  were  driven  by  Saul  after  .Jonathan's  victorious 
exploit,  just  as  in  earlier  times  Joshua  had  chased 
the  Canaanites  down  the  long  hill  of  Beth-horon, 
and  as  centuries  after  the  forces  of  Syria  were 
chased  by  Judas  Maccabreus  (1  Mace.  iii.  16-24). 

The  passes  on  the  eastern  side  are  of  a  much 
more  difficult  and  intricate  character  than  those 
on  the  western.  The  principal  one,  which,  now 
unfreciuented,  was  doubtless  in  ancient  times  the 
main  ascent  to  the  interior,  leaves  the  Arabah 
behind  the  site  of  Jericho,  and  lireaking  through 
the  barren  hills  with  many  a  wild  bend  and  steep 
slope,  extends"  to  and  indeed  lieyond  the  very 
central  ridge  of  the  table-land  of  Benjamin,  to 
the  foot  of  the  eminence  on  which  stand  the  ruins 
of  Bireli,  the  ancient  Beeroth.  At  its  lower  part 
tills  valley  bears  the  name  of  Wady  Fuwdr,  but 
for  the  greater  part  of  its  length  it  is  called  Wadp 
SuweiriU.  It  is  the  main  access,  and  from  its  cen- 
tral ravine  branch  out  side  valleys,  conducting  to 
Bethel,  Michmash,  Gibeah,  Anathoth,  and  other 
towns.  After  the  fall  of  Jericho  this  ravine  must 
have  stood  open  to  the  victorious  Israelites,  as  their 
natui-al  inlet  to  the  country.  At  its  lower  end 
must  have  taken  place  the  repulse  and  subsequent 
victory  of  Ai,  with  the  conviction  and  stoning  of 
Achan,  and  through  it  Joshua  doubtless  hastened 
to  the  relief  of  the  Gibeonites,  and  to  his  memora- 
ble pursuit  of  the  Canaanites  down  the  pass  of 
Beth-horon,  on  the  other  side  of  the  territory  of 
lieqjamin. 

Another  of  these  passes  is  that  which  since  the 
time  of  our  Saviour  has  been  the  regular  road  be- 
tween Jericho  and  Jerusalem,  the  scene  of  the 
parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan. 

Others  lie  further  north  by  the  mountain  which 
bears  the  traditional  name  of  Quarantania ;  first  up 
the  face  of  the  cUff,  afterwards  less  steep,  and 
finally  leading  to  Bethel  or  Taiyibeh,  the  ancient 
Ophrah  (Rob.  i.  570). 

These  intricate  ravines  may  weU  have  harborerl 
the  wild  beasts,  which,  if  the  derivation  of  the 
names  of  several  places  in  this  locahty  are  to  be 
trusted,  originally  haunted  the  district  —  zeboim, 
hyenas  (1  Sam.  xiii.  18),  shual  and  shaalbim, 
foxes  or  jackals  (Judg.  i.  35;  1  Sam.  xiii.  17), 
ajalon,  gazelles."^ 


Jebusite,  —  are  all  among  the  names  of  places  in  Ben- 
jamin ;  and  we  can  hardly  doubt  that  iu  these  name* 
is  prescrred  the  memory  of  many  an  ascent  of  the 
wild  tribes  of  the  desert  from  the  sultry  and  open 
plains  of  the  low  level  to  tlie  ftesh  air  and  secure 
lastneosB*  of  the  upper  district. 

c  The  anbject  of  the  connection  between  the  topog- 
raphy of  Benjamin  and  the  eventfi  which  took  place 
there  is  treated  in  the  most  admirable  manner  in  the 
4tli  chapter  of  Mr.    Stanley's    Sinai   ami    Vnient'tt' 


278  BENJAMIN 

Such  were  the  limits  and  such  the  characte"  of 
the  possessiou  of  Benjamin  as  fixed  by  those  who 
jrij^inaiiy  divided  tlie  land.  But  it  could  not  have 
oeen  long  before  they  extended  their  limits,  since  in 
the  early  lists  of  1  Chr.  viii.  we  find  mention  made 
of  Benjamites  who  buUt  I^d  and  Ono,  and  of 
others  who  were  founders  of  Aijalon  (12,  13),  all 
which  tovnis  were  beyond  the  spot  named  above  as 
the  westernmost  pohit  in  their  boimdary.  These 
places  too  were  in  their  possession  after  the  return 
from  the  Captivity  (Neh.  xi.  35). 

The  contrast  Ijetween  the  warlike  character  of 
the  tribe  and  the  peaceful  image  of  its  progenitor 
has  been  already  noticed.  That  fierceness  and 
power  are  not  less  out  of  proportion  to  the  small- 
ness  of  its  numbers  and  of  its  territory.  This 
comes  out  in  many  scattered  notices,  (a.)  Benja- 
min was  the  only  tribe  which  seems  to  have  pur- 
sued archery  to  any  purpose,  and  their  skill  in  the 
bow  (1  Sam.  xx.  20,  36;  2  Sam.  i.  22;  1  Chr.  viii. 
40,  xii.  2;  2  Chr.  xvii.  17)  and  the  sling  (Judg.  xx. 
16)  are  celebrated,  (b.)  When,  after  the  first  con- 
quest of  the  country,  the  nation  began  to  groan 
under  the  miseries  of  a  foreign  yoke,  it  is  to  a  man 
of  lieiyamin,  Ehud  the  son  of  Gera,  that  they  turn 
for  deliverance.  The  story  seems  to  imply  that  he 
accomplished  his  purpose  on  Eglon  with  less  risk, 
owing  to  his  proficiency  in  the  peculiar  practice  of 
using  his  left  liaud,  a  practice  apparently  confined 
to  Benjamites,  though  by  them  greatly  employed 
(Judg.  iii.  15,  and  see  xx.  16;  1  Chr.  xii.  2).  (c.) 
Baiinah  and  Kechab,  "  the  sons  of  Kimmon  the 
Beerothite  of  the  children  of  Benjamin,"  are  the 
only  Israelites  west  of  the  Jordan  named  in  the 
whole  history  as  captains  of  marauding  predatory 

"  bands  "  (D'^"T!1~T3),  and  the  act  of  which  they 
were  guilty  —  the  murder  of  the  head  of  their  house 
—  hardly  needed  the  summary  vengeance  inflicted 
on  them  by  David  to  testify  the  abhorrence  in 
which  it  must  have  been  held  by  all  Orientals  how- 
ever warlike,  (d.)  The  dreadful  deed  recorded  m 
Judg.  xix.  though  repelled  by  the  whole  country, 
was  unhesitatingly  adopted  and  defended  by  Ben- 
•amin  with  an  obstinacy  and  spirit  truly  extraor- 
dinary. Of  tlieir  obstinacy  there  is  a  remarkable 
trait  in  1  Sam.  xxii.  7-18.  Though  Saul  was 
not  only  the  king  of  the  nation,  but  the  head  of 
the  tribe,  and  David  a  member  of  a  family  which 
had  as  yet  no  claims  on  the  friendship  of  Benjamin, 
yet  the  Beiyamites  resisted  the  strongest  appeal  of 
Saul  to  betray  the  movements  of  David,  and  after 
those  movements  had  been  revealed  by  Doeg  the 
Exlomite  (worthy  member  —  as  he  must  have  seemed 
to  them  —  of  an  accursed  race ! )  they  still  firmly 
refused  to  lift  a  hand  against  those  who  had  as- 
sisted him. 

And  yet  —  to  return  to  the  deed  of  Gibeah  —  in 
one  or  two  of  the  expressions  of  that  antique  and 
fiimple  narrative  —  the  phrase  "Benjamin  my 
brother  "  —  the  anxious  inquiry,  "  what  shall  we  do 
for  wives  for  them  that  remain?"  —  and  the  en- 
treaty to  be  favorable  to  them  "  for  our  sakes  "  — 
lye  seem  to  hear  as  it  were  an  echo  of  those  terms 
of  fond  affection  which  have  given  the  son  of  Ra^ 
ihel's  grief  so  distinct  a  place  in  our  minds. 

fery  much  of  the  above  »ticle  is  drawn  fittm  that 
wuice. 

o  A  fiilr  argument  In  fiivor  of  the  received  chro- 
oology  of  the  book  of  Judges  may  be  drawn  from  this 
circumstance  —  since  no  shorter  period  would  have 
3MB  sufllcient  f(<r  the  tribe  to  have  recovered  [firom] 


BENJAMIN 

That  frightful  transaction  was  indetd  a  crisifc  i» 
the  history  of  the  trilie:  the  nairative  undoubtedlj 
is  intended  to  convey  that  the  six  hundred  who 
took  refuge  in  the  cliflF  Kinmiou,  and  who  wer« 
afterwards  provided  with  wives  partly  from  Jabesh 
Gilead  (Judg.  xxi.  10),  partly  from  Shiloh  (xxi. 
21),  were  the  only  survivors.  A  long  inten-al  must 
have  elapsed  between  so  abject  a  conditior  and  the 
culminating  point  at  which  we  next  mee*.  with  the 
tribe." 

Several  circumstances  may  have  conduced  to  its 
restoration  to  that  place  which  it  was  now  to  as- 
sume. The  Tabernacle  was  at  Shiloh  in  Ephrjiiu 
during  the  time  of  the  last  Judge;  but  the  Aik 
was  in  Benjamin  at  Kirjath-jearim.  Ramah,  the 
official  residence  of  Samuel,  and  containing  a  sanc- 
tuary greatly  frequented  (1  Sam.  ix.  12,  &c.),  — 
Wizpeh,  where  the  great  assemblies  of  "  all  Israel " 
took  place  (1  Sam.  vii.  5),  —  Bethel,  perhaps  tlie 
most  ancient  of  all  the  sanctuaries  of  Palestine,  and 
Gibeon,  specially  noted  as  "  the  great  high  place  " 
(2  Chr.  i.  3),  were  all  in  the  land  of  Benjamin, 
These  must  gradually  have  accustomed  the  people 
who  resorted  to  these  various  jjlaces  to  associate  the 
tribe  with  power  and  sanctity,  and  they  tend  to 
elucidate  the  anomaly  which  struck  Saul  so  forcibly, 
"  that  all  the  desire  of  Israel "  should  have  been 
fixed  on  the  house  of  the  smallest  of  its  tribea 
(1  Sam.  ix.  21). 

The  struggles  and  contests  which  followed  the 
death  of  Saul  arose  from  the  natural  unwillingness 
of  the  tribe  to  relinquish  its  position  at  the  head  of 
tlie  nation,  especially  in  favor  of  Judah.  Had  it 
been  Ephraim,  the  case  might  have  been  difierent, 
but  Judah  had  as  yet  no  connection  with  the  house 
of  Joseph,  and  was  besides  the  tribe  of  David,  whom 
Saul  had  pursued  with  such  unrelenting  enmity. 
The  tact  and  sound  sense  of  Abner,  however,  suc- 
ceeded in  overcoming  these  difficulties,  though  ha 
himself  fell  a  victim  in  the  very  act  of  accomplish- 
ing his  purpose,  and  the  proposal  that  David  should 
be  "king  over  Israel"  was  one  which  "seemed 
good  to  the  whole  house  of  Benjamin,"  and  of 
which  the  tribe  testified  its  approval,  and  evinced 
its  good  faith,  by  sending  to  the  distant  capital  of 
Hebron  a  detachment  of  3000  men  of  the  "  brethren 
of  Saul"  (1  Chr.  xii.  29).  Still  the  insults  of 
Shimei  and  the  insurrection  of  Sheba  are  indications 
that  the  soreness  still  existed,  and  we  do  not  hear 
of  any  cordial  cooperation  or  firm  union  between 
the  two  tribes  imtil  a  cause  of  common  quarrel 
arose  at  the  disruption,  when  Rehoboam  assembled 
"  all  the  house  of  Judah  with  the  tribe  of  Benjamin 
to  fight  against  the  house  of  Israel,  to  bring  the 
kingdom  again  to  the  son  of  Solomon  "  (1  K.  xii. 
21;  2  Chr.  xi.  1).  Possibly  the  seal  may  h8V« 
been  set  to  this  by  the  fact  of  Jeroboam  having 
just  taken  possession  of  Bethel,  a  city  of  Beiyamin, 
for  the  calf-worship  of  the  northern  kingdom  *  (1 
K.  xii.  29).  On  the  other  hand  Rehoboam  forti- 
fied and  garrisoned  several  cities  of  Benjamm,  and 
wisely  dispersed  the  members  of  his  own  family 
through  them  (2  Chr.  xi.  10-12).  ITie  alliance 
was  further  strengthened  by  a  covenant  solemnly 
undertaken  (2  Chr.  xv.  9),  and  by  the  employment 


such  almost  total  extermination,  and  to  have  reuHiM 
the  numbers  and  force  indicated  in  the  lists  of  1  Chr 
xii.  1-8,  vii.  6-12,  viii.  1-40. 

6  Bethel,  however,  was  on  the  very  boundary  Unr 
and  centuries  before  this  date  was  inhabited  by  ooA 
Ephraimltee  and  Benjamites  (Judg.  xix.  16). 


BENJAMIN 

jf  Benjaiuites  in  high  positions  in  the  army  of  Ju- 
iah  (2  Chr.  xvii  17).  But  what  above  all  must 
have  contributed  to  strengthen  the  alliance  was  the 
fact  that  the  Temple  was  the  common  property  of 
both  triltes.  IVue,  it  was  founded,  erected,  and 
endowed  by  princes  of  "  the  house  of  Judah,"  but 
the  city  of  "  the  Jebusite  '  (Josh,  xviii.  28),  and 
the  whole  of  the  ground  north  of  the  Valley  of 
Hinnom,  was  m  the  lot  of  Benjamin.  In  this  lat- 
fer  fact  is  literally  fulfilled  the  prophecy  of  Moses 
(Deut.  xxxiii.  12):  Benjamin  "  dwelt  between  "  the 
•'shoulders"  of  the  ravines  which  encompass  the 
Holy  City  on  the  west,  south,  and  east  (see  a  good 
treatment  of  this  point  in  Blunt's  Uncles.  Coind- 
fltncts,  pt.  11.  §  xvii.). 

Henceforward  the  history  of  Benjamin  becomes 
merged  in  that  of  the  southern  kingdom.  Thai 
the  tribe  still  retained  its  individuality  is  plain  from 
the  constant  mention  of  it  in  the  various  censuses 
taken  of  the  two  tribes,  and  on  other  occasions, 
and  also  from  the  lists  of  the  men  of  Benjamin 
who  returned  witli  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii. ;  Neh.  vii.) 
and  took  possession  of  their  old  towns  (Neh.  xi.  31- 
d5).  At  Jerusalem  the  name  must  have  been  al- 
ways kept  alive,  if  by  nothing  else,  by  the  name  of 
"  the  high  gate  of  Benjamin  "  (Jer.  xx.  2).  [Jeru- 
salem.] 

But  though  the  tribe  had  thus  given  up  to  a 
c^tain  degree  its  independent  existence,  it  is  clear 
that  the  ancient  memories  of  their  house  were  not 
allowed  to  fade  from  the  recollections  of  the  Ben- 
jamites.  The  genealogy  of  Saul,  to  a  late  date,  is 
carefully  preserved  in  the  lists  of  1  Chr.  (viii.  33- 
40,  Lx.  3y-44);  the  name  of  Kish  recurs  as  the 
&ther  of  Jlordecai  (Esth.  ii.  5),  the  honored  deliv- 
erer of  the  nation  from  miseries  worse  than  those 
threatened  by  Nahash  tlie  Ammonite.  But  it  was 
reserved  for  a  greater  than  these  to  close  the  line  of 
this  tribe  in  the  sacred  history.  The  royal  name 
once  more  appears,  and  "  Saul  who  also  is  called 
Paul  "  has  left  on  record  under  his  own  hand  that 
he  was  "  of  the  stock  of  Israel,  of  the  tribe  of  Ben- 
jamin." It  is  perhaps  more  than  a  mere  fancy  to 
note  how  remarkably  the  chief  characteristics  of 
the  tribe  are  gathered  up  in  his  one  person.  There 
was  tlie  fierceness,  in  his  persecution  of  the  Chris- 
tians ;  and  there  were  the  ol>stinacy  and  persistence, 
which  made  him  proof  against  the  tears  and  prayers 
of  his  converts,  and  "  ready  not  to  be  bound  only, 
but  also  to  die  for  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus" 
;Acts  xxi.  12,  13).  There  were  the  force  and 
figor  to  which  natural  difficulties  and  confined 
3ircumstances  formed  no  impediment;  and  lastly, 
there  was  the  keen  sense  of  the  greatness  of  his 
house,  in  his  proud  reference  to  his  forefather 
"  Saul  the  son  of  Cis,  a  man  of  the  tribe  of  Benja- 
min." 

l?e  this  as  it  may,  no  nobler  hero  could  oe  found 
to  close  the  rolls  of  the  worthies  of  his  tribe  —  no 
jrouder  distinction  could  be  desired  for  Beiyamin 
than  that  of  having  produced  the  first  judge  of  its 
nation,  the  first  king,  and  finally,  when  Judaism 
gave  place  to  Christianity,  the  great  Apostle  of  the 
Gentiles. 

2.  [Bei/iajuiV;  Vat.  Alei  -fxeiv-^  A  man  of  the 
*ibe  of  Benjamin,  son  of  Bilh;ui,  and  the  head  of 
i.  femily  of  warriors  (1  Chr.  vii.  10). 

3.  [Beviofifj/;  Vat.  Alex.  FA.  -/*€«/.]  One  of 
•he  "Bons  of  Harim;  "  an  Israelite  in  the  time  of 
Bkh,  who  had  married  a  foreign  wife  (Elzr.  x.  32). 

G. 


BERACHAH 


279 


BEN'JAMIN,   High   gate,  or  uaib,  ot 

(p"''?I'n  'a  -iptr),  Jer.xx.2,xxxvii.l3,xroTil 
7,  Zech.  xiv.  10.     [Jerusalem.] 

*BBN'J AMITE  ("ra^-"J?,  Judg.  xix.  16; 
1  Sam.  ix.  21,  xxii.  7 ;  2  Sam.  xvi.  11 ;  IK.  ii.  8 ; 
J  Chr.  xxvii.  12;  Pa.  vii.,  title;  with  the  article, 

""3''72"'rT"J2,  Judg.  iii.  15;  2  Sam.  xvi.  11,  xix. 
16  (Ileb.  17);  LXX.  v'ihs  rod  'Ufievl,  t.  'Ufiivai- 
ov,  T.  'Ufxiyl,  vihs  Bfutafilv,  etc.;  Vulg.  flius  Jtm 

ini;  —  ^3^^!"   ^^^^"T?j  utbs    avSphs   'leuiuaiov, 

Jiliiis  viri  Jemini,  1  Sam.  ix.  1; — "'}"''? "^  ^'^^j 
avijp  d  'lefjiivi,  etc.,  vir  Jemineics,  etc.,  2  Sam.  xx. 
1:  Esth.  ii.  5;  — rP^^?)  Bepiafiiv,  etc.,  Benja 
min,  etc.,  Judg.  xx.  35,  36,  40,  43;  — "'3"'ri%  'lo- 
fjLiv,  Vat.  laKeifi,  Alex,  o  Ufifivaios,  Jemini,  1 
Sam.  ix.  4),  an  appellation  of  the  descendants  of 
Benjamin.  On  the  Hebrew  forms  noted  above,  see 
Benjamin,  p.  276.  A. 

BE'NO  C'jS  [his  son]:  LXX.  translates l;io^. 
Bennu),  a  Levite  of  the  sons  of  Merari  (1  Chr. 
xxiv.  26,  27). 

BEN-O'NI  ("'JIS"")?,  son  of  my  sorrow,  or 
of  my  strenijth,  i.  e.  of  my  last  effort,  Hiller,  Onom. 
300,  &c. :  vibs  oSwris  fiov  '•  Benoni,  id  estfilius  dolo- 
ris  mei),  the  name  which  the  dying  Kachel  gave  to 
her  newly-born  son,  but  which  by  his  father  was 
changed  into  Benjamin  (Gen.  xxxv.  18). 

BEN-ZO'HETH  (nniT-J5:  viol  Zwd$; 
Alex,  [vtoi]  Zuxad-  Benzoheth),  a,  name  occurring 
among  the  descendants  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  20). 
The  passage  appears  to  be  a  fragment,  and  as  if 
the  name  of  a  son  of  the  Zoheth  just  mentioned  ha<^ 
originally  followed.     A.  V.  follows  Vulgate. 

BB'ON  (1^72:  Baidv,  Alex,  fiafia:  Beon),  * 
place  on  the  east  of  Jordan  (Num.  xxxii.  3),  doubt 
less  a  contraction  of  Baal-meiin  (comp.  ver.  38>. 

BE'OR  (~l"12?2  [a  torch]:  Bedp;  [Alex.  ir. 
1  Chr.  Baicap:]  Bear).  1.  The  father  of  Bela, 
one  of  the  early  Edomite  kings  (Gen.  xxxvi.  32* 
1  Chr.  i.  43). 

2.  [Vat.  Baioop,  Bewp.]  Father  of  Balaam 
(Num.  xxii.  5,  xxiv.  3,  15;  xxxi.  8;  Josh.  xiii.  22, 
xxiv.  9;  Mic.  \\.  5).  He  is  called  BosoR  in  the 
N.  T.     [Bei^.] 

BE'RA  (^"T'S  [son,oTin  evil=mcked]:  Vat. 
[Rom.]  and  Alex.  Ba\\d;  Joseph.  BaWds'-  Bara), 
king  of  Sodom  at  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  the 
five  kings  under  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.  2;  also 
17  and  2i). 

BERA'CHAH  (^^"^2  lblessinff]:Bepxia, 
[Vat.  FA.  Bepxfia;  Alex,  fiapaxia'-]  Baravha), 
a  Benjamite,  one  of  "  Saul's  brethren,"  who  at- 
taclied  himself  to  David  at  Ziklag  (1  Chr.  xii.  3). 

BERA'CHAH,  Valley  of  (n^"73  p^37 

[valley  of  blessing]  :  KoiXcks  EuXoy/as:  vallis  ben- 

edictionis),  a  valley  (Joseph,  riva  KotXov  Ka\  <pa- 

payydSr)  tSttov)  in  which  Jehoshaphat   and   his 

people  assem*-'«?d  to  "  bless "   Jehovah  after   the 

overthrow  of  the  hosts  of  Moabites,  Ammonites, 

and  Mehunim  who  had  come  against  them,  and 

,  which  from  that  fact  acquired  its  name  of  "  the 

j  valley  of  blessing  "  (2  Chr.  xx.  26).     The  place  is 

'  remarkable  as  furnishing  ore  of  the  latest  instancwi 


280 


BERACHIAH 


in  the  Ct.  T.  of  a  i>arae  bestowed  in  cousequence  of 
ID  occuirencc  at  the  spot. 

The  name  of  Bereikut  fv^ijajoo)  stiD  sur- 
vives, attached  to  ruins  in  a  valley  of  the  same 
Dame  lying  between  Teku'a  and  the  main  roatl  from 
IJetlileliem  to  Hebron,  a  position  corresponding  ac- 
curately enough  with  tlie  locality  of  the  battle  as 
described  in  2  Chr.  xx.  (Rob.  iii.  275:  the  discov- 
ery is  due  to  Wolcott;  see  Ritter,  Jordan^  635.) 
It  must  not  be  confounded  with  Caphar-barucha, 
now  probably  Beni  Nairn,  an  eminence  on  very  high 
ground,  3  or  4  miles  east  of  Hebron,  commanding 
an  extensive  view  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  tradition- 
ally the  scene  of  Abraham's  intercession  for  Sodom. 
The  tomb  of  Lot  has  been  shown  there  since  the 
days  of  Mandeville  (see  Keland,  685 ;  Kob.  i.  489- 
91).  G. 

BERACHI'AH  (^H^-^n?,  Berechiahu  [Je- 
hovah  loill  bkss\ :  Bapox'a^  Barac/iia),  a  Gershon- 
ite  Invite,  father  of  Asaph  the  singer  (1  Chr.  vi. 
39).  [The  name  is  written  "  Ber<-chiah  "  in  some 
eds.  of  the  A.  V.     See  Berkchiaii  6.] 

BERA'IAH  [3  syl.]  (H^S'^a  [whom  I  a-e- 
'W] :  Bapata'  Baraia),  son  of  Shimhi,  a  chief 
man  of  Beiyamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  21). 

BERE'A  (Beporo:  [Bercea]).  1.  A  city  of 
Macedonia,  to  which  St.  Paul  retired  with  Silas 
and  Timotheus,  in  the  course  of  his  first  visit  to 
Europe,  on  teing  persecuted  in  Thessalonica  (Acts 
xvii.  10),  and  from  which,  on  being  again  perse- 
cuted by  emissaries  from  ITiessalonica,  he  withdrew 
to  the  sea  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding  to  Athens 
(ib.  14,  15).  The  community  of  Jews  must  have 
been  considerable  in  Berea,  and  their  character  is 
descril)ed  in  very  favorable  terms  (ib.  11).  Sopater, 
one  of  St.  Paul's  missionary  companions,  was  from 
this  pkce  (Bepoiaiosi  Acts  xx.  4).  He  accom- 
panied the  apostle  on  his  return  ftom  the  second 
visit  to  Europe  (ib.);  and  he  appears  to  have  pre- 
viously lieen  with  him,  in  the  course  of  that  second 
visit,  at  Corinth,  when  he  wrote  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  (Rom.  xvi.  21). 

Berea.  now  called  Fer»-ta  or  Kara-Verria,  is 
fully  described  by  Leake  {Northern  Greece,  vol.  iii. 
290  fF.),  and  by  Cousint'ry  ( Voyage  dans  la  Mace- 
dinne,  i.  69  ff.).  Situated  on  the  eastern  slope  of 
the  Olympian  mountain-range,  with  an  abundant 
supply  of  water,  and  commanding  an  extensive 
view  of  the  plain  of  the  Axius  and  Haliacmon,  it 
is  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  agreeable  towns  in 
Rumili,  and  has  now  15,000  or  20,000  inhabitants. 
A  few  ancient  remains,  Greek,  Roman,  and  Byzan- 
tine, still  exist  here.  Two  road^s  are  laid  down  in 
the  Itineraries  between  Thessalonica  and  Berea, 
one  passing  by  Pella."  St.  Paul  and  his  compan- 
ons  may  have  travelled  by  either  of  them.  Two 
roads  also  connect  Berea  with  Dium,  one  passing 
by  Pydna.  It  was  probably  from  Dium  that  St. 
Paul  sailed  to  Athens,  leaving  Silas  and  Timotheus 
oehind ;  and  possibly  1  Thess.  iii.  2  refers  to  a  jour- 
icy  of  Timotheus  from  Berea,  not  from  Athens. 
""Timothy.]  The  coin  in  Akermnri's  Numismatic 
Uustrntions  of  the  N.   T.  p.  46,  is  erroneously 


a  *  The  "  Notes  on  Macedonia  "  (Bibl.  Sacr.  %\.  830) 
by  the  late  Rev.  Edward  M.  Dodd,  who  was  a  niis- 
lionary  at  Thessalonica,  describe  minutely  the  rout« 
between  that  city  and  Berea.    The  population  of  Berea 

a  OTerstated  in  the  article  ahove.    Mr.  Dodd  says  that  I  term  them,  i.  e.  chapels  or  8hriD°e) 
t  U  "6000;    about  200  Jews,  1500  Turks,  and  the  I 


BERENICE 

assigned  to  the  Macedonian  Ba«a,  aud  beloi  gi  U 
the  following. 

2.  [Vulg.  om.]  The  modem  Alep/x),  mentioned 
in  2  Mace.  xiii.  4  in  connection  with  the  invasioc 
of  Judaea  by  Antiochus  Eupator,  as  the  scene  of 
the  miserable  death  of  Menelaus.  This  seems  t« 
be  the  city  in  which  Jerome  says  that  certain  per. 
sons  livefl  who  possessed  and  used  St.  Matthew'i 
Hebrew  Gospel  {De  !'»■.  lUust.  c.  3). 

3.  [Bk'rea]  (Btpta:  [iJerefi] ),  a  pkce  in  Ju- 
daea, apparently  not  very  far  from  Jeru.siUem,  where 
Bacchides,  the  general  of  Demetrius,  encamped 
shortly  before  the  engagement  in  which  Judas  Mao 
cabaeus  w.is  slain  (1  JMacc.  ix.  4.  See  Joseph.  AnL 
xii.  11,  §  1).  J.  S.  H. 

BERECHi'AH  ('^n;!?";;::?  and  n^r:^3 

[Jehovah  will  bless]:  Boipaxia;  [\at.  Bapaxaii] 
Barachias).  1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Zerulibabel, 
and  a  descendant  of  the  royal  family  of  Judah  (1 
Chr.  iii.  20). 

2.  [Vat.  Neh.  iii.  30,  Bopx^a,  ^i-  ^8,  Bapcc- 
v«a.l  A  man  mentioned  as  tlie  father  of  Jleshul- 
1am  who  assisted  in  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jenm- 
lem  (Neh.  iii.  4,  30;  vi.  18). 

3.  [Vat.  Bapaxff,  Alex.  Bapaxias-  Barachia.] 
A  Lfivite  of  the  Une  of  Elkanai  (1  Chr.  ix.  16). 

4.  [Barachias.]  A  doorkeeper  for  the  ark  (1 
Chr.  XV.  23). 

5.  [BapaxicLs;  Vat.  Zaxaptas-]  I^erechiahu, 
one  of  the  chief  men  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  in 
time  of  king  Ahaz  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  12). 

6.  Berechiahu,  father  of  Asaph  the  singer  (1 
Chr.  XV.  17).     [Bekacihah.] 

7.  [Bapax'tas.]  Berechiahu,  father  of  Zech- 
ariah  the  prophet  (Zech.  i.  1,  also  7).  [Here  A 
V.  ed.  1611  reads  "  B«rnchiah."]  G. 

BE'RED  (1T?5  [haiq-.  BapdS:  Barad).  L 
A  place  in  the  south  of  Palestine,  between  which 
and  Kadesh  lay  the  well  I.achai-roi  (Gen.  xvi.  14). 
The  name  is  variously  given  in  the  ancient  versions. 

Peshito,  Gadar,  '  *-^^?  =  Gerar ;  Arab.  lared^ 
;>«j,  probably  a  mere  corruption  of  the  Hebrew 

name;  Onkelos,  Chagra,  W~2f7  (elsewhere  em 
ployed  in  the  Targums  for  "  Shur;  "  can  it  be  con- 
nected with  Hagar,  "'^i^'  ^"l-''^'''):  Ps.-Jonathan, 
Chalutza,  ^'*^^ 'H,  i.  e.  the  Elusa,  "EKovaa  of 
Ptolemy  and  the  ecclesiastical  writers,  now  el-Khir 
Insah,  on  the  Hebron  road,  about  12  miles  .south 
of  Beer-sheba  (Rob.  i.  201,  2;  Stewart,  205;  Re- 
land,  755).  We  have  the  testimony  of  Jeromt 
{\^ta  S.  nUarionis)  that  Elusa  was  called  by  iu 
inhabitants  Barec,  which  would  l*  an  easy  connip- 
tion of  Bered,  "^  being  read  for  "^.  Chalutza  ii 
the  name  elsewhere  given  in  the  Arabic  version  fof 
"  Shur  "  and  for  "  Gerar." 

2.  [Vat.  om. :  Bared.]  A  son  or  descendant 
of  Ephraim  (1  Chr.  vii.  20),  possibly  identical  with 
Becher  in  Num.  xxvi.  35,  by  a  mere  change  of  let- 
ters {^"Dn  for  1-13).  G 

BERENFCE.     [Bernice.] 


remainder  Gree!<9.  They  have  one  synagogue,  U 
mosques,  and  60  Greeli  churches  "  (which  last,  !• 
should  be  said,  except  3  or  4,  are  not  eKxKriaiai  prop 
erly  so  called,  but  iKKkriaiSia  as  the  modem  Oreato 


BERI 

BK'RI  C^"!^  [fountain]:  Bapiy:  [Vat.  2a- 
Bpei;  Alex.  Boot;  Corap.  Bripel:]  Bm-i),  son  of 
Zopliah,  of  the  tribe  of  Asber  (1  Chr.  vii.  36). 

BERI' AH  (ny^'}2,  in  evii,  or  a  gift,  see 
No.  2:  Baptd-  Beria,  Biie).  1.  A  son  of  Aslier 
(Gen.  xlvi.  17;  Num.  xxvi.  44,  45),  from  whom 

descended  the  "family  of  the  lieriites,"  ^.i^^"]?', 
Bapid'i  [Ales.  Bapai],  familia  Bneitai-um  (Num. 
«Lxvi.  44). 

2.  [Bepid;  Alex.  BapiW-  Beria.]  A  son  of 
Ephraim,  so  named  on  account  of  the  state  of  his 
father's  house  when  he  was  born.  "  And  the  sons 
of  Ephraim:  Shuthelah,  and  Bered  his  son,  and 
Tahath  his  son,  and  Eladah  his  son,  and  Tahath 
his  son,  and  Zabad  his  son,  and  Shuthelah  his  son, 
and  Ezer,  and  Elead,  whom  the  men  of  Gath  [that 
were]  born  in  [that]  land  slew"'  [lit.  "and  the 
men  .  .  .  slew  them"],  "because  they  came  down 
to  take  away  their  cattle.  And  Ephraim  their 
father  mourned  many  days,  and  his  brethren  came 
to  comfort  him.  And  when  he  went  in  to  his  wife, 
she  conceived,  and  bare  a  son,  and  he  called  his 
name  Heriah,  because  it  went  evil  with  his  house  " 
[lit.   "because  evil''  or   "a  gift"    "was   to   his 

house:"    \n^J3   '"f'TI'^   '^^''v?   ^?,    St.    iy 

KOKois  eyevero  ev  otKfi  /xov,  LXX. :  "  eo  quod 
in  mails  domus  ejus  ortus  esset,"  Vulg.]  (1  Chr. 
vii.  20-23).  With  respect  to  the  meaning  of  the 
name,  Gesenius  prefers  the  rendering  "  in  evil "  to 
"a  gift,"  as  probably  the  right  one.     In  this  case 

nVT3  in  the  explanation  would  be,  according  to 

"dm,  ny^  with  Beth  essentUe  {Thes.  s.  v.).     It 

must  be  remarked,  however,  that  the  supposed  in- 
stances of  Beth  essetUii.e  being  prefixed  to  the  sub- 
ject in  the  0.  T.  are  few  and  inconclusive,  and 
that  it  is  disputed  by  the  Arabian  grammarians  if 
the  parallel  "  redundant  I3e  "  of  the  Arabic  be  ever 
BO  used  (comp.  Thes.  pp.  174,  175,  where  this  use 
of  "redundant  B*5  "  is  too  arbitrarily  denied).  The 
LXX.  and  Vulg.  indicate  a  different  construction, 
witli  an  additional  variation  in  the  case  of  the  for- 
mer ("my  house"  for  "his  house  "),  so  that  the 
rendering  "in  evil"  does  not  depend  upon  tlie  con- 
Btructiou  proposed  by  Gresenius.    Micbaelis  suggest)) 

that  i^y^S  may  mean  a  spontaneous  gift  of  God, 

')eyond  exi^ectation  and  the  law  of  nature,  a.s  a  son 
jom  to  Ephraim  now  growing  old  might  be  called 
{Suppl.  pp.  224,  225).  In  favor  of  this  meaning, 
which,  with  Gesenius,  we  take  in  the  simple  sense 
of  "gift,"  it  may  be  urged,  that  it  is  unlikely  that 
four  persons  would  have  borne  a  name  of  an  unu- 
sual form,  and  that  a  case  similar  to  that  here  sup- 
posed is  found  in  the  naming  of  Seth  (Gen.  iv. 
25).  Tliis  short  notice  is  of  no  slight  historical 
importance;  especially  as  it  refers  to  a  jjeriod  of 
Hebrew  history  i  esiiecting  which  the  Bible  affords 
ts  no  other  like  information.  The  event  must  be 
sissigned  to  the  time  between  Jacob's  death  and  the 
beginning  of  the  oppression.  The  indications  that 
guide  us  are,  that  some  of  Ephraim's  sons  must 
lave  attained  to  manhood,  and  that  the  Hebrews 
were  still  free.  The  passage  is  full  of  difficulties. 
The  first  question  is :  What  sons  of  Ephraim  were 
killed?  Tie  persons  mentioned  do  not  ai;  seem  tv, 
ie  his  sons.  Shuthelah  occupies  the  first  place, ' 
md  a  genealogy  of  his  descendants  follows  as  far 
IS  a  second  Shuthelah.  the  words  "  his  son  "  indi- 


BERIAH  28) 

tating  a  direct  descent,  as  Houbigant  (ap.  Barrett, 
Synopsis  in  loc.)  remarks,  although  he  very  need- 
lessly proposes  conjecturally  to  omit  them.  A  sim- 
ilar genealogy  from  Beriah  to  Joshua  is  given  in 
1  Chr.  vii.  25-27.  As  the  text  stands,  there  ar» 
but  three  sons  of  Ephraim  mentioned  before  Be- 
riah—  Shuthelah,  Ezer,  and  Elead — all  of  whom 
seem  to  have  been  killed  by  the  men  of  Gath,  though 
it  is  possible  that  the  last  two  are  alone  meant,  and 
the  first  of  whom  is  stated  to  have  left  descendants. 
In  the  enumeration  of  the  Israelite  families  in  Num- 
bers four  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  are  mentioned, 
sprung  from  his  sons  Shuthelah,  Becher,  and  Tahan, 
and  from  Eran,  son  or  descendant  of  Shuthelah 
(xxvi.  35,  36).  The  second  and  third  families  are 
probably  those  of  Eeriah  and  a  younger  son,  unless 
the  third  is  one  of  Beriah,  called  alter  his  descend- 
ant Tahan  (1  Chr.  vii.  25);  or  one  of  them  may  be 
that  of  a  son  of  Joseph,  since  it  is  related  that 
Jacob  determined  that  sons  of  Joseph  who  might 
be  bom  to  him  after  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  siiould 
"  be  called  after  the  name  of  their  brethren  in  their 
inheritance"  (Gen.  xlviii.  6).  See  however  Be- 
CHEK.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  land  in 
which  the  men  of  Gath  were  born  is  the  eastern 
part  of  Lower  Egj-pt,  if  not  Goshen  itself.  It 
would  be  needless  to  say  that  they  were  born  in 
their  own  land.  At  this  time  very  many  foreigners 
must  have  been  settled  in  Egypt,  especially  in  and 
about  Goshen.  Indeed  Goshen  is  mentioned  as  a 
non-I£gyptian  country  in  its  inhabitants  (Gen.  xlvi 
34),  and  its  own  name  as  well  as  nearly  all  the 
names  of  its  cities  and  places  mentioned  in  the 
Bible,  save  the  cities  buUt  in  the  oppression,  are 
probably  Semitic.  In  the  book  of  Jo.shua,  Shihor, 
the  Nile,  here  the  Pelusiac  branch,  is  the  boundarj 
of  Egypt  and  Canaan,  the  PhUistine  territories  ap- 
parently being  considered  to  extend  from  it  (Josh, 
xiii.  2,  3).  It  is  therefore  very  probable  that  many 
Philistines  would  have  settled  in  a  part  of  Egypt 
so  accessible  to  them  and  so  similar  in  its  popula- 
tion to  Canaan  as  Goshen  and  the  tracts  adjoining 
it.  Or  else  these  men  of  Gath  may  have  been  mer- 
cenaries like  the  Cherethim  (in  Egyptian  Shayra- 
tana)  who  were  in  the  Eg}'ptian  service  at  a  later 
time,  as  in  David's,  and  to  whom  lands  were  prob- 
ably allotted  as  to  the  native  army.  Some  suppose 
that  the  men  of  Gath  were  the  aggressors,  a  con- 
jecture not  at  variance  with  the  words  used  iai  the 
relation  of  the  cause  of  the  death  of  Ephraim's 

sons,  since  we  may  read  "when  C"*^)  they  came 

down,"  &c.,  instead  of  "  because,"  &c.  (Bagster's 
Bible,  in  loc),  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  this 
rendering  is  equally  consistent  with  the  other  ex- 
planation. There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the 
Israelites  at  this  time  may  not  have  sometimes  en- 
gaged in  predatory  or  other  warfare.  The  warlike 
habits  of  Jacob's  sons  are  evident  in  the  narrative 
of  the  vengeance  taken  by  Simeon  and  I^evi  upon 
Hamor  and  Shechem  (Gen.  xxxiv.  25-29),  and  of 
their  posterity  in  the  account  of  the  fear  of  that 
Pharaoh  who  began  to  oppress  them  lest  they 
should,  in  the  event  of  war  in  the  land,  join  with 
the  enemies  of  his  people,  and  by  fighting  against 
them  get  them  out  of  the  country  (Ex.  i.  8-10). 
It  has  oeen  imagined,  according  to  which  side  was 
supposed  to  have  acted  the  aggressor,  that  the  Git- 
tites  descended  upon  the  Ephraimites  in  a  predar 
tory  exfcursior.  I'om  Palestine,  or  that  the  Ephra- 
imites made  a  raid  into  Palestine.  Neither  of 
these  explanations  is  consistent  with  sound  criti- 


282  BERIITES 

eism,  because  the  men  of  Gath  are  said  to  have 
been  born  in  the  land,  that  is,  to  have  been  settled 
in  Egypt,  as  already  shown,  and  the  second  one, 
which  is  adopted  by  Bunsen  {EyypVs  Plnce,  i.  177, 
178),  is  inadmissible  on  the  gromid  that  the  vei'b 

used,  T^'^,  "he  went  down,"  or  "descended," 
is  applicable  to  going  into  Egypt,  but  not  to  com- 
ing from  it.  The  Rabbinical  idea  that  these  sons 
of  Ephraim  went  to  take  the  Promised  I>aiid  needs 
no  refutation.  (For  these  various  theories  see  Poll 
Syno2)sis  in  loc.) 

3.  [Beptd;  Vat.  Bepiya,  Bapetya;  Alex.  Bapt- 
ya:  Baj'ia.]  A  Benjamite.  He  and  his  brother 
Shema  were  ancestors  of  the  inhabitants  of  Ajalon, 
and  expelled  the  inhabitants  of  Gath  (1  Chr.  viii. 
13,  16). 

4.  [Bepja;  Alex.  ver.  10  omits,  ver.  11  Bapia'- 
Bana.]     A  Levite  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  10,  11). 

K.  s.  r. 

BERI'ITES.     [Bkkiah,  1.] 

BE'BITES,  THE  (C'^SH  [the  wells,  i.  e. 
people  of]:  iv  Xap[>l  (Tat.  Alex,  -pet]),  a  tribe 
or  people  who  are  named  with  Abel  and  Beth- 
maachah  —  and  who  were  therefore  doubtless  situ- 
ated in  the  north  of  Palestine  —  mentioned  only  as 
having  been  visited  by  Joab  in  his  pursuit  after 
Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri  (2  Sam.  xx.  14).  The 
expression  is  a  remarkable  one,  "all  the  Berites  " 

('.:'?  ■  3;  comp.  "alltheBithron").  The  Vul- 
gate has  a  different  reading  —  omnesque  viri 
electi  congregati  fuerant  —  apparently  reading  for 

D"'n3n  by  an  easy  transposition  and  change  of 

£tter8  D'^'IPS,  i.  e.  the  young  men,  and  this  is  in 
Ewald's  opinion  the  correct  reading  ( Gesch.  iii.  249, 
tote).  _  G. 

BE'RITH,  THE  GOD  (n^n?  bw  [i.e. 
.)/  the  covenant:  Bai0rj\fi€pl6;  Vat.  BatOrjpfiepiO; 
Alex.  BaoA.  SiaOriKris  '•  deus  Berith] ),  Judg.  ix.  46. 
[Baau-berith,  p.  207.] 

BERNFCE  and  BERENI'CE  (BepyUv, 
[victmioiis],  also  in  Joseph.:  Bernice=^fpiviKr\, 
see  Sturz,  Dial.  Maced.  p.  31 ;  the  form  Jaeronice 
is  also  found),  the  eldest  daughter  of  Herod  Agrippa 
[.  (Acts  xii.  1,  &c.).  She  was  first  married  to  her 
mcle  Herod,  king  of  Chalcis  (Joseph.  Ant.  xix.  5, 
§  1),  and  after  his  death  (a.  d.  48)  she  lived  under 
circumstances  of  great  suspicion  with  her  own 
brother  Agrippa  H.  (Joseph.  Ant.  xx.  7,  3;  Juvenal 
Sat.  vi.  156  ff.),  in  connection  with  whom  she  is 
nentioned  Acts  xxv.  13,  23,  xxvi.  30,  as  having 
risited  Festus  on  his  appointment  as  Procurator  of 
Judsea.  She  was  a  second  time  married,  to  Pole- 
•non,  king  of  Cilicia,  but  soon  left  him,  and  re- 
lurued  to  her  brother  (Joseph,  ibid.).  She  after- 
wards became  the  mistress  of  Vespasian  (Tacit. 
Hist.  ii.  81),  and  of  his  son  Titus  (Sueton.  Tit.  7). 

H.  A. 

BEROTJACH  BAL'ADAN       ['n3«'"'? 

n^  •  ?  •  MapwSttx  BaXabiv  (Vat.  BoA.Saj')  5 
.\lex.'  MepuSox  B. ;  Comp.  BoptoSdx  B- :  Bero- 
iach  Baladan],  2  K.  xx.  12.     [Merodach-Bal- 

iUAN.] 

BIXROTH  (Bvpciy,  [Vat-  BT;po7;  Aid.] 
Vlex.  Brjpcoe),  1  Esdr.  v.  19.     [Beeroth.] 

BEROTHAH,  BEROTHAI  [3  syl.] 
rfn""n2,  \"3'1"I2  :  [in  Ez.,  Vat.  Alex,  corrupt; 


BERYL 

Aid.  gffpweafi.  Comp  Bepodi:]  Berotha^  Ba-cih) 
The  first  of  these  two  names,  each  of  which  oc- 
curs once  only,  is  given  by  I'Jiekiel  (xlvii.  16)  ia 
connection  with  Hamath  and  Damascus  as  forming 
part  of  the  northern  boundary  of  the  promised 
land.  The  second  is  mentioned  (2  Sam.  viii.  8)  aa 
the  name  of  a  city  of  Zobah  taken  by  David,  alsc 
in  connection  with  Hamath  and  Damascus.  'Hie 
slightness  of  these  references  makes  it  impossible 
to  identify  the  names  with  any  degree  of  prol)abil- 
ity,  or  even  to  decide  whether  they  refer  to  the  same 
locality  or  not.  The  well-kno\vn  city  Beirut  (Her- 
ytus)  naturally  suggests  itself  as  identical  with  one 
at  least  of  the  names ;  but  in  each  instance  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case  seem  to  require  a  i)o.sition 
further  east,  since  Ezekiel  places  Berothah  between 
Hamath  and  Damascus,  and  David's  war  with  the 
king  of  Zobah  led  him  away  from  the  sea^-coast 
towards  the  Euphrates  (2  Sam.  viii.  3).  In  the 
latter  instance  the  difficulty  is  increased  by  the  He- 
brew text  reading  in  1  Chr.  xviii.  8,  Chun  instead 
of  Berothai,  and  by  tlie  faet  that  both  in  Samuel 
and  Chronicles  the  (ireek  translators,  instead  of 
giving  a  proper  name,  translate  by  the  phrase  iK 
Twv  iK\iK7u>v  Tr6\euVf,  clearly  showing  that  they 
read  either  the  same  text  in  each  passage,  or  at 
least  words  which  bore  the  same  sense.  Fiirst  re- 
gards Berothah  and  Berothai  as  disthict  places,  and 
identifies  the  first  with  Berytus.  Mishn  {Saintt 
Lieux,  i.  244)  derives  the  name  from  the  wells 
{Beeroth),  which  are  still  lo  be  seen  bored  in  the 
solid  rock  at  Beirut.  F.  W.  G. 

BE'ROTHITE,  THE  (1  Chr.  xi.  39).  [Bee- 
roth.] 

BERYL  (tr''tt^"]ri  iarshUh:  xpv(r6\teos, 
@apaels,  &v6pa^,  \ldos  &vdpa.Kos:  chnjsolithm, 
hyacinthus,  mare)  occurs  in  Ex.  xxviii.  20,  xxxix. 
13;  Cant.  v.  14;  Yji.  i.  16,  x.  9,  xxviii.  13;  Dan. 
X.  6.  The  tarshish  was  the  first  precious  stone  in 
the  fourth  row  of  the  high-priest's  breastplate.  In 
Ezekiel's  vision  "  the  apijearancc  of  the  wheels  and 
their  work  was  Uke  unto  the  color  of  a  tarshish  ; " 
it  was  one  of  the  precious  stones  of  the  kuig  of 
Tyre ;  the  body  of  the  man  whom  Daniel  saw  in 
his  vision  was  like  the  tarshish . 

It  is  impossible  to  say  with  any  degree  of  cer- 
tainty what  precious  stone  is  denoted  by  the  Hebrew 
word;  Luther  reads  the  "turquoise;"  the  LXX. 
supposes  either  the  "chrysolite"  or  the  "car- 
buncle" i&v0pa^);  Onkelos  and  the  Jerusalem 
Targum  have  kerwnjama,  by  which  the  Jews  ap- 
pear to  have  understood  "  a  white  stone  like  the 
froth  of  the  sea,"  which  Braun  (de  Vest.  Sacer.  ii. 
c.  17)  conjectures  may  be  the  "opal."  For  otlia 
opinions,  which  are,  however,  mere  conjectures,  see 
the  chapter  of  Braun  just  quoted. 

It  is  generally  supjwsed  that  the  tarshish  derivM 
its  name  from  the  place  so  called,  respecting  the 
position  of  which  see  Tarshish.  Josephus  (AtU. 
iii.  7,  §  5)  and  Braun  (I.  c.)  understand  tlie  chryso- 
lite to  be  meant ;  not,  however,  the  chrysolite  of 
modem  mineralogists,  but  the  topaz;  for  it  cer- 
tainly does  appear  that  by  a  curious  interchange  of 
terras  the  ancient  chrysolite  is  tlie  modern  topaz, 
and  the  ancient  topaz  the  modem  chrysoUte  (see 
Plin.  H.  N.  xxxvii.  8;  Hill  on  Theophrastus,  Di 
Lapid. ;  King's  Antique  Gems,  p.  57),  though  Bet 
leni.ann.  Die  Urim  uiul  Thummtm,  p.  62,  Berlin 
1824)  has  advanced  many  objections  to  this  opiiJon 
and  has  maintained  that  the  topaz  and  the  chrysO' 
lite  of  the  ancients  are  identical  v  ith  the  gems  now 


I 


BERZELUS 


BETH 


283 


10  called.  Brauii,  at  ail  events,  uses  the  term  chry- 
ioVuhus  to  denote  the  topaz,  and  he  speaks  of  its 
Drilliaiit  golden  color.  There  is  little  or  nothing 
in  the  passages  where  the  tarsh'isn  is  mentioned  to 
lead  us  to  anything  like  a  satisfactory  conclusion 
IS  to  its  identity,  exce[)tiug  in  Cant.  v.  14,  where 
we  do  seem  to  catch  a  glimmer  of  the  stone  de- 
noted: "His  hands  are  orbs  of  gold  adorned  with 
the  tarshish  stone."  This  seems  to  be  the  correct 
rendering  of  the  Hebrew.  The  orbs  or  rings  of 
gold,  as  Cocceius  has  observed,  refer  not  to  rings 
Du  the  fingers,  but  to  the  fingers  themselves,  as  they 
gently  press  upon  the  thumb  and  thus  form  the 
figure  of  an  orb  or  a  ruig.  The  latter  part  of  the 
verse  is  the  causal  expletive  of  the  former.  It  is 
not  only  said  in  this  passage  that  the  hands  are 
called  orbs  of  gold,  but  the  reason  why  they  are 
tlius  called  is  immediately  added  —  specially  on  ac- 
count of  the  beautiful  chrysolites  with  which  the 
hands  were  adorned  (Braun,  de  V.  S.  ii.  13). 
.Pliny  says  of  the  chrysulithos,  "it  is  a  transparent 
stone  with  a  refulgence  like  that  of  gold."  Since 
then  the  (/olden  stone,  as  the  name  imports,  is  ad- 
mirably suited  to  the  above  passage  in  Canticles, 
and  would  also  apply,  though  in  a  less  degree,  to 
Ihe  other  Scriptural  places  cited ;  as  it  is  supported 
oy  Josephus,  and  conjectured  by  the  LXX.  and 
Vulg. ;  the  ancient  chrysulile  or  the  modem  yel- 
low topjz  appears  to  have  a  better  claim  than  any 
other  gem  to  represent  tlie  tarshUh  of  the  Hebrew 
Bible,  certainly  a  better  claim  than  the  beryl  of  the 
A.  v.,  a  rendering  which  appears  to  be  unsupported 
by  any  kind  of  evidence.  W.  H. 

BERZE'LUS  i^ariCe\Sa7os;  Alex.  ZopC?^- 
Kfos;  [Aid.  Bep(e\\a7os'-]  Pharyoleu),  1  Esdr. 
r.  38.     [BakzillvVI.] 

BE'SAI  [2  syl.]  ("'DIl  [conqueror,  Fiirst] : 
Bao-i,  Br\ai;  [Vat.  -ersj;  Alex.  Batri,  BTjtrei:] 
Btsee.  [Btsai] ).  "  Children  of  Besai  "  were  among 
the  Nethiuim  who  returned  to  Judsea  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.  ii.  49;  Neh.  vii.  52).     [Bastai.] 

BESODE'IAH  [3  syl.]  (nn'lD3  [intimate 
of  JehmmK]-.  Boo-oS/a;  [Vat.  Ba5ia;'FA.]  A)8- 
Seia:  Beswlia),  fother  of  MeshuUam,  and  one  of 
the  repairers  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii. 

BE'SOR,  THE  BROOK  (-l1CC2rT  bn3  : 
XE(juapf3o$  Tov  'Ro<T6p\  [1  Sam.  xxx.  21,  Vat.  Be- 
waj,  Alex.  Bex'^pO  t<»'>'ens  Besor),  a  torrent-lied 
jr  wady  in  tlie  extreme  south  of  Judah,  of  which 
mention  occurs  only  in  1  Sam.  xxx.  9,  10,  21.  It 
is  plain  from  the  conditions  of  the  narrative  that  it 
must  have  been  south  of  Ziklag,  but  hitherto  the 
situation  of  neither  town  nor  wady  has  been  iden- 
tified with  any  probability.    The  name  may  signify 

fresh  "  or  "  cool  "  (Fiirst).  G. 

*  Dr.  Kobuison  holds  that  the  Brook  Besor,  in 
■:  probabiUty,  is  the  Wady  M/-'  drah,  the  south- 
easkrn  branch  of  Wady  es-Seba',  running  from 
Aroer  to  Beersheba.  For  the  grounds  of  this  opin- 
ion, see  his  Phys.  Geography,  pp.  121-123.  Diet- 
rich supposes  Besor  to  mean  grassy,  verdant 
iGesen.   Wortevb.  6te  Aufl.).  H. 

*  BESTEAD  (from  the  Anglo-Saxon  stede,  a 
place:  comp.  our  instead,  homestead,  &c.),  foimd 
3my  in  Is.  viii.  21  (A.  V.),  means  "  placed  "  or  sit- 
»ated  "  (well  or  ill),  and  hence  accompanied  ii.  Is., 
w  above,  by  "  hardly,"  i.  e.  severely,  the  two  words 

logetbcr  give  the  sense  of  nt?,''p3,  namely,  "brought 


into  diflicultj  or  "distress."  Eastwood  aiid 
Wright's  Bibli  (Vjrd-Book  (p.  62)  illustrates  thu 
archaism  fron   the  older  English  writers.         H. 

BE'TAH   (n^5  [confidence]:    i,  MfTefidK, 

quasi  nStSp;  Alex.  7?  Ma<r/3ax;  [Vat-  ij  Utw- 
)3o/c;  Comp.  Baro/c:]  Bete),  a  city  belonging  to 
Hadadezer,  king  of  Zobah,  mentioned  with  Be- 
rothai  as  havmg  yielded  much  spoil  of  brass  to 
David  (2  Sam.  viii.  8).  In  the  parallel  accoimt,  1 
Chr.  xviii.  8,  the  name  is  called,  by  an  inversion  of 
letters,  Tibchath.  Ewald  {Gesch.  ii.  195)  pro- 
nounces tlie  latter  to  be  the  correct  reading,  and 
compares  it  with  Tebach  (Gen.  xxii.  24).         G. 

BET'ANE  (Bercij/rj ;  [Vat.  Bairai/Tj;  Sin.  Br- 
Tavr} ;]  Alex.  B\iravri,  i.  e.  prob.  BaiTavr]  '•  Vulg. 
omits),  a  place  apparently  south  of  Jerusalem  (Jud. 
i.  9),  and  possibly  identical  with  Bridaviv  of  Euse- 
bius  {Onom.  'Apt,  Ain),  two  miles  from  the  Tere- 
binth of  Abraham  and  four  from  Hebron.  This 
has  been  variously  identified  with  Beth-anoth,  Beit 
^Ainun,  and  Betuneh  or  Ecbatana  in  Syria,  placed 
by  Pliny  (v.  17)  on  Carmel  (Winer,  s.  v.  Betane). 
Bethany  is  inadmissible  from  the  fact  of  its  imim- 
portance  at  the  time,  if  indeed  it  existed  at  all. 

G. 

BE'TEN  (1^32  [belly or vxmb]:  Bai0(i/c;  Alex. 

Bari^s;  [Comp.  Beflej/:]  Beten),  one  of  the  cities 
on  the  border  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  25, 
only).  By  Eusebius  (Onom.  Barval)  it  is  said  to 
have  been  then  called  Bebeten,  and  to  have  lain 
eight  miles  east  of  Ptolemias.  No  other  trace  of 
its  existence  has  been  discovered  elsewhere.      G. 

BETH  ('"''^3)  according   to   Gesenius  {Thes. 

and  Lex.),  from  a  root,  il^S,  to  pass  the  night,  or 

from  '^^S,  to  build,  as  ^Sfxos,  domus,  ftwm  Sefuo), 
the  most  general  word  for  a  house  or  habitation. 
Strictly  speaking  it  has  the  force  of  a  settled,  stable 
dweUiug,  as  in  Gen.  xxxiii.  17,  where  the  buUdJng 
of  a  "  house  "  marks  the  termination  of  a  stage  of 
Jacob's  wanderings  (comp.  also  2  Sam.  vii.  2,  6. 
and  many  other  places);  but  it  is  also  employed 
for  a  dwellhig  of  any  kind,  even  for  a  tent,  as  in 
Gen.  xxiv.  32,  where  it  must  refer  to  the  tent  of 
Laban;  also  Judg.  xviii.  31,  1  Sam.  i.  7,  to  the 
tent  of  the  tabernacle,  and  2  K.  xxiii.  7,  where  11 
expresses  the  textile  materials  (A.  V.  "hangings") 
for  the  tents  of  Astarte.  From  this  general  force 
the  transition  was  natural  to  a  house  in  the  sensi 
of  a  family,  as  Ps.  cvii.  41,  "  families  "  (Prayer- 
Book,  "households  "),  or  a  pedigree,  as  Ezr.  ii.  59. 
In  2  Sam.  xiii.  7,  1  K.  xiii.  7,  and  other  places,  it 
has  the  sense  of  "home,"  i.  e.  "to  the  house." 
Beth  also  has  some  collateral  and  almost  technical 
meanings,  similar  to  those  which  we  apply  to  the 
word  "  house,"  as  in  Ex.  xxv.  27  for  the  "  places  " 
or  sockets  into  which  the  bars  for  carrying  the  table 
were  "housed;  "  and  others. 

Like  ^des  in  Latin  and  Dom  in  German,  Beth 
has  the  special  meaning  of  a  temple  or  house  of 
worship,  in  which  sense  it  is  applied  not  only  to 
the  tabernacle  (see  above)  or  temple  of  Jehovah 
(1  K.  iii.  2,  vi.  1,  &c.),  but  to  those  of  false  gods 

—  Dagon  (Judg.  xvi.  27;  1  Sam.  v.  2),  Rimmon 
(2  K.  v.  lh„  Baal  (2  K.  x.  21),  Nisroch  (2  K. 
xix.  37),  and  other  gods  (.Judg.  ix.  27).  "  Bajitu  " 
in  Is.  XV.  2  is  really  ha-Bajith  =  "  the  Temple  " 

—  meaning  some  well-known  idol  fane  in  Moab 
[Bajith.J 


284 


BETHABARA 


Beth  ia  more  frequently  employed  in  coniDlbatiou 
with  other  words  to  form  the  names  of  places  than 
jither  Kirjath,  Hatzer,  Beer,  Ain,  or  any  other 
word.  A  hst  of  the  places  compounded  with  Beth 
is  given  below  in  alphabetical  order;  but  in  addi- 
tion to  these  it  may  be  allowable  here  to  notice  two, 
which,  though  not  appearing  in  that  form  in  the 
A.  v.,  yet  do  so  in  the  LXX.,  probably  with 
greater  correctness. 

Beth-e'ked  (Ipr  2:  [Bat0oKc{0;  Alex.Bat^ 
aKaS:]  camera  pastorum),  the  "shearing-house," 
at  the  pit  or  well  (~112)  of  which  the  forty-two 
brethren  of  Ahaziah  were  slain  by  Jehu  (2  K.  x. 
12).  It  lay  between  Jezreel  and  Samaria  accord- 
uig  to  Jerome  (Onom.),  15  miles  from  the  town  of 
L^io,  and  in  tlie  plain  of  Esdraelon. 

Beth-iiag'gax  CiSn  3  Ihcmse  of  the  yar- 
den\:  'BatByaV,  [ Vat.  BaiOaj' ;  Comp.  Baieayoj':] 
Domus  hm-ti),  A.  V.  "  the  garden-house "  (2  K. 
ix.  27),  one  of  the  spots  which  marked  the  flight 
of  Ahaziah  from  Jehu.  It  is  doubtless  the  same 
place  as  Ek-ganmim,  "spring  of  gardens,"  the 
modem  Jenin,  on  the  direct  road  from  Samaria 
northward,  and  overlooking  the  great  plain  (Stan- 
ley, p.  349,  note).  G. 

BETHAB'ARA     (B-ndafiapdy    quasi    n""S 

TT^IlV,  house  of  ford  or  fei-ry:  \_Bethania]),  a 
place  beyond  Jordan,  wepav  rod  'lop.,  in  which, 
according  to  the  Received  Text  of  the  N.  T.,  John 
was  baptizing  (John  i.  28),  apparently  at  the  time 
that  he  baptized  Christ  (comp.  ver.  29,  39,  35).  If 
the  reading  of  the  Received  Text  be  the  correct  one, 
Bethabara  may  be  identical  with  Beth-barah,  the 
ancient  ford  of  Jordan,  of  which  the  men  of  Eph- 
raim  took  possession  after  Gideon's  defeat  of  the 
Midianites  [BETH-BAitAH] ;  or,  which  seems  more 
likely,  with  Beth-nimrah,  on  the  east  of  the  river, 
nearly  opposite  Jericho.  [Beth-nijirah.]  But 
the  oldest  MSS.  (A  B)  and  the  Vulgate  "  have  not 
Bethabara  but  Bethany,  a  reading  which  Origen 
(ad  he.)  states  to  have  obtained  in  almost  all  the 
copies  of  his  time,  ax^^ov  irAvra  to.  ai/riypacpa, 
though  altered  by  him  in  his  edition  of  the  Gospel 
on  topographical  grounds.  In  favor  of  Bethabara 
are.  («.)  the  extreme  improbability  of  so  familiar  a 
name  as  Bethany  being  changed  by  copyists  into 
one  so  unfamihar  as  Bethabara,  while  the  reverse  — 
the  change  from  an  unfamiliar  to  a  familiar  name 
—  is  of  frequent  occurrence.  {b. )  The  fact  that 
Origen,  while  admitting  that  the  majority  of  MSS. 
were  in  favor  of  Bethany,  decided,  notwithstanding, 
for  Bethabara.  (c. )  That  Bethabara  was  still  known 
in  the  days  of  Eusebius  (Onomasticon,  s.  v.),  and 
greatly  resorted  to  by  persons  desirous  of  baptism 
(vitali  (jurijite  baptizantur). 

Still  the  fact  remains  that  the  most  ancient 
MSS.  have  "  Bethany,"  and  that  name  has  been 
•ccordingly  restored  to  the  text  by  Lachmann,  Ti- 
<chendjrt',  and  other  modem  editors.  At  this  dis- 
tance of  time,  and  in  the  absence  of  any  careful 
research  on  the  east  of  Jordan,  it  is  impossible  to  de- 
cide on  evidence  so  slight  and  conflicting.  It  must 
po'.  be  overlooked  that,  if  Bethany  be  accepted, 
.he  definition  "  beyond  Jordan"  still  remains,  and 
therefore  another  place  must  be  intended  than  the 
irell-known  residence  of  l^zarus.  G. 


a  tn  th"  Onomaslicon,  however,  Jerome  has  Beth- 


BETHA.VY 

*  It  has  lieen  ckimed  tliat  Bethabara  or  Bothauj 
must  have  been  one  of  the  upper  crobsiig-placa 
of  the  Jordan,  not  far  south  of  the  Sea  of  I'iberias, 
and  not  so  low  down  as  opposite  Jericho,  because 
Jesus  went  thence  to  Galilee  (John  v  44)  in  a 
single  day  (Stanley,  Sin.  and  Pal.  p  305).  But 
this  depends  on  how  we  are  io  reckon  the  "  third 
day  "  in  John  ii.  1;  for  unless  we  count  the  dav 
of  Christ's  calling  the  first  disciples  (John  i.  35) 
as  the  first,  and  that  of  the  marriage  at  Cana  as 
"the  third  "  (ii.  1),  there  may  have  been  three  or 
more  days  spent  on  the  journey.  But  instead  of 
its  occupying  one  day  only,  the  third  day  may  have 
been  the  third  after  the  arrival  in  Galilee,  or  ac- 
cording to  Liicke  {Evang.  des  Johannes,  i.  4C7), 
the  third  from  the  calling  of  Nathanael  (,Iohu  i. 
46).  With  either  of  these  last  computations  we 
must  place  Bethabara  much  further  south  than 
any  ford  near  the  south  end  of  the  Galilean  sea. 
It  stands,  on  Kiepert's  Wundkarte  von  Falastina, 
oft'  against  the  upper  part  of  the  plain  of  Jericho. 

It  confers  additional  interest  on  Bethabara,  if, 
as  many  suppose,  it  was  the  place  where  Jesus  him- 
self  was  baptized.  If  t6  irpaiTov  in  John  x.  40 
means  that  when  John  began  his  career  as  the 
baptizer,  he  baptized  first  at  Bethabara  beyond 
the  Jordan;  and  if  the  desert  of  Judaea  lay  in 
part  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan  so  as  to  embrace 
Bethabara,  then  Jesus  niay  have  received  his  bap- 
tism there;  for  John  came  at  first  baptizing  in 
"the  wilderness  of  Judaea"  (Matt.  iii.  1),  and 
Jesus,  without  any  intimation  of  a  change  of  place, 
is  said  to  have  come  and  been  baptized  in  the  Jor- 
dan (Matt.  iii.  13).  But  agamst  this  conclusion 
stands  the  fact  that  the  wilderness  (eprjyuoj)  of 
Judaea  lay  in  all  probability  wholly  on  the  west  of 
the  Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea.  See  Judaea,  VVil- 
perness  of  (Amer.  ed.).  Further,  t^  wpayrov 
may  signify  only  "  at  the  first,"  referring  in  a  gen- 
eral way  to  this  place  beyond  the  Jordan,  where 
Jesus  spent  some  of  the  last  months  or  weeks  of  hii 
life,  as  the  same  place  where  John  had  formerly 
baptized.  H. 

BETH-A'NATH  (H^^  2  [home  of  an. 
swer,  8C.  to  jivayer]  :  Baj00o/i«,  Bai9aydx,  BcuB- 
ev(d\  [Alex.  BojmeaO,  Baieei/ee,  Beeej-e/c:]  Beth- 
anath),  one  of  the  "fenced  cities"  of  Naphtali, 
named  with  Beth-shemesh  (Josh.  xix.  38);  from 
neither  of  them  were  the  Canaanites  exjieUed 
(Judg.  i.  33).  By  Eusebius  and  Jerome  {Onom. 
8.  V.  'Avefp,  BaQfjid,  Bridavadoi)  it  is  sjwken  of  aa 
a  village  called  Batanaea,  15  miles  eastward  of 
Caisarea  (Diocaesarea,  or  Sepphoris),  and  reputed 
to  contain  medicinal  springs,  KovTpk  IdtrifM- 
Nothing,  however,  is  known  to  have  been  discov- 
ered  of  it  in  modern  times.  G. 

BETH-A'NOTH  (ri'l317  2  [house  of  echo, 
Fiirst]:  BaiQavdfi.;  [A\e\.  BaiQavuv \  Comp.  Aid 
BT)Oavd}d :]  Beihanoih ),  a  town  in  tlie  mountainoui 
district  of  Judah,  named  with  Halhul,  Beth-znr 
and  others,  in  Josh.  xv.  59  only.  It  is  very  prob- 
ably the  modem  Beit  ^Ainun,  the  remains  of  which, 
near  to  those  of  Halhul  and  Beit  Sur,  were  dis- 
covered by  Wolcott  and  visited  by  Robinson  (iii 
281).  G. 

BETH'ANY  (quasi  \3''n  JT^a,    hmiM    ^ 

dates  [or  from  rT^SVTl?,  heme  of  sorrow] 
Brjflai/fa:  Bethania),  a  village  which,  scanty  as  aif 
the  notices  of  it  contained  in  Scripture,  is  more  in 


BETHANY 

mnately  associated  in  our  minds  than  perhaps  any 
jther  place  with  the  most  familiar  acta  and  scenes 
3f  the  last  days  of  the  life  of  Christ.  It  was  at 
Bethany  that  He  raised  Lazarus  fr^m  the  dead, 
uid  from  Itethany  that  lie  commenced  his  "  tri- 
umphal entry  "  into  Jerusalem.  It  was  his  nightly 
resting  place  during  the  time  immediately  preced- 
ins;  his  passion ;  and  here,  at  the  houses  of  Martha 
and  Mary  and  of  Simon  the  leper,  we  are  adnntted 
to  view  Him,  more  nearly  than  elsewhere,  in  the 
circle  of  Lis  domestic  life. 

Though  it  was  only  at  a  late  period  of  the  life 
of  our  lx)rd  that  his  connection  with  Bethany 
commenced,  yet  this  is  fully  compensated  for  hy 
its  having  been  the  scene  of  his  very  last  acts  on 
earth.  It  was  somewhere  here,  on  these  wooded 
slopes  beyond  the  ridge  of  Olivet,  that  the  Apos- 
tles stood  when  they  last  beheld  his  figure,  as,  with 
"uplifted  hands" — still,  to  the  very  moment  of 
disappearance,  "  blessing  "  them  —  He  was  "  taken 
up"  into  the  "cloud  "  which  "received"  and  hid 
Elim  from  their  "  steadfast "  gaze,  the  words  still 
ringing  in  their  ears,  which  prove  that  space  and 
time  are  no  hinderance  to  the  connection  of  Chris- 
tians with  their  Lord  —  "  I^ !  I  am  with  you  al- 
ways, even  to  the  end  of  the  world 

The  little  information  we  possess  ■aXxut  Bethany 

I    is  entirely  gathered  from  the  N.  T.,  neither  the  O. 

'    T.  nor  tlx  Apocrypha  having  apparently  any  aUu- 

sion  to  it.«      It  was  situated   "  at "    {irp6s)   the 

Mount  of  Olives  (Mark  xi.  1;  Luke  xi.x.  29),  about 

j    fifteen  stadia  from  .Jerusalem  (John  xi.  18),  on  or 

j    near  the  usual  road  from  Jericho  to  the  city  (Luke 

'    lix.  29,  comp.  1;  Mark  xi.   1,  comp.  x.   46),  and 

I    close  by  and  west  (?)  of  another  village  called 

j     Bethi'hage,  the  two  being  several  times  mentioned 

together. 

There  never  appears  to  have  been  any  doubt  as 
to  the  site  of  Bethany,  which  is  now  known  by  a  name 

derived  from  Lazarus — el-'Azariyeh'>  (  iU\\L]tj' )• 

It  hes  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
fully  a  mile  beyond  the  summit,  and  not  very  far 
from  the  point  at  which  the  road  to  Jericho  b^ins 
Its  more  sudden  descent  towards  the  Jordan  valley 
(Lindsay,  p.  91,  and  De  Saulcy,  p.  120).  The 
spot  is  a  woody  hoUow  more  or  less  planted  with 
fruit-trees,  —  olives,  almonds,  pomegranates,  as  well 
as  oaks  and  carobs ;  the  whole  lying  below  a  sec- 
ondary ridge  or  hump,  of  sufficient  height  to  shut 
out  the  village  from  the  summit  of  the  mount 
(Kob.  i.  431,  432;  Stanley,  p.  189;  Bonar,  pp. 
138-9). 

From  a  distance  the  village  is,  to  use  the  em- 
phatic words  of  the  latest  published  description, 
"remarkably  beautiful" — "the  perfection  of  re- 
tirement and  repose  " —  "of  seclusion  and  lovely 
peace"  (Bonar,  pp.  139,  2-30,  310,  337;  and  see 
Lindsay,  p.  69).  It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  these 
flowing  descriptions  with  Mr.  Stanley's  words  (p. 
189),  or  with  the  impression  which  the  present 
writer  derived  from  the  actual  view  of  the  place. 
Possibly  something  of  the  difference  is  due  to  the 
different  time  of  year  at  which  the  visits  were 
3)ade. 


BETHANY 


285 


El-'Azariyen  itself  is  a  ruinous  and  wietched 
village,  a  "  wild  mountain  hamlet "  of  "  some 
twenty  families,"  the  inhabitants  of  which  display 
even  less  than  the  ordinary  eastern  thrift  and  in- 
dustry (Rob.  i.  432;  Stanley,  p.  189;  Bonar,  p. 
310).  In  the  village  are  shown  the  traditional 
sites  of  the  house  and  tomb  of  Lazarus ;  the  former 
the  remains  of  a  square  tower,  apparently  of  old 
date,  though  certainly  not  of  the  age  of  the  kinga 
of  Judah,  to  which  De  Saulcy  assigns  it  (p.  128)  — 
the  latter  a  deep  vault  excavated  in  the  limestone 
rock,  the  bottom  reached  by  26  steps.  The  house 
of  Simon  the  leper  is  also  exhibited.  As  to  the 
real  age  and  character  of  these  remains  there  is  at 
present  no  infomiation  to  guide  us. 

Schwarz  maintains  el- Azariyeh  to  be  Azal; 
and  would  fix  Bethany  at  a  spot  which,  he  says, 
the  Arabs  call  Beth-hanan,  on  the  Mount  of  Of- 
fense above  Siloam  (pp.  263,  135). 

These  traditional  spots  are  first  heard  of  in  the 
4th  century,  in  the  Itinerary  of  the  Bourdeaux 
Pilgrim,  and  the  Onomagticon  of  Eusebius  and 
Jerome;  and  they  continued  to  exist,  with  certain 
varieties  of  buildings  and  of  ecclesiastical  establish- 
ments in  connection  therewith,  down  to  the  16th 
century,  since  which  the  place  has  fallen  gradually 
into  its  present ^decay.  This  part  of  the  history  ia 
well  given  by  Robinson  (i.  432-3).  By  Mande- 
ville  and  other  mediaeval  travellers  the  town  ia 
spoken  of  as  the  "  Castle  of  Bethany,"  an  expres- 
sion which  had  its  origin  in  castellum  being  en;, 
ployed  in  the  Vulgate  as  the  translation  of  Kciur 
in  John  xi.  1. 

N.B.  The  derivation  of  the  name  of  Bethany 
given  above  —  that  of  Lightfoot  and  Reland  —  is 
doubtless  more  correct  than  the  one  proposed  by 

Simonis  {Onom.  s.  v.), namely,  ^*3^  3*'  locusde 
pressiwiis,  which  has  no  special  applicability  to  this 
spot  more  than  any  other,  while  it  lacks  the  cor- 
respondence with  Bethphage,  " House  of  Figs" 
and  with  the  "  Mount  of  Olives"  which  gives  so 
much  color  to  this  derivation,  although  it  is  true 
that  the  dates  have  disappeared,  and  the  figs  and 
olives  alone  are  now  to  be  found  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Bethany.  This  has  been  well  brought  out 
by  Stanley  {S.  ,j-  P.  pp.  186,  187).     It  may  also  be 

remarked  that  the  use  of  the  Chaldee  word  ^3'''7f 
for  the  fruit  of  the  date-palm,  is  consistent  with 
the  late  period  at  which  we  first  hear  of  Bethany. 

G. 

*  The  etymology  is  still  unsettled.  The  various 
conjectures  are  stated  by  Arnold  in  Herzog's  Real- 
Encyk.  ii.  116.     The  one  that  he  prefers  makes  it 

the  Chaldee  or  Aramaean  S^^p  ."1^2  (Buxt. 
Lex.  Chnkl.  col.  1631  f.),  i.  e.  dmnm  miseri,  "house 
of  the  afflicted."  Origen,  Theophylact  and  others 
express  a  similar  idea  in  their  oIkos  inraKorjs,  aa 

if  related  to  HD"^,  i.  e.,  where  the  prayer  of  the 
needy  is  heard  and  answered.  H. 

*  BETHANY  bkyond  the  Jordan  (ac 
cording  to  the  true  text  in  John  i.  28).  For  this, 
see  Bethabara.  H. 


«  It  haa  been  suggested  (Hitzig,  Jesaia)  that  the  j  the  other  places  mentioned  in  the  passage,  and  is  quit* 


#ord   rendered  "  poor "   in    the   A.  V.   of  Is. 

V  "^i^r  )—  "  poor  Anathoth  "  —  is  an  abbreviated 
'onn  of  the  name  of  Bethany,  as  Nimrah  is  of  Beth- 
umrali  &c.  ;  but  apart  from  any  other  difflcu..y, 
htre  is  Lha  »erious  one  thnt  Bethany  does  not  lie  near 


out  of  the  line  of  Sennacherib's  advance. 

b  The  Arabic  name  is  given  above  from  Kobinson. 
Lord  uindsay,  however,  denies  that  this  is  correct,  and 
asserts,  after  f^quently  hearing  it  prriounced,  tha* 
the  nanic  ia  Lazarieh. 


286 


BETH-ARABAH 


BETH-AK'ABAH  (HS'^pn  '?,  tumte  of 
the  desert :  Baidapafid,  GapafiadfjL ;  [Alex,  in  Josh, 
sv.  6]  Bfidapa^a  ■  BHharaba),  one  of  the  six 
cities  of  Judah  which  were  situated  down  in  the 
Arabah,  i.  e.  the  sunk  valley  of  the  Jordan  and 
Dead  Sea  ("  wilderness,"  Josh.  xv.  61),  on  the  north 
border  of  the  tribe,  and  apparently  between  Beth- 
hoglah  and  the  high  land  on  the  west  of  the  Jordan 
valley  (xv.  6).  It  is  also  included  in  the  list  of  the 
towns  of  Benjamin  (xviii.  2i.,  BatGa/Saptt,  Vat. 
[Alex.  BtuflapaiSa]).  G. 

BETH-A'RAM    (accurately   Bkth-hakam, 

D"in  5  •  {^OOapyat,  Vat.   -706J  ;    Alex.  B7?fla- 
pafj]  Betharnm),  one  of  the  towns  of  Gsxd    on 
the  east  of  Jordan,  described  as  m  » the  valley  " 
(PiQ37n,  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Arabah 
or  Jordan  valley).  Josh.  xiii.  27,  and  no  doubt  the 
same  place  as  that  named  Beth-haran  in  Num. 
xxxii.  36.     No  further  mention  is  found  of  it  in 
the  Scriptures;    but  p:u.sebius  and  Jerome  (0"^ 
mast.)  report  that  in  their  day  its  appellation  (i 
Syis  dicitur)  was   Ifethramtha,  'Ri)6paix<p6d,  (see 
also  the  quotations  from  the  Talmud  in  Schwarz,  p. 
231;   the  Syria  c  and  other  versions,  however,  have 
all  Beth-haran,  with  no  material  variation),  and 
that,  in  honor  of  Augustus,  Herod  had  named  it 
Libias  (A*)8«as).    Josephus's  account  is  that  Herod 
(Antipas),  on  taking  possession  of  his  tetrarchy, 
fortified  Sepphoris  and  tlie  city  (rrc^Ais)  of  Betha^ 
ramphtha,   building  a  wall  round   the  latter,  and 
calling  it  Julias  in  honor  of  the  wife  of  the  em- 
peror.   As  this  could  hardly  be  later  than  b.  c.  1 — 
Herod  the  Great,  the  predecessor  of  Antipas,  hay- 
ing died  in  n.  c.  4  —  and  ,\s  the  empress  Livia  did 
not  receive  her  name  of  Julia  until  after  the  death 
of  Augustus,  A.  n.  14,  it  is  probable  that  Josephus 
is  in  error  as  to  the  new  name  given  to  the  place, 
and  speaks  of  it  as  having  originally  received  that 
which  it  bore  in  his  own  day.     It  is  curious  that 
he  names  Libias  long  before  (Ant.  xiv.  1,  §4)  in 
Buch  connection  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that  he  alludes 
to  the  same  place.     Under  the  name  of  Amathus 
he  again  mentions  it  {Ant.  xvii.  10,  §  6 ;  comp.  B. 
J.  ii.  4,  §  2),  and  the  destruction  of  the  royal  pal- 
aces there  by  insurgents  from  Peraja. 

Ptolemy  gives  the  locaUty  of  Libias  as  31°  26' 
lat.  and  67°  10'  long.  (Ritter,  Jwdan,  p.  573); 
md  Eusebius  and  Jerome  ( Ovmnnsticon)  state  that 
it  was  five  miles  south  of  Bethnabran,  or  Betham- 
naran  (i.  e.  Beth-ninuuh?).  This  agrees  with  the 
position  of  the  Wruhj  Seir,  or  Sii;  which  falls  into 
the  Ghor  opposite  Jericho,  and  half  way  between 
Wady  Eesbdn  and  Wady  Shoaib.  No  one  appears 
to  have  explored  this  valley.  Seetzen  heard  that  it 
contained  a  castle  and  a  large  tank  in  masonry 
{Reisen,  1854,  ii.  318).  These  may  turn  out  to 
be  the  ruins  of  Libias.  G. 

BETH-AR'BEL  (b^  2~!K  2  :  iK  rov  oIkov 
rod  'Upofioifi  ;  Alex.  UpofiaaK),  named  only  in 
H08.  X.  14,  as  the  scene  of  a  sack  and  massacre  by 
Shalman  (Shalmaneser).  No  clew  is  given  to  its 
position;  ik  may  l>e  the  ancient  stronghold  of 
Arbela  in  Galilee,  or  (as  conjectured  by  Hitzig) 
Miother  place  of  the  same  name  near  Pella,  of 
which  mention  is  made  by  Rusebius  in  the  Om- 
masticon.  In  the  Vulgate  Jerome  has  translated 
the  name  to  mean  "  e  donio  ejus  qui  judicavit 
Baal,"  t.  e.  Jerubbaal  (^3?7l"7*)  or  Gideon,  un- 


BETH-AZMAVETH 

derstanding  Salman  as  Zalmunna,  and  the  whoh 
passage  as  a  reference  to  Judg.  viii.  G. 

*  The  weight  of  opinion  is  in  favor  of  identify 
ing  also  this  Arbel  with  the  Jrl/id  which  represents 
the  Greek  Arbela  in  1  Mace.  ix.  2,  between  Tiberiai 
and  Sepphoris  (Robinson  iii.  281;  Raumer's  Pal- 
dstina,  p.  108;   Ritter's  Erdkunde,  xni.  2,   328, 
Port^,  ffandb.  p.  418).     Travellers  who  turn  to 
the  left  inland  from  the  shore  of  Gennesaret,  after 
proceeding  a  short  distance  bejond  Mejdel  (Ma^'- 
dala)  in  ascending  the  hills  to  Safed  have  befort! 
them  the  site  of  Arbela  at  the  entrance  into  Wadij 
namam   (valley  of  Doves),  just  back  of  the  re- 
markable caverns  which  appear  there  in  the  face  of 
the  almost  perpendicular  rocks,  reaching  the  height 
of  1,500  feet  (Tristram,  Larul  of  Israel,  p.  44(5  i. 
In  addition  to  the  name  so  well  preserved  (though 
the  change  of  I  to  d  is  not  common)  it  is  distinctly 
impUed  in  the  prophet's  associating  it  with  •'  the 
fortresses "   deemed   so  impregnable,  that  Arbela 
(Hos.  X.  14)  was  a  place  of  great  natural  security, 
which  we  find  to  be  so  eminently  true  of  this  Irbid 
or  Arbela  at  the  mouth  of  Wady  Unmam.     For  a 
description  of  the  site  see  Land  ami  Book,  ii.  114. 
On  tlie  contrary  Ewald  knows  that  the  prophet's 
Arbel  was  the  famous  city  of  that  name  on  the 
Tigiis,  which  Shalman,  an  AssjTian  king  otherwise 
unknown,  had  destroyed  a  short  time  before  Rosea 
wrote  (Prophet,  des  A.  Bundes,  i.  157).    Dr.  Pusey 
(M.  Proj)h(ts,  i.  69)  thinks  an  Arbel  must  be  meant 
near  the  middle  of  the  plain  of  Jezred  ( Ononuist, 
s.  v.),  chiefly  because  he  infers  from  2  K.  x.  14 
that  the  (Jalilean  Arbel  must  have  been  already  in 
the  power  of  the  Assyrians  before  Shahnan's  inva- 
sion referred  to  by  Hosea.     But  it  is  difficult,  with 
so  meagre  a  history,  either  to  fix  the  time  of  Shat 
man's  invasion  or  to  trace  the  line  of  the  conquer- 
or's march  through  the  country.     The  name  ia 
variously  explained.     According  to  Gesenius  it  sig- 
nifies "  House  of  God's  ambush,"  i.  e.  a  place  made 
strong  by  His  hand  rather  than  man's.     Simonis 
( Ovomast.  p.  494)  comes  nearer  still  to  this  import 
of  the  name :  =  "  Lustrum  Dei,  i.  e.  maximum  et  in- 


accessum "  (from  "^5^^,  covert,  haunt).  FUrst  A<\ 
rives  it  from  2"]^,  to  join  together,  aa  huts  in  a 
row,  hence  El's  (God's)  village  or  court,  i.  e.  sa- 
cred to  him.  "• 

BETH-A'VEN  ("l.^^  ?>  *«««  0/  naught, 
i.  e.  badness:  [Josh,  xviii.  12]  Baid<S)V,  Alex. 
B7J0OIU':  Bethaven)  a,  place  on  the  momitains  of 
Benjamm,  east  of  Bethel  (Josh.  vii.  2,  Boie^jA 
[Alex.  B-neavv],  xviii.  12),  and  lying  between  tliat 
place  and  Michmash  (1  Sam.  xiii.  5 ;  also  xiv.  23. 
riju  Ba/xci0,  [Alex.  Brjeaw].  In  Josh,  xviii.  1-2. 
the  "  wilderness  "  (Midbar  =  pasture-land)  of  Beth- 
aven  is  mentioned.  In  1  Sam.  xiii.  5  the  reading 
of  the  LXX.  is  BaiQwpdiv  [Comp.  Bateo/SfV],  lieti- 
horon ;  but  if  this  be  correct,  another  Beth-horo" 
must  be  intended  than  that  commonly  known, 
which  was  much  further  to  the  west.  In  Hos.  iv. 
15,  v.  8,  X.  5  [o'lKos''a.v,  but  Alex.  Hos.  iv.  15, 
oIkos  ttjs  &5<«{as,  and  so  Vat.  marg.],  the  name 
is  transferred,  with  a  play  on  the  word  very  char- 
acteristic  of  this  prophet,  to  the  neighboring  Iteth-eJ 
—  once  the  "  house  of  God,"  but  then  the  houM 
of  idols,  of  "  naught."  G. 

BETH-AZMA'VETH  (n^.vTV    ?  :  Bi* 

aatJid>e\  [Alex.  BtjO:]    Bethazmoth).     Vader  thh 
name  is  mentioned,  m  Ndi.  vii.  28  only,  the  *ow» 


I 


BETH-BAAL-MEON 


BET  HEL 


287 


rf  Beujamin  which  is  elsewhere  called  Azmaveth, 
and  Bethsamos. 

Mr.  Finn  [formerly  English  consii  at  Jerusalem] 
proposes  to  identify  Azmaveth  with  Hizmeh,  a  vil- 
lage on  the  hills  of  Benjamin  to  the  S.  E.  oiJeba. 

G. 

BfiTH-BA'AL-ME'ON«(V"13?!2  ^372  2: 

oTkos  Mee\0w6;  Alex,  oikos  he\afia>u-  ojrpidum 
Baalmaon),  a  place  in  the  possessions  of  Keuben, 
Dn  the  "  Mishor"  or  downs  (A.  V.  "  plain  ")  east 
of  Jordan  (Josh.  xiii.  17).  At  the  Israelites'  first 
approach  its  name  was  Baalt-meon  (Num.  xxxii. 
38,  or  in  its  contracted  form,  Beon,  xxxii.  3),  to 
which  the  Beth  was  possibly  a  Hebrew  addition. 
Later  it  would  seem  to  have  come  into  possession 
of  Moab,  and  to  be  known  either  as  Beth-meon 
(Jer.  xlviii.  23)  or  Baal-meon  (Ez.  xxv.  9).  The 
name  is  still  attached  to  a  ruined  place  of  consid- 
erable size  (betrdchtlich,  Seetzen),  a  short  distance 
to  the  S.  W.  of  Besbdn,  and  bearing  the  name  of 

"the  fortress  of  Mi'wi"  (.,««jlajO      y.^  "^  j 

according  to  Burckhardt  (865),  or  Mriein,  accord- 
ing to  Seetzen  (Rtisen,  i.  408),  which  appears  to 
give  its  appellation  to  the  Wndi  Zerka  Maein 
{ibid.  402).  G. 

BETH-BA'RAH  (H^'s'l!  quasi  f;;?:^'??. 
•umse  of  pami(/e,  or,  of  the  ford:  BaiO-npd; 
[Comp.  Aid.  Baidffnpdi]  Bethbera),  named  only 
in  Judg.  vii.  24,  as  a  point  apparently  south  of  the 
scene  of  Gideon's  victory,  which  took  place  at  about 
Bethshean,    and   to  which    point    "  the   waters " 

(D^^n)  were  "  taken "  by  the  Ephraimites 
against  Midian.  What  these  "  waters  ''  were,  is 
not  deal,  probably  the  wadies  and  streams  which 
descend  from  the  highlands  of  Ephraim ;  it  is  very 
plain  that  they  were  distinct  from  the  Jordan,  to 
which  river  no  word  but  its  own  distinct  name  is 
ever  apphed.  l$p.th-barah  derives  its  chief  interest 
from  the  possibility  that  its  more  modem  reprasent- 
ative  may  have  been  Bethabara  where  John  bap- 
tized [BETiiAr.ARA];  but  there  is  not  much  in 
favor  of  this  beyond  their  similarity  in  sound.  The 
pursuit  of  the  Midianites  can  hardly  have  reached 
so  far  south  as  Bethabara,  which  was  accessible  to 
Judaea  and  Jerusalem  and  all  the  "  region  round 
about"  [y]  wfplxa>pos;  «"•  c.  the  oasis  of  the  South 
Jordan  at  Jericho). 

If  the  derivation  of  the  name  given  above  be  cor- 
"ect,  Beth-barah  was  probably  the  chief  ford  of  the 
district,  and  may  therefore  have  been  that  by  which 
•Jacob  crossed  on  his  return  from  Mesopotamia,  and 
at  which  Jephthah  slew  the  Ephraimites.         G. 

BETH-BA'SI  (Boie/3a<n';  [Sin.  Ba.te0ai<r(Tet, 
Baidfiaaffef,  Alex.  Bedfiaat-]  Btthbessen),  a  town 
which  from  the  mention  of  its  decays  (rh  KaBriprt- 
nivai  must  have  been  originally  fortified,  lying  in 
the  desert  (rp  ip-fffio}),  and  in  which  Jonathan  and 
Simon  Maccabeus  took  refuge  from  Bacchides  (1 
Mace.  ix.  62,  64).  Josephus  {Ant.  xiii.  1,  §  5)  has 
BTi6a\ayd  (Beth-hogla),  but  a  reading  of  the  pas- 
sage quoted  by  Reland  (632)  presents  the  more 
probable  form  of  Beth-keziz.  Either  alternative  fixes 
Ae  situation  as  in  the  Jordar  valley  not  far  from 
/"ericho.     [Keziz,  valley  of.j  G. 

n  It  is  possible  that  the  name  contains  a  trac«  of 
ihe  tribe  or  nation  of  Maon,  —  the  Maonites  or  Mehu- 
•la     [Maon  ;  Mehunw.] 


BETH-BIR'EI  C'S-ia  2,  [house  -f  wj 
creation]  :  oIkos  Bapovaewpl/u.  (by  inclusion  of  the 
next  name);  [Vat.  oik.  Bpaou/j.:,  Alex.  oiK.Bapov/j.:] 
Beihb€7-ai),  a  town  of  Simeon  (1  Chr.  iv.  31),  which 
by  comparison  with  the  parallel  Ust  in  Josh.  xix. 
appears  to  have  had  also  the  name  of  Beth- 
lebaoth.  It  lay  to  the  extreme  south,  with  Beer- 
sheba,  Hormah,  &c.  (comp.  Josh.  xv.  32,  Lebaoth) 

G. 

BETH-CAB'  ("13  '?,  hmise  of  lambs:  Bai9- 
x6p,  Alex.  BfKxop-  Betlichar),  a  place  named  as 
the  point  to  which  the  IsraeUtes  pursued  the  Phihs- 
tines  from  Mizpeh  on  a  memorable  occasion  (1  Sam. 
vii.  11),  and  therefore  west  of  Mizpeh.  From  the  un- 
usual expression  "  under  Beth-car  "  (2  jinPltt), 
it  would  seem  that  the  place  itself  was  on  a  height, 
with  the  road  at  its  foot.  Josephus  (Ant.  vi.  2,  §  2) 
has  fifxpi  Kop^alcov,  and  goes  on  to  say  that  the 
stone  Eljenezer  was  set  up  at  this  place  to  mark  it 
as  the  spot  to  which  the  victory  had  extended. 
[Eben-eze};.  I  G. 

BETH-DA'GON  (l"i:"^  3,  house  of  Dagon 
BoyoSf^A;  Alex.  BTj05a7coj':  Btthdagon). 

1.  A  city  in  the  low  country  (Shefelak)  of  Judah 
(Josh.  XV.  41),  ilnd  therefore  not  far  from  the  Phil- 
istine territory,  with  which  its  name  implies  a  con- 
nection. F>om  the  absence  of  any  conjunction 
before  this  name,  it  has  been  suggested  that  it 
should  be  taken  with  the  preceding,  "  Gederoth- 
Beth-tlagon;  "  in  that  case  probably  distinguishing 
Gederoth  from  the  two  places  of  similar  name  in 
the  neighborliood.  Caphardagon  existed  as  a  very 
large  village  between  Diospohs  (Lydda)  and  Jamnia 
in  the  time  of  Jerome  ( Onom.  s.  v.)  A  Beit  Dejan 
has  been  found  by  Kobinson  between  Lydda  and 
Jaffa,  but  this  is  too  far  north,  and  must  be  another 
place. 

2.  A  town  apparently  near  the  coast,  named  as 
one  of  the  landmarks  of  the  boundary  of  Asher 

(Josh.  xix.  27;  T"?  2-  Baidfyeved  [Alex.  Brjfl- 
Saycoi']).  The  name  and  the  proximity  to  the 
coast  point  to  its  being  a  Philistuie  colony. 

3.  In  addition  to  the  two  modem  villages  noticed 
above  as  bearing  this  ancient  name,  a  third  has 
been  found  by  Kobinson  (iii.  298)  a  few  miles  east 
of  Nabulus.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  the 
occuiTence  of  these  names  we  have  indications  of 
the  worship  of  the  Philistine  god  having  spread  far 
beyond  the  Phihstine  territory.  Possibly  these  are 
the  sites  of  towns  founded  at  the  time  when  this 
warUke  people  had  ovemin  the  face  of  the  country 
to  "  Michmash  eastward  of  Beth-aven  "  on  the  south, 
and  Gilboa  on  the  north  —  that  is,  to  the  very  edge 
of  the  heights  which  overlook  the  Jordan  valley  — 
driving  "  the  Hebrews  over  Jordan  into  the  land 
of  Gad  and  Gilead  "  (1  Sam.  xiii.  5-7;  comp.  17, 
18,  xxix.  1,  xxxi.  1).  G. 

BETH-DIBLATHA'IM    (DNlbr"^     2, 

•  T  T  ;    •  ' 

house  ofihe^lovble  cake  (of  figs):  [Vat.  M.'  oIkos 
Aai^Kadaifx;  [Rom.  oJk-  AatdXaealfj.;  Alcx.  I" A 
OIK.  Ae^Kadaifx:]  domus  JJeblnthaim),  a  town  of 
Moab  (Jer.  xlviii.  22),  apparently  the  place  else- 
where called  Almon-D:blathaim.  G. 

*  BETH-B'DEN,  Amos  i.  5,  marg.  [Edek, 
2.] 

BBTH'EL  [properly  Betii-kl']  (^N-H^a, 
house  of  God:   Batfl^X    [etc.;]    Joseph.    Btj^JX, 


288 


BETHEL 


Bt0ii/\.7fir6\is'  Bilhel).  1.  A  well-known  city  and 
holy  place  of  central  Palestine. 

Of  the  origin  of  the  name  of  Bethel  there  are 
two  accounts  extant.  (1.)  It  was  bestowed  on  tlie 
«pot  by  Jacob  under  the  awe  inspired  by  tlie  noc- 
turnal vision  of  God,  when  on  his  journey  from  his 
father's  house  at  Beersheba  to  seelc  his  wife  in 
Haran  (Gen.  xxviii.  19).    He  tooli  the  stone  whicli 

had  served  for  his  pillow  and  put  (^tt''^)  it  for  a 
pillar,  and  anointed  it  with  oil ;  and  he  "  called  the 
name  of '  that  place '  (S^IH  H  n)JJ\  H)  Bethel ;  but 

the  name  of  '  the  city '  ("I^^H)  was  called  Luz  at 
the  first." 

The  expression  in  the  last  paragraph  of  this 
account  is  curious,  and  indicates  a  distinction  be- 
tween the  "city"'  and  the  "place"  —  the  early 
Canaanite  "city"  Luz,  and  the  "place,"  as  yet  » 
mere  undistinguished  spot,  marked  only  l)y  the 
"stone,"  or  the  heap  (Joseph,  rois  \idois  avfi(po- 
povfxeyoii),  erected  by  Jacob  to  commemorate  his 
vision. 

(2.)  But  accordmg  to  the  other  account,"  Bethel 
received  its  name  on  the  occasion  of  a  blessing 
bestowed  by  God  uixjn  Jacob  after  his  return  from 
Padan-aram ;  at  wliich  time  also  (according  to  this 
narrative)  the  name  of  Israel  was  given  him.    Here 

again  Jacob  erects  (3?i^)  a  "  pillar  of  stone," 
which,  as  before,  he  anoints  with  oil  (Gen.  xxxv. 
14,  15).  The  key  of  this  story  would  seem  to  be 
the  fact  of  God's  "  speaking ''  with  Jacob.  "  God 
went  up  from  him  in  the  place  where  He  '  spake ' 
with  him  "  —  "  Jacob  set  up  a  pillar  in  the  place 
where  He  'spake'  with  him,"  and  "called  the 
name  of  the  place  where  God  spake*  with  him 
Bethel." 

Whether  these  two  narratives  represent  distinct 
events,  or,  as  would  appear  to  be  the  case  in  other 
instances  in  th«  lives  of  the  patriarchs,  are  different 
representations  of  the  one  original  occasion  on  which 
the  hill  of  Bethel  received  its  consecration,  we  know 
not,  nor  indeed  does  it  concern  us  to  know.  It  is 
perhaps  worth  notice  that  the  prophet  Hosea  —  in 
the  only  reference  which  the  Hebrew  Scriptures 
contain  to  this  occurrence  —  had  evidently  the 
second  of  the  two  narratives  before  him,  since  in  a 
summary  of  the  life  of  Jacob  he  introduces  it  in 
the  order  in  which  it  occurs  in  Genesis  —  laying 
full  and  characteristic  stress  on  the  key-word  of  the 
story :  "  He  had  power  over  the  angel  and  pre- 
vailed ;  he  wept  and  made  supplication  unto  Him ; 
He  found  him  in  Bethel,  and  there  He  spakt  with 
us,  even  Jehovah  God  of  hosts  "  (Hos.  xii.  4,  5). 

Early  as  is  the  date  involved  in  these  narratives, 
yet,  if  we  are  to  accept  the  precise  definition  of  Gen. 
lii.  8,  the  name  of  Bethel  would  appear  to  have 
existed  at  this  spot  even  before  the  arrival  of  Abram 
in  Canaan :  he  removed  from  the  oaks  of  Moreh  to 
''the'  mountain  on  the  east  of  Bethel,"  with 
"  Bethel  on  the  west  and  Hai  on  the  east."  Here 
he  built  an  altar;  and  hither  he  returned  from 
E^ypt  with  Lot  before  their  separation  (xiii.  3,  4). 
See  Stanley,  S.  ^  P.  218. 


a  *  The  two  accounts  relate  to  di^rent  journeys  of 
il'acob  when  he  stopped  at  Bethel.  The  origin  of  the 
aame,ia  the  fullDcss  of  its  meaniog,  was  notone  buttwo- 
S)ld.  The  accouuts  really  differ  only  In  this,  tha'  the 
sxpreBsive  name  which  the  patriarch  gave  to  the  }  Jce 
)n  his  setting  out  for  Padan-aram  he  had  occasi&v  o 
•n»w  and  emoluetze  on  bis  return  to  Bethel,  because 


BETHEL 

In  one  thing,  however,  the  abore  narrative*  aD 
agree,  —  in  omitting  any  mention  of  town  or  build- 
ings at  Bethel  at  that  early  period,  and  in  drawing 
a  marked  distinction  between  the  "  city  "  of  Lui 
and  the  consecrated  "place"  in  its  neighlwrhood 
(comp.  besides  the  passages  already  quoted,  Gen. 
xxxv.  7).  Even  in  the  ancient  chronicles  of  the 
conquest  the  two  are  still  distinguished  (Josh.  xvL 
1,2);  and  the  appropriation  of  the  name  of  Bethel 
to  the  city  appears  not  to  have  been  made  till  still 
later,  when  it  was  taken  by  the  tribe  of  Ephraim; 
after  which  the  name  of  Luz  occurs  no  more  (Judg. 
i.  22-26).  If  this  view  be  correct,  there  is  a  strict 
|)an!llel  between  Bethel  and  Moriah,  which  (accord- 
ing to  the  tradition  commonly  followed)  received 
its  consecration  when  Abraham  offered  up  Isaac, 
but  did  not  become  the  site  of  an  actuid  sanctuary 
till  the  erection  of  the  Temple  there  by  Solomon. 

[MOKIAH.] 

The  intense  significance  of  the  title  bestowed  by 
Jacob  on  the  place  of  his  vision  —  "  House  of  (iod  " 
—  and  the  wide  extent  to  which  that  appellation 
has  been  adopted  in  all  languages  and  in  spite  of 
the  utmost  diversities  of  beUef,  has  been  well  noticed 
by  Mr.  Stanley  (220-1).  It  should  not  be  over- 
looked how  far  this  has  been  the  case  with  the 
actual  name ;  the  very  syllables  of  Jacob's  exclama- 
tion, forming,  as  they  do,  the  title  of  the  chiel 
sanctuary  of  the  Mohammedan  world  —  the  Beit- 
allah  of  Mecca  —  while  they  are  no  less  the  favorite 
designation  of  the  meanest  conventicles  of  the 
humblest  sects  of  Protestant  Christendom. 

On  the  other  hand,  how  singular  is  the  fsict  — 
if  the  conclusions  of  etymologists  are  to  lie  tnjsted 
(Spencer,  de  Leg.  Hcbr.  444;  Bochart,  Cnnaan, 
ii.  2)  —  that  the  awful  name  of  Bethel  should  have 
lent  its  form  to  the  word  by  which  was  called  one 
of  the  most  perplexing  of  all  the  perplexing  forms 
assumed  by  the  idolatry  of  the  heathen  —  the 
Baitulia,  the  xiQoi  tfjc^vxai,  or  U\'ing  stones,  of  the 
ancient  Phoenicians.  Another  opportunity  will  occur 
for  going  more  at  length  into  this  interesting  sub- 
ject [Stones]  ;  it  will  be  sufficient  here  to  say  that 
the  Baitulia  seem  to  have  preserved  the  erect  position 
of  their  supposetl  prototype,  and  that  the  worship 
consisted  of  anointing  them  with  oil  ( Amobius,  ado, 
Gentes,  i.  39). 

The  actual  stone  of  Bethel  itself  was  the  subject 
of  a  Jewish  tradition,  according  to  which  it  vai 
removed  to  the  second  Temple,  and  served  as  thi 
pedestal  for  the  ark.  It  survived  the  destruction 
of  the  Temple  by  the  Romans,  and  was  resorted  to 
by  the  Jews  in  their  lamentations  (Keland,  PaL 
638).     [Temple,  the  Seconp.] 

After  the  conquest  Bethel  is  frequently  heard  of 
In  the  troubled  times  when  there  was  no  king  ill 
Israel,  it  was  to  Bethel  that  the  people  went  up  in 
their  distress  to  ask  counsel  of  God  (Judg.  xx.  ]S 
26,  31,  xxi.  2 :  in  the  A.  V.  the  name  is  translated 
"  house  of  God  ").  Here  was  the  ark  of  the  cove- 
nant under  the  charge  of  Phinehas  the  grandson 
of  Aaron,  with  an  altar  and  proper  appliances  fat 
the  offering  of  burnt-offerings  and  peace-offering* 
(xx.  26-28,  xxi.  4) ;  and  the  unwonted  mention  of 
a  regular  road  or  causeway  as  existing  between  it 


Ood  again  appeared  to  him  there  and  granted  to  bis 
still  more  signal  manifestations  of  his  presience  an4 
favor  (Gen.  xxxv.  14,  18).  H. 

''  The  word  is  the  same  (""Si)  in  all  three  cUM 
though  in  the  A.  V.  It  is  rendered  "  tallied  "  to  tk 
two  former. 


RBTHEL  BETHEL  28S 

Mid  the  great  towii  of  Shechem  is  doubtless  an  in- 1  Not  the  least  remarkable  of  these  later  works  wa« 
dication  that  it  was  already  in  much  repute.    I^ter  | 


than  this  we  find  it  named  a?  one  of  the  holy  cities 
to  whicl  Samuel  went  in  circuit,  taking  equal  rank 
with  Gilj^al  and  Mizijeh  (1  Sara.  vii.  16). 

Doubtless,  iUthough  we  are  not  so  expressly  told, 
it  was  this  ancient  reputation,  combined  with  its 
situation  on  the  extreme  south  frontier  of  his  new 
kingdom,  and  with  the  hold  which  it  must  have 
had  on  the  sympathies  both  of  Benjamin  and 
Kphraim  —  the  former's  by  lot,  and  the  latter's  by 
conquest  —  that  made  Jeroboam  choose  Bethel  as 
the  depository  of  the  new  false  worship  which  was 
to  seal  and  consummate  the  division  between  the 
ten  tribes  and  the  two. 

Here  he  placed  one  of  the  two  calves  of  gold,  and 
built  a  ■'  house  of  high  places"  and  an  altar  of  in- 
cense, by  which  he  himself  stood  to  burn,  as  we  see 
him  in  the  familiar  picture  of  1  K.  xiii.  Towards 
the  end  of  Jeroboam's  life  Bethel  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Judah  (2  Chr.  xiii.  19 ),  whence  it  was  probably 
recovered  by  Baasha  (xvi.  1).  It  then  remains  un- 
mentioned  for  a  long  period.  The  worship  of  Baal, 
introduced  by  the  Phoenician  queen  of  Ahab  (1  K. 
xvi.  31),  had  probably  ahenated  public  favor  from 
the  simple  erections  of  Jerol)oam  to  more  gorgeous 
shrines  (2  K.  x.  21,  22).  Samaria  had  been  built 
(1  K.  xvi.  24),  and  Jezreel,  and  these  things  must 
have  all  tended  to  draw  public  notice  to  the  more 
northern  part  of  the  kingdom.  It  was  during  this 
period  that  Mijah  visited  Bethel,  and  that  we  hear 
of  "  sons  of  tlie  prophets  "  as  resident  there  (2  K. 
ii.  2,  3),  two  facts  apparently  incompatible  with 
the  active  existence  of  the  calf-worship.  The  men- 
tion of  the  bears  so  close  to  the  town  (ii.  23,  25), 
looks  too  as  if  the  neighborhood  were  not  much 
frequented  at  that  time.  But  after  his  destruction 
of  the  Baal  worship  throughout  the  country,  Jehu 
appears  to  have  returned  to  the  simpler  and  more 
national  religion  of  the  calves,  and  Bethel  comes 
once  more  into  view  (2  K.  x.  2!)).  Under  the 
descendants  of  this  king  the  place  and  the  worship 
must  have  greatly  flourished,  for  by  the  time  of 
Jeroboam  II.,  the  great-grandson  of  Jehu,  the  rude 
village  was  again  a  royal  residence  with  a  "  king's 
house"  (Am.  vii.  13);  there  were  palaces  both  for 
'winter"  and  "summer,"  "great  houses"  and 
"houses  of  ivory"  (iii.  15),  and  a  very  high  degree 
of  luxury  in  dress,  furniture,  and  living  (vi.  4-6). 
The  one  original  altar  was  now  aecompanied  by 
several  others  (iii.  14,  ii.  8 ) ;  and  the  simple  "  in- 
cense" of  its  founder  had  developed  into  the 
" bumt-ofFerings "  and  "meat-ofTerings"  of  "solemn 
•.ssemblies,"  with  the  fragrant  "  peace-oiferings  " 
of  "  fat  beasts  "  (v.  21,  22). 

How  this  prosperity  came  to  its  doom  we  are  not 
told.  After  the  desolation  of  the  northern  king- 
dom by  the  king  of  Assyria,  Bethel  still  remained 
an  abode  of  priests,  who  taught  the  wretched  col- 
onists "how  to  fear  Jehovah,"  "the  God  of  the 
land  "  (2  K.  xvii.  28,  27).    The  buildings  remained 


the  monument  (]^*"-rT :  (tt^At?),  evidently  a  con- 
spicuous erection,  of  the  "  man  of  God,"  who  pro- 
claimed the  ultimate  downfall  of  this  idolatrous 
worship  at  its  very  outset,  and  who  would  seem  to 
liave  been  at  a  later  date  canonized  as  it  were  by 
the  votaries  of  the  very  idolatry  which  he  denounced. 
"  Woe  unto  you !  for  ye  build  the  sepulchres  of  the 
prophets,  and  your  fathers  killed  them." 

But,  in  any  case,  the  fact  of  the  continued  exist- 
ence of  the  tomb  of  this  protester  through  so  many 
centuries  of  idolatry  illustrates  very  remarkably  the 
way  in  which  the  worship  of  Jehovah  and  the  talse 
worship  went  on  side  by  side  at  Bethel.  It  is  plain 
from  several  allusions  of  Amos  that  this  was  the 
case  (v.  14,  22);  and  the  fact  before  noticed  of 
prophets  of  Jehovah  being  resident  there,  and  of 
the  friendly  visits  even  of  the  stem  Elijah ;  of  the 
relation  between  the  "  man  of  God  from  Judah  " 
and  the  "lying  prophet"  who  caused  his  death 
of  the  manner  in  which  Zedekiab  the  son  of  Che 
n;ianah,  a  priest  of  Baal,  resorts  to  the  name  of 
Jehovah  for  his  solemn  atljuration,  and  lastly  of  the 
way  in  which  the  denunciations  of  Amos  were  tol- 
erated and  he  himself  allowed  to  escape,  —  all 
these  point  to  a  state  of  things  well  worthy  of  in- 
vestigation. In  this  connet'tion,  too,  it  is  curious 
that  men  of  Bethel  and  Ai  returned  with  Zerubba- 
bel  (I'jsr.  ii.  28;  Neh.  vii.  32);  and  that  they  re- 
turned to  their  native  place  whilst  continuing  their 
relations  with  Nehemiah  and  the  restored  worship 
(Neh.  xi.  31).  In  the  Book  of  I'>sdras  the  name 
ajipears  as  Betoliu.s.  In  later  times  Bethel  is 
only  named  once,  amongst  the  strong  cities  in  Ju- 
diea  which  were  reptiired  by  Bacchides  during  the 
struggles  of  the  times  of  the  Maccabees  (1  Mace 
ix.  50). 

Bethel  receives  a  bare  mention  from  Eusebius 
and  Jerome  in  the  Onomasticon,  as  12  miles  from 
Jerusalem  on  the  right  hand  of  the  road  to  Sichem  • 
and  here  its  ruins  still  lie  under  the  scarcely  altered 
name  of  Beiiin.  They  cover  a  space  of  "  tliree  or 
four  acres,"  and  consist  of  "  very  many  foundations 
and  half-standing  walls  of  houses  and  other  build- 
ings." "  The  ruins  lie  umn  the  front  of  a  low  hill 
between  the  heads  of  two  hollow  wadies  which  unite 
and  run  off  into  the  main  valley  es-Suweinit "  (Rob. 
i.  448-9).  Dr.  Clarke,  and  other  travellers  since 
his  visit,  have  remarked  on  the  "  stony  "  nature  of 
the  soil  at  liethel,  as  perfectly  in  keeping  with  the 
narrative  of  Jacob's  slumber  there.  When  on  the 
spot  little  doubt  can  be  felt  as  to  the  localities  of 
this  interesting  place.  The  round  mount  S.  E.  of 
Bethel  must  be  the  "  mountain  "  on  which  Abram 
built  the  altar,  and  on  which  he  and  Lot  stood 
when  they  made  their  division  of  the  land  (Gen. 
xii.  7,  xiii.  10).  It  is  still  thickly  strewn  to  its  top 
with  stones  formed  by  nature  for  the  building  of 
"altar"  or  sanctuary.  As  the  eye  turns  invol 
untarily  eastward,  it  takes  in  a  large  fart  of  the 


till  the  time  of  Josiah,  by  whom  they  were  de-lolainof  the  Jordan  opposite  Jericho ;  distant  it  ij 


stroyed ;  and  in  the  account  preserved  of  his  reform- 
ing iconoelasm  we  catch  one  more  glimpse  of  the 
altar  of  Jeroboam,  with  its  last  loathsome  fire  of 
•'dead  men's  bones  "  burning  upon  it,  the  altar  and 
high-place  surviving  In  their  archaic  antiquity 
amidst  the  successive  additions  of  later  votaries, 
like  the  wooden  altar  of  Becket  at  Canterbury, 
which  continued  in  its  original  t.mplicity  through 
all  tne  subsequent  magnificence  of  the  "church  in 
■*'hich  he  was  murdered  (Stanley,  Canterbury,  184). 
19 


true,  but  not  too  distant  to  discern  in  that  cleai 
atmosphere  the  lines  of  verdure  that  mark  the 
brooks  which  descend  from  the  mountains  beyond 
the  river  and  fertilize  the  plain  even  in  its  present 
neglected  state.  Further  south  lies,  as  in  a  map, 
fully  half  of  that  sea  which  now  covers  the  once 
fertile  oasis  of  the  "  cities  of  the  plain,"  and  which 
in  those  days  was  as  "  the  garden  of  the  Lord,  even 
as  the  hnd  of  Egypt."  Elastward  again  of  thi« 
mount,  at  about  the  same  distance  on  the  left  that 


290 


BBTHBTi 


liethel  is  on  the  right,  overlooking  the  Wady  Su- 
ictinit,  is  a  third  hill  crowned  by  a  remarkably  des- 
olate-looking mass  of  gray  debris,  the  most  perfect 
iieap  of  ruin  to  be  seen  even  in  that  country  of 
ruins.  This  is  Tell  er-RiJimh,  "  the  mound  of  the 
heap,"  agreeing  in  every  particular  of  name,  aspect, 
ind  situation,  with  Ai. 

An  admirable  passage  on  the  history  of  Bethel 
will  be  found  in  Stanley  (217-223). 

2.  [In  .Josh.,  Kom.  Vat.  Alex,  omit;  Comp. 
Aid.  BoidijA.]  A  town  in  the  south  part  of  Judah. 
named  in  Josh.  xii.  16  and  1  Sam.  xxx.  27.  The 
collocation  of  the  name  in  these  two  Ksts  is  deci- 
sive against  its  l)eing  the  well-known  Bethel.  In  the 
latter  case  the  I..\'X.  read  Baie(r<<up,  »•  e.  Beth-zur 
[but  Comp.  Alex.  BaierjA].  By  comparison  of  the 
lists  of  the  town.s  of  .Judah  and  Simeon  (.Josh.  xv. 
30,  xix.  4;  1  Chr.  iv.  30),  the  place  appears  under 
the  names  of  CiiKsii,,  Bethul,  and  Bethubx. 

G. 
*  It  is  remarkable  that  a  place  so  prominent  as 
Bethel  (1)  in  the  ().  T.  should  be  unnamed  in  the 
New ;  and  yet  it  continued  to  exist  in  the  time  of 
ChriBt,  for  Josephus  {B.  J.  iv.  9,  §  0)  relates  its 
capture  by  ^'espasian  on  his  march  fiom  Tiberius 
to  Jerusalem.  The  Saviour  nnist  have  passed 
within  sight  of  it  (perhaps  at  other  times,  but 
certainly)  on  his  journey  from  Judsea  to  tJalilee, 
when  he  stopped  at  Jacob's  well  near  Sychar  (John 
iv.  3  ff.),  and  must  have  tieen  near  it  when  he  re- 
tired to  Ephraira  (John  xi.  54)  after  the  raising  of 
lAzai-us;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  ever 
turned  aside  to  go  to  the  place  itself.  Aftxjr  the 
notice  of  15etliel  in  the  Onomasticon  (above  referre<l 
to)  it  disapp»eared  from  history,  and  for  ages  its  lo- 
cation was  unknown  to  the  people  of  western  coun- 
tries. It  is  an  instance  of  what  is  true  of  so  many 
of  the  ancient  places  in  the  Bible,  namely,  that  after 
having  been  last  mentioned  in  the  Scriptures  they 
were  unheard  of,  till  geographers  and  tourists  in 
our  own  day  have  travei-sed  the  land,  and  on  asking 
the  inhabitants  to  tell  them  the  names  of  tlieir 
towns  and  villages  have  had  the  old  Scripture 
names  given  back  to  them  from  the  mouths  of  the 
people.  It  is  but  just  to  add  that  the  identifica- 
tion of  Bdtin  with  the  ancient  Bethel  seems  to  be 
due  to  the  missionary  Nicolayson,  in  1830.  {JeuAsh 
Jnt.elll(/ence,  Feb.  1837,  p.  38.)  Dr.  Kol)in8on 
{Restarches,  iii.  267  ff.)  argues  the  question  at 
length  whether  Beitin  may  not  also  be  the  Ifether 
which  was  the  scene  of  the  great  battle  between 
the  Jewish  lea<ler  Bar-cochba,  Son  of  a  Star,  and 
Hadrian,  a  battle  so  terribly  disastrous  to  the  Jews. 
The  supposition  (Williams,  Holy  City,  ii.  p.  212) 
that  this  IJether  is  the  ridge  near  Bitlir,  2{  hours 
southwest  of  Jerusidem,  he  regards  as  witliout  any 
Buflicient  foundation. 

The  sojourn  of  Abraham  and  I/)t  with  their 
flocks  and  herds  in  this  region  (Gen.  xiii.  1  tf.)  im- 
plies tliat  it  was  very  fertile  and  well  suited  to  their 
pa.st<iral  occupations.  The  WTiter  can  testify  that 
it  niaintivins  still  its  ancient  character  in  tliis  re- 
spect. The  cattle  which  he  saw  tliere  surpassed  in 
numlier  and  size  any  that  he  saw  at  any  one  time 
in  any  other  place.  Springs  abound ;  and  a  little 
to  the  west,  toward  Jvfmt,  the  Roman  Gophna, 
was  a  flooded  meadow,  which  as  late  as  28th  of 
April  was  almost  large  enough  to  be  called  a  Lake. 
On  the  hill-top  just  east  of  Tfethel,  where  Abraham 
md  Ix»t  agreed  to  separate  from  each  other,  the 
lye  oatches  a  sight  which  is  quite  startling :  we  see 


BBTHESDA 

not  only  the  course  of  the  Jordan  slieichlng  nortk 
and  south,  readily  traced  by  the  waving  line  of 
verdure  along  its  banks,  but  its  waters  broken  and 
foaming  as  they  roll  over  some  of  the  many  cas- 
cades, almost  cataracts,  for  which  the  river  is  re- 
markable.  Lieutenant  Lynch,  who  floated  dowi; 
the  Jordan  from  the  I^ke  of  Galilee  to  the  Dead 
Sea,  ascertained  that  the  river  in  its  intermediate 
passage  rushes  over  not  fewer  than  27  violent  rap- 
ids, as  well  as  many  others  less  precipitous.  It  ia 
interesting  to  be  reminded  that  sepulchres  are  found 
at  the  present  day  in  the  rocky  heights  around 
Bethel.  See  Sinm  unci  Golgotha,  von  F.  A.  Strause, 
p.  371.  Stanley  also  (Sin.  and  Pal.  p.  147,  Am. 
ed.)  speaks  of  "the  excavations"  which  the  trav- 
eller sees  in  approaching  this  place,  in  which  the 
dead  of  so  many  past  generations  have  been  buried. 
It  was  from  such  recesses,  no  doubt,  that  king  Jo- 
siah,  in  his  zeal  for  the  worship  of  .Jehovah,  dng 
up  the  bones  of  tlie  old  idolaters  who  had  lived  at 
IJelhel,  which  he  burned  on  the  altar  of  the  golden 
calf  in  order  by  this  act  of  pollution  to  mark  bis 
abhorrence  of  such  idolatry,  and  to  render  the  place 
infamous  foi-ever.  There  is  nothing  very  remark- 
able in  the  situation  or  scenery  of  Bethel  to  impress 
the  observer;  and  the  hold  which  it  acquired  on 
the  religious  veneration  of  the  Hebrews  presupposes 
some  such  antecetlent  history  as  that  related  of  the 
patriarchs  in  the  book  of  Genesis.  H. 

BETH'ELITE,  THE  (1  K.  xvi.  34)- 
[Hi;tiiki..J 

BETH-E'MEK  (pv*^n  rT'S,  house  of  the 

riillcy:  BaiBfit;  Alex.  BrjOof/xeif:  Bethemec),  a 
place  on  or  near  the  border  of  Asher,  on  the  north 
side  of  which  was  the  ravine  of  Jiphthah-el  (Josh, 
xix.  27).  Kobinson  has  discovered  an  'Amkah 
about  8  miles  to  the  N.  E.  of  Akka ;  but  if  his 
identification  of  J  fat  with  Jiphthah-el  be  tenable, 
the  site  of  lieth-emek  must  be  sought  for  further 
south  than  Amkah  (Kob.  iii.  103,  107-8).       G. 

BE'THER,  THE  Mountains  OF  ("IH^  ^"^n: 

Spv  KotKwudrwy-  Bether,  and  Bethel  [?]),  Cant 
ii.  17.  There  is  no  clue  to  guide  us  to  what  moun- 
tains are  intended  here. 

For  the  site  of  Bether,  so  femous  in  the  port- 
biblical  history  of  the  Jews,  see  Keland,  039,  640; 
Rob.  iii.  267-271.  G. 

*  Bether,  says  Gesenius,  signifies  section,  a  piece 
cut  off,  and  describes  apparently  a  region  consisUng 
of  hills  and  valleys,  and  at  the  same  time  cragg)-, 
precipitous.  Fiirst  defines  the  term  in  the  SJinie 
way.  The  scene  of  Solomon's  Song  lieing  laid  on 
Mount  I^banon,  we  may  suppose  Bether  to  have 
been  in  that  region  whose  physical  aspects  so  well 
agree  with  the  etymology,  though  tliat  trait  be- 
longs, of  coui-se,  to  many  other  parts  of  Palestine. 
Tliis  Bether  has  probably  no  connection  ■*ilh  that 
of  the  later  Jewish  history;  see  addition  to  BhmrKU 


H. 
BETHES'DA  (BrjeeirSef,  as  if )  *XQx/  -toO, 

house  of  mercy,  or  S'"nr'  l>*  r"?.  place  of  thejloie- 
ing  of  water:  Euseb.  B7iCn6«f=  Bethsnidti),  the 
Hebrew  name  of  a  resenoir  or  tank  (KoKvfi^Bpa, 
i.  e.  a  swimming-pool),  with  five  "porches  "  {aroisl 
close  upon  the  sheep-gate  or  "  market "  {M  -ri 
irftofiaTiKfj  —  '^i  will  be  ol  served  that  the  »JW 
"market''  is  9U> )lied)  in  .Jerusalem  (.loliu  t  3' 


BETH-EZEL 

Ihe  porches  —  i.  e.  cloisters  or  colonnades "  — 
were  extensive  enough  to  accommodate  a  large 
number  of  sick  and  infirm  people,  whose  custom 
it  was  to  wait  there  for  the  "troubling  of  the 
water." 

Eusebius  —  though  unfortunately  he  gives  no 
clue  to  the  situation  of  Bethesda  —  describes  it  in 
the  Onomnsticon  as  existing  in  his  time  as  two  pools 
{iv  rah  \l/ivais  StSvuots),  the  one  supplied  by  the 
[)eriodical  rains,  while  the  water  of  the  other  was 
of  a  reddish  color  {■Ke(poivi'ytx4vov)-,  due,  as  the  tra- 
dition then  ran,  to  the  fact  that  the  flesh  of  the 
sacrifices  was  anciently  washed  there  before  offering, 
on  which  account  the  pool  was  also  called  wpoPar- 
nc-f).  See,  however,  the  comments  of  Lightfoot  on 
this  view,  in  his  Exercit.  on  S.  John,  v.  2.  Euse- 
bius's  statement  is  partly  confinned  by  the  Bour- 
deaux  Pilgrim  (a.  d.  333),  who  mentions  in  his 
Itinerary  "twin  fish-pools,  having  five  porches, 
which  are  called  Bethsaida  "  (quoted  in  Barclay, 
299). 

The  large  reservoir  called  the  Birket  Jsi-ail, 
within  the  walls  of  the  city,  close  by  the  St.  Ste- 
phen's gate,  and  under  the  northeast  wall  of  the 
Haram  area,  is  generally  considered  to  be  the  mod- 
em representative  of  Bethesda.  This  tradition 
reaches  back  certainly  to  the  time  of  Saewulf,  a.  d. 
1102,  who  mentions  it  under  the  name  of  Beth- 
saida (Early  Trav.  41).  It  is  also  named  in  the 
Citez  deJhtnis(ilem,A.  d.  1187  (sect.  vji. ;  Rob.  ii. 
562),  and  in  more  modern  times  by  Maundrell  and 
all  the  later  travellers. 

The  Uttle  that  can  be  said  on  the  subject  goes 
rather  to  confirm  than  to  invalidate  this  tradition. 
On  the  one  hand,  (1.)  tlie  most  probable  {wsition  of 
the  sheep-gate  is  at  the  northeast  part  of  the  city 
[Jerusalem].  On  the  other  hand,  the  Birket 
hrail  exhibits  none  of  the  marks  which  appear  to 
have  distinguished  the  water  of  Bethesda  in  the 
records  of  the  Evangelist  and  of  Eusebius.  (2.) 
The  construction  of  the  Birkeh  is  such  as  to  show 
that  it  was  originally  a  water-reservoir,''  and  not, 
as  has  been  suggested,  the  moat  of  a  fortress  (Rob. 
i.  293-4,  iii.  243);  (3.)  there  is  certainly  a  remark- 
able coincidence  between  the  name  as  given  by  Eu- 
sebius, Bezatha,  and  that  of  the  northeast  suburb 
of  the  city  at  the  time  of  the  Gospel  history  — 
Hezetha;  and  (4.)  there  is  the  difficulty  that  if  the 
Birket  hrail  be  not  Bethesda,  which  of  the  ancient 
'•  pools "  does  it  represent? 

One  other  proposed  identification  must  be  no- 
ticed, namely,  that  of  Dr.  Robinson  (i.  342-3),  who 
suggests  the  "fountain  of  the  Virgin,"  in  the  val- 
ley of  the  Kedron,  a  short  distance  above  the  Pool 
of  Siloam.  In  favor  of  this  are  its  situation,  sup- 
posing the  sheep-gate  to  l)e  at  the  southeast  of  the 
sity,  as  Lightfoot,  Robinson,  and  others  suppose, 
and  the  strange  intermittent  "  troubUng  of  the  wa- 
ter" caused  by  the  periodical  ebbing  and  flowing 
of  the  supply.  Against  it  are  the  confined  size  of 
he  pool,  and  the  difficulty  of  finding  room  for  the 
dve  stose.  (See  Barclay's  detailed  account,  City, 
fc.  516-524,  and  325-6.)  G. 

BETH-E'ZEL  (b^.'SH  ,n^3,  house  offrm- 
'*fis»  (?)=  oIkos  ix^f'^^os  ainrjs-  domus  vicina),  a 


BETH-HAEAN 


!91 


"  Cloisters  or  colonnades  round  artificial  tanks  are 
tommon  in  the  Kast.  One  example  is  the  Taj  botoree, 
to  the  set  of  drawings  of  Beejapoi-e  now  publishing  by 
the  East  India  Company. 

*  The  photographs,  woodcuts,  and  careful  state- 
oents  of  Salzmann,  are  conclusive  on  this  point. 


place  named  only  in  Mic.  i.  11.  From  the  context 
it  was  doubtless  situated  in  the  plain  of  Pailistia 

G. 
*  Gesenius  defines  the  name  as  "  fixed  dwelling ;  " 
and  the  point  of  the  expression  in  Mic.  i.  11  seems 
to  turn  on  that  meaning.  "  They  who  abide,  strong 
though  they  be,  shall  not  furnish  an  abiding  place." 
See  Pusey's  Minor  Prophets,  iii.  300.  In  some 
versions  (Sept.  Vulg.  Luth.)  the  expression,  instead 
of  being  treated  as  a  proper  name,  is  rendered  house 
by  the  side,  i.  e.  the  one  next.  H. 

BETH-GA'DER  CllS   3,  if  not  in  pause, 

Geder,  "1^3  [house  of  the  widl]  :  Be9yiSd)p;  Vat. 
BaiOyaiSwi/ ;  Alex.]  BaiOyeSwp  :  Bethffoder), 
doubtless  a  place,  though  it  occurs  in  the  geneal- 
ogies of  Judah  as  if  a  person  (1  Chr.  ii.  51).  Pos- 
sibly the  same  place  as  GEiiKjt  (Josh.  xii.  13). 

G. 

BETH-GA'MUL  (Vir^S  2,  house  of  the 
weaned,  Gesen.  Lex.,  but  may  it  not  be  "  house  of 
camel"?:  oIkos  TaificcK;  Alex.  Tafj-uKa:  Beth- 
yamul),  a  town  of  Moab,  hi  the  mishor  or  downs 
east  of  Jordan  (A.  V.  "  plain  country,"  Jer.  xlviii. 
23,  comp.  21);  apparently  a  place  of  late  date,  since 
there  is  no  trace  of  it  in  the  earlier  lists  of  Num. 
xxxii.  34-38,  and  Josh.  xiii.  16-20.  A  place  called 
Um  el-Jemdl  is  said  to  exist  a  few  miles  south  of 
Btisrah  in  the  Hauran  (Burckh.  106;  Kiepcrt's 
map  in  Rob.  1857 ) ;  but  this  is  much  too  far  to 
the  N.  E.  to  suit  the  requirements  of  the  text.  In 
a  country  of  nomadic  tribes  this  latter  name  woidd 
doubtless  be  a  common  one.  G. 

BETH-HAC'CEREM  c  [Heb.  -hacce'rem] 
(t2.7".  i?  --,  hmtse  of  the  rine:  [in  Neh.,]  Btj^- 
aKxapifJ-,  [Vat.  Brjeaxafi;  Alex.]  B7j0axx«PM"! 
[in  Jer.,  Boi0axop/ua,  Sin.  Beddaxapfxa,  Alex. 
B7]66axa.pQ  Bethachnram,  [Bethaciirem]),  a 
town  which,  like  a  few  other  places,  is  distinguished 

by  the  application  to  it  of  the  word  pelec,  T|  5, 
A.  V.  "part"  (Neh.  iii.  14).  It  had  then  a 
"  ruler "  called  ~ltt?.  From  the  other  mention 
of  it  (Jer.  vi.  1)  we  find  that  it  was  used  as  a  bea- 
con-station, and  that  it  was  near  Tekoa.  By 
Jerome  ( Coinm.  Jer.  vi. )  a  village  named  Bethach 
arma  is  said  to  have  been  on  a  mountain  between 
Tekoa  and  Jerusalem,  a  po.sition  in  which  the  em 
inence  known  as  the  Frank  mountain  (Hei-odium; 
stands  conspicuous;  and  this  has  accordingly  been 
suggested  as  Beth-haccerem  (Pococke,  Rob.  i.  480). 
The  name  is  at  any  rate  a  testimony  to  the  early 
fruitfulness  of  this  part  of  Palestine. 

Karem  (Kauifi)  is  one  of  the  towns  added  in  the 
LXX.  to  the  Hebrew  text  of  .losh.  xv.  60,  as  in  the 
mountains  of  Judah,  in  the  district  of  Bethlehem. 

G. 

BETH-HA'RAN  (]nn  2  :  f,  Baieapd^: 
[Alex.  Baidappa-]  Betharan),  one  of  the  "fenced 
cities  "  on  the  east  of  Jordan,  "  built "  by  the 
Gadites  (Num.  xxxii.  36).  It  is  named  with  Beth- 
nimrah,  and  therefore  is  no  doubt  the  same  place 
as   Beth-aram    (accurately   Beth-haram),  Josh. 

c  This  name  deserves  notice  as  one  of  the  very  few 
instances  in  which  the  translators  of  the  A.  V.  havs 
retained  the  definite  article,  which  in  the  original  so 
frequently  occurs  in  the  middle  of  compound  propyl- 
names. 


292  BETH-HOGLA 

liii.  27.  The  name  is  not  found  in  the  lists  of  the 
towns  of  Moab  in  either  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  or  Eze- 
kiel.  O. 

BETH-HOGLA,    and    -HOGajAH    (2 

n  v3n,  house  of  parti-ulge,  Gesen. ;  though  Jerome 
gives  another  interpretation,  hcus  gyi'i,  reading  th(! 

name  H  72^  2,  and  connecting  it  with  the  fu- 
neral races  or  dances  at  the  mourning  for  Jacob 
[Atad]  :  'BaiQayXaAfx,  [ddXaaffa,^  BeeeyoJti; 
[Alex.  Bai0aAa,]  "Qa.Sa.Ka.ya,  [B7j0a7A.a:]  ^e- 
thagla),  a  place  on  the  border  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv. 
6)  and  of  Benjamin  (xviii.  19),  to  which  latter 
tribe  it  was  reckoned  to  belong  (xviii.  21).  A 
magnificent  spring  and  a  ruin  between  Jericho  and 
the  Jordan  still  bear  the  names  of  'Aiii-hnjla  and 
Kusr  Hcy'la,  and  are  doubtless  on  or  near  the  old 
site  (Rob.  i.  544-6).  The  LXX.  reading,  BaiOay- 
Kad/j,,  may  point  to  En-eglaim,  a  place  which  was 
certainly  near  this  locality.  G. 

BETH-HO'RON  (^W^n  2,  or  in  con- 
tracted form  "|Tnn  2,  and  once  T^n  3,  hotise 
of  caveifis  or  holes :  BatOwpdv,  [etc.:]  Bethoron), 
the  name  of  two  towns  or  villages,  an  "upper" 

(P'^^V'  '?)  and  a  "nether"  (("^'^rri'?  '?), 
(.Josh.  xvi.  3,  5;  1  Chr.  vii.  24),  on  the  road  from 
Gibeon  to  Azekah  (Josh.  x.  10,  11)  and  the  Phihs- 
tine  Plain  (1  Mace.  iii.  24).  Beth-horon  lay  on 
the  boundary-line  between  Bergamin  and  Ephraim 
(.Josh.  xvi.  3,  5,  and  xviii.  13,  14),  was  counted  to 
Ephraim  (Josh.  xxi.  22;  1  Chr.  vii.  24),  and  given 
to  the  Kohathites  (Josh.  xxi.  22;  1  Chr.  vi.  68 
[53]). 

The  road  connecting  the  two  places  is  memorable 
in  sacred  history  as  the  scene  of  two  of  the  most 
complete  victories  achieved  by  the  Jewish  arms: 
that  of  Joshua  over  the  five  kings  of  the  Amorites 
(Josh.  X.;  Ecclus.  xlvi.  6),  and  that  of  Judas  Mac- 
cabaeus  over  the  forces  of  Syria  under  Seron  (1 
Mace.  iii.  13-24).  Later  still  the  Roman  army 
under  Cestius  Gallus  was  totally  cut  up  at  the  same 
spot  (Joseph.  B.  J.  ii.  19,  §§  8,  9). 

There  is  no  room  for  doubt  that  the  two  Beth- 
horons  still  survive  in  the  modem  villages  of  Beit- 

'«'•  (  N»i£  oyo)  et-Tahta  and  el-F6ka,  which 

were  first  noticed  by  Dr.  Clarke,  and  have  been 
iince  visited  by  Dr.  Robinson,  Mr.  Stanley,  and 
others.  Besides  the  similarity  of  the  name,  and 
the  fact  that  the  two  places  are  still  designated  as 
"  upper  "  and  "  lower,"  all  the  requirements  of  the 
narrative  are  fulfilled  in  this  identification.  The 
road  is  still  the  direct  one  from  the  site  which  must 
lave  been  Gibeon  (el-Jib),  and  from  Michmash 
yMiSchmas)  to  the  Philistine  plain  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Antipatris  (Joseph.  B.  J.  ii.  19.  §  9)  on  the 
other.  On  the  moimtain  which  lies  to  the  south- 
ward of  the  nether  village  is  still  preserved  the 
name  (  Ydlo)  and  the  site  of  Ajal^fj  ^^  closely  con- 
nected with  the  proudest  memories  of  Beth-horon ; 
and  the  long  "descent"  between  the  two  remains 
unaltered  from  what  it  was  on  that  great  day 
'  which  was  like  no  day  before  or  after  it." 

The  importance  of  the  road  on  which  the  two 
Beth-horons  are  situated,  the  main  approach  to  the 


BETH-JESHIMOTH 

interior  of  the  country  from  the  hostile  district*  de 
both  sides  of  1  'alestine  —  Philistia  and  Egypt  on 
the  west,  Moat,  and  Ammon  on  the  east  —  at  once 
explains  and  justifies  the  frequent  fortification  of 
these  towns  at  different  periods  of  the  history  (1 
K.  IX.  17;  2  Chr.  viii.  5;  1  Mace.  ix.  50;  Jud.  iv. 
4,  5).  This  road  —  still,  as  in  ancient  times,  "  the 
great  road  of  communication  and  heavy  transport 
between  Jerusalem  and  the  sea-coast"  (Hob.  ii. 
252),  though  a  route  rather  more  direct,  known  as 
the  "Jaffa  road,"  is  now  used  by  travellers  with 
light  baggage  —  leaves  the  main  north  road  at 
Tuleil  el-Ful,  3^  miles  from  Jerusalem,  due  west 
of  Jericho.  Bending  sUghtly  to  the  north,  it  runs 
by  the  modern  village  of  el-Jlb,  the  ancient  Gibeon, 
and  then  proceeds  by  the  Beth-horons  in  a  direct 
hue  due  wast  to  Jhrnu  [GiMZo]  and  LMd  [Lyd- 
da],  at  which  it  parts  into  three,  diverging  north 
to  Caphar-Saba  [Antipatris],  south  to  Gaza, 
and  west  to  Jaffa  [Joppa]. 

From  Gibeon  to  the  Upper  Beth-horon  is  a  dis- 
tance of  about  4  miles  of  broken  ascent  and  de- 
scent. The  ascent,  however,  predominates,  and 
this  therefore  appears  to  be  the  "going  up"  to 
Beth-horon  which  formed  the  first  stage  of  Joshua's 
pursuit."  With  the  upper  village  the  descent  com- 
mences ;  the  road  rough  and  difficult  even  for  the 
mountain-paths  of  Palestine;  now  over  sheets  of 
smooth  rock  flat  as  the  flagstones  of  a  London 
pavement;  now  over  the  upturned  edge,s  of  the 
Umestone  strata ;  and  now  amongst  the  loose  rectan- 
gular stones  so  characteristic  of  the  whole  of  this  dis- 
trict. There  are  in  many  places  steps  cut,  and 
other  marks  of  the  path  having  been  artificially 
improved.  But  though  rough,  the  way  can  hardly 
be  called  "precipitous;"  still  less  is  it  a  ravine 
(Stanley,  p.  208),  since  it  runs  for  the  most  part 
along  the  back  of  a  ridge  or  water-shed  dividing 
wadies  on  either  hand.  After  about  three  miles  of 
this  descent,  a  sUght  rise  leads  to  the  lower  village 
standing  on  its  mamelon  —  the  last  outpost  of  the 
Benjamite  hills,  and  characterized  by  the  date-palm 
in  the  enclosure  of  the  village  mosque.  A  short 
and  sharp  fall  below  the  village,  a  few  undulations, 
and  the  road  is  amongst  the  dura  of  the  grea4 
corn-growing  plain  of  Sharon. 

This  rough  descent  from  the  upper  to  the  lower 
BeiVur  is  the  "going  down  to  Beth-horon  "  of  the 
Bible  narrative.  Standing  on  the  high  ground  of 
the  upper  village,  and  overlooking  the  wild  scene, 
we  may  feel  assured  that  it  was  over  this  rough 
path  that  the  Canaanites  fled  to  their  native  low- 
lands. 

In  a  remarkable  fragment  of  early  history  (1 
Chr.  vii.  24)  we  are  told  that  both  the  upper  and 
lower  towns  were  bmlt  by  a  woman  of  Ephraim, 
Sherah,  who  in  the  present  state  of  the  passage 
appears  as  a  grand-daughter  of  the  founder  of  ha( 
tribe,  and  also  as  a  direct  progenitor  of  the  great 
leader  with  whose  history  the  place  is  so  ciosflj 
connected.  <■• 

BETH-JESH'IMOTH,  or  -JES'IMOTH 
{TVyrLXr^T}  '?;  in  Numbers,  nbC"'rT,  notmof 
the  wastes:  AlatadO,  [etc.;]  Alex.  Atrt/uoiO,  [etc.:] 
Bethsimoth,  Bethiesimoth),  a  town  or  place  east  of 

Jordan,  m  the  "deserts"  (nb~!?)  of  Moab;  thai 


a  The  statements  of  Dr.  Robinson  and  Mr.  Stanley 
>n  this  poitrt  are  somewhat  at  variance ;  but  althongh 
khe  road  from  Gibeon  to  BeWHr  et-Tahta  is  by  no 
iMana  a  uniform  rise,  yet  the  impression  is  certainly 


that  of  an  ascent ;  and  Bsit'ftr,  though  perhaps  M 
higher  than  the  ridge  between  it  and  Gibeon,  Jtk 
looks  higher,  because  it  is  so  much  abce  everythtaf 
beyond  it. 


BETH-LEBAOTH 

p,  on  the  lower  level  at  the  south  end  of  the  Jor- 
dan valley  (Num.  xxsiii.  49);  and  named  with 
Ashdoth-pisgah  and  Beth-peor.  It  was  one  of  the 
limits  of  the  encampment  of  Israel  before  crossing 
the  Jordan.  Later  it  was  allotted  to  Reuben  (Josh, 
xii.  3,  xiii.  20),  but  came  at  last  into  the  hands  of 
Moab,  and  formed  one  of  the  cities  which  were 
» the  glory  of  the  country  "  (Ez.  xxv.  9).  Schwarz 
(p.  228)  quotes  "a  Beth-Jisimuth  as  still  known  at 
the  northeasternmost  point  of  the  Dead  Sea,  half 
a  mile  from  the  Jordan;"  but  this  requu-es  con- 
firmation. Cr. 

BETH  -LEB'AOTH  (n"lS2^  2,  house  of 
Umesses :  Badapdd  ;  Alex.  BaiQaX^aQ  :  Beth- 
liJxwlli),  a  town  m  the  lot  of  Simeon  (Josh.  xix. 
6),  and  therefore  in  the  extreme  south  of  Judah 
(XV.  32,  Lebaoth),  probably  in  the  wild  country  to 
which  its  name  bears  witness.  In  the  pai-allel  Ust 
'n  1  Chr.  iv.  31  the  name  is  given  Beth-birei. 

G. 

BETH'-LEHEM   (07^   n"'2  =  /toM«e  of 

bread:  Bri6\ffn-  Bethlehem).  1.  One  of  the 
oldest  towns  in  Palestine,  already  in  existence  at 
the  time  of  Jacob's  return  to  the  country.  Its 
earliest  name  was  Epiirath  or  Ephkatah  (see 
Gen.  XXXV.  16,  xlviii.  7;  Josh.  xv.  60,  LXX.),  and 
it  is  not  till  long  after  the  occupation  of  the  country 
by  the  IsraeUtes  that  we  meet  with  it  under  its 
new  name  of  Bethlehem.  Here,  as  in  other  cases 
(comp.  Beth-meou,  Beth-diblathami,  Beth-peor),  the 
''  Beth  "  appears  to  mark  the  bestowal  of  a  Hebrew 

I  appellation ;  and  if  tlie  derivations  of  the  Lexicons 
are  to  be  trusted,  the  name  in  its  present  shape  a,p- 

I  pears  to  have  been  an  attempt  to  translate  the  earlier 
Ephratah  into  Hebrew  language  and  idiom,  just  as 
ihe  Arabs  have  in  their  turn,  with  a  further  slight 
change  of  meaning,  converted  it  into   Beit-lahm 

I  (house  of  flesh). 

i     However  this  n  ay  be,  the  ancient  name  lingered 

las  a  fam'liar  word  in  the  mouths  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  pWe  (Kutii  i.  2,  iv.  11;  1  Sam.  xvii.  12), 
3.nd  in  iht  poe-ry  of  the  Psalmists  and  Prophets 
(Ps.  jxxui.  8;  Mic.  v.  2)  to  a  late  period.  [Eph- 
KATii.J  In  the  genealogical  lists  of  1  Chr.  it 
ecurs,  and  Ephrath  appears  as  a  person  —  the  wife 

of  Caleb  and  mother  of  Hur  ("!^P)  (ii.  19,  51, 
iv.  4);  the  title  of  "father  of  Bethlehem"  being 
bestowed  both  on  Hur  (iv.  4)  and  on  Salma,  the 
Bon  of  Hur  (ii.  51,  54).  The  name  of  Salma  re- 
"■alls  a  very  similar  name  intimately  comiected  with 
3ethlehem,  namely,  the  father   of   Boaz,   Salmah 

i^d^W,  Ruth  iv.  20;  A.  V.  "  Salmon")  or  Sal- 

3ion  ('J'lQ/t?^  verse  21).  Hur  is  also  named  in 
k.  xxxi.  2  and  1  Chr.  ii.  20,  as  the  father  of  Uri 
the  father  of  Bezaleel.  In  the  East  a  trade  or  call- 
Uig  remains  fixed  in  one  family  for  generations,  and 
if  there  is  any  foundation  for  the  tradition  of  the 
largum,  that  Jesse  the  father  of  David  was  "a 
weaver  of  the  veils  of  the  sanctuary  "  «  (Targ.  Jon- 
ithan  on  2  Sam.  xxi.  19),  he  may  have  inherited 
the  accomphshments  and  the  profession  of  his  art 
from  his  forefather,  who  was  "  filled  with  the  Spirit 
Df  God,"   "to  work  all  manner  of  works,"   ant 


BETHLEHEM 


298 


amongst  them  that  of  the  embroiderer  and  th« 
weaver  (Ex.  xxxv.  35).* 

After  the  conquest  Bethlehem  appears  under  it. 
own  name  Beth-lehem-judah  (Judg.  xvii.  7 ;  1  Sam. 
xvii.  12;  Ruth  i.  1,  2),  possibly,  though  hardly 
probably,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  small  and  re 
mote  place  of  the  same  name  in  Zebulun.  As  the 
Hebrew  text  now  stands,  however,  it  is  omitted 
altogether  from  the  list  of  the  towns  of  Judah  in 
Joshua  XV.  though  retained  by  the  LXX.  in  the 
eleven  names  which  they  insert  between  verses  59 
and  60.  Among  these  it  occurs  between  Theko 
(Tekoa),  ©e/cco  (comp.  1  Chr.  iv.  4,  5),  and  Phagor 
(?  Peor,  ^aydip)-  This  omission  from  the  He- 
brew text  is  certainly  remarkable,  but  it  is  quite  in 
keeping  with  the  obscurity  m  which  Bethlehem  re- 
mains throughout  the  whole  of  the  sacred  history. 
Not  to  speak  of  the  later  event  which  has  made  the 
name  of  Bethlehem  so  familiar  to  the  whole  Chris- 
tian and  Mussulman  world,  it  was,  as  the  birthplace 
of  David,  the  scene  of  a  most  important  occun-ence 
to  ancient  Israel.  And  yet  from  some  cause  or 
other  it  never  rose  to  any  eminence,  nor  ever  be- 
came the  theatre  of  any  action  or  business.  It  is 
difficult  to  say  why  Hebron  and  Jerusalem,  with 
no  special  associations  in  their  favor,  were  fixed  on 
as  capitals,  while,  the  place  in  which  the  great  ideal 
king,  the  hero  and  poet  of  the  nation,  drew  his  first 
breath  and  spent  his  youth  remained  an  "  ordinary 
Judasan  village."  No  doubt  this  is  hi  part  owing 
to  what  will  be  noticed  presently  —  the  isolated 
nature  of  its  position ;  but  that  circumstance  did  not 
prevent  Gibeon,  Ramah,  and  many  other  places  situ- 
ated on  eminences  from  becoming  famous,  and  is  not 
sufficient  to  account  entirely  for  such  silence  respect- 
ing a  place  so  strong  by  nature,  commanding  one 
of  the  maui  roads,  and  the  excellence  of  which  as 
a  military  position  may  be  safely  inferred  from  the 
fact  that  at  one  time  it  was  occupied  by  the  Phil- 
istines as  a  garrison  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  14;  1  Chr.  xi. 
16). 

Though  not  named  as  a  Levitical  city,  it  was 
apparently  a  residence  of  Invites,  for  from  it  came 
the  young  man  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Gershom,  who 
became  the  first  priest  of  the  Daiiites  at  their  new 
northern  settlement  (Judg.  xvii.  7,  xviii.  30),  and 
from  it  also  came  the  concubine  of  the  other  Levite 
whose  death  at  Gibeah  caused  the  destruction  of 
the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (xix.  1-9). 

The  book  of  Ruth  is  a  page  from  the  domestic 
history  of  Bethlehem ;  the  names,  almost  the  very 
persons,  of  the  Bethlehemites  are  there  brought 
before  us ;  we  are  allowed  to  assist  at  their  most 
pecuUar  customs,  and  to  witness  the  very  springs 
of  those  events  which  have  conferred  immortahtj 
on  the  name  of  the  place.  Many  of  these  customs 
were  doubtless  common  to  Israel  in  general,  but 
one  thing  must  have  been  peculiar  to  Bethlehem. 
What  most  strikes  the  view,  after  the  charm  of 
the  general  picture  has  lost  its  first  hold  on  us,  is 
the  intimate  connection  of  the  place  with  Moab. 
Of  the  origin  of  this  connection  no  record  exists, 
no  hint  of  it  has  yet  been  discovered,  but  it  con- 
tinued in  force  for  at  least  a  century  after  the  ar 
rival  of  Ruth,  till  the  time  when  her  great  grandson 
could  find  no  more  secure  retreat  for  his  parents 
fron  the  fury  of  Saul,  than  the  house  of  the  king 


a  At  the  date  of  the  visit  of  Benjamin  of  Tudela, 
here  were  still  "  twelve  Jews,  di/ers  by  profession,  11  v- 
og  at  Betb-lehem  "  (Benj.  of  Tndtila,,' Asher,  1.  75). 

*  May  uot  tkis  elucidate  the  auusions  to  the  "  weav- 


er's beam  "  (whatever  the  "  beam  "  may  be)  which 
occur  in  the  accounts  of  giants  or  mighty  men  slain 
by  David  or  his  heroes,  but  not  in  any  unconnected 
with  him. 


294 


BETHLEHEM 


of  Moab  at  IMizpeh  (1  Sam.  xxii.  3,  4).  But  what- 
ever its  origin,  here  we  find  the  connection  in  full 
vii^or.  When  the  famine  occurs,  the  natural  re- 
aource  is  to  go  to  the  country  of  JNIoab  and  "  con- 
tinue there;  "  the  surprise  of  the  city  is  occasioned 
not  at  Naomi's  going,  but  at  her  return.  Ruth 
was  "not  like"  the  handmaidens  of  Boaz  —  some 
difference  of  feature  or  complexion  there  was  douljt- 
less  which  distinguished  the  "  children  of  Lot " 
from  tlje  children  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob; 
but  yet  she  gleans  after  the  reapers  in  the  field  with- 
out molestation  or  remark,  and  when  Boaz  in  the 
most  public  manner  po.ssible  proclaims  his  intention 
of  taking  the  stranger  to  be  his  wife,  no  voice  of 
remonstrance  is  raised,  but  loud  congratulations  are 
expressed,  the  parallel  in  the  life  of  Jacob  occurs  at 


BETHLEHEM 

once  to  all,  and  a  blessing  is  invoked  on  the  head  of 
Kuth  the  Moabitess,  that  she  may  be  like  the  two 
daughters  of  the  Mesopotamian  Nahor,  "  hke  Rachn 
and  like  Leah,  who  did  build  the  house  of  Israel." 
This,  in  the  face  of  the  strong  denunciations  of 
Moab  contained  in  the  Law  is,  to  say  the  least,  very 
remarkable." 

The  elevation  of  David  to  the  kingdom  does  not 
appear  to  have  affected  the  fortunes  of  his  native 
place.  The  residence  of  Saul  acquired  a  new  title 
specially  from  him,  by  which  it  was  called  even 
down  to  the  latest  time  of  Jewish  history  (2  Sam. 
xxi.  6;  Joseph.  B.  J.  v.  2,  §  1,  ra^aflcroouA.^),  but 
David  did  nothing  to  dignify  Bethlehem,  or  con- 
nect it  with  himself.  The  only  touch  of  recollec- 
tion which  he  manifests  for  it,  is  that  recorded  iii 


Bethlehem. 


the  well-known  story  of  his  sudden  longing  for  the 
water  of  the  well  by  the  gate  of  his  childhood  (2 
Sam.  xxiii.  15). 

The  few  remaining  casual  notices  of  liethlehem 
in  the  Old  Testament  may  be  quickly  enumerated. 
It  was  fortified  by  Kehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  6).  By 
the  time  of  the  Captivity,  the  Inn  of  Chimham  by 

(^1'S!  =  "close  to")  Bethlehem,  appears  to  have 
become  the  recognized  point  of  departure  for  trav- 
ellers to  Egypt  (Jer.  xli.  17)  — a  caravanserai  or 

khan  {r?ni  :  see  Stanley,  App.  §  90),  perhaps 
the  identical  one  which  existed  there  at  the  time  of 
our  Lord  (KariXvfjLo),  like  those  which  still  exist 
all  over  the  east  at  the  stations  of  travellers. 
Ustly,  "  Children  of  Bethlehem,"  to  the  number 
,if  123,  returned  with  Zerubbabel  from  Babylon 
'Ezr.  ii.  21;  Neh.  vii.  26). 


In  the  New  Testament  Bethlehem  retains  its  dis- 
tinctive title  of  Bethlehem- judah  *  (Matt.  ii.  1,  6), 
and  once,  in  the  announcement  of  the  angels,  the 
"city  of  David  "  c  (Luke  ii.  4;  and  comp.  John 
vii.  42;  Kciyuij:  castellum).  Its  connection  with  the 
history  of  (;hrist  is  too  familiar  to  all  to  need  any 
notice  here:  the  remark  should  merely  be  made 
that  as  in  the  earlier  history  less  is  recorded  of  the 
place  after  the  youth  of  David  than  before,  so  in 
the  later  nothing  occurs  after  the  birth  of  our  I^ni 
to  indicate  that  any  additional  importance  or  in- 
terest was  fastened  on  the  town.  In  fact,  the  pas- 
sages just  quoted,  and  the  few  which  follow,^  ex- 
haust the  references  to  it  in  the  N.  T.  (Matt.  ii.  6, 
8, 16 ;  Luke  ii.  15). 

After  this  nothing  is  heard  of  it  till  near  the  mid- 
dle of  the  2d  century,  when  Justin  Martyr  speak-s 
of  our  Lords  birth  as  having  taken  place  "  in  aoer- 


a  Moab  appears  elsewhere  in  connection  with  a  place 
In  Ju'lah,  Jaxhuhi-lchem  (1  Chr.  iv.  22).  We  might 
be  tempted  to  believe  the  name  merely  another  form 
3f  Beth-iehem,  If  the  context— the  mention  of  Mare- 
ihah  and  Chozeba,  places  on  the  extreme  west  of  the 
Tibe  —  did  not  forbid  it. 

6  In  the  Greek  copies  of  St.  Matthew  the  name  is 


given  as  B.  r^s'IovWas;  but  in  the  more  »n^' 
feyriac  recension  lately  published  by  Mr.  CuretonWte, 
as  in  the  O.  T.,  Bethlehem-judah. 

c  Observe  that  this  phnuse  has  lost  the  meamuif 
which  it  bears  in  the  0.  T.,  where  it  specially  oto  | 
invariably  signifies  the  fortress  of  the  Jebusitei,  tb»  | 
festness  ot  Zion  (2  .Sum.  v.  7,  9  ;  I  Chr   xl.  5.  "<)• 


I 


BETHLEHEM 


BETHLEHEM 


29^ 


tain  cave  very  close  to  the  village,"  which  cave  he 
goes  on  to  say  had  been  specially  pointed  out  by 
Isaiah  as  '<  a  sign."  The  passage  fix)m  Isaiah  to 
which  he  refers  is  xxxiii.  13-19,  in  ;he  LXX.  ver- 
sion of  which  occurs  the  following  —  "  He  shall 
dwell  on  high :  His  place  of  defeii«e  shall  be  in  a 
lofty  cave  of  the  strong  rock"  (Justin.  Dial.  c. 
Tryph.  §§  78,  70).  Such  is  the  earliest  supplement 
we  possess  to  the  meagre  indications  of  the  uaiTative 
of  the  Gospels ;  and  whUe  it  is  not  possible  to  say 
with  certainty  that  the  tradition  is  true,  there  is  no 
reason  for  discrediting  it.  There  is  nothing  in 
itself  improbable — as  there  certainly  is  in  many 
cases  where  the  traditional  scenes  of  events  are  laid 
in  caverns — in  the  supjxisition  that  the  place  in 
which  .Joseph  and  Mary  took  shelter,  and  where 
was  the  "manger"  or  "stall"  (whatever  the 
(baLTuri  may  have  been),"  was  a  cave  in  tho  lime- 
stone rock  of  which  the  eminence  of  Bethlehem  is 
composed.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to  assume  that 
.Justin's  quotation  from  Isaiah  is  the  ground  of  an 
inference  of  his  own ;  it  may  equally  be  an  author- 
ity happily  adduced  by  him  in  support  of  the  ex- 
isting tradition. 

But  the  step  from  the  belief  that  the  nativity 
may  have  taken  place  in  a  cavern,  to  the  belief  that 
the  present  subterraneous  vault  or  crypt  is  that 
cavern,  is  a  very  wide  one.  Even  in  the  150  years 
that  had  passed  when  Justin  wrote,  so  much  had 
happened  at  Bethlehem  that  it  is  difficult  to  believe 
that  the  true  spot  could  have  been  accurately  pre- 
served. In  that  interval  —  an  interval  as  long  as 
that  between  the  landing  of  William  III.  and  the 
battle  of  Waterloo  —  not  oidy  had  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Jerusalem  been  overrun  and  devastated  by  the 
Romans  at  the  destruction  of  the  city,  but  the  em- 
peror Hadrian,  amongst  otiier  desecrations,  had 
actually  planted  a  grove  of  Adonis  at  the  spot 
{htcus  inumhrabat  Adonidh,  .Jerome,  Ep.  Paul.). 
This  grove  remained  at  Bethlehem  for  no  less  than 
180  years,  namely,  from  a.  u.  1.'!5  till  315.  After 
this  the  place  was  purged  of  its  abominations  by 
Constantine,  who  about  A.  d.  330  erected  the  pres- 
ent church  (Euseb.  Vil.  Const,  iii.  40.  See  Tobler, 
102,  rwte).  Conceive  the  alterations  in  the  ground 
unpUed  in  this  statement !  —  a  heathen  sanctuary 
established  and  a  grove  planted  on  the  spot  —  that 
grove  and  those  erections  demolished  to  make  room 
for  the  Basilica  of  Constantine ! 

The  modem  town  of  Beit4ahm  (  A-t^ 

lies  to  the  E.  of  the  main  road  from  Jerusalem  to 
Hebron,  6  mUes  from  the  former.  It  covers  "  the 
E.  and  N.  E.  parts  of  the  ridge  of  a  "  long  gray 
hiU  "  of  Jura  limestone,  which  stands  nearly  due 
E.  and  W.,  and  is  about  a  mile  in  length.  The  hill 
has  a  deep  valley  on  tlie  N.  and  another  on  the  S. 
The  west  end  shelves  down  gradually  to  the  valley ; 
but  the  east  end  is  lx)lder,  and  overlooks  a  plain  of 
some  extent.  The  slopes  of  the  ridge  are  in  many 
parts  covered  by  terraced  gardens,  shaded  by  rows 
of  olives  with  figs  and  vines,  the  terraces  sweeping 
round  the  contour  of  the  hill  with  great  regularity. 
On  the  top  of  the  hill  lies  the  village  in  a  kind  of 


o) 


"  It  is  as  well  to  remember  tliat  the  "  stable  "  and 
|b  accompaniments  are  the  creations  cf  the  imagina- 
ion  of  poets  and  painters,  with  no  su  port  from  the 
lospel  narrative. 

*  Mr.  Stanley  mentions,  and  recurs  characteristi- 
jally  to  the  interesting  fact,  that  the  present  roof  is 
VKMtructed  from  English  oak  given  to  the  church  by 
Mward  IV.     {S.  £f  P.  141,  439.)     Tobler,  104,  nnte, 


irregular  triangle  (Stewart),  at  about  150  yards 
from  the  apex  of  which,  and  separated  from  it  oy  a 
vacant  space  on  the  extreme  eastern  part  of  thr 
ridge,  spreads  the  noble  Basilica  of  St.  Helena, 
"  half  church,  half  fort,"  now  embraced  by  its 
three  convents.  Creek,  Latin,  and  Armenian. 

This  is  not  the  place  for  a  description  of  the 
"  holy  places  "  of  Bethlehem.  All  that  can  be  said 
about  them  has  been  well  said  by  Lord  Nugent 
(i.  13-21),  and  Mr.  Stanley  (438-442).  (See  also, 
though  interspersed  with  much  irrelevant  matter, 
Stewart,  24G,  334—5.)  Of  the  architecture  of  the 
church  very  Uttle  Ls  known;  for  a  resume  of  that 
httle  see  Eergusson's  Handbook  of  Architec/iae. 
524;  also  Salzmann's  Photographs  and  the  EtwU 
accompanying  them  (p.  72).*  One  fact,  of  great 
interest  —  probably  the  most  genuine  about  the 
place  —  is  associated  with  a  portion  of  the  crypt  of 
this  church,  namely,  that  here,  "  beside  what  he 
believed  to  be  the  cradle  of  the  Christian  faith," 
St.  Jerome  lived  for  more  than  30  years,  leaving  a 
lasting  monument  of  his  sojourn  in  the  Vulgate 
translation  of  the  Bible. 

In  the  plain  below  and  east  of  the  convent,  about 
a  mile  fiom  the  walls,  is  the  traditional  scene  of  the 
angels'  appearance  to  the  shepherds,  a  very  small, 
poor  village  called  Btit-Scihur,  to  the  E.  of  which 
are  the  unimportant  remains  of  a  Greek  church. 
These  buildings  and  ruins  are  siurounded  by  olive- 
trees  (Seetzen,  u.  41,  42).  Here  in  Arculfs  time, 
"  by  the  tower  of  Ader,"  was  a  church  dedicated 
to  the  three  .shepherds,  and  containing  their  mon- 
uments (Arculf,  6).  But  this  plain  is  too  rich  ever 
to  have  been  allowed  to  lie  in  pnsturage,  and  it  is 
more  likely  to  have  been  then  occupied,  as  it  is  now 
and  as  it  doubtless  was  in  the  days  of  Ruth,  by 
cornfields,  and  the  sheep  to  have  been  kept  on  the 
hilLs.c 

The  traditional  well  of  David  (2  Sam.  xxiii  15), 
a  group  of  three  cisterns,  is  more  than  half  a  mUe 
away  from  the  present  town  on  the  other  side  of 
the  wady  on  the  north.  A  few  yards  from  the 
western  end  of  the  village  are  two  apertures,  which 
have  the  appearance  of  wells;  but  they  are  merely 
openings  to  a  cistern  connected  with  the  aqueduct 
below,  and  we  have  Dr.  Robinson's  assurance  that 
there  is  now  no  well  of  living  water  in  or  near  the 
town. 

The  population  of  Beit~lahm  is  about  3000  souLs, 
entfrely  Christians.  All  travellers  remark  the  good 
looks  of  the  women  (EotJien),  the  substantial,  clean 
appearance  of  the  houses,  and  the  general  air  of 
comfort  (for  an  eastern  town)  which  prevails.     G. 

*  In  regard  to  the  well  at  Bethleliem  (1)  it 
should  be  remarked  that  David  (see  2  Sam.  xxiii. 
15)  longed  not  for  "living  water"  but  for  that  from 

the  "reservoir"  or  "cistern  "  (as  1W2  signifies, 
see  Fiirst ;  Sept.  \dicKos  '•  Vulg.  cistetTia),  at  the  gate 
of  Bethlehem.  The  writer  in  approaching  Betk 
lehem  from  the  south  (AprU  21st,  1852)  found  a 
little  stream  running  down  the  steep  bank  on  that 
side,  and  at  the  top,  on  entering  the  town,  drank 
of  the  refreshing  water  from  a  reservoir  there,  said 

adduces  *he  authority  of  Eutychius  that  the  present 
'^hurch  .!■  the  work  of  Justinian,  who  destroyed  that 
oi  Constantine  as  not  8>ifflclently  magnificent. 

c  'AypavAoui/Tes  (Luke  ii.  8  ;  A.  V.  "  abiding  in  th» 
field  ")  has  no  special  reference  to  "  field  "  moi-e  than 
hiU,  but  means  rather  "  passing  the  night  out  of 
doors ;  ''  x^P"-  ^^o  means  a  "  district "  or  neighbor 
hood,  with  no  special  topogpiuphlcal  signific&ticn. 


29t) 


BBTHLEHEMITE 


to  ue  supplied  by  an  aqueduct  &x)ni  Solumon's 
i'ools.  The  same  springs  must  have  fmnished  Beth- 
lehem with  water  of  old  (there  is  no  better  water 
in  all  that  region  now);  and  supposing  David  to 
Lave  been,  as  he  probably  was,  in  tiie  wilderness  of 
Tekoa  at  the  time,  it  was  the  water  of  which  he  would 
naturally  think  not  only  as  so  good  in  itself,  but 
actually  nearer  to  him  than  any  other.  The  "  tra- 
ditional well,"  half  a  mile  or  more  northeast  of 
IJethlehem,  contains  water  at  times  (Hitter,  Erd- 
kunde,  xvi.  286;  Wilson,  Lnnds  of  tite,  Bible,  i. 
399):  but  at  that  distance  it  would  not  so  nat- 
urally be  associated  with  the  gate.  As  we  have 
seen  above,  it  is  no  objection  that  the  so-called 
"  well "  is  a  cistern  or  reservoir.  H. 

2.  {Wn^  2  :  BaiQudv,  Alex.  BajflAee/x:  Beth- 
Ithem),  a  town  in  the  portion  of  Zebulun  named 
nowhere  but  in  Josh.  xix.  15.  It  has  been  recovered 
b»  Dr.  Robinson  at  Beit  Lnhm,  about  six  miles  west 
of  Nazareth,  and  lying  between  that  town  and  tlie 
main  road  from  Akka  to  Gaza,  liobinscn  charac- 
terizes it  as  "a  very  miserable  village,  none  more 
80  in  all  the  country,  and  without  a  tj'aee  of  an- 
tiquity except  the  name  "  (iii.  11.3).  G. 

BETH'LEHEMITE,       THE         ("n\2 

''^rH-^  •  ^vO^fefiirvs  [Vat.  -fiei-],  6  BaidKff- 
(iIttis  [Vat.  -e^uyuej-];  Alex.  BTjeAeejuixT/s  [and 
-/ifi-]  :  Bethlehnniles).  A  native  or  inhabitant  of 
Hethlehem.  Jesse  (1  Sam.  xvi.  1,  18,  xvii.  58)  and 
Elhanan  (2  Sam.  xxi.  19)  were  Hethlehemites. 
Another  I'"lhaii.in.  son  of  Dodo  of  Bethlehem,  was 
one  of  David's  guard  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  24).  [El- 
IIANAX.]  W.  A.  W. 

BETHLO'MON  (Ba.eAojyuwr ;  [Vat.  Pa7f- 
9\afx(i>j/;  Aid.  BfOXwuciv'-  SejM>lemon']),  1  Esdr.  v. 
17.  [Bethleiikm,  l.J  G. 

BETH-MA'ACHAH  (HD^n  '2,  and  with 

the  article,  ^T^  ^  [liouse  oj' njj/jressimi]  :  Bedua- 
Xa,  *«p/xaxa;  [Vat.  Batdfiaxa;  Alex.  B7j0/ioxa:] 
BetJiiiifKichd),  a,  place  named  only  in  2  Sam.  xx.  14, 
15,  and  there  occuning  more  as  a  definition  of  the 
position  of  Ahkl  than  for  itself.  In  the  absence 
of  more  information,  we  can  only  conclude  that  it  is 
identical  with  M.\acii.\h,  or  Akam-maaciiaii, 
one  of  the  petty  Syrian  kingdoms  in  the  north  of 
Palestine.     [Akam.]  G. 

BETH-MAR'CABOTH      ("bSn^n'a, 

house  of  til e  clidriof.^,  in  Chron.  without  the  article: 
BatB/j-axepffi,  [Baiefxapi/j-wd,  Vat.  -pet-:]  Alex. 
BaiOaiifiopxacr^uid,  BaiB  [Mapxa^oB']  Bethrtmr- 
cha/xjlh ),  one  of  the  towns  of  Simeon,  situate  d  to  the 
extreme  south  of  Judah,  with  Ziklag  and  Ilormali 
(,Iosh.  xLx.  5;  1  ('br.  iv.  31).  What  "  chariots"  can 
have  been  in  use  in  this  rough  and  thinly  inhabited 
part  ofthecountry,  ata  time  so  earlyas  that  at  which 
these  lists  of  towns  purport  to  have  been  made  out, 
we  know  not.  At  a  later  period  —  that  of  Solo- 
mon —  "  chariot  cities  "  are  named,  and  a  regular 
trade  with  I'ijypt  in  chariots  was  carried  on  (1  K. 
X.  19;  2Chr.'viii.  6;  1  K.  x.  29;  2  Chr.  i.  17), 
vhich  would  naturally  refjuire  depots  or  stopping- 
places  on  the  road  "  up  "  to  Palestine  (Stunley,  160). 
In  the  parallel  list,  .Tosh.  xv.  30,  31,  Madmannah 
occurs  in  place  of  Beth-marcaboth ;  possibly  the 
latter  was  substituted  for  the  former  after  the  town 
had  become  the  resort  of  cb.ariots.  Without  sup- 
posing the  one  word  to  be  a  mere  corruption  of 
iie  other,  the  change  of  a  name  to  one  diUcring 


BETH-PALET 

less  in  appearance  than  in  meaning  is  quite  in  auk 
racter  with  the  plays  on  words  fre<iuent  m  Hebren 
literature.    [Hazak-su.si,m;  Madmannah. J  G. 

BETH-ME'ON  ii'^V^'l;:  oIko,  Maiy 
Bethmam),  Jer.  xlviii.  23.  A  contracted  form  of  thi 
name  elsewhere  given  as  BKrii-BAAb-MKoN.    G. 

BETH-NIM'RAH  {T^-p}  ri"2  =  hmm 
of  sweet  wnter,  Gesen.;  ^  Na/u-pafx.  BaiuBavafipi, 
Alex.  Afifipav,  iBTjBafiva  ;  (.'omp.  BvBva/xpdy 
BrjBava/jLpd;  Aid.  A/j.pdv,  BtiBvafipd-]  Bethnmra), 
one  of  the  "  fenced  cities  "  on  the  east  of  the  Jor- 
dan taken  and  "  built  "  by  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Num. 
xxxii.  36)  and  described  as  lying  "in  the  valley" 

(PP]^2)  beside  Beth-haran  (Josh.  xiii.  27).  In 
Num.  xxxii.  3  it  is  named  simply  Ni.mkah.  By 
Eusebius  and  Jerome  ( Onom.  IJethamnaram,  and 
Beth-nemra)  the  village  is  said  to  have  been  still 
standing  five  miles  north  of  Libias  (Iteth-liaran); 
and  under  N«'/3/)o  Eusebius  mentions  that  it  was  a 
large  place,  kuiixt)  fMiylarri,  in  Karafaia  ( V  Batar 
n«ea),  and  called  Abara. 

The  name  stills  survives  in  the  Nahr  Nimi-in, 
the  Arab  apjiellation  of  the  lower  end  of  the  Wndy 
Shodih,  where  the  waters  of  that  valley  discharge 
themselves  into  the  Jordan  close  to  one  of  the  reg- 
ular fords  a  few  miles  above  Jericho.  It  has  been 
seen  by  Seetzen  (Jieisen,  1854,  ii.  318),  and  Kob- 
inson  (i.  551 ),  but  does  not  apjiear  to  have  been 
explored,  and  all  that  is  known  is  that  the  vegeta- 
tion is  very  thick,  betokening  an  abundance  of  wa- 
ter. The  H'^ddy  Shoaib  nms  back  up  into  the 
Eastern  mountains,  as  far  as  es-Salt.  Its  name 
(the  modern  form  of  Hobab?)  connects  it  with  the 
wanderings  of  the  children  of  Israel,  and  a  tradi- 
tion still  clings  to  the  neighl)orliood,  that  it  waa 
down  this  vallf;y  they  descended  to  the  Jordan 
(Seetzen,  ii.  377). 

It  seems  to  have  escaped  notice  how  fully  tlie 
requirements  of  Bethaljara  are  met  in  the  circum- 
stances of  Beth-nimrab  —  its  abundance  of  watec^Kl 
and  its  situation  close  to  "  the  region  round  about^p 
Jordan  "  {■}]  irfpixo^posrou  'lopSdvov,  i-  e.  the  Cic- 
CAK  of  the  O.  T.,  the  Oasis  of  .Jericho),  immediately 
accessible  to  "Jerusalem  and  all  Juda;a  "  (John  i. 
28;  Matt.  iii.  5;  Mark  i.  5)  by  the  direct  and  or- 
dinary road  from  the  capital.  Add  to  this,  what 
is  certaiidy  a  strong  confirmation  of  this  suggestion, 
that  in  the  LXX.  the  name  of  Beth-nimrah  is  (bund 
almost  exactly  assuming  the  fonn  of  Bethabara  — 
BaiBavaPpd,  BriBafipd,  BeBapafid  (see  Holmes 
and  Parsons's  LXX.). 

The  "  Waters  of  Nimrim,"  which  ai-e  named  in 
the  denunciations  of  Moab  by  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah, 
may  from  the  context  be  the  brook  which  still 
bears  the  same  name  at  the  S.  E.  part  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  [Ni.MiuM.]  A  similar  name  (signifying, 
however,  in  Arabic,  "panther")  is  not  uncommon 
on  the  east  of  the  Jordan.  G. 

BETHO'RON  (BaiBocpdp ;  Alex.  BtBupu: 
cm.  in  Vulg.).     Beth-hokon  (Jud.  iv.  4). 

BETH-PA'LET   (t^^^    3  :    when   not  m 

pause,  tD.f^,  house  of  fight;  Bai<t>a\d8 ;  [.\lex 
Bai0(t>a\f6 '■]  Bethphelet),  a.  town  among  those  in 
the  extreme  south  of  Judah,  named  in  Josh,  xr 
27,  and  Neh.  xi.  26,  with  Moladah  and  IJeer-slieba 
In  the  latter  place  it  is  BETii-rHEi.FT  (following 
the  Vulgate).  Its  remains  have  not  yet  betai  di» 
covered.  0 


BETH-PAZZEZ 

BETH-l'AZ'ZEZ  (\'"5  ?  [/"«we  0/  (^i»- 
je^wm]  :  BTjpffaf/)^?  ;  Alex.  80164)00-7?$:  -Bewt- 
pAeses),  a  town  of  Issachar  nan.etl  with  En-haddan 
(Josh.  six.  21),  and  of  which  nothing  is  known. 

G. 


BETHSAIDA 


297 


BETH-PE'OR  C"!^^  "I"?-  [^o"*^  (f 
Fern-]:  oIkos  ^oyciip;  m  .losh.  Baie<poywp,  [Alex. 
Bidcboywp-]  f'niuin  Plwym;  Plw,;w;  Befhpho,jor ; 
in  0mm.  Bethfoyo),  a  place,  no  doubt  dedicated 
to  the  god  h"aai--i'K<)H,  on  the  east  of  Jordan, 
opposite  (arrfvavTi)  .lericho,  and  six  miles  above 
labias  or  I5eth-hanui  (I'Luseb.  Ommnsticon).  It 
was  in  the  possession  of  the  tribe  of  Keuben  (Josh, 
xiii.  20).  In  the  I'enUtcuch  the  name  occurs  in  a 
formula  by  which  one  of  the  last  halting-places  of 
the  children  of  Israel  is  designated  —  "  the  ravine 
(S^an)  over  against  C"^-)  Beth-peor"  (Deut. 
iii.  29,  iv.  40).  In  this  ravine  Moses  was  probably 
buried  (xxxiv.  G). 

Here,  as  in  other  cases,  the  Beth  may  be  a  Hebrew 
lubstitution  for  Bival.  G. 

BETHTHAGE  l}i  syl.]  {Bvecpayri  and  Bijfl- 
ti^y^:  Betliphage;  quasi  S^"?  2,  house  of  un- 
ripe fiffs),  the  name  of  a  place  on  the  mount  of 
Olive's,' on  the  road  between  .Jericho  and  Jenisalena. 
Krom  the  two  teing  twice  mentioned  together,  it 
was  apparently  close  to  Bethany  (Matt.  xxi.  1; 
Mark  xi.  1;  Luke  xix.  29),  and  from  its  being 
named  first  of  the  two  in  the  narrative  of  a  journey 
from  east  to  west,  it  may  be  presumed  that  it  lay, 
if  anj-thing,  to  the  eastward  of  Bethany.  The  fact 
of  our  Lord's  making  Bethany  his  nightly  lodging 
place  (Matt.  xxi.  17,  &c.)  is  no  confirmation  of  this 
(a.s  Winer  would  have  it);  since  He  would  doubt- 
less take  up  his  abode  ui  a  place  where  He  had 
friends,  even  though  it  were  not  the  first  place  at 
which  He  arrived  on  the  road.  No  remains  which 
could  answer  to  this  position  have  however  been 
found  (Rob.  i.  4.33),  and  the  traditional  site  is  above 
i  Bethany,  half-way  between  that  village  and  the  top 
I  of  the  mount. 

By  Kusebius  and  Jerome,  and  also  by  Origen, 
the  place  was  known,  though  1.0  indication  of  its 
I  position  is  given ;  by  the  former  it  is  called  Kc6/irj> 
i  by  Jerome  viUula.    They  describe  it  as  a  village  of 
j  the  priests,  possibly  from  "  Beth  phace,"  signifying 
in  Syriac  the  •'  house  of  the  jaw,"  and  the  jaw  in 
the  sacrifices  being  the  portion  of  the  priests  (Keland, 
6.53).     Lightfoot's  theory,  grounded  on  the  state- 
ments  of  the  TalmudiSts,   is   extraordinary:  that 
Itethphage  was  the  name  of  a  district  reaching  from 
tiie  foot  of  Olivet  to  the  wall  of  Jerusalem.     (But 
see  Reland,  652;  Hug.  JiinL  i.  18,  19.)     Schwarz 
'263-4),  and  Barclay,  in  his  map,  appear  to  agree 
1  placing  Bethphage  on  the  southern  shoulder  of 
.le  •'  Mount  of  Offense,"  above  the  village  of  Siloam, 
and  therefore  west  of  Bethany. 

The  name  of  Bethphage,  the  signification  of 
which  as  given  above  is  generally  accepted,  is,  like 
those  of  l^thany  [?],  Caphenatha,  Bezetha,  and  the 
Mount  of  Olives  itself,  a  testimony  to  the  ancient 
Tuitfulness  of  this  district  (Stanley,  187).        G. 

BETH-PHE'LET,   Neh.    xi.   26.     [Beth- 

ALET.] 


iv.  12  only).  There  is  a  Kapha  in  the  line  of  Ben- 
jamin and  elsewhere,  but  no  apparent  coimection 
exists  between  those  and  this,  nor  has  the  name 
been  identified  as  belonghig  to  any  place.         G. 

BETH-RE'HOB  (a""in"1  n*2,  Jioiise  of 
Rechob,  or  of  room:  6  oIkos  PocijS,  Alex.  Tco3, 
[in  2  Sara.]  'PotijS:  Hohob),  a  plaoe  mentioned  as 
having  near  it  the  valley  in  which  lay  the  town  ol 
Laish  or  Dan  (Judg.  xviii.  28).  It  was  one  of  the 
little  kingdoms  of  Aram  or  SjTia,  like  Zobah, 
Maacah,  and  Ish-tob  (comp.  the  reading  of  the 
Alex.  LXX.  above),  in  company  with  which  it  was 
hired  by  the  Ammonites  to  fight  against  l)a\id  (2 
Sam.  X.  G).  In  ver.  8  the  name  occurs  in  the 
shorter  form  of  Kehob,  in  which  form  it  is  doubt- 
less again  mentioned  in  Num.  xiii.  21.  Being, 
however,  "far  from  Zidon  "  (Judg.  xviii.  28),  this 
place  must  not  be  confounded  with  two  t<jwns  ol 
the  name  of  Kehob  in  the  territory  of  Asher. 
[Kehob.]  The  conjex-ture  of  Kolnnson  lili.  371) 
is  that  this  ancient  place  is  represented  by  the  mod- 
ern Ilunin,  a  fortress  commanding  the  plain  of  the 
JMlek,  in  which  the  city  of  Dan  (  Tell  el-Kthly)  lay. 
Hadadezer  the  king  of  Zobah  is  said  to  have 
been  the  sou  of  Kehob  (2  Sam.  viii.  3,  12).      G. 


BETHSA'IDA   (BTjOo-atSct : 


1--^     ^-^, 


BETH-RA'PHA  (S;^  n*3,  house  of 
R(tpha,  or  of  the  giant:  6  BaOpala;  Alex.  Bad- 
te<pa'  Bcth-apha).!  a  name  which  occurs  in  the 
lenealogy  of  JudaJi  as  the  son  of  Eshton  (1  Chr. 


house  offsh  :  Beihsnidn),  the  name  of  two  places 
in  Northern  Palestine:  — 

1.  "  Bethsaida  of  Galilee"  (John  xii.  21),  a  city 
{ir6\is),  which  w;us  the  native  place  of  Andrew, 
Peter,  and  Philip  (John  i.  44,  xii.  21)  in  the  land 
of  Gennesareth  (tV  7^"  T-)  (Mark  vL  4.5;  comp. 
53),  and  therefore  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake.  It 
was  evidently  in  near  neighborhood  to  C-ai)ernaum 
and  Chorazin  (Matt.  xi.  21;  Luke  x.  13;  and 
comp.  Mark  vi.  45,  with  John  vi.  16),  and,  if  the 
interpretation  of  the  name  is  to  be  trusted,  close  to 
the  water's  edge.  By  Jerome  ( Comm.  in  Esai.  ix. 
1)  and  Eusebius  (Onom.)  these  towns  and  Tiberiaa 
are  all  mentioned  together  as  lying  on  the  shore  of 
the  lake.  Epiphanius  (adv.  Ilcer.  ii. )  says  of  Beth- 
saida and  Capernaum  ov  fxaKpav  vvtosv  toJ  diaffTij- 
ixari-  Wilibald  (A.  D.  722)  went  from  Magdalum 
to  Capernaum,  thence  to  Bethsaida,  and  then  to 
Chorazin.  These  ancient  notices,  however,  though 
they  fix  its  general  situation,  none  of  them  contain 
any  indication  of  its  exact  position,  and  as,  like  the 
other  two  towms  just  mentionetl,  its  name  and  all 
memory  of  its  site  have  perished,  no  positive  identi- 
fication can  be  made  of  it.  Dr.  Kobinson  places 
Bethsaida  at  'Ain  et~Tdbi;/hnh,  a  short  distance 
north  of  Khan  Mimjth,  which  he  identifies  with 
Capernaum  (iii.  359). 

2.  By  comparing  the  narratives  (of  the  same 
event)  contained  in  Mark  vi.  31-53  and  Luke  ix. 
10-17,  in  the  latter  of  which  Bethsaida  is  named 
as  the  spot  at  which  the  miracle  took  place,  whil.' 
\v  the  former  the  disciples  are  said  to  have  crossed 
the  water  from  the  scene  of  the  event  "  to  Bethsaida 
in  the  land  of  Gennesareth  "— it  appears  certain 
that  the  Bethsaida  at  which  the  5000  were  fed 
must  have  been  a  second  place  of  the  same  name  on 
the  east  of  the  lake.  Such  a  place  there  was  at  the 
northeastern  extremity — formerly  a  village  (Kco/xri), 
but  rebuilt  and  adorned  by  Philip  the  Tetrarch,  and 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  town  under  the  name  of 
Julias,  after  the  daughter  of  the  emperor  (.Jos.  Ant. 
xviii.  2,  §  1;  5.  J.  u.  9,  §  1,  iii.  10,  §  7).  Here, 
in  a  magnificent  tomb,  Philip  was  buried  (Jos.  AnJ  / 
xviii.  4-  fi  R^ 


293 


BETHSAMOS 


Of  this  Bethsaida  we  have  certainly  one  and 
probably  two  mentions  in  the  Gospels :  1.  That 
named  aliove,  of  the  feeding  of  the  5000  (Luke  ix. 
10).  The  miracle  took  place  in  a  r6vos  epjj/ios  — 
a  vacant,  lonely  spot,  somewhere  up  in  the  rising 
ground  at  tlie  back  of  the  town,  covered  with  a 
profusion  of  green  grass  (John  vi.  3,  10 ;  Mark  vi. 
:i!»;  Matt.  xiv.  19),  and  in  the  evening  the  disciples 
went  down  to  the  water  and  went  home  across  the 
lake  {els  rh  rctpav)  to  I?etlisaida  (Mark  vi.  45),  or 
as  St.  John  (vi.  17)  and  St.  Matthew  (xiv.  34) 
more  generally  express  it,  towards  Capernaum,  and 
t«  tlie  land  of  (jlennesareth.  The  coincidence  of 
the  two  Bethsaida-s  occurring  in  the  one  narrative, 
and  that  on  the  occiision  of  the  only  absolutely 
certain  mention  of  the  eastern  one,  is  extraordinary. 
In  the  very  ancient  Syriac  recension  (the  Nitrian) 
iu.st  published  by  Mr.  Cureton,  tlie  words  in  Luke 
a.  10,  "belonging  to  the  city,  called  Bethsaida," 
are  omitted. 

2.  The  other,  highly  probable,  mention  of  this 
place  is  in  Jlark  viii.  2'2.«  If  Dalmanutha  (viii. 
10)  was  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake,  then  was  Beth 
Baida  on  the  east;  because  in  the  interval  Christ 
had  departed  by  ship  to  the  other  side  (13).  And 
with  this  well  accords  the  mention  immediately 
after  of  the  villages  of  Cffsarea  Philippi  (27),  and  of 
the  "  high  mountain  "  of  the  transfiguration  (ix.  2), 
which,  as  Mr.  Stanley  has  ingeniously  suggested,* 
was,  not  the  traditional  spot,  but  a  part  of  the 
Hermon  range  somewhere  above  the  source  of  the 
Jordan  (S.  4-  P.  399). 

Of  the  western  Bethsaida  no  mention  is  made  in 
Josejihus,  and  until  the  discovery  by  Keland  of  the 
fact  that  there  were  two  places  of  the  name,  one  on 
the  west,  and  one  on  the  ea.st  side,  the  elucidation 
of  the  various  occurrences  of  the  two  was  one  of  the 
hardest  knots  of  Sacred  geography  (see  Cellarius, 
Notii.  ii.  53G).  G. 

BETHSA'MOS  {Baieafftj.div;  [Vat.  Bairoo-- 
fuev  ;J  Alex.  'BaiBaaixwd  \  [Aid.  BeSo-ayncfis  :] 
Ctbvthnmus),  1  Esdr.  v.   18.   [Bkth-azmavp:th.] 

BETH'SAN  \Baie(T(i.v\  Alex,  in  1  Mace.  xii. 
Beflo-o :  Betlisan],  1  Mace.  v.  52,  xii.  40,  41. 
[Bkth-siikan.] 

BETH-SHAN'  [Baieaifi,  -adv.  Vat.  Bmdfti, 
BatOaafj.,  BaiO;  Alex.  B7]d(ray-  Bcthgan],  1  Sam. 
ccxi.  10,  12;  2  Sam.  xxi.  12.     [Betii-sheak.] 

BETH-SHE'AN    (ISlp    D"^     [house  of 

quiet]),  or,  in  Samuel,  Bkth-shan,  ('/''  2  : 
Baidadf,  Bridadv,  6  oIkos  'Sdv,  [etc. :]  Dttlimn), 
a  city  which,  with  its  "  daughter  "  towns,  belonged 
to  Manasseh  (1  Chr.  vii.   29),  though  within  the 

a  The  use  of  the  word  K<!>fi.y]  in  this  pWe  is  remark- 
«,ble.  Mr.  Stanley  suggests  that  its  old  appellation 
had  stuck  to  it,  even  after  the  change  in  its  dignity 
fS.  ^  P.  App.  §  86). 

A  *  This  suggestion  is  by  no  means  a  recent  one.  It 
may  be  fouml  in  Ruland  (Palerstina,  p.  334)  and  Light- 
oot  {Hor.  Hibr.  p.  447,  Rotterdam,  1686).    See  Tabor. 

.\s  to  Bethsaida,  Thomson  {Land  and  Book,  il.  9, 
J&-32)  has  still  another  theory.  Instead  of  two  places 
with  this  name,  he  holds  that  there  was  only  one,  but 
this  consisted  of  two  parts,  one  of  which  was  on  the 
west  and  the  other  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Jordan. 
He  speaks  of  the  remains  of  buildings  near  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  so  situated  as  to  indica'e  a  double  town 
of  this  character.  The  references  to  Bethsaida  in  the 
otospels  might  be  harmonized  by  this  supposition,  as 
well  as  by  that  of  two  more  distinct  places.  Julias 
aigbt  in  that  case  also  distinguish  the  part  enlarged 


by  Philip,  since  being  in  his  tetrarchy  it  would  nee< 
a  dififerent  name  from  Bethsaida  on  the  Galilean  iddA 
See  also,  for  ihis  view.  Hug,  Elnl.  i.  §  4 ;  J.  V.  Throw 
in  the  Journ.  of  Class,  and  Sacr.  Philol.,  ii.  302  (f., 
and  Tregelles,  ibid.  iii.  145  ff.  H. 

c  Unless   the  conjecture  of  Schwarz  (148,  note)  b« 

accepted,  that  the  words  (^**^n  iT'5,  house  o/lln 
tooth ;  A.  V.  ivory  house)  In  1  K.  xxil.  89,  should  b» 
rendered  Beth-shan. 

rl  The  exactness  of  the  definition  in  this  descripMoB 
is  seriously  impaired  in  the  A.  V.  by  the  Hubstitutkn 
of  "  a  fountain  "  for  "  the  fount^iin  "  of  the  original. 

e  So  great  was  this  fertility,  that  it  wax  said  by  thi 
Rabbis,  that  if  Paradise  was  in  the  land  of  Isr««L 
Beth-shean  was  the  gate  of  it ;  for  that  itn  fruil*  w«r» 
the  sweetest  in  all  the  land.  (See  the  quoranonn  b 
Lightfoot,  QioT.  Cent.  Ix.) 


BETH-SHEAN 

limits  of  Issachar  (Josh.  xvii.  11),  and  tlieiefore  c* 
the  west  of  Jordan  (comp.  1  Mace.  v.  52)  —  but 
not  mentioned  in  the  hsts  of  the  latter  tiilte.  Th« 
Canaanites  were  not  driven  out  from  the  town 
(Judg.  i.  27).  In  Solomon's  time  it  seems  to  hav( 
given  its  name  to  a  district  extending  from  thi 
town  itself  to  Abel-meholah ;  and  "  all  Beth-shean  ' 
was  under  the  charge  of  one  of  his  comrai.ssariai 
officers  (1  K.  iv.  12). 

The  corpses  of  Saul  and  his  sons  were  fastened 
up  to  the  wall  of  Ifeth  shean  by  the  Phihstines  (1 
Sam.  xxxi.  10,  12)  in  tlie  open  "street "  or  space 

(2'~'"^),  which  —  then  as  now  —  fronted  the  gat« 
of  an  eastern  town  (2  Sam.  xxi.  12).  From  thit 
time  we  lose  sight  of  Beth-shean  ^  till  the  period  of 
the  Maccabees,  in  connection  with  whose  exploit« 
it  is  mentioned  more  than  once  in  a  cursory  man- 
ner (1  Mace.  V.  52;  comp.  1  Mace.  xii.  40,  41). 
The  name  of  Scythopolis  {l,Kve<i)v  wSKis)  appears 
for  the  first  time  in  2  Mace.  xii.  29.  [Scytiioi'olis.] 
This  name,  which  it  received  after  the  exile,  and 
under  the  Greek  dominion,  has  not  survived  to 
the  present  day ;  as  in  many  other  cases  (comp. 
Ptolkmais)  the  old  Semitic  appellation  has  re- 
vived, and  the  place  is  still  called  Beiann.  It  lies 
in  the  Ghor  or  Jordan  valley,  aliout  twelve  miles 
south  of  the  sea  of  Galilee,  and  four  miles  west  of 
the  Jordan.  The  site  of  tlie  town  is  on  the  brow 
of  the  descent  by  which  the  great  plain  of  Esdraelon 
drops  down  to  the  level  of  the  Ghor.  A  few  miles 
to  the  south-west  are  the  mountains  of  Gilboa,  and 
close  beside  the  town  runs  the  water  of  the  Min- 
JnlmJ,  the  fountain  of  which  is  by  Jezreel,  and  is 
ui  all  probability  the  spring  by  which  the  Israelites 
encamped  before  the  battle  in  which  Saul  was 
killed  (1  Sam.  xxix.  1).''  Three  other  large  brooks 
pass  through  or  by  the  town,  and  in  the  fact  of  the 
abundance  of  water,  and  the  exuberant  fertility' 
of  the  soil  consequent  thereon,  as  well  as  in  tlw 
power  of  using  their  chariots,  which  the  level  nature  J 
of  the  country  near  the  town  conferred  on  them 
(Josh.  xvii.  IG),  resides  the  secret  of  the  hold  which 
the  Canaanites  retained  on  the  place. 

If  Jabesh-Gilead  was  where  Dr.  Robin.son  con 
jectures  —  at  ed-Deir  in  the  Wady  Yahis  —  the 
distance  from  thence  to  Ifeisan,  which  it  took  tlie 
men  of  Jabesh  "all  night  "  to  traverse,  cannot  be 
less  than  twenty  miles.  G. 

*  For  fuller  information  respecting  this  important 
site  (Beisdn)  —  its  various  ruins  (Hebrew,  Grecian, 
Roman,  Christian,  Saracenic),  its  abundant  waters 
which  gush  from  perennial  fountauis,  its  fertility 
and  luxuriant  vegetation,  its  Tell  or  acropoUs  (20(5 
feet  high  and  nearly  perpendicular),  which  aflbnls 


I 


T?ETH-SHBMESH 


the  fiii'»t  panorama,  next  to  Gerizim,  ill  all  cen- 
jal  Palestine"  —  the  reader  mstv  sec  Robinson's 
Lnttr  Bibl.  Res.  iii.  326  ff.  (who  visited  the  place 
n  his  second  journey) ;  Thomson's  Land  end  Book, 
i.  173-175 ;  Tristram's  Land  of  Israel,  pp.  500- 
504;  Porter's  Eandb.  for  Syr.  and  Palest,  ii.  354 
if". ;  Van  de  Velde's  Journey  through  Syr.  and  Pal- 
at.  ii.  360  ff. ;  and  Sepp's  Jerusalem  u.  das  heilige 
Land,  ii.  02  (though  this  last  writer  appears  to  have 
»uly  seen  the  region  from  Zer'in  (Jezreel)).  But 
fi-om  ZerHn,  which  is  on  the  brow  of  a  steep  de- 
clivity, one  can  easily  look  down  into  the  Ghor  upon 
lieth-shean,  so  exactly  described  in  1  K.  iv.  12  as 
"beneath  Jezreel."  (See  also  Bibl.  lies.  iii.  166, 1st 
"d.,  and  Wilson's  Lands  of  the  Bible,  ii.  87. ) 

II. 

BETH-SHE'MESH  (tt"'^»'  n"'2,  in  pause 
tt'pf"    2,  house  of  the  sun:  ir6\is  tjXIov,  Baid- 

ffa/jiii,  [etc. :]  Bethsames),  the  name  of  several 
places.  1.  One  of  the  towns  which  marked  the 
north  boimdary  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  10),  but  not 
named  in  the  lists  of  the  cities  of  that  tribe.  It 
was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Kirjath-jearim  and 
Timnah,  and  therefore  in  close  proximity  to  the 
low-country  of  Philistia.  The  expression  "went 
down"  in  Josh.  xv.  10;  1  Sam.  vi.  21,  seems  to 
indicate  that  the  position  of  the  town  was  lower 
than  Kirjath-jearim ;  and  it  is  in  accordance  with 

the  situation  that  there  was  a  valley  (PCr)  of 
cornfields  attached  to  the  place  (1  Sam.  vi.  13). 

From  Ekron  to  Beth-shemesh  a  road  (TJj'fT, 
iSrfs)  existed,  along  which  the  Philistines  sent  back 
the  ark  after  its  calamitous  residence  in  their  coun- 
try (1  Sam.  vi.  9,  12);  and  it  was  in  the  field  of 

"Joshua   the    Beth-shemite "    {^Wl^^^'f^-T^^'ri) 

that  the  "great  Abel"  (whatever  that  may  have 
been)  was,  on  which  the  ark  was  set  down  (1  Sam. 
vi.  18).  Beth-shemesh  was  a  "  suburb  city,"  allotted 
to  the  priests  (Josh.  xxi.  16;  1  Chr.  vi.  59);  and 
it  is  named  in  one  of  Solomon's  commissariat  dis- 
tricts under  the  charge  of  Ben-Dekar  (1  K.  iv.  9). 
ft  was  tlie  scene  of  an  encounter  between  Jehoash, 
king  of  Israel,  and  Amaziah,  king  of  Judah,  in 
which  the  latter  was  worsted  and  made  prisoner 
:2  K.  xiv.  11,  13;  2  Chr.  xxv.  21,  23).  Later,  in 
the  days  of  Ahaz,  it  was  taken  and  occupied  by  the 
Philistines,  together  with  several  other  places  in 
this  locaUty  (2  Chr.  xxviii.  18). 

By  comparison  of  the  lists  in  Josh.  xv.  10,  xix. 
U,  43,  and  1  K.  iv.  9,  it  will  be  seen  that  Ir- 
Shemesii,  "  city  of  the  sun,"  must  have  been 
identical  with  Beth-shemesh,  Ir  being  probably  the 
jlder  form  of  the  name;  and  again,  from  Judg.  i. 
35,  it  appears  as  if  Har-cheres,  "  mount  of  the  sun," 
were  a  third  name  fbr  the  same  place ;  suggesting 
»n  early  and  extensive  worship  of  the  sun  in  this 
neighborhood.     [Ir-SnEMKSH;  Hekks.] 

Beth-shemesh  is  now  'Ain-Shems.  It  was  visited 
by  Dr.  Robinson,  who  found  it  to  be  in  a  position 
exactly  according  with  the  indications  of  Scripture, 
>u  the  northwest  slopes  of  the  mountains  of  jfudah 
— "  a  low  plateau  at  the  junction  of  two  fine 
lains  "  (Rob.  iii.  153)  — alwut  two  miles  from  the 
);reat  Philistine  plain,  and  seven  from  Ekron  (ii. 
224-6).  The  origin  of  the  ^Aiu  ("  spring  " )  in  the 
Tioderu  name  is  not  obvious,  as  no  spr  ng  or  well 
ippears  now  to  exist  at  the  spot;  buf  the  Shems 
Wirt  the  position  are  decisive. 


BETHUEL  291^ 

2.  [BaiBcrafihi;  Alex.  Baiflo.oas.]  -^  city  on 
the  border  of  Issachar  (Josh.  xix.  22). 

3.  [Qeffixa/jLvs,    BatOaa/jivs ',    Alex.    QcuTfjiovSi 

Bedtra/jLvs-]  One  of  the  "  fenced  cities  "  of  Naph- 
tah,  twice  named  (Josh.  xix.  38;  Judg.  i.  33),  and 
on  both  occasions  with  Beth-anath.  The  Canaan  - 
ite  inhabitants  were  not  expelled  from  either  place, 
but  became  tributaries  to  Israel.  Jerome's  expres- 
sion ( Onom.  Bethsamis)  in  reference  to  this  is  per- 
haps worthy  of  notice,  "  in  qua  cultores  pristiui 
manserunt;  "  possibly  glancing  at  the  worship  from 
which  the  place  derived  its  name. 

4.  By  this  name  is  once  mentioned  (Jer.  xliii. 
13)  an  idolatrous  temple  or  place  in  Egypt,  which 
the  LXX.  render  by  'H\tovTr6\is  iv''ny,  i.  e.  the 
famous  Heliopolis;  Vulg.  domus  soils.  In  the 
middle  ages  Heliopolis  was  still  called  by  the  Arabs 
'Ain  Shems  (Edrisi,  &c.,  in  Rob.  i.  25).  [Aven; 
On.]  G. 

BETH'-SHEMITE,        THE  ("n''2 

^V'T^i^S'n  :  h  BaiOa-afivairvs  [Vat.  -ffei-] ;  Alex, 
o  BfOdafivariTrjs  '•  Belhsamita,  Bethsamitis).  Prop- 
erly "the  Beth-shimshite,"  an  inhabitant  of  Beth- 
shemesh  (1  Sam.  vi.  14,  18).  The  LXX.  in  the 
former  passage  refer  the  words  to  the  field  and  not 
to  Joshua  (rhv  «/  Baida-a/xvs)-  W.  A.  W. 

BETH-SHIT'TAH  (H'^i^n  H'^S,  house 
of  the  acacia:  B-ndaefS;  Alex,  tj  Bo<r€eTTa, 
[Comp.  BatOacrerTci']  Bethsetta),  one  of  the  spots 
to  which  the  flight  of  the  host  of  the  Midiauitee 
extended  after  their  discomfiture  by  Gideon  (Judg. 
vii.  22).  Both  the  narrative  and  the  name  (comp. 
"  Abel-shittim,"  which  was  in  the  Jordan  valley 
opposite  Jericho)  require  its  situation  to  be  some- 
where near  the  river,  where  also  Zererath  (probably 
Zeredatha  or  Zartan)  and  Abel-meholah  doubtless 
lay :  but  no  identification  has  yet  been  made  of  any 
of  these  spots.  The  Shuttah  mentioned  by  Robin- 
son (ii.  356)  and  Wilson  (Ritter,  .Jordan,  p.  414) 
is  too  far  to  the  west  to  suit  the  above  require- 
ments. Josephus's  version  of  the  locality  is  abso- 
lutely in  favor  of  the  place  being  well  watered  :  fV 
kol\w  xapaSpais  Trepifihrjfifitvtj}  x^P^'^  (Ant.  v.  6, 
§5).'  G. 

BETHSUIIA  {■}]  Batdaovpa,  ra  Baidffoipa-, 
[Alex,  generally  Be0(roiipa:  Bethsura,e%c.  1  Mace. 
iv.  29,  Bethor-on]),  1  Mace.  iv.  29,  61,  vi.  7,  26, 
31,  49,  50,  ix.  52,  x.  14,  xi.  65,  xiv.  7;  2  Mace. 
xi.  5,  xiii.  19,  22.     [Beth-zur.] 

BETH-TAPPU'AH  (C^'^JI:'  '?,  house  of 
the  apple  or  citron:  Bal6axoi^  Alex.  B(d6a-K(povf- 
Beththaphun),  one  of  the  towns  of  Judah,  in  the 
mountainous  district,  and  near  Hebron  (Josh,  xv 
53;  comp.  1  Chr.  ii.  43).  Here  it  has  actuali) 
been  discovered  by  Robinson  under  the  modem 
name  of  Teffuh,  1|  hour,  or  say  5  miles,  W.  of 
Hebron,  on  a  ridge  of  high  table-land.  The  ter- 
races of  the  ancient  cultivation  still  remain  in  use, 
and  though  the  "  apples "  have  disappeared,  yet 
olive-groves  and  vineyards  with  fields  of  grain  sur- 
round the  place  on  every  side  (Rob.  ii.  71 ;  Schwarz, 
105). 

The  naii.e  of  Tappuah  was  borne  by  another 
town  of  Judah  which  lay  in  the  rich  lowland  of  the 
Shefelah.     [App^.e;  Tappuah.]  G. 

BETHU'EL  (^S^"I3  [man  of  God]:  Baff- 
oirfiW  Joseph.  Ba0ovri\os:  Bathuel),  the  son  of 
Nahor  by  Mllcah ;  nephew  of  Abraham,  and  fiitbet 


300  BETHUEL 

9f  Rebekah  (Gen.  xxil.  22,  23;  xxiv.  15,  24,  4^; 
txviii.  2).     In  xxv.  20,  and  xxviii.  5,  he  is  called 

"Bethuel  the  Syrian"  (i.  e.  Aramite,  "''3'I'^i7)' 
Though  often  referred  to  aa  above  in  tlie  narrative, 
Bethuel  only  appears  in  person  once  (xxiv.  50). 
Upon  this  an  ingenious  coi\jecture  is  raised  by 
Prof.  Blunt  ( Coincidences,  I.  §  iv.)  that  he  was  the 
subject  of  some  imbecility  or  other  incapacity.  The 
Jewish  tradition,  as  given  in  the  Targum  Ps.  Jon- 
athan on  (jen.  xxiv.  55  (comp.  33),  is  that  he  died 
on  the  morning  after  the  arrival  of  Abram's  ser- 
vant, owing  to  his  having  eaten  a  sauce  containing 
poLson  at  tlie  meal  the  evening  before,  and  that  on 
that  account  Laban  requested  that  his  sister's 
departure  miglit  be  delayed  for  a  year  or  ten 
months.  Josephus  was  i)erhaps  aware  of  this  tra^ 
dition,  since  he  speaks  of  Bethuel  as  dead  (Ant.  i. 
16,  §  2).  G. 

BETHU'EL  (^S'^na  Iman  of  God]:  BaO- 
otrfiK;  [YaI.  BaOovV,]  Alex.  BaBovK'- Batkuel),  1 
Chr.  iv.  30.     [Bethul.] 

BETHTTL  (^^."12  as  above  ;  Arab.  Bethur, 

>a.xJ  :  Bov\d;  [Alex.  Ba6ovK-]  Bethul),  &  town 

of  Simeon  in  tlie  South,  named  with  Eltolad  and 
Hormah  (Josh.  xix.  4).  In  the  parallel  lists  in 
Josh.  XV.  30  and  1  Chr.  iv.  30  the  name  appears 

under  the  forms  of  Chesil  (^^D' )  and  Beth- 
uel; and  probably  also  under  that  of  Bethel  in 
Josh.  xii.  16;  since,  for  the  reasons  urged  under 
Bethel,  and  also  on  account  of  the  position  of  the 
name  in  this  list,  the  northern  Bethel  can  hardly  be 
intended.     [Bethel.]  G. 

BETHU'LIA  (BeTvXoia',  [Vat.  Jud.  iv.  6 
BaiTovKova;  Alex,  commonly  BairvKova,  and  so 
Vat.  according  to  Holmes ;  Sin.  BairovKova  exc.  iv. 
6,  -AmO  Bethulia),  the  city  which  was  the  scene 
of  the  chief  events  of  the  book  of  Judith,  in  which 
book  only  does  the  name  occur.  Its  position  is  there 
described  with  very  minute  detail.  It  was  near  to 
Dothaim  (iv.  6),  on  a  hill  (upos)  which  ovei'looked 
(airevat'Ti)  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  (vi.  11,  13,  14, 
vii.  7,  10,  xiii.  10)  and  commanded  tlie  passes  from 
that  plain  to  the  hill  country  of  Manasseh  (iv.  7, 
vli.  1 ),  in  a  position  so  strong  that  Holofemes  aban- 
doned the  idea  of  takuig  it  by  attack,  and  det«r- 
niined  to  reduce  it  by  possessing  himself  of  the  two 
gprings  or  weUs  (7r»77a0  which  were  "  under  the 
dty  "  in  the  valley  at  the  foot  of  the  eminence  on 
which  it  was  built,  and  from  which  the  inhabitants 
ierived  their  chief  supply  of  water  (vi.  11,  vii.  7, 
13,  21 ).  Notwithstanding  this  detail,  however, 
the  identification  of  the  site  of  Bethulia  has  hith- 
erto defied  all  attempts,  and  is  one  of  the  greatest 
puzzles  of  sacred  geography;  so  much  so  as  to 
form  an  important  argument  against  the  historical 
truth  of  the  book  of  Judith  (Rob.  iii.  337-8). 

In  the  middle  ages  the  name  of  Bethulia  was 
given  to  "  the  Frank  Mountain,"  between  Bethle- 
hem and  Jerusalem  (Kob.  i.  479),  but  it  is  unne- 
cessary to  say  that  this  is  very  much  too  far  to  the 
Bouth  to  suit  the  narrative.  More  lately  it  has  been 
Msumed  to  be  Snftd  in  North  Galilee  (Bob.  ii. 
425);  which  again,  if  in  other  respects  it  would 
igree  with  the  story,  is  too  far  north.  Von  Raumer 
(Pal.  p.  135-6)  suggests  Sanur,  which  is  perliajw 
Jie  nearest  to  probability.  Tiie  ruins  of  that  town 
«e  on  an  "  isolated  rocky  hill,"  with  a  plain  of 
wnuderable  extent  to  the  east,  and,  as  far  as  sit- 


BBTH-ZUR 

uation  is  concerned,  naturally  all  but  imprwmabli 
(Rob.  ii.  312).  It  is  about  three  miles  from  Dolhan. 
and  some  six  or  seven  from  Jtni?i  (Engannim) 
which  stand  on  the  very  edge  of  the  great  plain  of 
Esdraelon.  Though  not  absolutely  conimandini 
the  pass  which  leads  from  Jenm  to  SebasHih  and 
forms  the  only  practicable  ascent  to  the  high  coun- 
try, it  is  yet  sufficiently  near  to  l^ear  out  the  some- 
what vague  statement  of  Jud.  iv.  6.  Nor  is  it  un- 
important to  remember  that  Sanur  actually  endured 
a  siege  of  two  months  from  Djezzar  Pasha  without 
yielding,  and  that  on  a  subsequent  occasion  it  waa 
only  taken  after  a  three  or  four  montlis'  investment, 
by  a  force  very  much  out  of  projjortion  to  the  size 
of  the  place  (Kob.  ii.  313).  G. 

BETH-ZACHARI'AS.      [Bath-Zacha 

RIAS.] 

BETH-ZUR'  C'^"-  '?,  kouxeofrock:  31,9. 
aovp,  [Bat6(Tovp,  BatOaovpd,  etc. :  Bensur,  BetJisur, 
and  in  Mace]  Bethsurn),  a  town  in  tlie  mountaina 
of  Judah,  named  between  Halhul  and  Gedor  (Josh. 
XV.  58).  As  far  as  any  interpretation  can,  in  theii 
present  imperfect  state,  be  put  on  the  genealogical 
lists  of  1  Chr.  ii.  42-40,  Beth-zur  would  appear  from 
ver.  45  to  have  been  founded  by  the  peojile  of 
5Iaon,  which  again  had  derived  its  origin  from 
Hebron.  However  this  may  be,  Betli-zur  was 
"  built," —  i.  e.  jirobably,  fortified  —  by  Kehoboam, 
with  otlier  towns  of  Judah,  for  the  defense  of  hii 
new  kingdom  (2  Chr.  xi.  7).  After  the  CaptiWty 
tlie  people  of  Beth-zur  assisted  Neheraiah  in  the 
rebuilding  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Neh.  iii.  16); 

the  place  had  a  "  ruler  "  ( '^^),  and  the  peculiai 

word  Pelec  (T|„^)  is  employed  to  denote  a  dig- 
trict  or  circle  attached  to  it,  and  to  some  othtr 
of  the  cities  mentioned  here.  [ToPOGKArHrCAL 
Terms.] 

In  the  wars  of  the  MaccaJiees,  Beth-zur  or  Beth- 
sura  played  an  important  part.  It  was  fortified 
by  JudoS  and  his  bretliren  "  that  the  people  might 
have  a  defense  against  Idumsea,"  and  they  suc- 
ceeded in  making  it  "  very  strong  and  not  to  be 
taken  without  great  difliiculty  "  (Jos.  AnI.  xii.  §  4); 
so  much  so,  that  it  was  able  to  resist  for  a  length  of 
time  the  attacks  of  Simon  Maccabseus  (1  Mace.  xi. 
65)  and  of  Lysias  (2  Mace.  xi.  5),  the  garrison  hav- 
ing in  the  former  case  capitulated.  Before  Iteth-zur 
took  place  one  of  the  earliest  victories  of .)  udas  over 
Lysias  (1  Mace.  iv.  29),  and  it  was  in  an  attempt 
to  relieve  it  when  besieged  by  Antiochiis  Eiipator, 
that  he  was  defeated  in  the  passes  between  Beth-zur 
and  Bath-zacharias,  and  liis  brother  Eieazar  kiUed 
by  one  of  the  elephants  of  the  king's  aniiy  <  1  Mace, 
vi.  32-47;  Jos.  Ant.  xii.  9,  3).  The  recovery  of 
the  site  of  Beth-zur,  under  the  almost  identical 
name  of  Beit-sur,  by  Wolcott  and  Kobiiison  (i.  216, 
note;  iii.  277),  explains  its  impregnability,  and  also 
the  reason  for  the  choice  of  its  position,  since  it 
commands  the  road  from  IJeer-slielia  and  Hebron, 
which  has  always  been  the  main  approach  to  Jeru- 
salem from  the  south. 

A  short  distance  from  the  Tell,  on  which  vn 
strewn  the  remains  of  tlie  town,  is  a  spring,  Mm 
edh-Dkirweh,  which  in  the  days  of  .leroiue,  and 
later,  was  regarded  as  the  scene  of  tiie  liaptism  of 
the  Eunuch  by  Philip.  The  probability  of  Ibis  ii 
elsewhere  examined  [Gaza];  in  the  mean  time  it 
may  be  noticed  that  Biit^si'iv  is  not  nejir  the  roa4 
to  Gaza  (Acts  viii.  26),  which  runs  much  more  t/ 
the  northwest.     [BtrnsuRA.]  G- 


BETOLIUS 

It  showd  how  wonderfully  the  oldest  names  of 
Jie  Bible  have  been  preserved  and  transmitted  to  us 
that  we  find  Hallml,  Ueth-zur  and  Gedor  grouped 
Jogether  in  Josh.  xv.  58,  and  the  same  places  repre- 
icnted  on  the  modern  map  as  Ilalhul,  Jitit-sui; 
md  Jedur  in  the  immediate  vicinitj'  of  each  other. 
See  Rob.  BUil.  Jies.  iii.  277,  and  Wilson's  Lancls 
if  the  BU/le,  i.  386").  Eusebius  makes  Beth-zur 
orrectly  160  stadia  or  20  lioraan  miles  from  Jeru- 
aJem;  but  in  2  Mace.  xi.  5  it  is  said  to  be  5  stuclia. 
{eland  (Paluistina,  p.  65)  calls  the  latter  a  mistake, 
vhich  it  certainly  is.  Some  of  the  codices  show 
ttempts  at  correction.  Grimm  suggests  {Exeyet. 
'landb.  zu  den  Apokr.  iv.  166)  that  the  Maccabsean 
mter  coafomided  Beth-zur  in  the  mountains  of 
udah  with  another  place  of  the  same  or  a  similar 
arae  near  Jerusalem,  probably  the  present  iloham- 
ledan  village  Bet  Suhur,  half  an  hour  from  the 
ity,  which  Tobler  visited  ( Dtnkbldtter  aus  Jei-usa- 
'M,  p.  616).  The  recovery  of  Beth-zur  is  due  to 
»r.  Wolcott  (Bibl.  Sacra,  1843,  p.  56),  formerly 
missioniiry  in  Palestine. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  Philip  baptized 
lie  eunuch  here,  because  we  arc  left  in  doubt  as  to  the 
)ad  by  which  the  eunuch  travelled  from  Jerusalem 
)  Gaza.     That  carriages  could  pass  there,  and  that 

was  one  of  the  ways  of  making  the  journey  be- 
veen  these  places,  cannot  well  be  questioned.  See 
trassen  in  PaUistinn  in  Herzog's  Real-Encykl. 
V.  161.  Travellers  have  noticed  the  traces  of  a 
ived  road  near  Beth-zur  (Rob.  Later  Jies.  iii.  277 ) 
id  the  "  vestiges  of  an  ancient  carriage  road  all 
ong,  from  Jerusalem  to  Hebron  "  (Wilson,  Lands 
\~ the  Bible,  i.  381).  Stanley  (Notices  of  Lucnli- 
fis,  p.  16!))  speaks  of  a  Roman  milestone  there,  as 
ell  as  of  the  paved  way.  The  veneration  of  early 
mes,  in  the  belief  of  this  tradition  (Jerome,  Oiwm- 
\U.  s.  v.),  reared  a  chapel  on  the  spot,  the  ruins  of 
hich  are  still  to  be  seen.  Raumer  has  discussed 
lis  question  at  some  length  {Anhang,  iv.)  in  his 
aUistina,  p.  449,  and  decides  for  Beth-zur  as  the 
■obable  scene  of  the  baptism.  liobinson  proposes 
"<uly-el-H(istj,  in  the  plain  near  T ell-el- Hasy,  since 
!  thinks  the  parties  must  have  been  near  Gaza  at 
e  time  {Bibl.  Rts.  ii.  641).  There  is  an  inter- 
ting  itinerary  of  a  journey  which  Dr.  Barclay 
'ity  of  the  Great  Kinc/,  pp.  571-578,  1st  ed.) 
ade  from  Jerusalem  to  Gaza  by  way  of  Hebron, 
th  special  reference  to  this  investigation.  He 
ard  of  a  place  (Afoyat  es-Sid)  in  the  same  Wady 
<isy,  which  he  would  regard  as  the  rl  vSdp  of 
aich  he  was  in  quest.     See  further  under  Gaza. 

H. 
BETO'LIUS    (BfToXm;     [Alex.    Br,To\m; 
Id.  BvTwKla,]),  1  Esdr.,v.  21.     [Bethel.] 

BETOMES'THAM  (BeTOMf<r0a,M  [Vat. 
xiTonaiffdaifji,  Sin.  om.])  and  BETOMAS'- 
HEM(BaiTo/io(r0aiV;  [Sin.  Bairofiaaeev.]  Syr. 
ithmnsthim;  [Vulg.  omits]), a  town  "overagauist 
idraelon,  facing  the  plain  that  is  near  Dothaim  " 
ud.  iv.  6,  XV.  4),  and  which  from  the  manner  of 
I  mention  would  seem  to  have  been  of  equal  im 
rtaiice  with  Bethulia  itself.  No  attempt  to 
sntify  either  Betomestham  or  Bethulia  has  been 
therto  successful.     [Bethulia;  Dothaim.] 

G. 


BEZEK 


301 


curs  in  Gen.  xliii.  11,  A.  V.  "  nuts."  It  1*  prob 
ably  related  to  the  modam  Arabic  word  Iiidm  = 
terebinth,  Pistncia  terebinthns.  G. 

BETROTHING.     [Makriage.] 

BEU'L AH  ( n  v!l37  21  =  mamed :  oiKovfj.4vi] 
inhabitata),  the  name  which  the  land  of  Israel  is  tc 

bear,  when  "  the  land  shall  be  married  ( /r2ri)," 
Is.  Ixii.  4. 

BE'ZAI  C^^S  [victary,  or  conqueror] :  Botr- 
(Tov,  Beo-et,  Br)a'h  [etc.:]  Besai),  "Children  of 
Bezai,"  to  the  number  of  323,  returned  from  cap- 
tivity with  Zenibbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  17;  Neh.  vii.  23). 
The  name  occurs  again  among  those  who  sealed 
the  covenant  (Neh.  x.  18).     [Bab.sa.] 

BEZAL'EEL  (^S^£  ?  [in  the  shadow,  i.  e. 
j/rotection,  of  God]  :  BeereAeijA :  Beseleel).  1.  The 
artificer  to  whom  was  confided  by  Jehovah  the  de 
sign  and  execution  of  the  works  of  art  required  for 
the  tabernacle  in  the  wilderness  (Ex.  xxxi.  1-6). 
His  charge  was  chiefly  in  all  works  of  metal,  wood 
and  stone,  Aholiab  being  associated  with  him  for 
the  textile  fabrics ;  but  it  is  plain  from  the  terms 
in  which  the  two  are  mentioned  (xxxvi.  1,  2,  xxxviii. 
22),  as  well  as  from  the  enumeration  of  the  works 
in  Bezaleel's  name'  in  xxxvii.  and  xxxviii.,  that  he 
was  the  chief  of  the  two,  and  master  of  Alioliab'a 
department  as  well  as  his  own.  Bezaleel  was  of  the 
tribe  of  J  udah,  the  son  of  Uri  the  son  of  Hur  (or 
Chur).  Hur  was  the  ofltspring  of  the  marriage  of 
Caleb  (one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  great  family  of 
Pharez)  with  Ephrath  (1  Chr.  ii.  19,  50),  and  one 
of  his  sons,  or  descendants  (comp.  Ruth  iv.  20) 
was  Salma,  or  Salmon,  who  is  handed  down  under 
the  title  of  "father  of  Bethlehem;  "  and  who,  as 
the  actual  father  of  Boaz,  was  the  direct  progenitor 
of  kuig  David  (1  Chr.  ii.  51,  54;  Ruth.  iv.  21). 
[Bethlehem;  Huk.] 

2.  [Vat.  Alex.  BeoreArjA.]  One  of  the  sons 
of  Pahath-raoab  who  had  taken  a  foreign  wife, 
Ezr.  X.  30. 

BEZEK  (p.T.'?-  [prob.  lightning.  Imghtness]: 
Be^e'/c:  Bezec),  the  name  of  two  apparently  dis- 
tinct places  in  Palestine. 

1.  The  residence  of  Adoni-bezek,  i.  e.  the 

"  lord  of  Bezek  "  (Judg.  i.  5) ;  in  the  "  lot  (^1^2) 
of  Judah  "  (verse  3),  and  inhabited  by  Canaanit«8 
and  Perizzites  (verse  4).  This  must  have  been  a 
distinct  place  from  — 

2.  [Vat.  A^ifCeK  for  eV  BeCfK.]  Where  Saul 
numbered  the  forces  of  Israel  and  Judah  before 
going  to  the  relief  of  Jabesh-Gilead  (1  Sam.  xi.  8). 
From  the  terms  of  the  narrative  this  cannot  have 
been  more  than  a  day's  march  from  Jabesh ;  and 
was  therefore  doubtless  somewhere  in  the  centre  of 
the  country,  near  the  Jordan  valley.  In  accord- 
ance with  this  is  the  mention  in  the  Onomasticcm 
of  two  places  of  this  name  seventeen  miles  from 
Neapolis  (Shechem),  on  the  road  to  Beth-shean. 
The  LXX.  inserts  it,  Bajxi  after  the  name,  possibly 
alluding  *o  some  "  high  place  "  at  which  this  solemn 
muster  took  place.  This  Josephus  gives  as  Ba\d 
(Ant.  vi.  5,  §  3). 


RWT'r^xTTAT  /'-^>-,»'\-<  •       , .  I      No  identification  of  either  place  has  been  made 

Bilil  ONIM  (l.  2  :52  ^pistachio  nuts :  Bo-  \  i„  modern  times.  G. 

mn;  [Vat.  Boravei ;  Alex.  Boraviv:]  Betonim),  '  *  With  reference  to  the  first  of  these  places,  Cas- 
wwn  in  the  inheritance  of  the  chUdren  of  Gad,  |s-l  {Richter  u.  Ruth,  pp.  5-7)  argues  that  Bezek 
parenti>  on  their  northern  boundary  (.Josh.  xiii.  i  vas  not  a  city  but  a  tract  of  countrv  or  district 
■).     lUe  word,  somewhat  diflferently  pointed,  oc-  |  Am..ng  his  reasons  are,  that  a  battle"  resulting  in 


302 


BEZER 


ihe  slaughter  of  10,000  (Judg.  i.  5)  indicates  a 
wider  field  than  a  single  town;  that  two  battles 
were  fought  in  Bezek  (vers.  4,  5),  the  second  evi- 
dently after  a  change  of  position ;  that  a  city  in 
Judah  so  important  as  this  could  hardly  fail  to  Ixi 
mentioned  on  other  occasions ;  and  that  the  name 

(finding  an  analogy  between  pT  J  and  p"^3)  points 
to  a  desolate  region  with  a  chalky  soil  or  Umestone 
cliffs,  reflecting  strongly  the  glare  of  the  sun-light. 
This  desert  of  Bezek  (with  which  as  to  the  origin 
of  the  name  he  compares  the  weU-known  Buvka  hi 
North  Africa)  he  thinks  lay  between  the  west  side 
of  the  Dead  Sea  and  the  region  of  Tekoa,  which 
answers  so  well  to  the  above  description  (Hitter's 
Erdkunde,  xvi.  C53),  and,  further,  lay  on  the  Ime 
of  march  of  Judah  and  Shueon  if  Uiey  broke  up 
their  camp  in  this  expedition  from  Gilgal.  Some 
of  the  reasons  have  weight,  but  the  more  probable 
exegesis  recognizes  but  one  battle,  and  the  proposed 
etymology,  or  certainly  this  apphcation  of  it,  is  at 
least  precarious.  That  Bezek,  at  all  events,  was 
not  far  from  Jerusalem,  appears  from  the  fact  that 
the  conquerors  went  thither  immediately  after  their 
victory  ui  that  place.  H. 

BE'ZER  [OT'e]  in  the  wilderness  {^f?^ 

"laT^l?  :  ^o(t6p  iv  rfi  ip-fificj>:  Bosor  in  soli- 
tudine),  a  city  of  the  Keubenites,  with  "suburbs," 
in  the  Mishor  or  downs,  set  apart  by  Moses  as  one 
of  the  three  cities  of  refuge  on  the  east  of  the  Jor- 
dan, and  allotted  to  the  Merarites  (Ueut.  iv.  43; 
Josh.  XX.  8,  xxi.  36;  1  Chr.  vi.  78).     In  the  two 

last  passages  the  exact  specification,  1C2?'^I2!5,  of 
the  other  two  is  omitted,  but  traces  of  its  former 
presence  in  the  text  in  Josh.  xxi.  36  are  furnished 
us  by  the  reading  of  the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  —  riiv 
Boffbp  iv  rfi  ep4in(f>,  ri]v  M  i  <r  a>  ([Vat.  Mfitrai,] 
Alex.  Mia-aip)  koI  to  irepianSpta-  Bosor  in  soli- 
tudiiie,  Misor  et  Jdser. 

Bezer  may  be  the  Bosor  of  the  books  of  Macca- 
bees.    [BosoK.]  G. 

BE'ZER  ("1^2  [ot-e,  metaT]:  Baadv;  [Vat. 
corrupt;]  Alex.  Bacrapi  Bosor),  son  of  Zophah, 
one  of  the  heads  of  the  house  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii. 
37). 

BE'ZETH  {BvCte;  [Sin.  BtjAC^'^O  -^^'^^e- 
cha),  a  place  at  which  liacchides  encamped  after 
leaving  Jerusalem,  and  where  there  was  a  "  great 
pit"  {rh  (pofap  rh  /ue'ja;  1  Mace.  vii.  19).  By 
Josephus  (Ant.  xii.  10,  §  2)  the  name  is  given  as 
"the  village  Betlizetho "  (xtijurj  BriB^r)6w  Ktyo- 
fifvij),  which  recalls  the  name  apphed  to  the  Mount 
of  Olives  in  the  early  Syriac  recension  of  the  N. 
T.  published  by  Mr.  Cureton  —  Beth-Zaith  [cor- 
fespoiiding  precisely  with  the  reading  of  the  Sina- 
itic  MS.  in  1  Miwc.  vii.  19].  The  name  may  thus 
efer  either  to  the  main  body  of  the  Mount  of 
'.Olives,  or  to  that  branch  of  it  to  the  north  of  Je- 
'•usalem,  which  at  a  later  period  was  called  Bezetha. 

G. 

BI'ATAS  (*aAi'as;  Alex.  i-iaOas;  [Aid.  B«- 
iraf-  Philias),  1  Esdr.  ix.  48.     [Pelaiah.] 

BIBLE  (Bi;3A/a,  LXX.:  5tMa,  Vulg.).  —  I. 
rhe  application  of  thin  word,  kut'  i^ox'h",  **  ^^^ 
collected  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  is 
not  to  be  traced  further  back  than  the  5th  century. 
The  terms  which  the  wTiters  of  the  New  Testament 
•ae  of  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  are  ^  ypa<f>-h  (2 
Tim.  iii.  16;  Acts  viii.  .32;  Gal.  iii.  22),  oi  ypa(pai 


BIBLE 

(Matt.  xxi.  42;  Luke  xxiv.  27),  rh  upd  ')pa^^t« 
(2  Tim.  iii.  15).  Ri^\iov  is  found  (2  Tim.  iv.  13, 
Rev.  X.  2,  V.  1),  but  with  no  distinctive  meanine;' 
nor  does  the  use  of  to  \oiva  rwv  0ifiKla>v  for  tb< 
Hagiographa  in  tlie  preface  to  Ecclesiasticus,  or  of 
ai  Upal  ;8ij3Aoi  in  Josephus  {Ant.  i.  6,  §  2),  indi- 
cate anything  as  to  the  use  of  to  /3i/3Aia  alone  at 
sjTionymous  with  f]  ypaxp-f).  The  words  employed 
by  early  Christian  writers  were  naturally  derived 
from  the  language  of  the  New  Testament,  and  the 
old  terms,  with  epithets  Uke  0e7a,  iiyta,  and  the 
like  continued  to  be  used  by  the  tireek  fathers,  u 
the  equivalent  "  Scriptura  "  was  by  the  I^tin.  The 
use  of  7]  rroAaio  SiadT}Kri  in  2  Cor.  iii.  14,  for  the 
law  as  read  in  the  synagogues,  and  the  ]>roniineDoe 
given  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (vii.  22,  viii. 
6,  ix.  15)  to  the  contrast  between  the  ttoAoio  aiid 
the  Kaivi),  led  gradually  to  the  extension  of  the 
fonner  to  include  the  other  books  of  the  Jewinli 
Scriptures,  and  to  the  api)Ucation  of  the  latter,  08 
of  the  former,  to  a  book  or  collection  of  l)Ooks.  Of 
the  Latin  equivalents  which  were  adopted  by  difler- 
ent  viriters  (Insti-umtntum,  TesUimeiUum),  the  lat- 
ter met  with  the  most  general  acceptance,  and  per- 
jjetuated  itself  in  the  languages  of  modern  Europe. 
One  passage  in  TertuUian  {adv.  M<irc.  iv.  1)  illus- 
traces  the  growing  popularity  of  the  word  wlmh 
eventujJly  prevailed,  "  instnmienti  vel  quod  iiiiLii* 
in  usu  est  dicere,  testamenti."  The  word  was  nat- 
urally used  by  Greek  writers  in  speakuig  of  the 
parts  of  these  two  collections.  They  enumerate 
(e.  g.  Athan.  Synap.  Sac.  Sa-ipt.)  tIl  /3iy3A/o  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament ;  and  as  these  were 
contrasted  with  the  a[)ocryphal  l)Ooks  circukted  bj  j 
heretics,  there  was  a  natunil  tendency  to  the  appto-  j 
priation  of  the  word  as  limitetl  by  the  article  to  | 
the  whole  collection  of  the  canonical  Scriptures. 
In  Chrysostom  (IJom.  x.  in  Gen.,  Horn.  ix.  in  Cd.) 
it  is  thus  apphed  in  a  way  which  shows  this  use  to 
have  ah-eady  become  familiar  to  those  to  whom  lie  , 
wrote.  The  liturgical  use  of  the  Scriptures,  as  the  | 
worship  of  the  Church  became  organized,  would  t 
naturally  favor  this  apphcation.  The  MSS.  from 
which  they  were  read  would  be  emphatically  llir 
books  of  each  church  or  monastery.  And  wheji  I 
this  use  of  the  word  was  established  in  the  East,  it 
was  natural  that  it  should  pass  gradually  to  the 
Western  Church.  Ilie  terminology  of  that  Church 
bears  witness  throughout  (e.  g.  EpLscoptw,  Pres-j 
byter,  Diaconus,  Litania,  Liturgia,  Monachus,  Ah- 1 
has,  and  others)  to  its  Greek  origin,  and  the  historjj 
of  the  word  Bihlia  has  followed  the  analogy  ofj 
those  that  have  been  referred  to.  Here  too  then 
was  less  risk  of  its  being  used  in  any  other  thar 
the  higher  meanhig,  because  it  had  not,  in  spite  of 
the  introduction  even  in  classical  Latinity  of  bihli 
otiii'cn,  bibliojmln,  taken  the  place  of  lUtri,  or  fifteWj 
in  the  common  sjieech  of  men.  \ 

It  is,  however,  worthy  of  note,  as  bearing  on  tht 
history  of  the  word  in  our  own  language,  and  or 
that  of  its  reception  in  the  Western  Church,  tha 
"Bible"  is  not  found  in  Anglo-Saxon  liter^ure 
though  Bibliothece  is  given  (Lye,  J)ict.  Ani/Li-Sax. 
as  used  in  the  same  sense  as  the  correspoDdinj  i 
word  in  medioeval  I^tin  for  the  Scriptures  a«  th' 
great  treasure-house  of  books  (Du  Caiige  and  A<* 
elung.  in  v<k.).  If  we  derive  from  our  mother 
tongue  the  singularly  happy  equivalent  of  tiie  Gree 
evayy(\iov,  we  have  received  the  word  which  stanii 
on  an  equal  emmeiice  with  Gospel  as  one  of  thj 
later  importations  consequent  on  the  Norman^  Cod 
quest  and  fuller  intercourse  with  the  tJontiner! 


BIBLE 

When  the  English  which  grew  out  of  this  union 
Bret  appeal's  in  literature,  the  word  is  aiready  nat- 
uralized. -In  K.  Bruime  (p.  290),  Piers  Plough- 
man (1916,  4271),  and  Chaucer  {Prol.  p.  437),  it 
einpears  in  its  distinctive  sense,  though  the  latter, 
in  at  least  one  passage  (//ou.so  of  Fame,  book  iii.) 
uses  it  in  a  way  which  indicates  that  it  was  not 
always  limited  tx)  that  meaning.  From  that  time, 
however,  the  higlier  use  prevailed  to  the  exclusion 
of  any  lower;  and  the  choice  of  it,  rather  than  of 
any  of  its  synonyms  by  the  great  translators  of 
the  Scriptures,  Wycliffe,  Luther,  Co\erdale,  fixed  it 
beyond  all  possibility  of  a  change.  The  transfor- 
mation of  tlie  word  from  a  plural  into  a  singular 
noun  in  all  the  modern  languages  of  Europe,  though 
originating  probably  in  the  solecisms  of  tlie  I^atin 
of  the  l^Jth  century  (Du  Cange,  in  coc.  Biblia),  has 
ina<.ie  it  titter  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been, 
tor  its  high  otfice  as  the  title  of  that  which,  by  virtue 
of  its  unity  and  plan,  is  emphatically  the  IJoolc. 

II.  The  history  of  the  growth  of  the  collections 
kiiowu  as  the  (Jld  and  New  Testament  respectively, 
will  be  found  fully  under  Canon  It  falls  within 
the  scope  of  the  present  article  to  indicate  in  what 
way  and  by  what  steps  the  two  came  to  be  looked 
on  as  of  eoiirdinate  authority,  and  therefore  as  parts 
of  one  whole  —  how,  i.  e.  the  idea  of  a  completed 
Bible,  even  before  the  word  came  into  use,  presented 
itself  to  the  niuids  of  men.  xYs  regards  a  large 
portion  of  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament,  it 
is  not  too  much  to  say  that  they  claim  an  author- 
ity not  lower,  nay  even  higher  than  the  Old.  That 
which  ha<;l  not  been  revealed  to  the  "prophets  "  of 
the  Old  dispensation  is  revealed  to  the  prophets  of 
the  New  (Eph.  iii.  5).  The  Apostles  write  as 
having  the  Spirit  of  Christ  (1  Cor.  vii.  40),  as 
teaching  and  being  taught  "  by  the  revelation  of 
Jesus  Christ"  (Gal.  i.  12).  Where  they  make  no 
8uch  direct  claim  their  language  is  still  that  of  men 
who  teach  as  "having  authority,"  and  so  far  the 
old  prophetic  spirit  is  revived  in  them,  and  their 
teaching  ditiere,  as  did  that  of  their  Master,  from 
the  traditions  of  the  Scribes.  As  the  revelation  of 
God  through  the  Son  was  recognized  as  fuller  and 
more  perfect  than  that  which  had  been  made  itoKv- 
\i,ipu)S  KoX  iroKvTpSirtas  to  the  fathers  (Heb.  i.  1), 
the  records  of  what  He  had  done  and  said,  when 
once  recognized  as  authentic,  could  not  be  re- 
garded as  less  sacred  than  the  Scriptures  of  the 
Jews.  Indications  of  this  are  found  even  within 
tlie  N.  T.  itself  Assuming  the  genuineness  of  the 
id  I'.pistle  of  Peter,  it  shows  that  within  the  life- 
time of  the  Apostles,  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  had 
ijome  to  be  classed  among  the  ypa(f>ai  of  the 
Church  (2  Pet.  iii.  IG).  The  language  of  the  same 
Epistle  in  relation  to  the  recorded  teaching  of 
prophets  and  apostles  (iii.  2,  cf  Eph.  ii.  20,  iii.  5, 
v.  11),  shows  that  the  ira.<ra  irpo<pi)Teia  jpa<pris  can 
harrlly  be  limited  to  the  writings  of  the  Old  Testa- 
.lent.  The  command  that  the  letter  to  the  Colos- 
ians  was  to  be  read  in  the  church  of  Laodicea  (Col. 

'.  16),  though  it  does  not  prove  that  it  was  regarded 
w  of  equal  authority  witli  the  ypacp^  ee6Trviv(rros, 
indicates  a  practice  which  would  naturally  lead  tc 
its  being  so  regarded.  The  writing  of  a  itan  whc 
spoke  as  inspired,  could  not  fail  to  be  regarded  as 
^icipating  in  the  inspiration.  It  is  part  of  the 
nevelopment  of  the  same  feeling  that  the  earliest 
records  of  the  worship  of  the  Christian  Church  indi- 
late  the  liturgical  use  of  some  at  least  of  the  vrritings 
»f  the  New.  as  well  as  of  the  Old  Testament.  Jus- 
4n  {Apol.  i  66)  places  rk  a,Troixur]fiovfvixaTa  t&v 


BIBLE 


808 


airoirrSXcov  as  read  in  close  connection  with,  or  in 
the  place  of,  rit  (Tvyypdfj.^aTa  rwv  irpofpriTU)!/,  and 
this  juxtaposition  corresponds  to  the  mariner  in 
which  Ignatius  had  previously  spoken  of  ai  irpo- 
<p7)Tiiat,  vSfjLOS  Moxreois,  rh  evayytKiov  {Up.  (ui 
Smyrn.  c.  7).  It  is  not  meant,  of  course,  that  such 
phrases  or  such  practices  prove  the  existence  of  a 
recognized  collection,  but  they  show  with  what  feel- 
ings individual  writings  were  regarded.  They  pre- 
pare the  way  for  the  acceptance  of  the  whole  body 
of  N.  T.  writings,  as  soon  as  the  Canon  is  com- 
pleted, as  on  a  level  with  those  of  the  Old.  A 
little  fmther  on  and  the  recognition  is  complete. 
Theophilus  of  Ajitioch  (ad  Autolyc.  lib.  iii.),  Ire- 
uaeus  (adv.  Hcer.  ii.  27,  iii.  1),  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria {Strom,  lib.  iii.  c.  10,  v.  c.  5),  Tertullian  {adv. 
Prax.  cc.  15,  20),  all  speak  of  the  New  Testament 
writings  (what  writings  they  included  under  this 
title  is  of  course  a  distinct  question)  as  making  up 
with  the  Old,  yuta  yvaxris  (Clem.  Al.  /.  c),  "totuiii 
instrumentum  utriusque  testamenti "  (Tert.  l.  c), 
"  universsB  scripturaj."  As  this  was  in  part  a  ccn- 
sequence  of  the  liturgical  usage  referred  to,  so  it  re- 
acted on  it,  and  iiitiuenced  the  transcribers  and 
translators  of  the  books  which  were  needed  for  the 
instruction  of  the  Chui'ch.  The  Syrian  Peshito  in 
the  3d,  or  at  th^  close  of  the  2d  century,  includes 
(with  the  omission  of  some  of  the  ai'ri'Key6p.eva) 
the  New  Testament  as  well  as  the  Old.  The  Al- 
exandrian Codex,  presenting  in  the  fullest  sense  of 
the  word  a  complete  Bible,  may  be  taken  as  the 
representative  of  the  full  maturity  of  the  feeling 
which  we  have  seen  in  its  earlier  developments. 

III.  The  existence  of  a  collection  of  sacred  books 
recognizefl  as  authoritative  leads  naturally  to  a 
more  or  'ess  systematic  arrangement.  The  arrange- 
ment must  rest  upon  some  principle  of  classifica- 
tion. The  names  given  to  the  several  books  will 
indicate  in  some  instances  the  view  taken  of  their 
contents,  in  others  the  kind  of  notation  applied 
both  to  the  greater  and  smaller  divisions  of  the 
sacred  volumes. 

The  existence  of  a  classification  analogous  to  that 
adopted  by  the  later  Jews  and  still  retained  in  the 
printed  Hebrew  Bibles,  is  indicated  even  before  the 
completion  of  the  O.  T.  Canon  (Zech.  vii.  12). 
When  the  Canon  was  looked  on  as  settled,  in  the 
period  covered  by  the  books  of  the  Apocrypha,  it 
took  a  more  definite  form.  The  Prologue  to  Eccle- 
siasticus  mentions  "  the  Law  and  the  Propliets  and 
the  other  Books."  In  the  N.  T.  there  is  the  same 
kind  of  recognition.  "The  Law  and  the  Prophets" 
is  the  shorter  (Matt.  xi.  13,  xxii.  40;  Acts  xiii.  15, 
&c.);  "the  Law,  the  Pi-ophets,  and  the  Psalms" 
(Luke  xxiv.  44),  the  fuller  statement  of  the  division 
popularly  recognized.  The  arrangement  cf  the 
books  of  the  Hebrew  text  under  these  three  headi 
requires,  however,  a  further  notice. 

1.  The  Torah,  nnlD,  v6ft.os,  naturally  con- 
tinued to  occupy  the  position  which  it  must  have 
held  from  the  first  as  the  most  ancient  and  author- 
itative portion.  Whatever  questions  may  be  raised 
as  to  the  antiquity  of  the  whole  Pentateuch  in  its 
present  form,  the  existence  of  a  book  bearing  this 
title  is  traceable  to  a  very  early  period  in  the  history 
of  the  Israelite*  f  Josh.  i.  8,  viii.  34,  xxiv.  26).  The 
name  which  must  at  first  have  attached  to  those 
portions  of  the  whole  book  was  applied  to  the 
earlier  and  contemporaneous  history  connected  with 
the  gi^^ng  of  the  Law,  and  ascribed  to  the  same 
writer.     The  marked   iistinctness  of  the  five  por- 


304  BIBLE 

tions  which  make  up  the  Torah  shows  that  they 
■uust  have  beeu  designed  as  separate  books,  and 
when  tlie  Canon  was  completed,  and  the  books  in 
their  present  form  made  the  object  of  study,  names 
lor  each  Iwok  were  wanted  and  were  found.  In 
the  lielirew  classification  the  titles  were  taken  from 
the  initial  words,  or  pioniinent  words  in  the  initial 
verse;  in  that  of  the  I, XX.  they  were  intended  to 
be  significant  of  the  subject  of  each  book,  and  so  we 
have  — 


1.  n'E"S"i2 .  .  . 

2.  n'ictt?  (n^wi). 

4.  "^21X2?     .     .     . 

0.  C''-i:2":t.   .   .   . 


revfffis. 

"E^oSos. 

AevtTtK6y. 

'Apiduol. 

AfurfpovS/JHOi/- 


The  Greek  titles  were  adopted  without  change,  ex- 
sept  as  to  tlie  4th,  in  the  Latin  versions,  and  from 
them  liave  descended  to  the  Bibles  of  modern  Chris- 
tendom. 

2.  The  next  group  presents  a  more  singular  com- 
bination.    The  an-angement  stands  as  follows : 

Joshua. 

(prlores) 


Nebiim. 
Prophetsc. 


Judges. 

1  &  2  Samuel. 

1  &  2  Kings. 


:^D^-irs 


(majorcs) 


Isaiah. 

Jeremiah. 

Ezekiel. 


(posteriores)  I    _^, 


*3t?T  (  '^^'^  twelve 
I,  (niinore.<i)  [  Prophets. 
—  the  Hebrew  titles  of  these  books  corresponding 
to  those  of  the  English  HiMes. 

The  grounds  on  which  books  simply  historical 
were  classed  under  the  same  name  as  those  which 
contained  the  teaching  of  prophets,  in  the  .stricter 
sense  of  the  word,  are  not  at  first  sight  obvious,  but 
the  0.  T.  presents  some  facts  which  may  suggest  an 
explanation.  The  "  sons  of  the  prophets  "  (1  iSani. 
X.  6;  2  K.  V.  'l-l,  vi.  1)  living  together  as  a  society, 
almost  as  a  caste  (Am.  vii.  14),  trained  to  a  religious 
life,  cultivating  sacred  minstrelsy,  must  have  oc- 
cupied a  position  as  instructors  of  the  people,  even 
in  the  absence  of  tlie  special  calling  which  sent 
them  as  God's  messengers  to  the  peo|)le.  A  body 
of  men  so  placed  become  naturally,  unless  intellec- 
tual activity  is  absorbed  in  asceticism,  historians 
and  annalists.  The  references  in  the  historical 
books  of  the  C).  T.  show  that  they  actually  were  so. 
Nathan  the  proiihet.  Gad,  the  seer  of  David  (1 
(Jhr.  xxix.  2;i),  Ahijah  and  Iddo  (2  Chr.  ix.  29), 
Isjviah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  22,  xxxii.  32),  are  citeil  a-s 
chroniclers.  The  greiiter  antiquity  of  the  earlier 
historical  books,  and  jierhaps  the  traditional  Ijehef 
ihat  they  had  originated  in  this  way,  were  likely  to 
cooperate  in  raising  them  to  a  high  place  of  honor 
in  the  airangenient  of  the  Jewish  Canon,  and  so 
they  were  looked  on  as  having  the  prophetic  charac- 
ter which  was  denied  to  the  historicai  books  of  the 
Hagiognipha.  The  gresiter  extent  of  the  prophecies 
of  Istiiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  no  less  than  the 
prominent  position  which  they  occupied  in  the  his- 
tory of  Israel,  led  naturally  to  their  being  recog- 
nized as  tlie  Prophetsc  Majores.  'Hie  exclusion  of 
Daniel  from  this  subdivision  is  a  more  remarkable 
fact,  and  one  wliich  has  been  diflfcrently  interpreted ; 
Ihe  nationalistic  school  of  laicr  criticism  (Eichhom, 


BIBLE 

De  VVette,  Hertholdt)  seeing  in  it  an  indication  d 
later  date,  and  therefore  of  doubtlul  authenticity 
the  orthodox  school  on  the  other  fhandj,  :is  repre^ 
sented  by  Hengstenberg  (iJisseiL  on  /Jan.,  ch.  ii. 
§  iv.  and  v.),  maintaining  tliat  the  difterence  resler 
only  on  the  ground  that,  though  the  utteier  of  pre- 
dictions,  he  had  not  exercised,  as  the  others  had 
done,  a  propliet's  otKce  an)ong  the  i)eoj)le.  What- 
ever may  have  been  its  oris;iii,  the  po.sition  of  thij 
book  in  the  Hagiographa  led  the  later  .lews  to  think 
and  speak  slightingly  of  it,  and  Christians  who  rea- 
soned with  them  out  of  its  predictions  were  met  by 
remai-ks  dis])ar.iging  to  its  authority  (Hengstenberg, 
/.  c).  The  arrangement  of  the  I'rojjhetie  .Minores 
does  not  call  for  s|»ecial  notice,  exce|)t  so  far  as  they 
were  countetl,  in  order  to  bring  tlie  wlinlc  list  of 
canonical  books  within  a  memorial  number  an- 
swering to  that  of  the  letters  in  the  Hebrew  alpha- 
bet, as  a  single  volume,  and  described  as  rh  SoiSt- 
KUTTpSprirou. 

3.  Last  hi  order  came  the  group  known  as  Cetu- 

bim,  Cll^nT  (firmi  ^H^  to  write),  ypa<f>(7a, 
ay i6ypa<pa,  including  the  reniainhig  books  of  the 
Hebrew  Canon,  aiTanged  in  the  following  order, 
and  with  subordinate  divisions: 

(a.)  Psalms,  Proverbs.  Job. 

(b.)  The  .Song  of  Songs,  Ruth,  Lamentations, 
Ecclesiastes,  Usther. 

(c.)  Daniel,  F^zra,  Nehemiah,  1  and  2  Chronicles. 

Of  these,  {it)  was  distinguished  by  the  nienioriaJ 

word  iHt;.  S,    truth,  formed  from   the  initial  let- 
ters of  the  three  books;  (/.<)  as  Hl^^t.    t*  ^P, 
<//e,^i;e  roWs,  as  lieing  written  for  use  in  the  syn- 
agogues on  speciiU  festivals  on  five  separate  rolls. 
Of  the  Hebrew  titles  of  these  books,  those  which 

are  descriptive  of  their  contents  are  L.^-  "•^i  the 

Psalms.  '*  r  ^,  i'roverbs.  f^T^^N  Lanientationg 
(from  the  opening  word  of  wailing  in  i.  1 ).  The 
Song  of  Songs  {u'^'^y^'TJ  ~^V  ).  Ecclesiastes 
(rijPp,    the    Preacher).     1    and   2   Chronicles 

(mi^J^^n  "''^2'^.  words  of  days  =  records). 

The  Septuagint  translation  presents  the  followuig 
titles,  —  '^a\iJ.oi,  Tlapoi/xiai,  &p7ivoi,^Aa/j.a  afffid- 
T03V,  'Y.KKKri(riaarr,s,  llapaKfnr6n(va  ('■  <"•  things 
omitted,  as  bein^  supplementary  to  the  Hooks  of 
Kings).  The  Latin  version  imports  some  of  the 
titles,  and  translates  others,  Ps;dnii,  I'roverbia, 
'I'hreni,  Canticum  ( 'anticorum,  Ecclesiastes,  Parali- 
pomenon;  andthe.se  in  their  ^THsAi/t-f/ form  have 
determined  the  recei\cd  titles  of  the  books  in  our 
English  Bibles;  Ecclesiastes,  in  which  the  Greek 
title  is  retained,  and  Chronicles,  in  whidi  the 
Hebrew  and  not  the  Greek  title  is  translateti,  being 
exceptions. 

The  LXX.  presents,  however,  some  striking 
variations  in  point  of  arrangement  as  Wfrll  as  in 
relation  to  the  names  of  books.  Botli  in  this  and 
in  the  in.sertion  of  the  a.vTi\fy6ix(va,  which  we 
now  know  as  the  ApocryiJia,  among  the  olheaf 
books,  we  trace  the  absence  of  that  strong  reveitsnoe 
for  the  Canon  and  its  traditional  order  which  dia- 
tinguished  the  Jews  of  Palestine.  The  Law,  it  ii 
true,  stands  first,  but  the  distinction  between  the 
greater  and  lesser  prophets,  between  the  Projiheti 
and  the  Hagiogmpha  is  no  lonjrer  rec<J!;nized 
Daniel,  with  the  Aixjcryphal  additions,  follows  upot 
Ezekiel;  the  Ajwcryphal  1st  or  ;jd  Book  of  Esdr* 


BIBLE 

taoLea  as  a  'Jd  following  on  the  Canonical  Ezra." 
Tobit  and  Judith  are  placed  after  Nehenuah,  Wis- 
dom (2o<^ia  2x\6fj.cui'Tos)  and  I'xclesiasticus  (^ocpia 
%€wdx)  after  Canticles,  IJaruch  before  and  the 
Epistle  of  Jeremiah  after  Lamentations,  the  twelve 
Lesser  Prophets  before  the  four  Greater,  and  the 
two  [tliree  or  four]  IJooks  of  Maccabees  come  at 
the  close  of  all.  The  Latin  version  follows  nearly 
the  same  order,  inverting  the  relative  position  of 
the  greater  and  lesser  prophets.  The  separation 
of  the  doubtful  books  inider  the  title  of  A{X)crjpha 
in  the  Prote-stant  versions  of  the  Scriptures,  left  the 
others  in  the  order  in  which  we  now  have  them. 

The  history  of  the  arrangement  of  the  books  of 
the  New  Testament  presents  some  variations,  not 
without  interest,  as  indicating  differences  of  feeling 
or  modes  of  thouglit.  The  four  Gospels  and  the 
.4cts  of  the  Apostles  uniformly  stand  first.  They 
are  so  far  to  the  New  vvliat  the  Pentateuch  was  to 
the  Old  Testament.  They  do  not  present  however 
m  themselves,  as  the  books  of  Moses  did,  any  order 
of  succession.  The  actual  order  does  not  depend 
upon  the  rank  or  function  of  the  writers  to  whom 
they  are  assigned.  The  two  not  written  by  Apostles 
are  preceded  and  followed  by  those  which  are,  and 
it  seems  as  if  the  true  explanation  were  to  be  found 
in  a  traditional  belief  as  to  the  dates  of  the  several 
Gospels,  according  to  which  St.  Matthew's,  whether 
in  its  Greek  or  Hebrew  form,  was  the  earliest,  and 
St.  John's  tlie  latest.  The  arrangement  once 
adopted  would  naturally  confirm  the  belief,  and  so 
we  find  it  assumed  by  [the  Muratorian  Canon,] 
Irenaeus,  Origeu,  Augustine.  [On  the  other  hand, 
the  Codex  Bezce  (D)  and  the  best  MSS.  of  the  Old 
Latin  version  have  the  following  order :  Matt.,  John, 
Luke,  .^L^rk.  —  A.]  The  |X)sition  of  the  Acts  as 
an  intermediate  book,  the  sequel  to  the  Gospels,  the 
prelude  to  the  Epistles,  was  obviously  a  natural  one. 
After  this  we  meet  with  some  striking  differences. 
Tue  order  in  the  ^Vlexandrian,  Vatican,  and  Ephraem 
MSS.  (A  B  C)  gives  precedence  to  the  Catholic 
Epistles,  and  as  this  is  also  recognized  by  the 
Council  of  Laodicea  (Can.  (iO),  Cyril  of  Jerusalem 
(Calecli.  iv.  p.  35),  and  Athanasius  {£pisl.  Fesl. 
ed.  Bened.  1.  p.  961),  it  would  apjjear  to  have  been 
characteristic  of  the  Mastern  Churches.  Lachmann, 
who  bases  his  recension  of  the  text  chiefly  on  this 
family  of  MSS.,  has  reproducal  the  arrangement 
in  his  editions.  [So  has  Tischendorf;  and  this  is 
the  arrangement  found  in  a  gre<it  majority  of  the 
manuscripts.     In  the  Codex  Sinaiticus  and  in  four 


BIBLE 


305 


«  •  The  Apocryplial  1st  Book  of  Esdras,  certainly  in 
the  priucipal  .MSS.  and  editions  of  the  LXX.,  and  prob- 
ibly  in  .lU,  precedes  the  cauoniciil  Ezra.  The  Vatican, 
Alexandrine,  and  Siuaitic  (Frid.-Aug.)  MSS.  of  the 
3eptuajj;int,  with  the  Aldine  edition,  unite  the  Books 
of  Ezra  ,md  NehemiaU  in  one  as  2d  Ksdras.  The  state- 
ments in  the  text  in  regard  to  the  order  of  the  books 
in  the  Septuagint  require  great  modification  ;  for  the 
MSS.  and  editions  dill'er  widely  in  this  respect ;  and 
the  Ilonian  edition  of  the  LXX.  (1587),  deviates  mate- 
rially in  the  arrangement  of  the  books  from  the  Vatican 
manuscript,  which  it  has  been  popularly  Eupposed  to 
wpresent. 

In  the  Vat.  MS.  the  whole  series  of  the  poetical 
books  intervenes  between  Nehemiah  and  Esther,  which 
18  followed  by  Judith.  Tobit,  and  the  Lesser  and 
Greater  I'rophets,  including  Daniel.  In  the  Alex.  MS. 
the  twelve  .Minor  I'rophets  immediately  follow  Chroni- 
cles;  then  come  the  Greater  Prophets,  ending  with 
IMciel  ;  then  E.stlier,  Tohit,  Judith.  1  Esdras,  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  ;ui  2d  E.sdras,  and  the  four  Books  of  Mai- 
wbees.  Ihesi  are  followed  by  the  poetical  books.  K 
20 


other  MSS.  the  Pauline  I<>pLstles  precede  the  Acta. 
—  A.]  The  Western  Church  on  the  other  b;md, 
as  represented  by  Jerome,  Augustine,  and  their 
successors,  gave  i)riority  of  position  to  the  Pauline 
Epistles,  ar,U  as  the  order  in  which  these  were  givec 
presents  (1)  those  addressed  to  Churches  arranged 
according  to  their  relative  importance,  (2)  those 
i^ddressed  to  individuals,  the  foremost  pliice  was 
naturally  occupied  by  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans. 
The  tendency  of  the  Western  Church  to  recognize 
Rome  as  its  centi-e  of  authority  may  perhaps  in 
part  account  for  this  departure  fi'om  the  custom  of 
the  East.  The  order  of  tlie  Pauline  Epistles  them 
selves,  however,  is  generally  the  same,  and  the  only 
conspicuously  different  arrangement  was  that  of 
Mareion,  who  aimed  at  a  chronological  order.  In 
the  three  MSS.  above  referred  to  [and  u»  the  Codex 
S'mailkux]  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  comes  after 
2  Thessalonians.  [In  the  mjuiuscript  from  which 
the  Vatican  (B)  was  copied,  it  stood  between 
Galatians  and  Ephesians.  This  is  shown  by  the 
numbering  of  the  .sections  in  the  Vat.  MS.  —  A.] 
In  those  followed  by  Jerome,  it  stands,  as  in  the 
English  BiiJe  and  tlie  Textus  Receptus,  after  Phi- 
lemon. We  are  left  to  conjecture  the  grounds  of 
this  difference.  Possibly  the  absence  of  St.  Paul's 
name,  possibly  the  doubts  which  existed  as  to  his 
being  the  nule  author  of  it,  possibly  its  apjiroxima- 
tion  to  the  character  of  the  Catholic  Epistles  may 
have  determined  the  arrangement.  The  Apocalj-pse, 
as  might  be  expected  from  the  peculiar  character 
of  its  contents,  occupied  a  position  by  itself.  Its 
comparatively  late  recognition  inay  have  determined 
the  position  which  it  has  uniformly  held  as  the  last 
of  the  Sacred  Books.* 

IV.  Division  into  Chapters  and  Verses.  As  soon 
as  any  break  is  made  in  the  continuous  writing 
which  has  characterized  in  neai'lj  all  countries  the 
early  stages  of  the  art,  we  get  the  germs  of  a  sys- 
tem of  division.  But  these  divisions  may  be  used 
for  two  distinct  purposes.  So  far  as  tliev  are  used 
to  exhibit  the  logical  relations  of  words,  Ciauses  and 
sentences  to  each  other,  they  tend  to  a  recosnizefl 
punctuation.  So  far  as  they  are  used  for  greater 
convenience  of  reference,  or  as  a  help  to  the  niemorj 
they  answer  to  the  chapters  and  verses  of  our 
modern  Bibles.  The  question  now  to  be  answered 
is  that  which  asks  what  systems  of  notation  of  the 
latter  kind  have  been  employed  at  different  times 
by  transcribers  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  and 
to  whom  we  owe  the  system  now  in  use. 

the  Codtx  Sinaitiais  1st  and  4th  Maccabees  cotae  aftei 
Judith  ;  then  follow  the  Prophets,  the  greater  p/ecerfing 
the  lesser,  contrary  to  the  order  in  the  Vat.  and  Alex 
MSS.  ;  and  last  of  all  come  the  poetical  books,  Psalms, 
Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Song  of  Songs,  ^Visdom  of  Sol- 
omon, Ecclesiasticus,  Job.  In  respect  to  the  position 
of  the  Book  of  Job,  the  Vatican  and  the  Alexandrine 
manuscripts  differ  both  from  the  Siuaitic  and  from  each 
other,  the  former  placing  it  after  Canticles,  the  latter 
after  Psalms.  See  Tiscliendorf  s  Prolegom.  to  his  3d 
edition  of  the  L.XX.  (1860),  pp.  Ixxiv.,  xciv.,  xcvi. 

The  best  MSS.  of  the  Vulgate,  it  may  be  further 
remarked,  differ  widely  in  the  arrangement  of  the 
books  from  the  common  editions.  See  art.  Vuloatb, 
§  24,  note  on  the  Alcuin  MS.  A. 

6  *  On  the  history  of  the  arrangement  of  the  bookd 
of  the  N.  T.,  see  Tischendorf,  N.  T.  ed.  7ma,  Prolegom 
pp.  Ixxi.-lsxiv.  ;  Scrivener,  latrod.  to  the  Crit.  of  tht 
N.  T.  pp.  61,  62  ;  Laure  it's  Neutestamentliclm  Stwiien 
pp.  41^9  (Uotha,  1866) ;  and  especially  Volkniar's  \p 
"endix  to  Credner's  Geseh.  des  Neulest.  Kanon.  pp 
393-4U.  A. 


BOG 


BIBLE 


(1.)  The  Hebrew  of  the  Old  Testament 
It  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  of  the  liturgical 
use  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  without 
lome  kinds  of  recognized  division.  In  proportion 
»s  the  books  were  studied  and  commented  on  in 
the  schools  of  the  Habbis,  the  division  would  be- 
come more  technical  and  complete,  and  hence  the 
existing  notation,  which  is  recognized  in  the  Tal- 
mud (the  Gemara  ascribing  it  to  Moses,  —  Hupfeld, 
iitud.  uiul  Krit.  1830,  p.  827),  may  probably  have 
originated  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  growth  of  the 
synagogue  ritual.  The  New  TestaJiient  quotations 
from  the  Old  are  for  the  most  part  cited  without 
any  more  specific  reference  than  to  the  book  from 
which  they  come.  Tlie  references  however  in  Mark 
xii.  2G  and  Luke  xx.  37  (e'lri  ttjs  fidrov),  Rom.  xi. 
2  (eV  'HA.19)  and  Acts  viii.  32  (^  -ireptoxh  "rvs 
ypa((>rjs),  indicate  a  division  which  had  become 
famiUar,  and  show  that  some  at  least  of  the  sections 
were  known  popularly  by  titles  taken  fix)m  their 
subjects.  In  like  manner  tlie  existence  of  a  cycle 
of  lessons  is  indicated  by  Luke  iv.  17 ;  Acts  xiii. 
15,  XV.  21;  2  Cor.  iii.  14;  and  this,  whether  iden- 
tical or  not  with  the  later  Rabbinic  cycle,  nmst 
have  in\olved  an  arrangement  analogous  to  that 
subsequeiitly  adopted. 

The  Talmudic  division  is  on  the  following  plan. 
The  law  was  in  the  first  instance  divided  into  fifty- 
four  m^^tinS,  Pamhioth  =  sections,  so  as  to  pro- 
vide a  lesson  for  each  Sabbath  in  the  Jewish  inter- 
calary year,  provision  being  made  for  the  shorter 
year  by  the  combination  of  two  of  the  shoiter  sec- 
tions. Coexisting  with  this  there  was  a  subdi- 
\isiou  into  lesser  Parshioth,  which  served  to  de- 
termine the  portions  of  the  sections  taken  by  the 
several  i-eaders  in  the  synagogues.  The  lesser  Par- 
shioth themselves  were  classed  under  two  heads  — 

the  Open  (iTin^nS,  Petuchoth),  which  served 
to  indicate  a  change  of  subject  analogous  to  that 
between  two  paragraphs  in  modern  writing,  and 
began  accordingly  a  fresh  line  in  the  ilSS.,  and  the 

Slmt  (m^l^np,  Setumoth),  which  corresponded 
to  minor  divisions,  and  were  marked  only  by  a 
space  within  the  Une.  The  mitial  letters  -  and  D 
served  as  a  notation,  in  the  margin  or  in  the  text 
itself,  for  the  two  kinds  of  sections.     The  threefold 

initial  DDD  or  DDD,  was  used  when  the  com- 
nencement  of  one  of  the  Parshioth  coincided  with 
hat  of  a  Sabbath  lesson  (comp.  Keil,  Einhitung  in 
ias  A.  T.  §§  170,  171). 

A  different  terminology  was  employed  for  the 
Prophetae  Priores  and  Posteriores,  and  the  divis- 
on  was  less  uniform.  The  tradition  of  the  Jews 
:hat  the  Prophets  were  first  read  in  the  service  of 
the  synagogue,  and  consequently  divided  into  sec- 
tions, because  the  reading  of  the  Law  had  been  for- 
bidden by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  rests  upon  a  very 
Blight  foundation,  but  its  existence  is  at  any  rat«  a 
oroof  tliat  the  I^aw  was  believed  to  have  been  sys- 
.ematically  divided  before  the  same  process  wa« 
applied  to  the  other  books.  The  name  of  the  sec- 
tions in   this  case  was  nT^^Cn  (Haphtarodi, 

from  "^^^j  dimittere).  If  the  name  were  applied 
In  this  way  because  the  lessons  from  the  Prophets 
eame  at  the  close  of  the  synagogue  service,  and  so 
were  followed  by  the  dismissal  of  the  people 
(Vitringa  de  Synng.  iii.  2,  20),  its  history  would 
present  a   singular  analogy   to  that  of  "  Missa," 


BIBLE 

"  Mass,"  on  the  assumption  that  it  also  was  deLivdd 
from  the  "  Ite,  missa  est,"  by  which  tlie  congr^a- 
tion  was  informed  of  the  conclusion  of  the  earlier 
portion  of  the  service  of  the  Church.  The  peculiar 
use  of  Missa  shortly  after  its  ajipejirance  in  the 
Latin  of  ecclesiiistical  writers  in  a  sense  etpiivalcnt 
to  that  of  Haphtaroth  ("  sex  Missas  de  ProjjhetA 
Esaia  facite,"  Csesarius  Arekt.  and  Aurelian  in  Bing- 
ham, Ant.  xiii.  1)  presents  at  least  a  singidar  coinci- 
dence. The  Haphta.oth  themselves  were  intended 
to  correspond  witli  the  larger  Parsliioth  of  tlie  Iaw, 
so  that  there  might  bo  a  distinct  lesson  for  each 
Sabbath  in  the  intercalary  year  as  before ;  but  the 
traditions  of  tlie  German  and  the  Spanish  .lews, 
both  of  them  of  grciit  antiquity,  present  a  consid- 
erable diversity  in  the  length  of  the  divisions,  and 
show  that  they  had  never  been  determined  by  the 
same  authority  as  that  which  had  settled  the  Par- 
shioth of  the  Law  (Van  der  Ilooght,  Pritfat.  in 
Bib.  §  35).  Of  the  traditional  divisions  of  the 
Hebrew  Bible,  however,  that  which  has  exercised 
most  influence  in  the  received  arrangement  of  the 
text,  was  the  subdivision  of  the  larger  sections  into 

verses  (C^p^DS,  Pesulcim).    These  do  not  appear 

to  have  been  used  till  the  post-Tahiiudic  recension 
of  the  text  by  the  Masoretes  of  the  9th  century. 
They  were  then  appUed,  first  to  the  prose  and  after- 
wards to  the  poetical  books  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures, 
superseding  in  the  latter  tlie  arrangement  of  (tti'xoi, 
KuKa,  K6fj.finTa,  lines  and  groups  of  lines,  which 
had  l)een  based  upon  metrical  considerations.  'ITie 
verses  of  the  Masoretic  divisions  were  j)ro.servwl  with 
comparatively  slight  variations  through  the  middle 
ages,  and  came  to  the  knowledge  of  translatoi-s  and 
editors  when  the  attention  of  Euro|x;an  scholan 
was  directed  to  the  study  of  Hebrew.  In  the  Hebrew 
MSS.  the  notation  had  been  simply  m!U-ke<I  by  the 
Soph-Pdsiik  (:  )  iit  the  end  of  each  verse;  and  ia 
the  earUer  printed  Hebrew  Bibles  (Sabionetta'8, 
1557,  and  Plantin's,  15G(J)  the  Hebrew  numenJi 
which  guide  the  reader  in  referring,  are  attached 
to  every  fifth  verse  only.  The  Concordance  of  Habfaj 
Nathan,  1450,  however,  had  rested  on  the  applica- 
tion of  a  numeral  to  each  verse,  and  this  was 
adopted  by  the  Dominican  Pagninus  in  his  I.,atin 
^■ersion,  1528,  and  earned  throughout  the  whole  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testament,  coinciding  substan- 
tially, as  regards  the  former,  with  the  Masoretic,  autt 
therefore  with  the  modem  division,  but  difiering 
materially  as  to  the  New  Testament  frx)in  that 
which  was  adopted  by  Robert  Stephens  (cf.  infi-n) 
and  through  his  widely  circulated  editions  passed 
into  general  reception.  The  chief  facts  that  reuiain 
to  be  stated  as  to  the  verse  divisions  of  tlie  ()M 
Testament  are,  (I)  that  it  was  adopt-ed  by  Stephens 
in  his  edition  of  the  V^ulgate,  1555,  and  by  I'relioii 
in  that  of  1556;  (2)  that  it  apjieared,  for  the  first 
time  in  an  English  translation,  in  the  Geneva  Bible 
of  1560,  and  was  thence  transferred  to  the  Bishops' 
Bible  of  1568,  and  the  Authorized  Version  of  Hill. 
In  Coverdale's  Bible  we  meet  with  the  older  nota- 
tion, which  was  in  familiar  use  for  other  books,  and 
retained  in  some  instances  (e.  g.  in  references  to 
Plato),  to  the  present  times.  The  letters  A  B  C  D 
are  placed  at  equal  distances  in  the  margin  of  each 
page,  and  the  reference  is  made  to  the  page  (or,  is 
the  case  of  Scripture,  to  the  chapter)  and  the  letter 
accordingly. 

The  Septuagint  translation,  together  with  th« 
I>atin  versions  based  ujwn  it,  have  contributed  littie 
or  nothing  to  the  received  division  of  the  Bibt* 


BIBLE 

Uade  at  a  time  when  the  Rabbinic  subdivisions 
were  not  enforced,  hardly  perhaps  existing,  and  not 
used  in  the  worsliip  of  the  synagogue,  there  was  no 
reason  for  the  scrupulous  care  which  showed  itself 
ID  regard  to  the  Hebrew  text.  The  language  of 
Tertullian  (Scorp.  ii.)  and  Jerome  {in  Mic.  vi.  9; 
Zeph.  ill.  4)  implies  the  existence  of  "capitula" 
of  some  sort ;  but  the  word  does  not  apjiear  to  have 
been  used  in  any  more  definite  sense  than  "locus" 
or  "  passage."  The  liturgical  use  of  portions  of 
the  Old  Testament  would  lead  to  the  employment 
of  some  notation  to  distinguish  the  ava-yvuKT^iaTa 
or  "  lectiones,"  and  individual  students  or  transcrib- 
ers might  adopt  a  system  of  reference  of  their  own ; 
but  we  find  nothing  corresponding  to  the  fuUy  or- 
{^ized  notation  wliich  originated  with  the  Talmud- 
ists  or  INIiisoretes.  It  is  possible  indeed  that  the 
general  use  of  Lectionaria  —  in  which  the  portions 
read  in  the  Church  services  were  written  separately 
—  may  have  hindered  the  development  of  such  a 
Bystem.  Whatever  traces  of  it  we  find  are  accord- 
ingly scanty  and  fluctuating.  The  stichometric 
mode  of  writuig  (t.  e.  the  division  of  the  text  into 
short  lines,  generally  with  very  little  regard  to  the 
sense)  adopted  in  the  4th  or  5th  centuries  (seePro- 
kgom.  to  Breitinger's  Septua(/iiit,  i.  §  6),  though 
it  may  have  facilitated  reference,  or  been  useful  as 
a  guide  to  the  reader  in  the  half-chant  commonly 
used  in  liturgical  services,  was  too  arbitrary  (ex- 
cept where  it  corresponded  to  the  pai-allel  clauses 
of  the  IIei)rew  poetical  books)  and  inconvenient  to 
be  generally  adopted.  The  Alexandrian  MS.  pre- 
sents a  partial  notation  of  Kf^dKaia,  but  as  regards 
the  Old  Testament  these  are  found  only  in  portions 
of  Deuteronomy  and  Joshua.  Traces  exist  (Cote- 
ler.  Monum.  Eccles.  Grwc,  Breitinger,  Proleg.  ut 
sup.)  of  a  like  division  in  Numbers,  Exodus,  and 
Leviticus,  and  Latin  MSS.  present  frequently  a  sys- 
tem of  division  into  "  tituli  "  or  "  capitula,"  but 
without  any  recognizefl  standards.  In  the  13th 
century,  however,  the  development  of  theology  as  a 
science,  and  the  more  frequent  use  of  the  Scriptures 
as  a  text-iiook  for  lectures,  led  to  the  general  adop- 
tion of  a  more  systematic  division,  traditionally  as- 
cribed [by  some)  to  Stephen  Langton,  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  (Triveti  Annul,  p.  182,  ed.  Oxon.), 
[by  others  t«]  Hugh  de  St.  Cher  [Hugo  de  S. 
Caro]  (Gilbert  (ienebrard,  Ckronol.  1.  iv.  644),  and 
passing  through  his  commentary  {Postilla  in  Uni- 
versa  Biblia,  and  Concordance,  circ.  1240)  into 
general  use.  No  other  sul)division  of  the  chapters 
was  united  with  tliis  beyond  that  indicated  by  the 
marginal  letters  A  15  C  D  as  described  above. 

As  regards  the  Old  Testament  then,  the  present 
irrangement  grows  out  of  the  union  of  Cardinal 
Hugo's  capitular  division  and  the  Masoretic  verses. 
The  Apocryphal  books,  to  which  of  course  no  Ma- 
scretic  division  was  applicable,  did  not  receive  a 
vcrsiciilar  division  till  the  Latin  edition  of  Pagninus 
in  1528,  nor  t/ie  division  now  in  use  till  Stephens's 
edition  of  the  Vulgate  in  1555. 

(2. )  The  history  of  the  New  Testament  presents 
wrae  additional  facts  of  interest.  Here,  as  in  the 
ease  of  the  ( )ld,  the  system  of  notation  grew  out  of 
the  necessities  of  study.  The  comparison  of  the 
(Jospel  Uitrnitives  gave  rise  to  attempts  to  exhibit 
the  harmony  between  them.     Of  these,  the  first  of 


BIBLE 


807 


a  *  Euthalius  appears  to  have  derived  these  divis- 
ons,  at  least  id  the  Acts,  from  a  MS.  written  by  Pam- 
phihis  the  martyr  (d.  a.  d.  309).  See  Montfaucon, 
Bibt.  Coislin.  p.  78  ff. ;  Tregelles,  Text.  Crh.  of  the  N. 


which  we  have  any  record  was  the  Dia.essaron  of 
Tatian  in  the  2d  century  (Euseb.  H.  E.  i>.  29). 
This  was  followed  by  a  work  of  like  character  from 
Ammonius  of  Alexandria  in  the  3d  (Euseb.  Epht.  ttd 
Carpinnwn).  The  system  adopted  by  Annnonius 
however,  that  of  attaching  to  the  Gospel  of  St.  Mat- 
thew the  parallel  passages  of  the  other  three,  and 
inserting  those  which  were  not  parallel,  destroyed 
the  outward  form  in  which  the  Gospel  history  had 
been  recorded,  [and]  was  practically  inconvenient. 
Nor  did  their  labors  have  any  direct  effect  on  the 
arrangement  of  the  Greek  text,  unless  we  adopt  the 
conjectures  of  MUl  and  Wetstein  that  it  is  to  Am- 
monius or  Tatian  that  we  have  to  ascribe  the  mar- 
ginal notation  of  Ke<pd.Kaia,  marked  by  A  B  r  A, 
which  are  found  in  the  older  MSS.  The  search 
after  a  more  convenient  method  of  exliibiting  the 
parallelisms  of  the  Gosjjels  led  Eusebius  of  Caasarea 
to  form  the  ten  Canons  (icai/oi/es,  registers)  which 
bear  his  name,  and  in  which  the  sections  of  the 
Gospels  are  classed  according  as  the  fact  narrated 
is  found  in  one  Evangelist  only,  or  in  two  or  more. 
In  applying  this  system  to  the  transcription  of  the 
(Jospels,  Ciich  of  them  was  divided  into  shorter  sec- 
tions of  variable  length,  and  to  each  of  these  were 
attached  two  numerals,  one  indicating  the  Canon 
under  which  it  would  be  found,  and  the  other  its 
place  in  that  Canon.  Luke  [iii.  21,  22],  for  exam- 
ple, would  represent  [constituted]  the  13th  section 
l)elonging  to  the  first  Canon  [corresponding  to  the 
14th  section  in  Matthew,  the  5th  in  Mark,  and  the 
15th  in  John,  —  the  first  Canon  comprising  the 
sections  conmion  to  the  four  Gospels].  This  divis- 
ion, however,  extended  only  to  the  books  that  had 
come  under  the  study  of  the  Harmonists.  The 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul  were  first  divided  in  a  similar 
manner  by  the  unknown  Bishop  to  whom  Euthalius 
assigns  the  credit  of  it  {circ.  396 ),  and  he  himself, 
at  the  instigation  of  Athanasius  [the  younger],  ap- 
plied the  method  of  division  to  the  Acts  and  the 
Catholic  Epistles.  Andrew,  bishop  of  Caesarea  in 
Cappadocia,  completed  the  work  by  dividuig  the 
Apocalypse  {circ.  500).<* 

Of  the  four  great  uncial  jNISS.,  A  [and  so  the 
Sinaitic  MS.,  but  not,  according  to  Tischendorf,  a 
prima  manii]  presents  the  Ammonian  or  Eusebiari 
numerals  and  canons,  C  and  U  the  numerals  with- 
out the  canons.  B  has  neither  numerals  nor  ca- 
nons, but  a  notation  of  its  own,  the  chief  j^eculi- 
arity  of  which  is,  that  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  are 
treated  as  a  single  book,  and  brought  under  a  con- 
tinuous capitulation.  After  passing  into  disuso 
and  so  uito  comparative  oblivion,  the  Eusebian  and 
Euthalian  divisions  have  recently  (since  1827)  again 
become  familiar  to  the  English  student  through 
Bishop  Lloyd's  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament. 
[The  Eusebian  sections  and  canons  also  appear  in 
the  recent  editions  of  Tischendorf,  Wordsworth, 
and  Tregelles.] 

With  the  New  Testament,  however,  as  with  the 
Old,  the  division  into  chapters  adopted  by  Hugh 
de  St.  Cher  sujjcrseded  those  that  had  been  in  use 
previously,  appeared  in  the  early  editions  of  the 
Vulgate,  was  transferred  to  the  English  Bible  by 
Coverdale,  and  so  became  universal.  The  notation 
of  the  verses  in  each  chapter  naturally  followed  on 
the  use  of  the  Masoretic  verses  for  the  Old  Testa- 


r.  pp.  27,  32.  On  the  Eusebian  sections  and  canoui 
see  Scrivener,  Introd.  to  the  Crit.  of  the  N.  T  pp.  5(V 
53.  « 


308 


BIBLE 


ment.  The  superiority  of  such  a  division  over  the 
tnarjritial  uotation  A  B  C  D  in  the  Bible  of  Car- 
duial  Hugh  de  St.  Cher  led  men  to  adopt  an  anal- 
ogous systan  for  the  New.  In  the  Latin  version 
of  raj,'nuius  accordingly,  there  is  a  versicular  divis- 
ion, though  differing  from  the  one  subsequently 
ised  in  the  greater  length  of  its  verses.  I'lie  ab- 
•ence  of  an  authoritative  standard  Uke  that  of  the 
Masoretes,  left  more  scojx;  to  the  individual  discre- 
tion of  editoi-s  or  printers,  and  the  activity  of  the 
two  Stepheiises  caused  that  which  they  a<iopted  in 
their  numerous  editions  of  the  Greek  Testament 
and  Vulgat*  to  be  generally  received.  In  the 
Preface  to  tlie  (Concordance,  published  by  Henry 
Stephens,  1594,  he  gives  the  following  account  of 
the  origin  of  this  division.  His  father,  he  tells  us, 
finding  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  already 
divided  into  chapters  (tmemala,  or  sections),  pro- 
ceeded to  a  further  subdivision  into  verses.  The 
name  rersicull  did  not  commend  itself  to  him.  He 
would  have  preferred  tmematia  or  secliuncuke,  but 
the  preference  of  others  for  the  former  led  him  to 
adopt  it.  'J'he  uhole  work  was  accomplished  "  inter 
equitandum  "  oi.  'lis  journey  from  Paris  to  Lyons. 
While  it  was  in  progress  men  doubted  of  its  suc- 
cess. No  sooner  was  it  known  than  it  met  with 
universal  acceptance.  The  edition  in  which  this 
division  was  first  adopted  was  published  in  1551, 
another  came  from  the  same  press  in  1555.  It  was 
used  for  the  Vulgate  in  the  Antwerp  edition  of 
Hentenius  in  155'J,  for  the  Enghsh  version  pub- 
lished in  Geneva  in  15G0,  and  from  that  time,  with 
slight  variations  in  detail,  has  been  universally  rec- 
ognized. 'I'he  convenience  of  such  a  system  for 
reference  is  obvious  ;  but  it  may  be  questioned 
whether  it  has  not  been  purchased  by  a  great  sac- 
rifice of  tlie  perception  by  ordinary  readers  of  the 
true  order  and  connection  of  the  books  of  the  Bi- 
ble." In  some  cases  the  division  of  cha{)ters  sep- 
arates portions  which  are  very  closely  united  (see 
e.  g.  Mait.  ix.  38,  and  x.  1,  xix.  30.  and  xx.  1; 
Mark  ii.  23-28,  and  iii.  1-5,  viii.  38,  and  ix.  1; 
Luke  XX.  45-47,  and  xxi.  1-4;  Acts  vii.  60,  and 
viii.  1 ;  1  Cor.  x.  33.  xi.  1 ;  2  Cor.  iv.  18,  v.  1,  vi. 
18,  and  vii.  1 ),  and  throughout  gives  the  impression 
of  a  formal  division  altogether  at  variance  with  the 
continuous  flow  of  nan-ative  or  thought  which  chai'- 
ticterized  the  book  as  it  came  from  the  hand  of  the 
vriter.  Tlie  separation  of  verses  in  its  turn  has  con- 
duced largely  to  the  habit  of  buildhig  doctrinal  sys- 
tems upon  isolated  texts.  The  advantages  of  the  re- 
ceived method  are  united  with  those  of  an  arrange- 
ment representing  the  original  more  faithfully  in  the 
structure  of  the  Paragraph  Bibles,  lately  published 
by  ditferent  editors,  and  in  the  Greek  Testaments 
of  Lloyd,  I^achmann,  and  Tischendorf.  The  stu- 
dent ought,  however,  to  remember  in  using  these 
that  the  jiaragraphs  belong  to  the  editor,  not  to  the 
writer,  and  are  therefore  liable  to  the  same  casual- 
ties rising  out -of  subjective  peculiarities,  dogmatic 
bias,  and  the  like,  as  the  chapters  of  our  common 
Bibles.  Practically  the  risk  of  such  casualties  has 
been  reduced  almost  to  a  minimum  by  the  care  of 
editors  to  avoid  the  erroi-s  into  which  their  prede- 
cessors have  fallen,  but  the  possibility  of  the  evil 
?xists,  and  should  therefore  be  guarded  against  by 
the  exercise  of  an  independent  judgment. 

E.  H.  P. 


n  *  On  this  point  see  the  striking  remarks  of  Locke 
m  the  I'refdce  to  his  Parnpknxse  and  Notes  on  tke 
V^niaki  oj  St   Paul.  A. 


BILDAD 
*  BIBLE,  ENGLISH.     See  VjcitwoN,  av 

THOKIZED. 

BICH'RI  (""193  :  Boxopt'  [Vat.  Alex,  -pu] 
Bochri;  Jirsirhmii,  Sim.;  youlfiful,  Gesen.  Fiirst 
but  ijerhaps  rather  son  of  Etcher),  ancestor  of 
Sheba  (2  Sam.  xx.  1  ff).     [Bechku.] 

A.  C.  H. 

BID'KAR  ("1P"T2  \stabber,  Ges.] :  BaSexct^ 
[Vat.i  -Ktt];  Joseph.  BaSti/cpos:  Badactr\  Jehu'i 
"  captam  "  (tt'  -T  :  Joseph,  d  ttis  toittjj  uoipui 
rjyffiu>v,  Ant.  ix.  6,  §  3),  originally  his  fellow-otfi- 
cer  (2  K.  ix.  25);  who  completed  the  sentence  on 
Jehoram  son  of  Ahab,  by  casting  his  body  into  tli« 
field  of  Naboth  after  Jehu  had  transfixed  him  with 
an  arrow. 

BIER.     [BuiUAL.] 

BIG'THA  (Sn;2:BapaCr;  [Vat.  Bwpa(v\ 
Alex,  corrupt;  Comp.  Bayadd-}  Bayaiha),  one  of 
the  seven  "  chamberlams  "  (C"'p'^~1D,  eunuchs) 
of  the  harem  of  Ahasuerus  (Esth.  i.  10). 

BIG'THAN   and    BIGTHA'NA   Qn^S, 

Esth.  ii,  21,  andS5n:i2,  vi.  2:  Bayathan),  a 
eunuch  ("chamberlain,"  A.  V.)  in  the  court  of 
Ahasuerus,  one  of  those  "  who  kept  the  door " 
(marg.  "  threshold,"  apxter<»lMaro<j)v\aKei,  LXX.), 
and  who  conspired  witli  Teresh,  one  of  his  coadju- 
tors, against  the  king's  life.  The  conspiracy  waa 
detected  by  Mordecai,  and  the  eunuchs  hung. 
Prideaux  (Con.  i.  363)  supposes  that  these  oflicera 
had  been  partially  sujierseded  by  the  degradation 
of  Vashti,  and  sought  revenge  by  the  murder  of 
Ahasuerus.  This  suggestion  falls  in  with  that  of 
the  Chaldee  Vs.,  and  of  the  LXX.  which  in  Esth. 
ii.  21  interjwlates  the  words  iXvirfidriaau  01  Svo 
eui/ovxoi  Tov  fiaffiKiws  ....  on  xpo-fixOri  Map- 
Soxa^os-  The  name  is  omitted  by  the  LXX.  on 
both  occasions.  Bigthan  is  probably  derived  from 
the  Persian  and  Sanskrit  Bagaddna,  "  a  gift  of 
fortune"  (Gesen.  s.  v.).  ¥.  W.  F. 

BIG'VAI   [2  syl.]  (^553  :  Bayovt,  Eayovat, 

[etc.:]  Be(/uai,  [^Beffui]). 

1.  "Children  of  Bigvai,"  2056  (Neh.  2067)  in 
number,  returned  from  the  Captivity  with  Zerub- 
babel  (Ezr.  U.  14;  Neh.  vii.  19),  and  72  of  them 
at  a  later  date  with  Ezra  (lizr.  viii.  14).  [Bagoi; 
Baoo.] 

2.  {Btfju-n,  Begoai.)  Apparently  one  of  the 
chiefs  of  Zerubbabel's  expedition  (Ezr.  ii.  2 ;  Neh. 
vii.  7),  and  who  afterwards  signed  the  covenant 
(Neh.  x.  16). 

BIK'ATH-A'VEN,  Am.  i.  5,  marg.  [AvEt 

1;    C<EUESY1{IA.] 

BIL'DAD  (T|T72,  «o»  of  contention,  if  Ge- 

senius's  derivation  of  it  from  TT\?  T?  be  correct; 
BoAScJS;  [Alex.  Ba\5ay,  in  Job  ii.  11:  xviii.  1:] 
Baldad),  the  second  of  Job's  three  friends.     He  ia 

called  "the  Shuhite"  C'nT?-"'rT ),  which  impliee 
both  his  family  and  nation.  Shuah  was  the  name 
of  a  son  of  Abraham  and  Keturali,  and  of  an  Ara^ 
bian  tribe  sprung  from  him,  when  he  had  been  sent 
eastward  by  his  father.  Gesenius  (s.  v.)  sup[)08e« 
it  to  be  "  the  same  as  the  'XaKKaia  of  Ptolemy 
(v.  15)  to  tlie  east  of  Batanea,"  and  therefore  U 
the  east  of  the  Land  of  Uz  [Shuah].  llie  IJCX. 
atrangely  enough,  renders  it  b  rwv  Sawx *'<"'' "''' 


BILEAM 

tsfvos,  appearing  to  intend  a  distinction  between 
kim  and  the  otlier  friends,  whom  in  the  sami  verse 
it  calls  ficuTiKels  (Job.  ii.  11). 

Bildad  takes  a  sliare  in  each  of  the  three  contro- 
versies with  Job  (viii.,  xviii.,  xrv.).  He  follows  in 
the  train  of  Eliphaz,  but  with  more  violent  decla- 
mation, less  argument,  and  keener  invective.  His 
address  is  abrupt  and  untender;  and  in  his  very  first 
ipeech  he  cruelly  attributes  the  death  of  Job's  chil- 
dren to  their  own  transgressions  and  loudly  calls 
on  Job  to  repent  of  his  supix)3ed  crimes.  His  sec- 
ond sf)eeeh  (xviii.)  merely  recapitulates  his  former 
assertions  of  the  temporal  calamities  of  the  wicked ; 
on  this  occasion  he  implies,  without  expressing, 
Job's  wickedness,  and  does  not  condescend  to  ex- 
hort him  to  repentance.  In  the  third  speech  (xxv.), 
unable  to  lofute  tlie  sufferer's  arguments,  he  takes 
refuge  in  irrelevant  dogmatism  on  God's  glory  and 
man's  nothingness :  in  reply  to  which  Job  justly 
reproves  him  both  for  deficiency  in  argument  and 
fiulure  in  charitable  forbearance  (Ewald,  das  Buck 
Ijob).     [See  Job.]  F.  W.  F. 

BIL'EAM  (C'v'b^  {foreigner,  Ges.;  or 
throat,  gorge,  Dietr.]:  'le/ifiKiaV,  [Vat.  om. ;] 
Ales.  l0KaafjL-  Baalam),  a  town  in  the  western 
half  of  tlie  tribe  of  Manasseh,  named  only  in  1 
Chr.  vi.  70,  as  being  given  (with  its  "suburbs") 
to  the  Kohathites.  In  the  lists  in  Josh.  xvii. 
and  xxi.  this  name  does  not  appear,  and  Ibleam 
and  Gath-rimmon  are  substituted  for  it,  the  former 
by  an  easy  change  of  letters,  the  latter  uncertain. 
[Gath-kimmon;  Iblea.m.]  G. 

BIL'GAH  (^2^3  [cheerfulness]:  dBeXyds; 
[Vat.  BeAySaxO  Belgn).  1.  A  priest  in  the  time 
of  David;  the  head  of  the  fifteenth  course  for  the 
temple  service  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  14). 

2.  [Vat.  Alex.  FA.i  omit;  Rom.  in  Neh.  xii.  18 
BoA.T'tis.]  A  priest  who  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Zerabbabel  and  Joshua  (Neh.  .xii.  5,  18); 
probably  the  same  who,  mider  the  slightly  altered 
name  Bilgai,  sealed  the  covenant  (Neh.  x.  8). 

BIL'GAI  [2  syl.]  (""3''^Z:  {cheerfuhiessy. 
^eXryd'c;  [Vat.  BeA(re«o,  FA.  -o-ia:]  Belgni),'Neb. 
I.  8;  probably  the  same  as  Bilgah,  2. 

BILTIAH  C^^a  [perh.  bashfulness] : 
BaWd-  Bala).  1.  Handmaid  of  Rachel  (Gen. 
Kxix.  29),  and  concubine  of  Jacob,  to  whom  she 
bore  Dan  and  Naphtali  (Gen.  xxx.  3-8,  xxxv.  25, 
sdvi.  25;  1  Chr.  vii.  13).  Her  step-son  Reuben  af- 
terwards lay  with  her  (Gen.  xxxv.  22),  which  en- 
tailed a  curse  upon  Reuben  (Gen.  xlix.  4). 

2.  [Baa\(£;  Vat.  A$e\\a-]  A  town  of  the 
Simeonites  (1  Chr.  iv.  29);  also  called  Baalah  and 
ISalah.     [B.V.AL,  p.  208,  No.  2,  b.] 

BIL'HAN  (]'7'^2  [perh.  modest]:  BaXadfx; 
[Alex.  Ba\aav :]  Balnan,  the  same  root  as  Bilhah, 
Gen.  xxx.  3,  &c.  The  final  -j  is  evidently  a  Horite 
termination,  as  in  Zaavan,  Akan,  Dishan,  Aran, 
Lotan,  Alvan,  Hemdan,  Eshban,  &c. ;  and  may 
be  compared  with  the  Etruscan  ena,  Greek  a(.v)s, 
•ev,  &C. ). 

1.  A  Horite  chief,  son  of  Ezer,  son  of  Seir, 
Iwellmg  in  Mount  Seir,  in  the  land  of  Edom  (Gen. 
ttxvi.  27;  1  Chr.  i.  42). 

2.  (BoAaai':  Btlan.)  A  Benjamite,  son  of  Je- 
Uael  (1  Chr.  vii.  10).     It  does  not  appear  clearl." 


BIRTHDAYS 


809 


from  which  of  the  sons  of  Benjamin  Jedi.iel  wat 
descended,  as  he  is  not  mentioned  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21, 
or  Num.  xxvi.  But  as  he  was  the  father  of  Khiid 
(ver.  10),  and  Ehud  seems,  from  1  Chr.  viii.  3,  6 
to  have  been  a  son  of  Bela,  Jediael,  and  conse- 
quently Bilhan,  were  probably  Belaites.  The  oc- 
currence of  Bilhan  as  well  as  Bela  in  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin,  names  both  imported  from  Edom,  is  re- 
markable. A.  C.  H. 

BIL'SHAN  ("It^^S  [sora  of  the    tongue] 
BaXaadv  [\'at.  Baapafi],  l&aXadv  [Alex.  Baaaav, 
FA .  Baacpav]  :  Belsan,  IBelsnin] ),  one  of  Zerub- 
babel's  companions  on  his  expedition  from  Babylou 
(Ezr.  ii.  2;  Neh.  vii  7). 

BIM'HAL  (7n^33  [son  of  circumcision]: 
Bafia'fiK;  [Vat.  l/j.a\aT]\:]  Chamnal),  one  of  the 
sons  of  Japhlet  in  the  line  of  Asher  (1  Chr.  vii.  33) 

BIN'S  A  (M^33  [perh.  fountain]:  Baavd; 
[Vat.  Baua,  1  Chr.  viii.  37;  Alex.  do.  ix.  43:] 
Banna),  the  son  of  Moza;  one  of  the  descendant" 
of  Saul  (1  Chr.  viii.  37;  ix.  43). 

BINNU'I  (*^33  [a  building,  Ges. ;  kindred- 
ship,  Fiirst]:  Bavuia;  [Vat.  EjSoj/am:]  Bennoi). 
1.  A  Invite,  father  of  Noadiah,  in  Ezra's  time 
(Ezr.  viii.  33> 

2.  [Bavovi:,  Vat.  FA.  Qavovr-  Bennui.]  One 
of  the  sons  of  Pahath-moab,  who  had  taken  a  for- 
eign wife  (Ezr.  x.  30).  [Balnuus.] 

3.  [Bavovl:  Bennui.]  Another  Israelite,  of  the 
sons  of  Bani,  who  had  also  taken  a  foreign  wife 
(Ezr.  X.  38).  [Here  the  A.V.  ed.  1611,  etc.  reads 
Bennui.] 

4.  [Bavovl:  Bnnnui.]  Altered  from  Bani  in  the 
corresponding  list  in  Ezra  (Neh.  vii.  15). 

5.  [In  Neh.  iii.24,  Bavi,  Vat.  Alex.  FA.  Boj/ei; 
X.  9,  BavaioV,  xii.  8,  Bavovi:  Bennui.]  A  I>evit^ 
son  of  Henadad,  who  assisted  at  the  reparation  of 
the  wall  of  Jerusalem,  imder  Nehemiah,  Neh.  iii, 
24,  X.  9.     He  is  possibly  also  the  Biimui  in  xii.  8. 

BIRDS.     [Fowls.] 

BIR'SHA  (3?fr"n2  [sm  of  wickedness,  Ges.]: 
Bapad:  Bersa),  king  of  Gomorrha  at  the  time  nf 
the  invasion  of  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.  2). 

*  BIRTH.     [CmLDBEN.] 

BIRTHDAYS  (to  yfvfaia,  Matt.  xiv.  6) 
Properly  rot  yevedXw.  is  a  birthday  feast  (and  hence 
in  the  early  writers  the  day  of  a  martyr's  com- 
memoration), but  TO  yevetria  seems  to  l>e  used  in 
tliis  sense  by  a  Hellenism,  for  in  Herod,  iv.  26  it 
means  a  day  in  honor  of  the  dead.  It  is  very  prob- 
able that  in  Matt.  xiv.  6  the  feast  to  commemorate 
Herod's  accession  is  intended,"  for  we  know  that 
such  feasts  were  common  (especially  in  Herod's 
family,  Joseph.  Ant.  xv.  11,  §3;  Blunt's  Coinci- 
dences, Append,  vii.),  and  were  called  "  the  day  of 
the  king"  (Hos.  vii.  5).  The  Gemarists  distin- 
guish  expressly  between  D^37!2  bw  S'*D133, 

7ei'€Vta  regni.  and  the    ''"l^^H  CV  or  birthday. 
(Lightfoot,  Ho7:  Hebr.  ad  Matt.  xiv.  6.) 

The  custom  of  observing  birthdays  is  very  an- 
cient (Gen.  xl.  20;  Jer.  xx.  15);  and  in  Job  i.  4, 
&c.,  ^fe  r&od  that  Job's  sons  "  feasted  every  one  his 
day."  Ir  T>ej.sia  they  were  celebrateil  with  peculiar 
honors  ana  banquets,  for  the  details  of  which  see 


"  *  Against  this  opinion  see  Meyer  (in  lor..)  who  says    meaning.    See  also  Kulnoel,  i.  426.    Thi're  is  no  reason 
tmn  fe  nnt  a  single  Greek  example  of  yeviuia  with  thi»    for  discardinK  the  uiiual  scnoe  in  Vlrttt.  xiv   G.       T^ 


ilO 


BIRTHRIGHT 


Herod,  i.  13S.  And  in  Egypt  "  the  birthdays  of 
the  kings  wei-e  celebrated  with  great  pomp.  They 
were  looked  upon  as  holy;  no  business  was  done 
upon  them,  and  all  classes  indulged  in  the  festivi- 
ties suitable  to  the  occasion.  Every  Egyptiiin  at- 
tached much  importance  io  the  day,  and  even  to 
the  hour  of  his  birth "  (Wilkinson,  v.  290). 
Probably  in  consequence  of  the  ceremonies  usual 
in  their  celebration,  the  Jews  regarded  their  ob- 
servance as  an  idolatrous  custom  (Lightfoot,  I.  c). 

¥.  W.  F. 

BIRTHRIGHT  (n'^'lS!? :  ri  vpu>Tor6Kia). 
The  advantages  accruing  to  the  eldest  son  were  not 
definitely  fixed  in  patriarchal  times.  The  theory 
♦hat  he  was  the  priest  of  the  family  rests  on  no 
scriptural  statement,  and  the  Rabbis  appear  divided 
on  the  question  (see  Hottinger's  Note  on  Goodwin's 
Moses  and  Aaron,  i.  1;  Ugol.  iii.  53).  Great 
respect  was  paid  to  him  in  the  household,  and,  as 
the  family  widened  into  a  tribe,  this  grew  into  a 
sustained  authority,  undefined  save  by  custom,  in 
all  matters  of  common  interest.  Thusthe  "princes" 
of  the  congregation  h;ul  probably  rights  of  primo- 
geniture (Num.  vii.  2,  xxi.  18,  xxv.  14).  A  "  double 
portion  "  of  the  paternal  property  was  allotted  by 
the  Mosaic  law  (Deut.  xxi.  15-17),  nor  could  the 
caprice  of  the  father  deprive  him  of  it.  This  prob- 
ably means  tw'ce  as  much  as  any  other  son  enjoyed. 
Such  was  the  inheritance  of  Joseph,  his  sons  reckon- 
ing with  his  brethren,  and  becomhig  heads  of  tribes. 
This  seems  to  explain  the  request  of  Wisha  for  a 
"double  portion"  of  Elijah's  spirit  (2  K.  ii.  0). 
Reuben,  through  his  unfilial  conduct,  was  deprived 
of  the  birthright  (Gen.  xlix  4;  1  Chr.  v.  1).  It 
is  likely  that  some  remembrance  of  tliis  lost  pre- 
eminence stirred  the  Reubenite  leaders  of  Korah's 
rebellion  (Num.  xvi.  1,  2,  xxvi.  5-9).  Esau's  act, 
transferring  his  right  to  Jacob,  was  allowed  valid 
(Gen.  xxv.  33).  The  first-born  of  the  king  was 
his  successor  by  law  (2  Chr.  xxi.  3);  David,  how- 
ever, by  divine  appointment,  excluded  Adonijah  in 
favor  of  Solomon,  which  deviation  from  rule  was 
indicated  by  the  anointing  (Goodwin,  I.  c.  4,  with 
Hottinger's  notes).  The  first-born  of  a  line  is  often 
noted  by  the  eaily  scriptural  genealogies,  e.  g.  Gen. 
xxii.  21,  xxv.  13;  Num.  xxvi.  5,  &c.  The  Jews 
uttached  a  sacred  import  to  the  title  (see  Schittgen, 
Hor.  Hebi:  i.  922)  and  thus  "first-born"  and 
•'  first-begotten  "  seem  applied  to  the  Messiah  (Rom. 
viii.  29,  Heb.  i.  6).  H.  H. 

*  The  term  "  first-l)om  "  is  used  figuratively  to 
denote  preeminence,  and  is  applied  to  one  peculiarly 
distinguished  by  the  favor  of  God,  as  to  David,  I's. 
bcxxix.  27 ;  to  the  Jewish  nation  as  the  chosen 
peoi)le,  Fjc.  iv.  22;  2  E-sdr.  vi.  58;  Psalt.  Salom. 
xviii.  4  (Fabric.  Cod.  pseudepigr.  V.  T.  i.  970); 
uid  to  Ephraim,  Jer.  xxxi.  9.     See  also  Col.  i.  15 

A. 


BIR'ZAVITH  (ni»"73,  Ken,  nm^ 
\plke^-9ource,  Eiirst] :  BepeoiO,  [Vat.  Br\iaS\\ 
Alex.  Bfo^aii-  Bnrsakh),  a  name  occurring  in  the 
genealogies  of  Aslier  (1  Chr.  vii.  31),  and  appa- 
rently, from  the  m  ide  of  its  mention,  the  name  of 
a  place  (comp.  the  similar  expression,  "  father  of 
Bethlehem,"  "father  of  Tekoa,"  &c.  in  chaps,  ii. 
ind  iv.).  Tlie  reading  of  the  Ken  may  Iw  inter- 
oreted  "well  of  olives."  No  trace  of  it  is  found 
dsewherc. 

BISHXAM  (Erik's  [ton  of  peace]:  Beae- 
Sam),  appuentlj  an  officer  or  commissioner  (avv- 


BISHOP 

Ta<ra-6ntvoi,  1  Esdr.  ii.  16)  of  Artaxerxes  in  ?»l 
estine  at  the  time  of  the  return  of  Zerubbaliel  fron 
captivity  (Ezr.  iv.  7).  By  the  LXX.  the  word  i» 
translated  ii/  tip'fiini,  in  peace:  see  margin  of  A 
v.,  and  so  also  both  Arabic  and  Syriac  versions. 

BISHOP  iiirlaKoiros)-  This  word,  appUed  in 
the  N.  T.  to  the  officers  of  the  Church  who  were 
charged  with  certain  functions  of  superintendence, 
had  been  in  use  before  as  a  title  of  office.  The  in- 
spectors or  commissioners  sent  by  Athens  to  her 
subject^states  were  iiria-Koiroi  (.\ristopli.  Av.  1022), 
and  their  office,  Uke  that  of  the  Spartan  Harniosts, 
authorized  them  to  interfere  in  all  the  political  ar- 
rangements of  the  state  to  which  they  wci«  sent. 
The  title  was  still  current  and  beginning  to  be  used 
by  the  Romans  in  the  later  days  of  tlie  republic 
(Cic.  ad  Alt.  vii.  11).  The  Hellenistic  Jews  found 
it  employed  in  the  LXX.,  though  with  no  very  defi- 
nite value,  for  officers  charged  with  certain  func- 
tions {Num.  iv.  16,  xxxi.  14;  Ps.  cix.  8;  Is.  k.  17; 

for  Heb.  H^p-?,  or  "^^P^)-  ^"hen  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Christian  churches  in  Gentile  cities  in- 
volved the  assignment  of  the  work  of  pastoral  su- 
l)erintendence  to  a  distinct  order,  the  title  diriaKovos 
presented  itself  as  at  once  convenient  and  familiar, 
and  was  therefore  adopted  as  readily  as  the  word 
elder  (irpfo-fivrfpos)  had  been  in  the  mother  church 
of  Jerusalem.  That  the  two  titles  were  originally 
equivalent  is  clear  frojn  the  following  facts. 

1.  'Etria-Koiroi  and  irpffffivrepoi  are  nowhere 
named  together  as  being  orders  distinct  from  each 
other. 

2.  'EvlffKoiroi  and  SiatKovot  are  named  as  ap- 
parently an  exhaustive  division  of  the  officers  of 
churches  addrassed  by  St.  Paul  as  an  apostle  (Phil, 
i.  1;  1  Tim.  iii.  ],  8). 

3.  The  same  persons  are  described  by  both 
names  (Acts  xx.  17,  28;  Tit.  i.  5,  7). 

4.  Upea-fivTfpoi  discharge  functions  which  are 
essentiaUy  episcopal,  ?.  e.  involving  pastoral  super- 
intendence (1  Tim.  v.  17;  1  Pet.  v.  1,  2).  The 
age  that  followed  that  of  the  Apostles  witnessed  a 
gradual  change  in  the  application  of  the  words,  and 
in  the  Epistles  of  Ignatius,  even  in  their  least  in- 
terpolated or  most  mutilated  form,  the  bishop  is 
recognized  as  distinct  from,  and  superior  to,  the 
presbyters  {Ep.  ad  Smyrn.  c.  8;  ad  Trail,  cc.  2, 
3,  8;  ad  Magn.  c.  6).  In  those  of  Clement  of 
Rome,  however,  the  two  words  are  still  dealt  with 
as  interchangeable  (1  Cor.  cc.  42,  44,  57).  The 
omission  of  any  mention  of  an  iiriaKoiro^  in  ad- 
dition to  the  irpea-fivTfpoi  and  SidKovoi  in  Poly- 
carp's  Epistle  to  the  Philippians  (c.  5),  and  th« 
enumeration  of  "apostoli,  episcopi,  doctores,  miniii- 
tri,"  in  the  Shepherd  of  Hennas  (i.  3,  5),  are  less 
decisive,  but  indicate  a  transition  stage  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  word. 

Assuming  as  proved  the  identity  of  the  bishopt 
and  elders  of  the  N.  T.  we  have  to  inquire  into  — 
(1.)  The  relation  which  existed  between  the  two 
titles.  (2. )  The  functions  and  mode  of  apijointment 
of  the  men  to  whom  Iwth  titles  were  apphed.  (3.^ 
Their  relations  to  the  general  government  and  dis- 
cipline of  the  Church. 

I.  Tliere  can  be  no  doubt  that  vpfff^vrtpoi  had 
the  priority  in  order  of  f  ime.  The  existence  of  a 
body  bearing  that  name  is  implied  in  the  use  of  th« 
correlative  ol  vfdrfpoi  (comp.  Luke  xxii.  26;  1 
Pet.  v.  1,  5)  in  the  narrative  of  Ananias  (Acts  v.  6) 
The  order  itself  is  recognized  in  Acts  xi.  30,  an4 
takes  part  in  the  deliberations  of  the  Church  » 


I 


BISHOP 


/erusalem  in  Acts  xv.     It  is  transferred  by  Paul  | 
ui  1  Baniabas  to  the  Gentile  churches  in  their  first  j 
missionary  journey  (Acts  xiv.  2tj;.     The  earliest  I 
use  of  fTriffKoiroi,  on  the  other  hand,  is  in  the  ad-  I 
dress  of  St.  Paul  to  the  elders  at  Miletus  (Acts  xx. 
28),  and  there  it  is  rather  descriptive  of  functions 
than  given  as  a  title.     The  earliest  epistle  in  wliich 
it  is  formally  used   as  equivalent  to  irpear&vTepot 
(except  on  the  improbable  hypothesis  that  Timothy 
belongs  to  the  period  following  on  St.  Paul's  de- 
parture from  Ephesus  m  Acts  xx.  1)  is  that  to  the 
Plulippi:ins,  as  late  as  the  time  of  his  first  impris- 
■jnment  at   Kome.     It  was  natural,  indeed,  that 
this  should  be  the  order;  that  the  word  derived 
trom  the  usages  of  the  synagogues  of  Palestine, 
every  one  of  which  had  its  superintending  elders 

(C^3f/T  :  comp.  Luke  vii.  3),  should  precede  that 
borrowed  from  the  constitution  of  a  Greek  state. 
If  the  latter  was  afterwards  felt  to  be  the  more 
adequate,  it  may  have  been  because  there  was  a  life 
in  the  organization  of  the  Church  higher  than  that 
of  the  spiagogues,  and  functions  of  pastoral  su- 
perintendence devolving  on  the  elders  of  the  Chris- 
tian congregation  which  were  unknown  to  those 
of  the  other  jieriods.  It  had  the  merit  of  being 
descriptive  as  well  as  titular;  a  "  nomen  officii" 
•8  well  as  a  "  nomen  dignitatis."  It  could  be 
gssociated,  as  the  other  could  not  be,  with  the 
thought  of  the  highest  pastoral  superintendence  — 
of  Christ  himself  as  the  ttoi/jl^v  koI  eiriaKoiros  (1 
Pet.  U.  25). 

II.  Oi  the  order  in  which  the  first  elders  were 
appointed,  as  of  the  occasion  which  led  to  the  in- 
lititution  of  the  office,  we  have  no  record.  Argu- 
hig  from  the  analogy  of  tlie  Seven  in  Acts  vi.  .5,  G, 
it  would  seem  probable  that  they  were  chqsen  by 
the  members  of  the  Church  collectively  ([wssibly  to 
take  the  place  that  had  been  filled  by  the  Seven, 
comp.  Stanley's  Apost.  Age,  p.  64)  and  then  set 
apart  to  their  office  by  the  laying  on  of  the  Apos- 
tles' hands.  In  the  case  of  Timothy  (1  Tim.  iv. 
14;  2  Tim.  i.  6)  the  npeff^uTeptov,  probably  the 
body  of  the  elders  at  Lystra,  had  taken  part  with 
the  apostle  in  this  act  of  ordination;  but  here  it 
remains  doubtful  whether  the  office  to  which  Tim- 
othy was  appointed  was  that  of  the  Bishop-Elder 
or  one  derived  from  the  special  commission  with 
which  the  two  epistles  addressed  to  him  show  him 
to  have  been  entrusted.  The  connection  of  1  Tim. 
V.  22  is,  on  the  whole,  against  our  referring  the  lay- 
ing on  of  hands  there  spoken  of  to  the  ordination 
of  elders  (comp.  Hammond,  in  loc),  and  the  simie 
may  be  said  of  lleb.  vi.  2.  The  imposition  of  hands 
was  indeed  the  outward  sign  of  the  communication 
of  all  s])iritual  ^apiff/j-ara,  as  well  as  of  functions 
tot  which  xapicrfi-ara  were  required,  and  its  use  for 
the  latter  (as  in  1  Tim.  iv.  14;  2  Tim.  i.  6)  was 
connected  with  its  instrumentality  in  the  bestowal 
of  the  former.  The  conditions  which  were  to  be 
>b8erved  in  choosing  these  officers,  as  stated  in  the 
pastoral  epistles,  are,  blameless  hfe  and  reputation 
iraong  those  "  that  are  without "  as  well  as  within 
the  Church,  fitness  for  the  work  of  teaching,  the 
"ride  kindliness  of  temper  which  shows  itself  in 
'lospitality,  the  being  "  the  husband  of  one  wife  " 
'i.  e.  according  to  the  most  probable  interpretation, 
"ot  divorced  and  then  .narried  to  another;  b'lt 
mmp.  Hammond,  Estius,  Ellicott,  in  foe),  showmg 
powers  of  government  in  his  own  household  as  weU 
«  in  self-control,  not  being  a  recent  and,  therefore, 
«  untried  convert.     When  appointed,  toe  duties 


BISHOP  811 

of  the  bishop-elders  appear  to  have  been  as  follows . 
—  1.  General  superintendence  over  the  spiritual 
well-being  of  the  flock  (1  Pet.  v.  2).  According  to 
the  aspects  which  this  function  presented,  those  on 
whom  it  devolved  were  described  as  iroiyncVer  (Eph. 
iv.  11),  TTpoeffTures  (1  Tim.  v.  17),  irpoiCTOyiiej/oi 
(1  Thess.  v.  12).  Its  exercise  called  for  the  -x^dpiir- 
/uo  Kv0epvT](rfus  (1  Cor.  xii.  28).  The  last  two 
of  the  above  titles  imply  obviously  a  recognized 
rank,  as  well  as  work,  which  woxild  show  itself 
natui-aUy  in  special  marks  of  honor  in  the  meetings 
of  the  Church.  2.  The  work  of  teaching,  both 
publicly  and  privately  (1  Thess.  v.  12 ;  Tit.  i.  9 ;  1 
Tim.  V.  17).  At  first,  it  appears  from  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  practices  of  the  Church  in  1  Cor.  xiv. 
20,  the  work  of  oral  teaching,  whatever  form  it  as 
sumed,  was  not  limited  to  any  body  of  men,  but 
was  exercised  according  as  each  man  possessed  a 
special  x^P'Cf*^  for  it.  Even  then,  however,  there 
were,  as  the  warnings  of  that  chapter  show,  some 
inconveniences  attendant  on  this  freedom,  and  it 
was  a  natural  remedy  to  select  men  for  the  special 
function  of  teaching  because  they  possessed  the 
Xapttr/xa,  and  then  gradually  to  confine  that  work 
to  them.  Tlie  work  of  preaching  (Kripiifffffip)  to 
the  heathen  did  not  belong,  apparently,  to  the 
bishop-elders  as  such,  but  was  the  office  of  the 
apostle-evangelist.  Tlieir  duty  was  to  feed  the 
_^iiock,  teaching  publicly  (Tit.  i.  9),  opjwsing  eiTors, 
admonishing  privately  (1  Thess.  v.  12).  -3.  The 
work  of  visiting  the  cJck  appears  in  Jam.  v.  14,  as 
assigned  to  the  elders  of  the  Church.  There,  in- 
deed, it  is  connected  with  the  practice  of  anointing 
as  a  means  of  healing,  but  this  office  of  Christian 
sympathy  would  not,  we  may  believe,  be  confined 
to  the  exercise  of  the  extraordinary  ^apicrfiara 
tafidrcci',  and  it  is  probably  to  this,  and  to  acts  of 
a  like  kind,  that  we  are  to  refer  the  avTiXafx^avea- 
Oat  Twv  offdevovvTwv  of  Acts  xx.  35,  and  the  a.v- 
ri\i)\\ieis  of  1  Cor.  xii.  28.  4.  Among  these  acts 
of  charity  that  of  receiving  strangers  occupied  a 
conspicuous  place  (1  Tim.  iii.  2;  Tit.  i.  8).  The 
bisiiop-elder's  house  was  to  be  the  house  of  the 
Christian  who  arrived  in  a  strange  city  and  found 
himself  without  a  friend.  5.  Of  the  part  taken 
by  them  in  the  liturgical  meetings  of  the  Church 
we  have  no  distinct  evidence.  Reasoning  from  the 
language  of  1  Cor.  x.,  xii.,  and  fi-om  the  practices  of 
the  post-apostolic  age,  we  may  believe  that  they 
would  preside  at  such  meetings,  that  it  would  be- 
long to  them  to  ble.ss  and  to  give  thanks  when  the 
Church  met  to  break  bread. 

The  mode  in  which  these  officers  of  the  Church 
were  supported  or  remunerated  varied  probably  in 
different  cities.  At  Miletus  St.  Paul  exhorts  the 
elders  of  the  Church  to  follow  his  example  and 
work  for  their  own  livelihood  (Acts  xx.  34).  In  1 
Cor.  ix.  14,  and  Gal.  vi.  6,  he  asserts  the  right  of 
the  ministers  of  the  Church  to  be  supported  by  it. 
In  1  Tim.  v.  17,  he  gives  a  special  application  of 
the  principle  in  the  assignment  of  a  double  allow- 
ance (ri/irj,  comp.  Hammond,  in  foe. )  to  ihasQ  who 
have  been  conspicuous  for  their  activity. 

Collectively  at  Jerusalem,  and  probably  in  othef 
churches,  the  body  of  bishop-elders  took  part  in  de- 
liberations (Acts  XV.  6-22,  xxi.  18),  addressed  othe* 
churches  (ibid.  xv.  23),  were  joined  with  the  Apos- 
tles in  the  work  of  ordaining  by  the  laying  on  ol 
hanls  (2  Tim.  i.  6).  It  lay  in  the  necessities  of 
any  organized  society  that  such  a  body  of  men 
should  be  subject  to  a  power  higher  than  their  own 
whether  vested  in  one  chosen  by  themselves  or  de 


812 


BISHOP 


riving  its  authority  from  some  exteraal  source;  and 
we  find  accordingly  that  it  belonged  to  the  delegate 
of  an  apostle,  and  a/wtioii  to  the  apostle  himself, 
to  receive  accusations  against  them,  to  hear  evi- 
dence, to  admonish  where  there  was  the  hope  of 
amendment,  to  depose  where  this  proved  unavailing 
(I  Tim.  V.  1,  19;  Tit.  iii.  10). 

III.  It  is  clear  from  what  has  been  said  that 
episcopal  functions  in  the  modem  sense  of  the 
words,  as  implyhig  a  special  sujierintendence  over 
the  ministers  of  the  Church,  belonged  only  to  the 
Apostles  and  tliose  whom  they  invested  with  their 
authority.  The  name  of  Ait'STLK  was  not,  how- 
ever, limited  to  tlie  twelve.  It  was  claimed  by  St. 
Paid  for  himself  (1  Cor.  ix.  1);  it  is  used  by  him 
of  others  (Rom.  xvi.  7;  2  Cor.  viii.  23;  Phil.  ii. 
25).  It  is  clear  that  a  process  of  change  must 
have  lieen  at  work  between  the  date  of  the  latest  of 
the  pa-storal  epistles  and  the  letters  of  Ignatius, 
leading  not  so  much  to  an  altered  organization  as 
to  a  modification  of  the  original  terminology.  The 
name  of  apostle  is  looked  on  in  the  latter  as  belong- 
ing to  the  past,  a  title  of  honor  which  their  succes- 
sors coidd  not  claim.  That  of  bishop  rises  in  its 
significance,  and  takes  tlie  place  left  vacant.  The 
dangers  by  which  the  Church  was  threatened  made 
the  exercise  of  the  authority  which  was  thus  trans- 
mitted more  necessary.  The  permanent  superin- 
tendence of  the  bishop  over  a  given  district,  as  con- 
trasted with  the  less  settled  rule  of  the  travelling 
apostle,  would  tend  to  its  development.  The  Rev- 
elation of  St.  John  presents  something  like  an  in- 
termediate stage  in  this  process.  The  angels  of 
the  seven  churches  are  partly  addressed  as  their 
representatives,  partly  as  individuals  ruling  them 
(Rev.  ii.  2,  iii.  2-4).  The  name  may  belong  to  the 
special  symbolism  of  the  Apocalypse,  or  have  been 
introduced  Uke  Trpea-fivTepoi  from  the  organization 
of  the  synagogue,  and  we  have  no  reason  for  be- 
lieving it  ever  to  have  Ijeen  in  current  use  as  part 
of  the  terminology  of  the  Church.  But  the  func- 
tions assigned  to  the  angels  are  those  of  the  eai'lier 
apostoliite,  of  the  la(  ..-r  episcopate.  The  abuse  of 
the  old  title  of  the  highest  office  by  pretenders,  as 
in  Rev.  ii.  2,  may  have  led  to  a  reaction  against  its 
oeing  used  at  all  except  for  those  to  whom  it  he- 
onged  KUT  4^oxhv-  In  this,  or  in  some  similar 
.'ay,  the  constitution  of  the  Church  assumed  its 
-iter  form;  the  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons 
of  the  Ignatian  Epistles  took  the  place  of  the 
apostles,  bishops,  elders,  and  deacons  of  the  New 
Testament  (Stanley,  Sermons  and  J-^sgnys  on  the 
Apostolic  Age,  pp.  63-77;  Neauder's  PJlanz.  u. 
Leit.  i.  248-266 ;  Augusti,  Chrisil.  Arc/idol.  b.  ii. 
^.  6). 

The  later  history  of  the  word  is  only  so  far  re- 
Jiarkable  as  illustrating  by  its  universal  reception 
h  all  the  western  churches,  and  even  in  those  of 
S_)Tia,  the  influence  of  the  organization  which  orig- 
inated in  the  cities  of  Greece  or  the  Proconsular 
Asia,  and  the  extent  to  which  tireek  was  the  uni- 
versal medium  of  intercourse  for  the  churches  of  the 
first  and  second  centuries  (Milman,  Latin  Chi-ist. 
b.  i.  c.  i.):  nowhere  do  we  find  any  attempt  at 
substituting  a  I^atin  equivalent,  hardly  even  an 
explanation  of  its  meaning.  Augustine  (de  dv.  D. 
.  'J)  compares  it  with  "  speculatores,"  "  praepositi ;  " 
Jerome  {Ep.  VIII.  nd  Evagr.)  with  "superin- 
tendentes."  The  title  episcopus  itself,  with  its 
companions,  presbyter  and  diaconm,  was  transmit- 
ted by  the  I^tin  of  the  Western  Church  to  all  the 
ilomance  languages.     The  members  of  the  Gothic 


BITHYNIA 

race  recaved  it,  as  they  received  their  Christiaiiih 
fix)m  the  missionaries  of  the  Latin  Church. 

i:.  H.  p. 

BITHI'AH  (n\~;2,  worsliipper,  ht.  daugh 
ter,  of  Jehovah :  Berfl/o;  [Vat.  BfAia:  Alex.  Be6 
diai]  Bethia),  daughter  of  a  Pharaoh,  and  wife  of 
Mered,  a  descendant  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  iv.  18) 
The  date  of  Mered  cannot  be  determined,  for  th< 
genealogy  in  which  his  name  occui-s  is  indistinct, 
some  jwrtion  of  it  having  apparently  been  lust.  It 
is  probable,  however,  that  he  should  be  reierred  to 
the  time  before  the  Exodus,  or  to  a  period  not  much 
later.  Pharaoh  in  this  place  miglit  be  coiijecturetl 
not  to  be  the  Egyptian  regal  title,  but  to  be  or 
represent  a  Hebrew  name ;  but  the  name  Bithiah 
probably  implies  conversion,  and  the  other  wife  of 
Mered  seems  to  be  called  "  the  Jewess."  Unless 
we  suppose  a  trans[iosition  in  the  text,  or  the  loss 
of  some  of  the  names  of  the  children  of  Mered's 
wives,  we  must  consider  the  name  of  Bithiah  un- 
derstood l>efore  "she  bare  Miriam"  (ver.  17),  and 
the  latter  part  of  ver.  18  and  ver.  19  tp  be  recapit- 
ulatory; but  the  LXX.  does  not  admit  any  except 
the  second  of  these  conjectures.  The  Scriptures, 
as  well  as  the  Egyptian  monuments,  show  that  the 
Pharaohs  intermarried  with  foreigners;  but  such 
alliances  seem  to  have  been  contracted  with  royal 
families  alone.  It  may  be  supposed  that  Bithiah 
was  taken  captive.  There  is,  however,  no  ground 
for  considering  her  to  have  been  a  concubine:  on 
the  contrary  she  is  shown  to  be  a  wife,  from  her 
taking  precedence  of  one  specially  designated  as 
such.  R.  S.  P. 

BITH'RON  (more  accurately  "  the  Bithron," 
^''"'i'nSrT,  the  broken  w  dickkd  place,  from  "'OS, 
to  cut\p,  Ges. :  bKrjv  r^v  irapaTeivovaay-  omnis 
Bethhoi-on),  a  place — from  the  form  of  the  ex- 
pression, "  all  the  Bithron,"  doubtless  a  district  — 
in  the  Arabah  or  Jordan  valley,  on  the  east  side  of 
the  river  (2  Sam.  ii.  29).  The  spot  at  which  Ab- 
ner's  party  crossed  the  Jordan  not  being  specified, 
we  cannot  fix  the  position  of  the  Bithron,  which 
lay  between  that  ford  and  Mahanaim.  As  far  ai 
we  know,  the  whole  of  the  country  in  the  Ghdr  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river  is  of  the  broken  and  in- 
tersected character  indicated  by  the  derivation  of 
the  name.  If  the  renderings  of  the  Vulg.  and 
Aquila  are  correct,  they  nmst  of  course  intend 
another  Beth-horon  than  the  well-known  one. 
Beth-haram,  the  coiyecture  of  Thenius,  is  also  not 
probable.  G. 

*  This  Bithron  (Jissure,  ratine)  may  have  been 
the  narrow  valley  of  'Ajlun,  next  north  of  the  Jab- 
bok,  and  so  situat«d  that  Abner  woidd  ascend  the 
valley  in  order  to  reach  Mahanaim  (M(ilineh)vihKh 
lay  high  up  on  theaccUvity  (Robinson,  Phys.  Geoyr. 
pp.  68,  86).  H. 

BITHYN'IA  (BitfuWo  :  [Biihynia]).  Tbti 
province  of  Asia  Minor,  though  illustrious  in  tht 
earlier  parts  of  post-aposttdic  history,  through 
Phny's  letters  and  the  Council  of  Nica'a,  has  littlr 
connection  with  the  history  of  the  Ajjostles  then. 
selves.  It  is  only  mentioned  in  Acf""  xvi.  7,  and  Ui 
1  Pel.  i.  1.  Erom  the  former  of  these  passages  it 
nppears  that  St.  Paul,  when  on  his  progress  from 
Iconium  to  Troas,  in  the  course  of  his  second  niif 
sionary  journey,  made  an  attempt  to  enter  Bithynis, 
but  was  prevented,  either  by  providential  bindranoM 
or  by  direct  Divine  intimations.  Erom  the  latto 
it  is  evident  that,  when  St.  Peter  wrote  hi«  fii* 


I 


BITHYNIA 


BITTER  HERBS 


313 


I^pi4lle,  tiere  were  Christians  (probaoly  of  Jewish 
Dr  pro.seljte  origin)  in  some  of  the  towns  of  this 
province,  as  well  as  in  "  Pontus,  Gralatia,  Cappado- 
eia.  and  Asia." 

Bithynia,  considered  as  a  Roman  province,  was 
9D  the  west  contiguous  to  Asia.  On  the  east  its 
limits  underwent  great  modifications.  The  prov- 
ince was  originally  inherite<'.  by  the  Roman  repub- 
lic (B.  c.  74)  as  a  legacy  from  Nicomedes  III.,  the 
last  of  an  independent  line  of  monarchs,  one  of 
whom  had  invited  into  Asia  Minor  those  Gaids, 
who  gave  tlie  name  of  Galatia  to  the  central  dis- 
trict of  the  Peninsula.  On  the  death  of  Mithri- 
Jates,  king  of  Pontus,  b.  c.  63,  the  western  part 
of  the  Pontic  kingdom  was  added  to  the  province 
of  Bithynia,  which  again  received  further  accessions 
on  this  side  under  Augustus,  A.  d.  7.  Thus  the 
province  is  sometimes  called  "  Pontus  and  Bithyn- 
ia" in  inscriptions;  and  the  language  of  Pliny's 
letters  is  similar.  The  province  of  Pontus  was  not 
constituterl  till  the  reign  of  Nero  [Pontus].  It 
is  observable  that  in  Acts  ii.  9  Pontus  is  in  the 
enaraeration  and  not  Bithynia,  and  that  in  1  Pet. 
i.  1  both  are  mentioned.     See  Marquardt's  contin- 


uation of  Becker's  Bam.  Altei-thiimer,  III.  i.  p.  146. 
For  a  description  of  the  country,  which  is  moun 
tainous,  well  wooded  and  fertUe,  Hamilton's  Be- 
searches  in  A.  M.  may  be  consulted,  also  a  paper 
by  Ainswortti  in  the  Roy.  Geog.  Jmtrnal,  vol.  ix. 
The  course  of  the  river  Rhyndacus  Ls  a  marked  fea- 
ture on  the  western  frontier  of  Bithynia,  and  the 
snowy  range  of  the  Mysian  Olympus  on  the  south- 
west. J.  S.  H. 

BITTER  HERBS  (D''l""iP,  merortm:  ,-.■• 
KpiSes'  lactuMB  ayreMes).  The  Hebrew  word  oc- 
curs in  Ex.  xii.  8;  Num.  ix.  11;  and  Lam.  iii.  15: 
in  the  latter  passage  it  is  said,  "  He  hath  filled  me 
with  bitterness,  he  hath  made  me  drunken  with 
wormwood."  The  two  other  passages  refer  to  the 
observance  of  the  Passover :  the  Israelites  were  com- 
manded to  eat  the  Paschal  lamb  "  with  unleavened 
bread  and  with  bitter  herbs." 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  t«rm  merorim 
is  general,  and  includes  the  various  edible  kinds  of 
bitter  plants,  whether  cultivated  or  wild,  which  the 
Israelites  coidd  with  facility  obtain  in  sufficient 
abundance  to  supply  their  numbers  either  in  P4);ypt, 


I 


Gate  of  Nicasa,  the  capital  of  Bithynia. 


trhere  the  first  passover  was  eaten,  or  in  the  deserts 

t)f  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai,  or  in  Palestine.  The 
Mishna  {Pesichim.,  c.  2,  §  6)  enumerates  five  kinds 
of  bitter  lierbs  —  chazereth,  'ulshin,  thamcah,  cknr- 
:hnblm,  and  mtror,  which  it  was  lawful  to  eat 
either  green  or  dried.  There  is  great  diflJculty  in 
ideiitifymg  the  plants  which  these  words  respectively 
denote,  but  the  reader  may  see  the  subject  discussed 
l>y  Bochart  iflieroz.  i.  691,  ed.  llosenmiiller)  and 
by  Carpzovius  {Appnrat.  flisl.  Crit.  p.  402).  Ac- 
cordmg  to  the  testimony  of  Forskal  in  Niebuhr's 
Preface  to  the  Description  de  t  Arabic  (p.  xliv.), 
khe  modem  Jews  of  Arabia  and  Egypt  eat  lettuce, 
or,  if  this  is  not  at  hand,  bugloss  «  with  the  Pas- 
chal lamb.  The  Greek  word  iriKpis  is  identified 
)y  Sprengel  (tlist.  Rei  Herb.  i.  100)  with  the  Hel- 


'  \^^\   (mLwJ   (Jissan  ttthor),  which  Forskal 


minthia  Echioirles,  Linn,  [rather  Gaertn.  •,  Pi;rtt 
Echioifles,  Linn.],  Bristly  Helmmthia  (Ox-tongue), 
a  plant  belonging  to  the  chicory  group.  The  Pi- 
cris  of  botanists  is  a  genus  closely  allied  to  th« 
Helminthin. 

Aben  Ezra  in  Celsius  (Hierob.  ii.  227)  remarks 
that,  according  to  the  obsenations  of  a  certain 
learned  Spaniard,  the  ancient  Egj-ptians  always 
used  to  place  diflferent  kinds  of  herbs  u\ym  the 
table,  with  mustard,  and  that  they  dipped  morsels 
of  bread  into  this  salad.  That  the  Jews  derived 
thj!  custom  of  eating  herbs  with  their  meat  from 
the  Egyptians  is  extremely  probable,  for  it  is  easy 
to  see  how,  on  the  one  hand,  the  bitter-herb  salad 
should  remind  the  Jews  of  the  bitt^^rnes^  of  their 
bondage  (Ex.  i.  14),  and,  on  the  other  hand,  ho* 


(Flor.   Mgypt.  p. 
ncdis. 


Ixil.l  identifies  with   Borago  affin 


314 


BITTERN 


it  ghoiild  also  bring  to  their  remembrance  their 
merciliil  deliverance  from  it.  It  is  cm-ious  to  ob- 
lerve  in  connection  with  the  remarks  of  Abeu  Ezra, 
the  custom,  for  such  it  appears  to  have  been,  of 
dipping  a  morsel  of  bread  into  the  dish  (ri  Tp6$\i- 
ov),  which  prevailed  in  our  lord's  time.  May  not 
rh  TpvfiKioy  be  the  sidad  dish  of  bitter  herbs,  and 
rb  rf/wfi(op,  the  morsel  of  bread  of  which  Aben 
Ezra  speaks  ?  " 

The  merorim  may  well  be  understood  to  denote 
various  sorts  of  bitter  plants,  such  particularly  as 
belong  to  the  cruci/ene,  as  some  of  the  bitter 
cresses,  or  to  the  chicory  group  of  the  compositfCe, 
the  hawk-weeds,  and  sow-tliistles,  and  wild  lettuces 
which  grow  abundantly  in  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai, 
in  Palestine,  and  in  Egypt  (Decaisne,  Florida 
Siruiica  in  Annal.  des  Scienc.  Nat.  1834 ;  Strand, 
Flor.  PaloBst.  No.  445,  &c.).  W.  H. 

BITTERN  (fbr?,  LHppod:  i^^yos,  ir€\(K<iv, 
Aq.  ;  KvKvos,  Theod.  in  Zeph.  ii.  14:  ericivs). 
The  Hebrew  word  has  been  the  subject  of  various 
interpretations,  the  old  versions  generally  sanction- 
ing the  "hedgehog"  or  "porcupine;"  in  which 
rendering  they  have  been  followed  by  Bochart  {liter- 
>vz.  ii.  454);  Shaw  {Trav.  i.  321,  8vo  ed.); 
Ix)wth  {On  Isaiah,  xiv.  23),  and  some  others;  the 
"  tortoise,"  the  "beaver,"  the  "otter,"  the  "owl," 
have  also  all  l>een  conjectured,  but  without  the 
slightest  show  of  reason  Philological  arguments 
appeal-  to  he  rather  in  favor  of  the  "  hedgehog  "'  or 
"  porcupine,"  for  the  Hebrew  word  LipjyOd  appears 
to  be  identical  with  kunfud,  tlie  Arabic  word  *>  for 
the  hedgeliog;  but  zoologically,  the  hedgeliog  or 
porcupine  is  quite  out  of  the  question,  'rhe  word 
occurs  in  Is.  xiv.  23,  where  of  Babylon  the  lx)rd 
says,  "  I  will  make  it  a  possession  for  tlie  kippod 
and  pools  of  water;" — in  Is.  xxxiv.  11,  of  the 
land  of  Idumea  it  is  said  "  the  kaath  and  the  k'q)- 
/«W  shall  possess  it;  "  and  again  in  Zeph.  ii.  14, 
"  I  wiU  make  Nineveh  a  desolation  and  dry  like  a 
wilderness ;  flocks  sh;ill  he  down  in  the  midst  of 
her,  both  the  kaath  and  the  kippod  shall  lodge  in 
the  chapiters  thereof,  tlieir  voice  shall  sing  in  the 
windows."  '^  The  former  passage  would  seem  to 
pouit  to  some  solitude-lo\-ing  aquatic  bird,  which 
might  well  be  represented  by  the  fntteiti,  as  the 
A.  V.  has  it;  but  the  passage  in  Zephaniah  which 
speaks  of  Nineveh  being  made  "  dry  like  a  wilder- 
ness," does  not  at  first  sight  appear  to  be  so  strictly 
suited  to  this  rendering.  Gesenius,  Lee,  Parkhurst, 
Winer,  Fiirst,  all  give  "hedgehog"  or  "porcu- 
pine" as  the  representative  of  the  Hebrew  word; 
but  neither  of  these  two  animals  ever  lodges  on  the 
chapiters  '*  of  columns,  nor  is  it  their  nature  to  fre- 
quent pools  of  water.    Not  less  unhappy  is  the  read- 


BITTERN 

ing  of  the  Arabic  version  eUhoubara,  a  species  A 
bustard  — the  Houbara  undultita,  see  Ibis.  i.  284  — 
which  is  a  dweller  in  dry  regions  and  quite  inca- 
pable of  roosting.  We  are  inclined  to  l)elieve  tlial 
the  A.  V.  is  correct,  and  that  the  bittern  is  the  bird 
denoted  by  the  original  word ;  as  to  the  objection 
alluded  to  above  that  this  bird  is  a  lover  of  marshes 
and  pools,  and  would  not  therefore  be  found  in  a 
locality  which  is  "dry  like  a  wilderness,"  a  little 
reflection  will  convince  the  reader  that  the  difficulty 
is  more  apparent  than  reaL     Nineveh  might  hn 


o  Our  cuRtoni  of  eating  salad  mixtui-es  is  in  all  pro- 
bability derived  Jrom  the  Jews.  "  Why  do  we  pour 
aver  our  lettuces  a  mixture  of  oil,  vinegar,  and  mus- 
lard  ?  The  practice  began  in  Judsea,  where,  in  order 
to  render  palatable  the  bitter  herbs  eaten  with  the 
paschal  lamb,  it  was  u^ual,  says  Moses  Kotsinses,  to 
■prink  I  i  over  them  a  thick  sauce  called  Karoseth, 
which  was  composed  of  the  oil  drawn  from  dates  or 
from  pressed  raisin-kernels,  of  vinegar  and  mustard." 
See  "  Extract  from  the  Portfolio  of  a  Man  of  Letters," 
Monthly  Magazine,  1810,  p.  148. 

?  '.  o  >         ?  ■;  0  > 

**  cXafiJo  et  (_X,aJL5)  crinaceiii,  echinus,  Kam.  Uj. 
Bee  Freytag. 

c  Dr.  Harris  (art  Bittern)  objects  to  the  words 
t  theii  Toicet  sh&U  siiig  in  the  windowti '  being  applioj 


Botaums  stellaris. 


made  "  dry  like  a  wUdemess,"  but  the  bittern  would 
find  an  atode  in  the  Tigris  wliich  flows  through 
the  plain  of  Mesojiotamia ;  as  to  the  l>itteni  lurch- 
ing on  the  chapiters  of  ruined  colunnis,  it  is  quite 
probable  that  this  bird  may  occasionally  do  so;  in- 
deed Col.  H.  Sraitli  (Kitto's  Cyclop,  art.  KijijMid) 
says,  "  though  not  building  like  the  stork  on  the 
tops  of  houses,  it  resorts  like  the  heron  to  ruined 
structures,  and  we  have  Ijeen  informed  that  it  has 
been  seen  on  the  summit  of  Tank  Kisra  at  Ctcsi- 
phon."  Again,  as  was  noticed  above,  there  seems 
to  be  a  connection  between  the  Hebrew  kijfjMxl  and 
the  Arabic  kunfud,  "hedgehog."  Some  lexicog- 
raphers refer  the  Hebrew  word  to  a  Syriac  rool 
which  means  "  to  bristle,"  «  and  though  this  derl 
vation  is  exactly  suited  to  the  porcupine,  it  is  no- 
on the  other  hand  opposed  to  the  bittern,  whicii 
from  its  habit  of  erecting  and  bristling  out  the 


to  the  hedgehog  or  porcupine.  The  expression  is  of 
course  inapplicable  to  these  animals,  but  it  is  not  cer- 
tain that  it  refers  to  them  at  aU.  The  word  Ikeir  is 
not  in  the  original ;  tlic  phrase  is  elliptical,  and  im- 
plies "  the  voice  of  birds  "     "  Sed  quum  canendi  ver- 

bum  adhibent  vates,  baud  diibie  ^\'rj  post  V'«^- 
est  gubaudiendum  "  (Rosenniiill.  Schot.  ad  Zeph.  ii.  14). 
See  on  this  subject  the  excellent  remarks  of  Harmet 
(Obaerc.  iu.  100). 

d  Such  is  no  doubt  the  meaning  of  n"^~'P22  '. 

but  Parkhurst  {Lex.  Heb.  a.  v.  l^T^)  translates  thj 
word  "  door-porches,"  which,  he  says,  we  are  at  Uberf 
to  suppose  were  thrown  dow  .. 

e    ^ZlO.     See  Simon.  Lex.  Heb.  a.  t.  ITT. 


oilTUMEN 

feathers  of  the  neck,  maj-  have  received  the  uanie 
jf  the  porcupine  bird  from  the  ancient  ()rieiitai.s. 
The  bittern  {Botnurus  sttllaris)  belongs  to  the  Ar- 
dtidiB,  the  heron  family  of  birds;  it  has  a  wide 
ranse,  being  found  in  Russia  and  Siberia  as  far 
north  as  the  river  Lena,  in  Europe  generally,  in 
Barbary,  S.  Africa,  Trebizond,  and  in  th?  countries 
between  the  Black  and  Caspian  Seas,  &o. 

W.  H. 
BITUMEN.     [Slime.] 

BIZJOTH'JAH  (nV-IV'^2  [conlempi  of 
IduwaJi] :  LXX.  [Vat.  Alex.]  omits,  [but  Comp. 
BiCicodia;  Aid.  'KfieCovdial--]  Baziothia),  a  town 
in  the  south  of  Jiidah  named  with  Bkek-siieba 
and  Baalaii  (.Josh.  xv.  28).  No  mention  or 
identification  of  it  is  found  ■elsewhere.  G. 

BIZ'THA  (SnT2  :  BaCdu,  [Vat.  FA.*  Ma- 
(au;]  Alex.  Ba^ea-  Bazatha),  the  second  of  the 
leven  eunuchs  of  king  Ahasuerus's  harem  (Esth.  i. 

10).  The  name  is  Persian,  possibly  XJCaaO,  beste, 
i  word  referring  to  his  condition  as  a  eunuch  (Ges. 
Thts.  p.  197) 

BLACK.     [Colors.] 

BLAINS  (ni:?V3t^:  *Aa/cTr56s,  <p\iK- 
raivai,  LXX. ;  Ex.  ix.  9,  ava^eovirai  eu  t6  toTs  av- 

dpciirois  Koi  ip  ro7s  TeTpdwoffi;  also  l^'^^'  >  /"'*" 
tuki  ardens),  violent  ulcerous  inflammations  (from 

37^13,  to  boil  up).  It  was  the  sixth  pLigue  of 
Egypt,  and  hence  is  called  in  Deut.  xx-sdii.  27,  35, 

"the  botch  of  Egypt"  i-^.T"^  TH^-  ;  cf.  Job 
ii.  7,  V~}  ^^nt'  ),  It  seems  to  have  been  the 
vl/cupa  aypia  or  black  leprosy,  a  fearful  kind  of 
liephantiasis  (comp.  Plin.  xxvi.  5).  It  must  have 
come  with  dreadful  intensity  on  the  magicians 
whose  art  it  baffled,  and  wliose  scrupulous  cleanli- 
ness (Herod,  ii.  -30)  it  rendered  nugatory:  so  that 
they  were  unable  to  stand  in  the  presence  of  Moses 
because  of  the  boUs. 

Other  names  for  purulent  and  leprous  eruptions 

are  HS^C  PHnil  (Morphea  aJba),  DnSD 
(Morphea  nigra),  and  the  more  harmless  scab 
nnspp,  Lev.  xiii.  passim  (Jahn,  Arch.  Bibl. 
§  183).'  F.  W.  F. 

BLASPHEMY  {^Kaa^yjixia),  in  its  techni<'al 
English  sense,  signifies  the  speaking  evil  of  (iod 

( "'^  2?^'  ^1^?)?  and  in  this  sense  it  is  found  Ps. 
Ixxiv.  18 ;  Is.  Hi.  5 ;  Rom.  ii.  24,  &c  But  accord- 
ing to  its  derivation  (fixd-irTW  (prj fi-l]  quAsl  ;8Ao- 
<pt(f>.)  it  may  mean  any  species  of  calumny  and 
abuse  (or  even  an  unlucky  word,  Eurip.  Ion.  1187): 
see  1  K.  xxi.  10;  Acts  xviii.  6;  .JudeS,  &c.    Hence 

in  the  LXX.  it  is  used  to  render  Tf^S,    Job  ii.  5; 

»  ;?2,  2  K.  xix.  6;    rT^-^'in,  2  K.  xix.  4,  and 

2y7'  ^°®-  ^"•''  1^1  s°  t^^*  it  nieans  "reproach," 
"derision,"  &c. :  and  it  has  even  a  wider  use,  a« 
2  Sam.  xii.  14,  where  it  means  "to  despise  .)i' 
iaism,"  and  1  Mace.  ii.  6,  where  PKa(T<t>-nfj.ia  -~ 
idolatry.  In  Ecclus.  iii.  16  we  have  is  k^dacpt)- 
\LOs  6  67KOToAi7ra»'  irarepa,  where  it  is  equivalent 
^  KaTr)pafj.€vos  (Schleusner,  Thesaw:  s.  v.). 

Blasphemy  was  punished  with  stoning,  which 
iraa  inrtioted  on  the  son  of  Shelomith  (Lev.  xxiv. 
II)      On  this  charge  botl  our  Ix)rd  and  St.  Ste- 


BLINDNESS 


315 


|(heu  were  condenmed  to  death  by  t\w  Jews.  From 
Lev.  xxiv.  16,  wrongly  understood,  ai'ose  the  singu- 
lar superstition  about  never  even  jrromyuucini/  the 
name  of  Jehovah.  Ex.  xxii.  28,  "  Thou  shalt  not 
revile  the  gods,  nor  curse  the  ruler  of  thy  people,' 
does  not  refer  to  blasphemy  in  the  strict  sense,  since 
"elohim  "  is  there  used  (as  elsewhere)  of  magis 
trates,  &c. 

The  Jews,  misapplying  Ex.  xxiii.  13,  "  Make  no 
mention  of  the  name  of  other  gods,"  seemed  tc 
think  themselves  bound  to  give  nicknames  to  lh« 
heathen  deities;  hence  their  use  of  Bosheth  tor 
Baal  [Hos.  ix.  10,  comp.  Ish-bosheth,  MEPiiiiiu 
SHETii],  Beth-aven  for  Beth-el  [Hos.  iv.  15],Beel 
zebul  for  Beelzebub,  &c.  It  is  not  strange  that  this 
"contumelia  numinum  "  (Plin.  xiii.  9),  joined  to 
their  zealo"s  proselytism,  made  them  so  deeply  un- 
popular among  the  nations  of  antiquity  (Winer, 
8.  V.  GottesUisteruny).  When  a  pei-son  heard  blas- 
phemy he  laid  his  hand  on  the  head  of  the  offender, 
to  symbolize  his  sole  responsibility  for  the  guilt, 
and  rising  on  his  feet,  tore  his  robe,  which  might 
never  again  be  mended.  (On  the  mystical  reasons 
for  these  obsen'ances,  see  Lightfoot,  Hor.  Hebr. 
Matt.  xx\i.  65.) 

It  only  remains  to  speak  of  "  the  blasphemy 
against  the  Holy  Ghost,"  which  has  been  so  fruit- 
ful a  theme  for  speculation  and  controversy  (Matt. 
xii.  32;  Mark  iii.  28).  It  consisted  in  attributing 
to  the  power  of  Satan  those  unquestionable  mira- 
cles, which  Jesus  performed  by  "the  finger  of  God," 
and  the  ix)wer  of  the  Holy  Spirit ;  nor  have  we  any 
safe  ground  for  extending  it  to  include  all  sorts  of 
iciUiny  (as  distinguished  from  iriUful)  oflenses,  be- 
sides this  one  limited  and  special  sin.  The  often 
misunderstood  expression  "  it  shall  not  be  forgiven 
him,  neither  in  this  world,  &c.,"  is  a  direct  appli- 
cation of  a  Jewish  phrase  in  allusion  to  a  .Jewish 
error,  and  will  not  bear  the  inferences  so  often  ex- 
torted from  it.  According  to  the  Jewish  school 
not'or.3,  "a  quo  blasphematur  nomen  Dei,  ei  non 
valet  pccnitentia  ad  suspendendum  judicium,  nee 
dies  expiationis  ad  expiaudum,  nee  plagae  ad  adster- 
gendum,  sed  omnes  suspendunt  judicium,  et  Duyrs 
nbster^'it."  In  refutation  of  this  tradition  our 
Ijord  used  the  phrase  to  imply  that  "  blasphemy 
against  the  Holy  Ghost  shall  not  be  forgiven; 
neither  before  death,  nai;  as  you  vainly  dream,  by 
means  of  death ''^  (Lightfoot,  Hor.  Hebr.  ad  locum). 
As  there  are  no  tenable  grounds  for  identifying  this 
blasphemy  with  "  the  sin  unto  death,"  1  John  \ 
16,  we  shall  not  here  enter  into  the  very  difficult 
inquiries  to  which  that  expression  leads. 

F.  W.  F. 

*  On  the  meaning  of  fi\aff<pr)fiia,  and  on  the 
theological  abuse  of  the  term  blasphemy  in  English, 
see  Campbell,  Diss.  IX.  Part  ii.,  prefixed  to  hia 
Translation  of  the  Grospels.  A. 

BL ASTUS  (BAoo-Tos  [shoot  or  sproiU] ),  the 
chamberlain  (6  €Trl  rov  Koirwvos)  of  Herod  Agrippa 
I.,  mentioned  Acts  xii.  20,  as  having  been  made  by 
the  people  of  Tyre  and  Sidon  a  mediator  between 
them  and  the  king's  anger.    [See  Chamberlain.] 

H.  A. 

*  BLESSING.     [Salutation.] 
BLINDING.     [Punishments.] 

BLINDN  ESS  ('}"l"'=1'V,  rnVS,  from  the  root 


a  *  It  does  not  appear  how  the  rendering  of  th« 
LXX.  of  .Job  ii.  5  and  Hos.  vii.  16  illustrates  the  um 
of  ^Ka<T<t>r)nCa  or  its  cognate*  H 


316 


BLINDNESS 


"TJJ?,  to  bore)  is  extremely  common  in  tue  East 
from  many  causes ;  e.  (j.  the  quantities  of  dust  and 
sand  pulverized  by  the  sun's  intense  heat;  the  per- 
petual glare  of  light;  the  contrast  of  the  heat  with 
the  cold  sea-air  on  the  coast  where  blindness  is  spe- 
cially prevalenf ;  the  dews  at  night  while  they  sleep 
on  the  i"oofs ;  small-pox,  old  age,  Ac. ;  and  perhaps 
more  than  all  the  Mohammedan  fatalism,  which 
leads  to  a  neglect  of  the  proper  remedies  in  time. 
One  traveller  mentions  4000  blind  men  in  Cairo, 
and  Vohiey  reckons  that  1  ui  every  5  were  bUnd, 
besides  others  with  sore  eyes  (i.  86).  Lvdd,  the 
ancient  Lydda,  and  Jiainlt/i,  enjoy  a  fearful  noto- 
riety for  the  number  of  blind  persons  they  contain. 
The  common  saying  is  that  in  Ludd  every  man  is 
either  bhnd  or  has  but  one  eye.  Jaffa  Ls  said  to 
contain  500  blind  out  of  a  population  of  5000  at 
most.  There  is  an  asylum  for  the  bUnd  in  Cairo 
(which  at  present  contauis  300),  and  their  conduct 
is  often  turbulent  and  fanatic  (Lane,  i.  39,  2!I2: 
Trench,  On  the  Miracles ;  Matl.  ix.  27,  &c.). 
Bhnd  beggars  figure  repeatedly  in  the  N.  T.  (Matt. 
xii.  22),  and  "oi)euing  the  eyes  of  the  blind"  is 
mentioned  in  prophecy  as  a  peculiar  attribute  of 
the  Messiah  (Is.  xxix.  18,  Ac).  The  Jews  were 
sjiecially  charged  to  treat  the  blind  with  compassion 
and  care  (Ixv.  xix.  14;  Deut.  xxvii.  18). 

Penal  and  miraculous  bhndness  are  several  times 
mentioned  in  the  liible  (Gen.  xix.  11,  aopourla, 
LXX.;  2  K.  vi.  18-22;  Acts  ix.  9).  In  the  last 
passage  some  have  attempted  (on  the  ground  of  St. 
Luke's  profession  as  a  physician)  to  attach  a  tech- 
nical meaning  to  ax^vs  and  aK^vos  (Jahn,  Arch. 
Bibl.  §  201),  viz.  a  spot  or  "  thin  tunicle  over  the 
cornea,"  which  vanishes  naturally  after  a  time:  for 
which  fact  Winer  (s.  v.  Blindlieit)  quotes  Hippocr. 
(Prmlicl.  ii.  215)  ax^vfs  •  •  •  eKKeaivovTai  Kal 
a<l>ai'l^oi'Tai,  t)v  /j.^  TpwfjLo,  ri  eTrcyeVrjTa*  iyTovro! 
T^J  x'^p'^V-  ^"^  '''^'^  ^^'^'^  "''''  remove  the  mirac- 
ulous character  of  the  iniiiction.  In  the  same  way 
analogies  are  quoted  for  the  use  of  sahva  (Mark 
viii.  23,  &c.)  and  of  fish-gall  in  the  case  of  the 
KevKwfia  of  Tobias ;  but  whatever  may  be  thought 
of  the  latter  instance,  it  is  very  obvious  that  in  the 
former  the  salisa  was  no  more  instrumental  in  the 
cure  than  the  touch  alone  would  have  been  (Trench, 
On  the  Miracles,  ad  loc). 

Blindness  willfully  uiflicted  for  political  or  other 
purposes  was  common  in  the  East,  and  is  alluded 
to  ia  Scripture  (1  Sam.  xi.  2;  Jer.  xxxix.  7). 

F.  W.  F. 

BLOOD  (l:"1T).  To  blood  is  ascribed  in  Script- 
m-e  the  mysterious  sacredness  which  belongs  to 
life,  and  God  reserves  it  to  Himself  when  allowing 
man  the  dominion  over  and  tlie  use  of  the  lower 
animals  for  food,  &c.  (as  regards,  however,  the  eat- 
ing of  blood,  see  Food).  Thus  reserved,  it  ac- 
quires a  double  power:  (1)  that  of  sacrificial  atone- 
ment, in  which  it  had  a  wide  recognition  in  the 
b  eathen  world ;  and  (2)  that  of  becoming  a  curse, 
when  wantonly  shed,  e.  g.  even  that  of  beast  or 
fowl  by  the  huntsman,  unless  dtdy  expiated,  e.  f/. 
by  burial  (Gen.  ix.  4;  I.ev.  vii.  26,  xvii.  11-13). 
As  rc^irds  (1),  the  blood  of  sacrifices  was  caught 
Dy  the  Jewish  priest  from  the  neck  of  the  victim  in 
t  basin,  then  sprinkled  seven  times  (in  cajje  of  birds 

a  •  Tt  has  hiHin  objccteJ  that  thoueh  the  term  may 
*«  technically  correct,  Luke  bas  erred  in  assigning 
'dyi<en.*ry"  to  a  dry  climate,  like  that  of  Multa. 
Bat  we  l^re  now  the  testimony  of  physicians  in  that 


BLOOD,  REVENGEK  OF 

I  at  once  squeezed  out)  on  the  altar,  i.  e.  on  its  homa 
!  its  base,  or  its  four  comers,  or  on  its  side  al»ove  o) 
below  a  hue  running  round  it,  or  on  the  mercy-seat, 
accordnig  to  the  quality  and  purpose  of  tlie  offering, 
but  that  of  the  passover  on  the  lintel  and  door- 
posts  (Exod.  xii.;  Imv.  iv.  5-7,  xvi.  14-19;  Ugo- 
lini,  Thes.  vol.  x.  and  xiii.).  There  was  a  drain 
from  the  temple  into  the  brook  Cedi-on  to  carry  off 
the  blood  (Maimon.  (i^/ud  Cramer  de  Ard  Kxttr 
Ugollni,  viii.).  In  regard  to  (2),  it  sufficed  to  jwui 
the  animal's  blood  on  the  earth,  or  to  bury  it,  as 
a  solemn  rendering  of  the  life  to  God ;  in  case  f)f 
human  bloodshed  a  mysterious  connection  is  o)>- 
servable  between  the  curse  of  blood  and  the  earth 
or  land  on  which  it  is  shed,  which  becomes  |)olluted 
by  it ;  and  the  proper  expiation  is  the  blood  of  the 
shedder,  which  every  one  had  thus  an  interest  in 
seeking,  and  was  bound  to  seek  (Gen.  iv.  10,  ix. 
4-6;  Num.  xxxv.  33;  Ps.  cvi.  38;  see  Bux)D, 
Revkngkk  oI').  In  the  case  of  a  dead  body  found, 
and  the  death  not  accoimted  for,  the  guilt  of  blood 
attached  to  the  nearest  city,  to  lie  ascertained  by 
measurement,  until  freed  by  prescribed  rites  of  ex- 
piation (Deut.  xxi.  1-9).  The  guilt  of  murder  is 
one  for  which  "satisfaction"  was  forbidden  (Num. 
xxxv.  31).  H.  H. 

BLOOD,  ISSUE  OF  (D'l  n^T  :  n^  Rab- 
bin.:  Jiuxu  labwnns).  The  tenn  is  in  Scripture 
applied  only  to  the  case  of  women  under  menstru- 
ation or  ihejluxtis  uteri  (Lev.  xv.  19-30;  Matt.  ix. 
20,  yvv'i]  alfiopl>oovaa;  Mark  v.  25  and  Luke  vm. 
43,  ovaa  iv  pvaei  aifxaros)-  The  latter  caused  a 
permanent  legal  uncleanness,  the  former  a  tempo- 
rary one,  mostly  for  seven  days,  after  which  she  was 
to  be  purified  by  the  customary  offering.  Tlie 
"bloody  flux"  iSvafVTfpia)  in  Acts  xxviii.  8, 
where  tlie  patient  is  of  the  male  sex,  is,  probably, 
a  medically  correct  term  «  (see  BartlioUni,  De  Mor- 
Ins  Bihlicis,  17).  H.  H. 

BLOOD,  REVENGER  OF  (^l<3  :  Goel). 
It  was,  and  even  still  is,  a  common  practice  among 
nations  of  patriarchal  habits,  that  the  nearest  of 
kin  should,  as  a  matter  of  duty,  avenge  the  death 
of  a  murdered  relative.  The  early  impressions  and 
practice  on  this  subject  may  be  gathered  from  writ- 
ings of  a  different  though  very  early  age,  and  of 
different  countries  (Gen.  xxxiv.  30;  Hom.  //.  xxiii. 
84,  88,  xxiv.  480,  482;  Od.  xv.  270,  276;  MuUer 
on  .(Eschyl.  Eum.  c.  ii.  A.  &  B.).  Compensation 
for  murder  is  allowed  by  tlie  Koran,  and  he  who 
transgresses  after  thb  by  kiUmg  the  murderer  shall 
guflfer  a  grievous  punishment.  CSale,  Komn,  ii.  21. 
and  xvii.  280).  Among  tlie  Bedouins,  and  other 
Arab  tribes,  should  the  offer  of  blood-money  be  re- 
fused, the  "  Thar,"  or  law  of  blood,  comes  intt) 
operation,  and  any  person  within  the  fifth  degree 
of  blood  from  the  homicide  may  be  legally  killed 
by  any  one  within  the  same  degree  of  consanguinity 
to  the  victun.  Frequently  the  homicide  ^vill  wan- 
der from  tent  to  tent  over  the  desert,  or  even  rove 
through  the  towns  and  villages  on  its  borders  with 
a  chain  round  his  neck  and  in  rags  begging  contri- 
butions from  the  charitable  to  pay  the  apportioned 
blood-money.  Tliree  days  and  four  hours  are  al- 
lowed to  the  persons  included  within  tlie  "Thar" 
for  escape.     The  right  to  blood- revenge  is  never 


island  that  this  disorder  is  by  no  means  tincommoi 
there  at  the  present  day  (Smith's  Voyage  and  Skip 
wreck  of  St.  Pavl,  p.  167,  ed.  1866).  H. 


I 


BLOOD,  REVENGER  OP 


lost,  except  as  annulled  by  compensation-  it  de- 
iceiids  to  the  latest  generation.  Similar  customs, 
with  local  distinctions,  are  found  in  Persia,  Abys- 
«inia,  among  the  Druses  and  Circassians.  (Nie- 
buhr,  Descr.  de  t Arable,  pp.  28,  30,  Voyage,  ii. 
3.50;  Burckliardt,  Notes  cm  the  Bedmiins,  pp.  66, 
85,  Travek  in  Arabia,  i.  409,  ii.  330,  Syria,  pp. 
540,  113,  643;  Layard,  Nin.  ^  Bab.  pp.  305-307; 
Chardin,  Voyayes,  vol.  vi.  pp.  107-112.)  Money- 
compensations  for  homicide  are  appointed  by  the 
Hindii  law  (Sir  W.  Jones,  vol.  iii.  chap,  vii.),  and 
Tacitus  remarks  that  among  the  German  nations 
'  luitur  homicidium  certo  armentonim  ac  pecorum 
numero "  {Germ.  c.  21).  By  the  Anglo-Saxon 
law  also  money-compensation  for  homicide,  wer-yiUl, 
was  sanctioned  on  a  scale  proportioned  to  the  rank 
of  the  murdered  person  (I^ppenberg,  ii.  336;  Lin- 
gard,  i.  411,  414). 

The  spirit  of  all  legislation  on  the  subject  has 
probably  been  to  restrain  the  license  of  punishment 
assumed  by  relatives,  and  to  limit  the  duration  of 
feuds.  The  law  of  Moses  was  very  precise  in  its 
directions  on  the  subject  of  Retaliation. 

1.  The  willful  murderer  was  to  be  put  to  death 
without  permission  of  compensation.  The  nearest 
relative   of  the   deceased    became   the   authorized 

avenger  of  blood  (  '^^2,  the  redeemer,  or  avenger, 
as  next  of  kin,  Gesen.  s.  v.  p.  254,  who  rejects 
the  opinion  of  Michaelis,  giving  it  the  sig.  of  "  pol- 
luted," i.  e.  till  the  murder  was  avenged  {6  dYX'O"- 
Tfiuv,  LXX..,  pi'ojnnquus  occisi,  Vulg.,  Num.  xxxv. 
19),  and  was  bound  to  execute  retaliation  himself 
if  it  lay  in  his  power.  The  king,  however,  in  later 
times  appears  to  have  had  the  power  of  restraining 
this  license.  The  shedder  of  blood  was  thus  re- 
garded as  impious  and  polluted  (Num.  xxxv.  16-31; 
Deut.  xix.  11;  2  Sam  xiv.  7,  11,  xvi.  8,  and  iii. 
29,  with  1  K.  ii.  31,  33;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  22-25). 

2.  The  law  of  retaliation  was  not  to  extend  be- 
yond the  immediate  offender  (Deut.  xxiv.  16 ;  2  K. 
tiv.  6;  2  Chr.  xxv.  4;  Jer.  xxxi.  29-30;  Ez.  xviii. 
80;  Joseph.  Ant.  iv.  8,  §  39). 

3.  The  involuntary  shedder  of  blood  was  per- 
mitted to  take  flight  to  one  of  six  Levitical  cities, 
specially  appointed  out  of  the  48  as  cities  of  refuge, 
three  on  each  side  of  the  Jordan  (Num.  xxxv.  22, 
23;  Deut.  xix.  4-6).  The  cities  were  Kedesh,  in 
Mount  Naphtali;  Shechem,  in  Mount  Ephraim; 
Hebron  in  the  hill-country  of  Judah.  On  the  E. 
»ide  of  Jordan,  Bezer,  in  Reuben ;  Kamoth,  in  Gad ; 
Grolan,  in  Manasseh  (Josh.  xx.  7,  8).  The  elders 
of  the  city  of  refuge  were  to  hear  his  case  and  pro- 
tect him  till  he  could  be  tried  before  the  authorities 
of  his  own  city.  If  the  act  were  then  decided  to 
have  been  involuntary,  he  was  taken  back  to  the 
city  of  refuge,  round  which  an  area  with  a  radius 
of  2000  (3000,  Patrick)  cubits  was  assigned  as  the 
limit  of  protection,  and  was  to  remain  there  in 
safety  »ill  the  death  of  the  high-priest  for  the  time 
being.  f$eyond  the  limit  of  the  city  of  refuge,  the 
•evenger  might  slay  him,  but  after  the  high-priest's 
.  eath  he  miglit  return  to  his  home  with  impunity 
(Num.  xxxv.  25,  28;  Josh.  xx.  4,  6).  The  roads 
k)  the  cities  were  to  be  kept  open  (Deut.  xix.  3). 

To  these  particulars  the  TaJm^dists  add,  anong 


a  *  Casael  {Ric/Uer  u.  Ruth,  p.  215)  derives  Boaz  from 
37"13,  ion  of  strength:  which  as  the  name  of  the 
Vuiar  on  the  lelt  of  Solomon's  poreh,  a^ees  better 
*lth  Tachin  (firmness),  name  of  the  pillar  on  the  right 
■ACBIM    tbtt   mate   of  Boaz;       The  d-triration  from 


BOAZ  317 

others  of  an  absurd  kind,  the  following:  nt  the 
cross-roads   {x>sts  were  erected  bearing  the  word 

I2v~J3,  refuge,  to  direct  the  fugitive.  All  facil- 
ities of  water  and  situation  were  provided  in  the 
cities :  no  implements  of  war  or  chase  were  allowed 
there.  The  mothers  of  high-priests  used  to  .send 
presents  to  the  detained  persons  to  prevent  their 
wishing  for  the  high-priest's  death.  If  the  fugitive 
died  before  the  high-priest,  his  bones  were  sent 
home  after  the  high-priest's  death  (P.  Fagius  in 
Targ.  Onk.  ap.  Rittershus.  de  Jure  Asyli,  Cril 
Sacr.  viii.  159;  Lightfoot,  Ctnt.  Choivgr.  c.  50, 
Ojt.  ii.  208). 

4.  If  a  person  were  found  dead,  the  elders  of  the 
nearest  city  were  to  meet  in  a  rough  valley,  uu 
touched  by  the  plough,  and  washing  their  hands 
over  a  beheaded  heifer,  protest  their  innocence  of 
the  deed  and  deprecate  the  anger  of  the  Almighty 
(Deut.  xxi.  1-9).  H.  W.  P. 

*  BLUE.     [Colors.] 
BOANER'GES  (Boavepyh),  Mark  iii.  17,  a 

name  signifying  viol  PpovTTJs,  "sons  of  thunder," 
given  by, our  Lord  to  the  two  sons  of  Zebedee, 
James  and  John.  It  is  the  Aramaic  pronunciation 
(according  to  which  Sheva  is  sounded  as  oa)  of 

t^'2^  ^:^2.  The  latter  word  in  Hebrew  signifies  a 
tumult  or  uproar  (Ps.  ii.  1),  but  in  Arabic  and 
SjTiac  thunder.  I'robably  the  name  had  respect 
to  the  fiery  zeal  of  the  brothers,  signs  of  which  we 
may  see  in  Luke  ix.  54 ;  Mark  ix.  38 ;  comp.  Matt. 
XX.  20  ff.  H.  A. 

BOAR.     [Swine.] 

*  BOAT.     [Ship.] 

BO'AZ  (^273,  fleetness:"  ^o6(;  Vat.  [Boos; 
Alex.  Boos  exc.  Ruth  ii.  15,  iv.  8,  and  1  Chr.  Boo^:] 
Booz).  1.  A  wealthy  Bethlehemite,  kinsman  to 
Elimelech,  the  husband  of  Naomi.  Finding  that 
the  kinsman  of  Ruth,  who  stood  in  a  still  nearer 
relation  than  himself,  wa.s  imwilling  to  perform  th* 

office  of  >*;'?,  he  had  those  obligations  publiclj 
transferred  with  the  usual  ceremonies  to  his  own 
discharge;  and  hence  it  became  his  duty  by  the 
"levirate  law"  to  marry  Ruth  (although  it  is 
hinted,  Ruth  iii.  10,  that  he  was  much  her  senior, 
and  indeed  this  fact  is  evident  whatever  system  of 
chronology  we  adopt),  and  to  redeem  the  estates  of 
her  deceased  husband  Mahlon  (iv.  1  ff. ;  Jahn,  Arch. 
Bibl.  §  157).  He  gladly  undertook  these  respon- 
sibilities, and  their  happy  imion  was  blessed  by  the 
birth  of  Obed,  from  whom  in  a  direct  line  our  I^ord 
was  descended.  No  objection  seems  to  have  arisen 
on  the  score  of  Ruth's  Moabitish  birth;  a  fact 
which  has  some  bearing  on  the  date  of  the  narra- 
tive (cf.  Ezr.  ix.  1  ff.).     [Bethlehem.] 

Boaz  is  mentioned  in  the  genealogy  (Matt.  i.  5) 
but  there  is  great  difficulty  in  assigning  his  date. 
The  genealogy  in  Ruth  (iv.  18-22)  only  allows  10 
generations  for  350  years,  and  only  4  for  the  450 
years  between  Salmon  and  David,  if  (as  is  almost 
certain  from  St.  Matt,  and  from  Jewish  tradition) 
the  Rahab  mentioned  is  Hahab  the  harlot.  If  Boaz 
be  identical  with  the  judge  Ibzan   [Ibzan],  as  ii 

T7  IT,  '■'  whom  is  sirmxih.  affords  a  similar  mean 

ing.  Gesenius  thinks  the  uaiue  as  applied  to  So» 
omon's  pillar  may  have  been  that  of  the  donor  or  ar 
chltect.  n. 


318 


BOOCAS 


itated  with  some  shadow  of  probability  by  the  Je- 
rusalem Talmud  and  various  rabbis,  several  gen- 
erations must  be  inserted.  Dr.  Kennicott,  from  the 
diftereiice  in  form  between  Salmah  and  Salmon 
(Ruth  iv.  20,  21),  supposes  that  by  mistake  two 
difierent  men  were  identified  (Dissert,  i.  543);  but 
we  want  at  least  three  generations,  and  this  suppo- 
sition gives  us  only  one.  Mill  quotes  from  Nico- 
laas  Lyi-anus  the  theory,  "  dicunt  msyores  nostri,  et 
bene  ut  videtur,  quod  Ires  fuennt  Booz  sibi  si^cce- 
dtntes;  in  Mt.  i.  isti  tres  sub  uno  nomine  com- 
prehend untur."  Even  if  we  shorten  the  period  of 
the  Judges  to  2-10  years,  we  must  suppose  that 
Boaz  was  the  youngest  son  of  Salmon,  and  that  he 
did  not  marry  till  the  age  of  65  (Dr.  Mill,  On  the 
Genealogies ;  Lord  A.  Hervey,  Id.  p.  262,  &c.). 

2.  Boaz  [in  1  K.  BoAti^,  Vat.  Ba\a(,  Alex. 
Boos,  Comp.  B6a(;  in  2  Chr.  IxXX.  lax^s, 
ttreaytii],  the  name  of  one  of  Solomon's  brazen 
pillars  erected  in  the  temple  porch.  [Jachin.] 
It  stood  on  the  left,  and  was  17|  cubits  high  (I  K. 
vii.  15,  21;  2  Chr.  ill.  15;  Jer.  lii.  21).  It  was 
hollow  and  surmomited  by  a  chapiter,  5  cubits  high, 
ornamented  with  net-work  and  100  pomegranates. 
The  apparent  discrepancies  in  stating  the  height 
of  it  arise  from  the  including  and  excluding  of  the 
ornament  which  united  the  shaft  to  the  cliapiter, 
&c.  F.  W.  F. 

BOO'CAS  {6  BokkAs  '■  Boccus),  a  priest  in  the 
line  of  Esdras  (1  Esdr.  viii.  2).     [Bukki;  Bo- 

RITH.] 

BOCH'ERU  (^^7:2  [yotith  or  frst^^m] : 
Bocni:  1  Chr.  viii.  38,  ix.  44,  according  to  the 
present  Hebrew  text),  son  of  Azel;  but  rendered 
irpa)T6TOKos   by  LXX.    in   both    passages,    as   if 

pointed  1122.     [Bechek.]  A.  C.  H. 

BO'CHIM  (D"'D*2n,  the  weepers:  6  KKavd- 
u^v,  K\av6/jLaiues-  hcus  flentium  sire  lacrymn- 
mm),  a  place  on  the  west  of  Jordan  above  Gilgal 
(Judg.  ii.  1  and  5),  so  called  because  the  people 
"wept"  there. 

*The  LXX.  insert  eirl  Baidi}\  after  Bochim, 
and  thus  follow  an  opinion,  possibly  a  tradition, 
that  the  place  of  weeping  was  near  Bethel.  The 
going   up   thither    "of   the   angel"    from   Gilgal 

(737*1)  favors  that  view.  Bertheau  (Richter,  p. 
50)  infers  from  the  sacrifices  (ver.  5)  that  the  He- 
brews could  not  have  been  at  the  time  far  from  one 
of  their  sacred  places,  perhaps  Shiloh;  but  (see 
Keil's  Book  of  Judyes,  p.  264)  they  were  not  re- 
stricted in  this  manner,  but  performed  such  rites 
in  any  place  where  Jehovah  appeared  to  them. 
Beyond  this  there  is  no  clew  to  the  exact  spot 
where  the  scene  occurred.  H. 

BO'HAN  (inia  [thumb]:  [Baidv;  in  Josh, 
iviii.  17  Alex.  Bcto^a;  Comp.  Aid.]  Badv-  Boen), 
\  Reubenite  after  whom  a  stone  was  named,  possibly 
trected  to  commemorate  some  achievement  in  the 
•onquest  of  Palestine  (comp.  1  Sam.  vii.  12).  Its 
^sition  was  on  the  border  of  the  territories  of  Ben- 
jamin and  Judah  between  Beth-arabah  and  Beth- 
bogla  on  the  E.,  and  Adummim  and  En-shemesh  on 
ihe  W.  Its  exact  situation  is  unknown  (Josh.  xv. 
1,  xviu.  17).     [Stones.]  W.  L.  B. 

BOIL.     [Medicine.] 

BOLSTER.  The  Hebrew  word  (n-^'s-^r, 
wtira&shdth)  so  rendered,  denotes,  like  the  English, 
rimply  a  place  for  the  head.     Hardy  travellers,  like 


BOOTY 

Jacob  (Gen.  xxviii.  11,  18)  and  Elijah  (1  K.  six 
6),  sleeping  on  the  bare  ground,  woidd  make  use 
of  a  stone  for  this  purpose;  and  soldiers  on  th« 
march  had  probably  no  softer  resting  place  (1  Sam 
xxvi.  7, 11, 12,  16).  Possibly  both  Saul  and  Elyah 
may  have  used  the  water-bottle  which  they  carried 
as  a  bolster,  and  if  this  were  the  case,  David's 
midnight  adventure  becomes  more  conspicuously 
daring.  The  -pillow"  of  goat's  hair  which  Mi- 
chal's  cunning  put  in  the  place  of  the  bolster  in 
her  husband's  bed  (1  Sam.  xix.  13,  16)  was  prob- 
ably, as  Ewald  suggests,  a  net  or  curtain  of  goat's 
hair,  to  protect  the  sleeper  from  the  mosquitoes 
(Gesch.  iii.  101,  note),  Uke  the  "canopy  "  of  Holo- 
fernes.     [David,  Amer.  ed.]  W.  A.  W. 

*  BOLLED.  "  The  flax  was  boiled,"  Ex.  ix. 
31,  i.  e.  swollen,  podded  for  seed.  The  word  boll 
is  etymologically  cognate  with  ball,  bole,  borol.    The 

Hebrew  term  here  used,  --37113?  does  not  imply 
anytliing  more  than  that  the  flax  was  in  bud,  ready 
to  flower  (see  Ges.  and  FUrst,  s.  i'.).  See  also  Flax. 

A. 

BONDAGE.     [Slaveky.] 

BONNET.  [See  Head-dress.]  In  old 
English,  as  in  Scotch  to  this  day,  the  word  "  bon- 
net "  was  applied  to  the  head-dress  of  men.  Thus 
in  Hall's  Rich.  III.,  fol.  9  a.:  "And  after  a  lytle 
season  puttyng  of  hys  boneth  he  sayde:  0  Lorde 
God  creator  of  all  thynges,  howe  muche  is  this 
realme  of  Englande  and  the  people  of  the  same 
bounden  to  thy  goodnes."  And  in  Shakespear* 
(Haml.  V.  2): 

"  Your  bonnet  to  his  right  use :   'tis  for  the  head." 
W.  A.  W. 

BOOK.     [Writing.] 

BOOTHS.  [Succoth  ;  Tabernacles, 
Feast  of.] 

BOOTY.  This  consisted  of  captives  of  both 
sexes,  cattle,  and  whatever  a  captured  city  might 
contain,  especially  metallic  treasures.  Within  the 
limits  of  Canaan  no  captives  were  to  be  made  (Deut. 
XX.  14  and  16);  beyond  those  limits,  in  case  of 
warlike  resistance,  all  the  women  and  children  were 
to  be  made  captives,  and  the  men  put  to  death.  A 
special  charge  was  given  to  destroy  the  "  pictures 
and  images  "  of  the  Canaanites,  as  tending  to  idol- 
atry (Num.  xxxiii.  52).  The  case  of  Amalek  was 
a  special  one,  in  which  Saul  was  bidden  to  destroy 
the  cattle.  So  also  was  that  of  the  expedition 
against  Arad,  in  which  the  people  took  a  vow  to 
destroy  the  cities,  and  that  of  Jericho,  on  which 
the  curse  of  God  seems  to  have  rested,  and  the  gold 
and  silver,  &c.  of  which  were  viewed  as  resen-ed 
wholly  for  Him  (1  Sam.  xv.  2,  3 ;  Num.  xxi.  2 ; 
Josh.  vi.  19).  The  law  of  booty  was  that  it  should 
be  divided  equally  between  the  army  who  won  it 
and  the  people  of  Israel,  but  of  the  fonuer  half  one 
head  in  every  500  was  resen'ed  to  God,  and  appro 
priated  to  the  priests,  and  of  the  latter  one  in  every 
50  was  similarly  reserved  and  appropriated  to  the 
Levites  (Num.  xxxi.  26-47).  As  regarded  the 
army,  David  added  a  regulation  that  the  baggage- 
guard  should  share  equally  with  the  troops  engaged. 
Tlie  present  made  by  David  out  of  his  booty  to  tht 
elders  of  towns  in  Judah  was  an  act  of  grateful 
courtesy  merely,  though  perhaps  suggested  by  th» 
law.  Num.  I.  c.  So  the  spoils  devoted  by  him  U 
provide  for  the  temple,  must  be  regarded  as  a  free 
will  offering  (1  Sam.  xxx.  24-26;  2  Sam  viii.  11 
1  Chr.  xxvi.  27).  H    H. 


BOOZ 

BO'OZ  (nee..  T.  Bo($C;  Lachm.  [Treg.  and 
fxh.  (7th  ed.)]  with  ABD  [in  Luke]  BoSs; 
nisoh.  (3th  ed.)  in  Matt.,  with  B  and  Sin.,  Boe'y:] 
Uooz),  Matt.  i.  5;  Luke  iii.  32.     [BoAZ.] 

BOILITH  {Bm-ith),  a  priest  in  the  line  Df 
Esdras  (2  Esdr.  i.  2).     The  name  is  a  corruption 

Df  BtJKKI. 

BORROWING.     [Loan.] 

BOS'CATH  (ni2V3   [stmtj],  2  K.  xxii.  1. 

[BOZKATH.] 

*  BOSOM.  For  the  bosom  of  a  garment  and 
its  uses,  see  Dress,  3.  (4.);  for  the  expression  "  to 
lie  at  or  in  one's  bosom,"  see  Meals,  aJso  Abra- 
ham's BOSOM.    See  also  Ckusk,  3.  A. 

BO'SOR,  1.  {Boffip;  [Alex.  Boffcrop  in  ver. 
26:]  J;  ^.fyicS  -s  •    Bosor),  a  city  both  large  and 

fortified,  on  the  East  of  Jordan  in  the  land  of 
Gilead  (Galaad),  named  with  Bozrah  (Bosom), 
Camaim,  and  other  places  in  1  Mace.  v.  20,  36. 
It  IS  probably  Bezek,  though  there  is  nothing  to 
make  the  identification  certain. 

2.  (Brfcrop:  Bosor),  the  Aramaic  mode  of  pro- 
nouncing the  name  of  Beor,  the  father  of  Balaam 
(2  Pet.  ii.  15);  in  accordance  with  the  subbtitution, 

frequent  in  Chaldee,  of  2  for  37  (see  Gesenius, 
1U4).  G. 

BOS'ORA  (BoffapS  [V]  and  [Comp.]  Boo-op^S; 
[Rom.  Alex.  BofTcropa,  Botrop ;  Sin.  Boo-opo:] 
),_  O.^  :  Barnsn,  Bosor),  a  strong  city  in  Gilead 

taken  by  Judas  Maccabaeua  (1  Mace.  v.  26,  28). 
doubtless  the  same  as  Bozrah. 

BOTCH.     [Medicine.] 

BOTTLE.     The  words  which  are  rendered  in 

A.  V.  of  0.  T.  «  bottle  "  are,  (1.)  DOn  (Gen.  xxi. 

U,  15, 19) :  a<7K6s  ■  uter ;  a  skin-bottle.    (2.)  ^?p., 

or  ^.23  (1  Sam.  x.  3;  Job  xxxviii.  37;  Jer.  xiii. 
12;  Is.  V.  11,  XXX.  14;  Lam.  iv.  2):  OLyyilov, 
Kfpduiov,  a,<TK6s'-  uter,  vas  testeum,  layena,  lagun- 

ciUa.  (3.)  p-13p2  (Jer.  xix.  1):  fiiKhs  otrrpaKi- 
yos'-  laguncula.  (4.)  "TSJ  (Josh.  ix.  4,  13;  Judg. 
iv.  19;  1  Sam.  xvi.  20;  Ps.  cxix.  83):  cutkSs-  uter, 
lagena. 

In  N.  T.  the  only  word  rendered  "  bottle "  is 
hffK6s  (Matt.  ix.  17;  Mark  ii.  22;  Luke  v.  37). 
The  bottles  of  Scripture  are  thus  evidently  of  two 
kinds:  (1.)  The  skin  bottle.  (2.)  The  bottle  of 
earthen  or  glass-ware,  both  of  them  capable  of  be- 
ing closed  from  the  air. 

1 .  The  skin  bottle  will  be  best  described  in  the 
following  account  collected  from  Chardin  and  oth- 
ers. The  Arabs,  and  all  those  that  lead  a  wander- 
ing life,  keep  their  water,  milk,  and  other  liquors, 
41  leathern  bottles.  These  are  made  of  goatskins. 
When  tlie  animal  is  killed,  they  cut  off  its  feet 
and  its  head,  and  they  draw  it  in  this  manner  out 
of  the  skin,  without  opening  its  belly.  In  Araoia 
they  ara  tanned  with  acacia-bark  and  the  hairy 
part  left  outside.  If  not  tanned,  a  disagreeable 
taste  is  imparted  to  th«  water.  They  afterwards 
•ew  up  the  places  where  the  legs  were  cut  off  and 
lie  tail,  and  when  it  is  filled  they  tie  it  about  the 
neck.  The  great  lea',hern  bottles  are  made  of  the 
>kin  of  a  hivgoat,  and  the  small  ones,  that  serve 
«'stead  of  a  bottle  of  water,  on  the  road,  are  made 


BOTTLE 


319 


of  a  kid's  skin.  Tliese  bottles  when  rent  are  re- 
paired sometimes  by  setting  in  a  piece;  sometimes 
by  gathering  up  the  wounded  place  in  manner  of 
a  purse;  sometimes  tliey  put  in  a  round  flat  piece 
of  wood,  and  by  that  means  st/^p  the  hole  (Char- 
din,  ii.  405,  viii.  409;  Wellsted,  Arabia,  i.  89;  ii. 
78 ;  Lane,  Mod.  Ey.  ii.  c.  1 ;  Harmer,  from  Char- 
din's  notes,  ed.  Clarke,  i.  284).  Bruce  gives  a  de- 
scription of  a  vessel  of  the  same  kind,  but  larger. 
"  A  gerba  is  an  ox's  skin,  squared,  and  the  edges 
sewed  together  by  a  double  seam,  which  does  not 
let  out  water.  Aji  opening  is  left  at  the  top,  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  bunghole  of  a  cask ;  around 
this  the  skin  is  gathered  to  the  size  of  a  large  hand- 
ful, which,  when  the  gerba  is  fuU  of  water,  is  tie'l 
round  with  whipcord.  These  gerbas  contain  about 
sixty  gallons  each,  and  two  of  them  are  the  load  of 
a  camel.  They  are  then  all  besmeared  on  the  out- 
side with  grease,  as  well  to  hinder  the  water  from 
oozing  through,  as  to  prevent  its  being  evaporated 
by  the  heat  of  the  sun  upon  the  gerba,  which,  in 
fact,  happened  to  us  twice,  so  as  to  put  us  in 
danger  of  perishing  with  thirst."  {Travels,  iv 
334.) 


Skin  Bottles.    (From  the  Museo  Borbonico.) 

Wine-bottles  of  skin  are  mentioned  as  used  by 
Greeks,  Romans,  and  Egyptians,  by  Homer  (Od. 
vi.  78,  oivov  ix^^f^  'A(TKy  iv  alyeiqij  H.  iii. 
247);  by  Herodotus,  as  used  in  Egyjjt  (ii.  121), 
where  he  si)eaks  of  letting  the  wint  out  of  the  skin 
by  the  noSf^v,  the  end  usually  tied  up  to  serve  as 
the  neck;  by  Virgil  (Georg.  ii.  384).  Also  by 
Athenaeus,  who  mentions  a  large  skin-bottle  of  the 
nature  of  the  gerba  (dtr/cJis  (K  irapSoAoiv  Sfp/xdrwv 
ippanixevos,  v.  28,  p.  199).  Chardin  says  that 
wine  in  Persia  is  preserved  in  skins  saturated  with 
pitch,  which,  when  good,  impart  no  flavor  to  the 
wine  ( Voyages,  iv.  75).  Skins  for  wine  or  other 
liquids  are  in  use  to  this  day  in  Spain,  where  they 
are  called  borrachas. 

The  effect  of  external  heat  upon  a  skin-bottle  is 
indicated  in  Ps.  cxix.  83,  "  a  bottle  in  the  smoke/' 
and  of  expansion  produced  by  fermentation  in  Matt, 
ix.  17,  "  new  wine  in  old  bottles  "'  [or  "  skins  "]. 

2.  Vessels  of  metal,  earthen,  or  glass  ware  fon 
liquids  were  in  use  among  the  Greeks,  Egyptians 


Egyptian  Bottles.    1  to  7,  glas.s,  8  to  11,  earthenwam 
(From  the  British  Museum  Ocllection  ", 


820 


BOTTOMLESS    PIT 


F.tniscai.*,  and  Assyrians  ixpva-dTimos  <ptd\r) 
Tvpffrjtri),  Athen.  i.  20  (-28);  apyvpet]  (pi<i\ri,  U- 
txiii.  243;  ai^,<piOeToy  ptd\r]v  airvpurov,  -70),  and 
also  no  doubt  among  the  Jews,  especially  in  later 
times.  Thus  Jer.  xix.  1,  "  a  potter's  earthen  bottle." 
The  .lews  probably  Iwrrowed  their  manufactures  in 
this  particular  from  EgjTJt,  which  was  celebrated 
for  glass  work,  as  remains  and  illustrations  of 
Egyptian  workmanship  are  extant  at  least  as  early 
Bs  the  15th  century  b.  c.  (Wilkinson,  ii.  59,  60) 

Gla.ss  l)0ttles  of  the  3d  or  4th  century  b.  c.  have 
been  foimd  at  Babylon  by  Mr.  I^yard.  At  Cairo 
many  jiersons  obtain  a  livelihood  by  selling  Nile 
water,  which  is  carried  by  camels  or  asses  in  skins, 
or  by  the  cairier  himself  on  his  back  in  pitchers 
of  porous  gray  earth  (I^ane,  Mwl.  Eij.  ii.  153,  155; 
Burckhardt,  Sifrin^  p.  611;  Maundrell,  Journey, 
p.  407,  Bohn ;  \\'ilkinson,  Kyyjit,  c.  iii.  vol.  i.  148- 
158;  Did.  of  Antiq.  Vinum;  l^yard,  Nineveh  and 
H'Uiyltm,  pp.  196,  503;  Gesenius,  *•.  re.) 

H.  W.  P 


Assyriaji  Glass  Bottles.    (Prom   the  British   Museum 
Collection.) 

*  BOTTOMLESS  PIT.     [Deep,  The.] 
BOW.     [A  K.MS.] 

*  BOWELS  {Z.'^VT;^,  D^pn-I,  anKdyx^a). 
The  bowels  were  regarded  by  the  Hebrews  as  the  seat 
of  the  tender  affections,  and  the  term  is  therefore 
often  used  tropically,  like  heart,  breast,  and  bosoni 
in  English.  Our  translators  have  sometimes  judi- 
ciously varied  the  expression  to  suit  the  English 
idiom,  as  in  Ps.  xxv.  6,  xl.  8,  I'rov.  xii.  10,  Luke  i. 
78,  2  for.  vii.  15  (see  the  margin  in  these  places); 
but  in  many  other  cases  they  have  given  a  bald, 
verbal  translation  where  a  different  rendering  would 
have  more  happily  expressed  the  nieanijig;  as,  "  The 
Urj^els  (hearts)  of  the  saints  are  refreshed  by  thee  "  ; 
"  Ye  are  not  straitened  in  us,  but  are  straitened  in 
your  own  bowels"  (affections);  see  Cant.  v.  4;  Jer. 
iv.  19,  xxxi.  20;  F>cclus.  xxx.  7;  2  Cor.  vi.  12; 
Phil.  i.  8,  ii.  1;  Col.  iii.  12:  Philem.  7,  12,  20; 
1  John  iii.  17.  A. 

BOWL.  (1.)  n-^3  :  (TTpeiTThv  h.vd4fuo¥'.  fumc- 

ulus ;  see  Ges.  p.  288.  (2.)  ^?P  :   KiKivT\.    [j>hi- 

ito,]  conc/ta.    (3.)  bCD :  aJao  in  A.  V.  dish.   (4.) 

r'*23  :  Kparijp:  scyplim.  (5.)  n^fySQ  :  Kvados: 
cynlhm.     Of  these  words  (1)  may  be  taken  to  in- 

licate  chiefly  roundness,  from  V  _  3.  roll,  as  a  ball 
er  globe,  placed  a.s  an  ornament  on  the  tops  or  cap- 
itals of  columns  (1  K.  vii.  41;  2  Chr.  iv.  12,  13): 
ilso   the   knob   or   boss   from  which  proceed   the 


o  Apparently  from  the  root  "11?"  S,  "  to  be  straight," 
then  to  be  "  fortunate,"  "  beautiful."  So  In  the  book 
f'tammedenv  It  is  said,  "  Quare  Tocatur  tlieavi/iitr  ?  quia 


BOX-TREE 

branches  of  a  candlestick  (Zech.  iv.  2),  and  also  ■ 
susi^ended  lamp,  in  A.  V.  "golden  bowl"  (Eccl 
Kii.  6);  (2)  indicating  lowness,  is  perhaps  a  shal- 
low dish  or  basin;  (3)  a  hollow  vessel:  (4)  a  round 
vessel  (Jer.  xxxv.  5)  Kipd/jLiov  LXX.;  (5)  a  lustra- 
tory  vessel,  from  I^p.^,  pure. 

A  like  uncertainty  prevails  as  to  the  precise  forrc 
and  material  of  these  vessels  as  is  noticed  under 
Basin.  Bowls  would  probably  be  used  at  meals  for 
liquids,  or  broth,  or  pottage  (2  K.  iv.  40).  Jlodern 
Arabs  are  content  with  a  few  wooden  bowls.  In  the 
British  Museum  are  deposited  several  terra-cotta 
bowls  with  Chaldft'an  inscrijitions  of  a  superstitious 
character,  expressing  clianns  against  sickness  and 
evil  spirits,  which  may  possibly  explain  the  "  divin- 
ing cup  "  of  Joseph  (Gen.  xliv.  5).  The  bowl  was 
filled  with  s(jme  liquid  and  drunk  off  as  a  charm 
against  evil.  See  a  cjLse  of  Tippoo  Sahib  drinking 
water  out  of  a  black  stone  as  a  chann  against  mis- 
fortune (Gleig,  Life  of  Munro,  i.  218).  One  of  the 
Brit.  Mus.  l)owls  still  retains  the  stain  of  a  liquid. 
These  bowls,  however,  are  thought  by  Mr.  Birch 
not  to  1)6  very  ancient  (l^yard,  Nin.  and  Bab. 
509,  511,  626.  Birch,  Arte.  Pottery,  i.  154. 
Shaw,  231).  H.  W.  P. 

*  There  is  no  such  Hebrew  word  as  vrD  (No. 
3,  above) ;  the  word  translated  dish  in  the  paasage 
which  must  be  referred  to  (Judg.  v.  25)  is  ^5?C 

(No.  2),  for  which  an  obsolete  verb  bCD  has  been 
assumed  by  some  lexicographers  as  the  root.  Fiirst 
rejects  this  etymology.  Other  Hebrew  words  trans- 
lated bowl  in   the   A.   V.  are   73,  Zech.   iv.   2; 

p"^t^,  see  Basin;  and  ?D,  l  K.  vii  50;  2  K. 
xii.  13  (14),  also  rendered  basin.  A. 

*  BOX.  The  Hebrew  word  (T]5  :  tpaKSs'-  kntt- 
cula)  so  rendered  hi  2  K.  ix.  1,  3  ("a  box  of  oil "), 
properly  denotes  a  flask  or  bottle.  In  1  Sam.  x.  1 
it  is  more  correctly  translated  "  vial."  See  also 
Alabasiek.  a. 

BOX-TREE  ("1-ITSn,"  tensshur  :  daaaohp, 
KeSpos:  bvxus,  pinu!f)  occurs  in  Is.  Ix.  13,  together 
with  "the  fir-tree  and  the  pine-tree,"  as  furnishing 
wood  from  Lebanon  for  the  temple  that  was  to  be 
built  at  Jerusalem.  In  Is.  xii .  19  the  tensshur  is 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  coflar,  "  the  fir- 
tree  and  tlie  pine,"  &c.,  which  should  one  day  be 
planted  in  the  wilderness.  There  is  great  uncer- 
tainty as  to  the  tree  denotetl  by  the  teasshur.  The 
Talmudical  and  Jewish  writers  generally  are  of 
opinion  that  the  box-tree  is  intended,  and  with 
them  agree  Montanus,  Deothitius,  the  A.  V.  and 
other  modem  versions ;  Kosenniiiller  {Bibl.  Boi. 
300),  Celsius  {Ilitrob.  ii.  153),  and  Parkhurst  {Iltb. 

Lex.  8.  V.  ~11lI?Si~i)  are  also  in  favor  of  the  box- 
tree.  The  Syri.ac  and  the  Arabic  version  of  Saadia* 
understand  the  teasshur  to  denote  a  species  of  cedai 
called  sherbin,f>  which  is  distinguished  by  the  small 
size  of  the  cones  and  the  upright  growth  of  tfii- 
branches.  This  interpretation  is  also  sanctionef! 
by  Gesenius  and  Fiirst  (Heh.  Concord,  p.  134) 
Hiller  (Ilierophyt.  i.  401 )  believes  the  Hebrew  wort 
may  denote  either  the  box  or  the  maple.     Witi 


est  felicissima  et  prsestantissima  inter  omnes  spneia 
cedro  um  ''  (Biixt.  /.  r.). 


(J-^?/^• 


130ZE7 

regard  to  that  theory  which  identifies  the  teasshur 
with  the  sherbin,  there  is  not,  beyond  the  authority 
of  the  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions,  any  satisfactory 
evidence  to  support  it.  It  is  uncertain  moreover 
what  tree  is  meant  by  tlie  sherbin :  it  is  supposed 
to  be  some  kind  of  cedar :  but  although  the  Arabic 
version  of  Uioscorides  gives  sherbin  as  the  rendering 
of  the  Greek  KeSpos,  the  two  trees  which  Dios- 
corides-  speaks  of  seem  rather  to  be  referred  to  the 
genus  juniperiis  than  to  that  of  pinus.  However 
Olsius  {Hierob.  i.  80)  and  Spreiigel  {Hist.  liei 
Herb.  i.  267)  identify  the  sherbin  with  the  Pinus 
cedfus  (Linn.),  the  cedar  of  I^banon.  According 
to  Niebuhr  also  the  cedar  was  called  sherbin.  The 
same  word,  however,  both  in  the  Chaldee,  the  Syriac, 
and  the  Arabic,  is  occasionally  used  to  express  the 
berosh."  Although  the  claim  which  the  box-tree 
has  to  represent  the  teasshur  of  Isaiah  and  Ezekiel 
is  far  from  being  satisfactorily  established,  yet  the 
evidence  rests  on  a  better  foundation  than  that 
which    supports  the  claims  of  tlie  sherbin.     The 


BOZRAH  321 

passage  in  Ez.  xxvii.  6,''  although  it  is  one  of  ac- 
knowledged difficulty,  has  been  taken  by  IV)chFrt. 
liosenmiiller,  and  others,  to  uphold  the  claim  of  the 
box-tree  to  represent  the  teasshur.  For  a  ftiU  ac- 
count of  the  various  readings  of  that  passage  see 
Rosennuiller's  Schol.  in  Ez.  xxvii.  6.  The  moFt 
satisfactory  translation  appears  to  us  to  be  that  of 
Bochart  {Geo;/.  Sac.  i.  iii.  c.  5,  180)  and  Rosen- 
miiller:  "Thy  benches  have  they  made  of  ivory, 
inlaid  with  box-wood  from  the  isles  of  Chittim." 
Now  it  is  probable  that  the  isles  of  Chittim  may 
refer  to  any  of  the  islands  or  maritime  districts  of 
the  Mediterranean.  Bochart  believes  Corsica  is 
intended  m  this  passage :  the  Vulg.  has  "  de  insulis 
Italise."  Corsica  was  celebrated  for  its  box-trees 
(Phn.  xvi.  16;  Theophrast.  //.  P.  iii.  lo,  §  5),  and 
it  is  well  known  tiiat  the  ancients  understood  the 
art  of  veneering  wood,  especially  box-wood,  with 
ivory,  tortoise-shell,  &c.  (Virg.  ^'iEn.  x  137).  This 
passage,  therefore,  does  certainly  seem  to  favor  the 
opinion  tliat  tcasshnr  denotes  the  wo-^d  of  the  box- 


tree  {Bzixus  sempervireM),  or  perhaps  that  of  the 
only  other  known  species,  Biams  balearica;  but 
tlie  point  must  be  left  undetermined.         W.  H. 

BO'ZEZ  (T;P3,  shininff,  according  to  the 
conjecture  of  Gesenius,  Thes.  p.  229:  ha<res-  [Vat. 
Ba^Tjs:  Comp.  BoC^s'-]  Boses),  the  name  of  one  of 
the  two  "sharp  rocks"  (Hebrew,  "teeth  of  the 
clifF")  "between  the  passages"  by  which  Jonathan 
entered  the  Philistine  garrison.  It  seems  to  have 
been  that  on  the  north  side  (1  Sam.  xiv.  4,  5). 
Robinson  notices  two  hills  of  blunt  conical  form 
in  the  bottom  of  the  Wady  Suweinit  just  below 
M&khmds  (i.  441  and  iii.  289).  Stanley,  on  the 
other  hand,  could  not  make  them  out  {S.  ^  P.  205, 
note).     And  indeed  these  hills  answer  neither  to 


21 


the  expression  of  the  text  nor  the  requirements  ol 
the  narrative.     [See  Seneii.  Amer.  ed.]         G. 

BOZ'KATH  (^nVS  [stoHT/]:  BatrnSdie 
Alex.  Matrxafl;  [Comp.  Bcurex°'^''  ^^^-  BaffKdd;] 
in  Kings.  Bacovpiod;  [Comp.  BaffovKciO:]  Joseph. 
BocTKfB:  Bascath,  Besecnth)^  a  city  of  Judah  in 
the  She/elah ;  named  with  I>achish  (Josh.  xv.  39). 
It  is  mentioned  once  again  (2  K.  xxii.  1)  as  the 
native  place  of  the  mother  of  king  Josiah.  Here 
it  is  spelt  in  the  A.  V.  "  Boscath."  No  trace  of 
the  site  has  yet  been  discovered.  G. 

BOZ'RAH  (n"T"_'2,  possibly  from  a  root  with 
the  force  of  restnJning,  therefoi-e  used  for  a  sheep- 


0"^*^!"?.  Bochart  reads  □''"llTSn^  In  one  word 
Rosenmliller  regards  the  expression  '■  daughter  of  box- 
wood "  as  metaphoncal,  comparing  Ps.  xtU.  8,  Iaid 
U.  18,  iii.  13. 


522 


BRACELB'l- 


Wd,  Oeaen.  s.  v.:  Bo<r6pf>a;  Bo<r6p,  also  6xip<i>fia 
Jer.  xlix.  22,  tuxos  Am.  i.  12;  [e\i\f/is  Mic.  ii. 
12,  Vulg.  oi'iie :]  Bosi-a),  the  name  of  more  than 
me  place  on  the  east  of  Palestine.  1.  In  Edom  — 
the  city  of  Joliab  the  son  of  Zerah,  one  of  the  early 
sings  of  that  nation  (Gen.  xxxvi.  33;  1  Chr.  i.  44). 
This  is  doubtless  the  place  mentioned  in  later  times 
by  Isaiah  (xxxiv.  6,  hiii.  1  (in  connection  with 
Kdom),  and  by  Jeremiah  (xlix.  13,  22),  Amos  (i. 
12),  and  Micah  (ii.  12,  "sheep  of  B.,"  comp.  Is. 
xxxiv.  C ;  the  word  is  here  rendered  by  the  A'nlfjate 
and  by  Geseniiis  "  fold,"  "  the  sheep  of  the  fold," 
Ges.  Tlies.  230).  It  was  known  to  Eusebius,  who 
speaks  of  it  in  the  OnomnMicon  {Y^o(Twp)  as  a  city 
of  Esau  in  the  mountains  of  Iduma^a,  in  connection 
with  Is.  Ixiii.  1.  and  in  contradistinction  to  IJostra 
in  Pertea.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the 
modem  representative  of   Bozrah   is  el-Busaireh, 

iyJ>^iajd\,  which  was  first  \'i8ited  by  Burckhar.lt 

{Syr.  407;  Bt-szeyrn),  and  lies  on  the  mountain 
district  to  the  S.  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  between 
Tufilch  and  Petra,  about  half-way  between  the 
latter  and  the  Dead  Sea.  Irby  and  Mangles  men- 
tion it  under  the  name  of  fpseyi-n  and  Bsaida 
(chap.  viii.  :  see  al.so  Kobinson,  ii.  167).  'Hie 
"  goats  ' '  which  Isaiah  connects  with  the  place  were 
found  in  large  numbers  in  this  neighborhood  by 
BurckJiardt  (%•.  405). 

2.  In  his  catalogue  of  the  cities  of  the  land  of 
Moab,  Jeremiah  (xlviii.  24)  mentions  a  Bozrah  .as 

in  "the  plain  country"  (ver.  21,  "ICi '"TSH  ^^^i??, 
»".  e.  the  liigh  level  downs  on  the  east  of  the  Dead 
.Sea  and  of  the  iower  Jordan,  the  ficlkn  of  the 
modem  Arabs).  Here  lay  Heshbon,  Nebo,  Kirjath- 
lini,  Diblathaim.  and  the  other  towns  named  in 
this  passage,  and  it  is  here  that  we  presume  Bozi-ah 
should  be  sought,  and  not,  as  has  been  lately  sug- 
gested, at  Bostra.  the  Roman  city  in  Bashan,  full 
sixty  miles  from  Heshbon  (Porter's  Damascus,  ii. 
163,  &c.).  On  tlie  other  hand,  Bozrah  stands  by 
itself  in  this  passage  of  Jeremiah,  not  being  men- 
tioned ui  any  of  the  other  lists  of  the  cities  of 
Moab,  e.  g.  Num.  xxxii.;  Josh.  xiii. ;  Is.  xvi.;  Ez. 
XXV.;  and  the  catalogue  of  Jeremiah  is  expressly 
said  to  include  cities  both  "far  and  near"  (xlviii. 
24).  Some  weight  also  is  due  to  the  considei-ation 
of  the  improbability  that  a  town  at  a  later  date  so 
important  and  in  so  excellent  a  situation  should  be 
entirely  omitted  from  the  Scripture.  Still  there  is 
the  fact  of  the  specification  of  its  position  as  in  the 
Mishor;  and  also  this,  that  in  a  country  where  the 
very  kings  were  "  sheep  masters  "  (2  K.  iii.  4),  a 
name  signifying  a  sheep-fold  rrust  have  been  of 
common  occurrence. 

For  the  lioman  Bostra,  the  modem  Rv^ra,  on 
the  south  border  of  the  Unuran,  see  Reland,  p. 
665,  and  Porter,  ii.  cha]).  12.  (i. 

BRACELET  (n"TyVi;« :  ^^ixxwv,  xX'Sciv). 
i  uder  Akxilet  an  account  is  given  of  these  orna^ 
ments,  the  materials  of  which  they  were  generally 
made,  the  manner  in  which  they  were  wom,  <tc. 

BesidM  T  "^7V^?>  tlm*  [four]  otherwords  are  trans- 

ated  by  "bracelet"  in  the  Bible,  namely:  (1.)  T'^V 

[from  IP^,  to  fasten),  Num.  xxxl.  50,  Ac.    (2.) 

TnC*  (a  chain,  fffipd,  from  its  being  wreathed, 

*''1tt'').     It  only  occurs  in  this  sense  in  Is.  iii.  19, 


BRAS» 

but  compare  the  expression  •<  wreathen  uhains  "  Lb 
Ex.  xxviii.  14,  22.  Bracelets  of  fine  twisted  Vene 
tian  gold  are  still  common  in  Egj-pt  (I>ane,  ii.  364 
Append.  A.  and  plates).  (3.)  '"Vl^^',  Gen.  xxxviii. 
18,  25,  rendered  "bracelet,"  but  meaning  prob- 
ably "  a  string  by  which  a  seal-ring  was  suspended  " 
(Gesen.  s.  v.).  [(4.)  T  T,  (r<f,payis,  armiUa,  Ijt. 
XXXV.  22,  which  some  ((Jesenius,  Knobel)  under- 
stand to  denote  a  hmk  or  chsp  for  fastening  tlie 
gamients  of  women,  others  (Kosenmiilkr,  De  Wettc 
Kalisch )  a  nosering.  —  A.] 


Gold  Egyptian  I 


(\Vilkiiison.) 


Men  as  well  as  women  wore  bracelets,  as  -ve  see 
from  Cant.  v.  14,  which  may  be  rendered,  "  His 
wrists  lu-e  circlets  of  gold  full  set  with  topazes." 
I^yard  says  of  the  Assyrian  kings:  "the  arms 
were  encircled  by  armlets,  and  the  wiists  by  bract 


Assyrian  Bracelet  Clasp.     (Nineveh  Marbles.) 

lets,  all  equally  remarkable  for  the  taste  and  l)eauty 
of  the  design  and  workmanship.  In  the  centre  of 
the  bracelets  were  stars  and  rosettes,  which  were 
probably  inlaid  with  precious  stones "  {Nineveh, 
ii.  323).  These  may  he  obsen'ed  on  the  sculptures 
in  the  British  Museum.     [Armlet;  Anki..et.] 

F.  W.  F. 
BRAMBLE.     [Thorns.] 

BRASS  {xa\K6s)-     The  word  ^KPS  (fix)m ' 
the  root  ItHS,  to  shine)  is  improperly  translated  by 

"  brass  "  in  the  earlier  books  of  Scripture,  since  the 
Hebrews  were  not  acquainted  with  the  compound 
of  copper  and  zinc  known  by  that  name.  In  most 
places  of  the  0.  T.  the  correct  translation  would  be 
copper  (although  it  may  sometimes  pos.sibly  mean 
bronze  (xoA/cbs  KfKpajxfvos),  a  compound  of  copier 
and  tin.  Indeed  a  simple  metal  was  ob\iously  in- 
tended, as  we  see  from  Deut.  viii.  9,  "  out  of  who.se 
hills  thou  mayest  dig  brass,"  and  Job  xxviii.  2. 
"Brass  is  molten  out  of  the  stone,"  and  Deut. 
xxxiii.  25,  "Thy  shoes  shall  be  iron  and  brass," 
which  seems  to  be  a  promise  that  Asher  should  have 
a  district  rich  in  mines,  which  we  know  to  have 
been  the  case,  since  Euseb.  (viii.  15,  17  \(le  Mart. 
Pal.  c.  7])  speaks  of  the  (Christians  being  con- 
denmed  rois  Kara  ^aivu  t^s  Tla\ai(TTivris  X"^' 
Kov  fifrdWois  (Ughtfoot,  Cent.  Chwogr.  c.  99). 

[AsHER.] 

Copper  was  known  at  a  very  early  period,  and 
the  invention  of  working  it  is  attributed  to  T\il)al- 
cain  (Gen.  iv.  22;  cf.  Wilkinson,  Anc.  Kgypt.  iii. 
243;  comp.  "Prior  spris  erat  quam  ferri  cognitue 
USU8,"  Lucr.  V.  1292).  Its  extreme  ductility  (;^oA- 
jcbs  from  xa\(£co)  made  its  application  almost  uni- 
versal among  the  ancients,  as  Hesiod  expressly  aavt 
{Diet,  of  Ant.,  art.  Jii\. 


BRAYING 

1  ne  same  word  is  used  for  money,  in  both  Tea- 
Jaments  (Ez.  xvi.  36 ;«  Matt.  x.  9,  (fee.)- 

It  is  often  used  in  metaphors,  e.  y.  Lev.  xxvi.  19, 
■'  I  will  make  your  heaven  as  iron  and  your  earth 
is  brass,"  i.  e.  dead  and  hard.  This  expression  is 
reversed  in  Deut.  xxviii.  23  (comp.  Coleridge's  "  All 
in  a  hot  and  copper  sky,"  &c.,  Atic.  Mar.).  "Is 
my  flesh  of  brass,"  i.  e.  invulnerable.  Job  vi.  12. 
"  They  are  all  brass  and  iron,"  i.  e  base,  ignoble, 
impure,  Jer.  vi.  28.  It  is  often  used  as  an  emblem 
of  strength,  Zech.  vi.  1;  Jer.  i.  18,  &c.  The 
"brazen  thighs"  of  the  mystic  image  in  Nebu- 
chadnezzar's dream  were  a  fit  symbol  of  the  ''Axaioj 
XoAKOx^Tcovej.  No  special  mention  of  orichalcum 
teems  to  be  made  in  the  Bible. 

The  word  xo^^Ko\lfiai>ov  in  Rev.  i.  15,  ii.  18 
{oi  ir6Ses  aurov  '6fioioi  x°''^Ko\tfia.rci>),  has  excited 
much  difference  of  opinion.  The  A.  V.  renders  it 
(•"fine  brass,"  as  though  it  were  from  ^uXkSs  and 
Ixei/So)  (smelting  brass),  or  that  6pflxa\Kos,  which 
'  was  so  rare  as  to  be  more  valuable  than  gold.  Boch- 
art  makes  it  "  ses  album  igneo  colore  spiendens,"  as 

though  from  ]^^,  "shining."  It  wia^ perhaps  be 
deep-colored  frankincense,  as  opposed  to  apyvpoXi- 
$ayov  (Liddell  and  Scott's  Lex.).         F.  W.  F. 

*  BRAYING  IN  A  MORTAR,  Prov. 
xxvii.  22.     [Punishments,  III.  (a.)  4.] 

♦BRAZEN  SEA,  2  K.  xxv.  13;  Jer.  lii.  17. 
[Ska,  Molten.] 

BRAZEN  SERPENT.     [Serpent.] 

BREAD  (□n'2).  The  preparation  of  bread 
as  an  article  of  food  dates  from  a  very  early  period. 
It  must  not,  however,  be  inferred  from  the  use  of 
he  word  leckem  in  Gen.  iii.  19  ("bread,"  A.  V.) 
hat  it  was  known  at  the  time  of  the  fall,  the  word 
here  occurring  in  its  general  sense  oi  food:  the 
earliest  undoubted  instance  of  its  use  is  found  in 

Gen.  xviii.  6.  The  com  or  grain  ("'Z?^.',  P"^) 
employed  was  of  various  sorts.  The  best  bread  was 
uade  of  wheat,  which  after  being  ground  produced 

the  "flour"  or  "meal"  (n^p  :  fiAeupoj/;  Judg. 
vi.  19;  1  Sam.  i.  24;  1  K.  iv.'22,  xvii.   12,  14), 

and  when  sifted  the  "fine  flour"    n"*"^;    more 

fully  C^t^n  r^Zl,  Ex.  xxix.  2;  or  ."iSd  Hap., 
(ien.  xviii.  6;  affxi^aXis)  usually  employed  in  the 
sacred  offerings  (Ex.  xxix.  40;  Lev.  ii.  1;  Ez.  xlvi. 
14),  and  in  the  meals  of  the  wealthy  (1  K.  iv.  22; 
*  K.  vii.  1 ;  Ez.  xvi.  13, 19 ;  Rev.  xviii.  13).  "Bar- 
ley '■  was  used  only  by  the  very  poor  (John  vi.  9, 
13),  or  in  times  of  scarcity  (Ruth  iii.  15,  compared 
with  i.  J;  2  K.  iv.  38,  42;  Rev.  vi.  6;  Joseph. 
B  .J.  V.  10,  §  2):  as  it  was  the  food  of  horses  (1 
K  iv.  28),  it  was  considered  a  symbol  of  what  was 
moan  and  insignificant  (Judg.  vii.  13;  comp.  Jo- 
seiih.  Ant.  v.  6,  §  4,  fid^av  KpiBivr)v,  utt'  ei/reXfias 
avdpdwoii  &PpwTov;  Liv.  xxvii.  13),  as  well  as  of 
what  was  of  a  mere  animal  character,  and  hence 
jpclered  for  the  offering  of  jealousy  (Num.  v.  15 ; 
tomp.   IIos.    iii.    2;    Philo,    ii.    307).       "Spelt" 

v'~'p'??  •  if^vpa,  (4a:  rye,  Jitches,  spelt,  A.  V.) 
waj  also  used  both  in  Egypt  (Ex.  ix.  32)  and  Pal- 
tivae  (Is  jxviii.  25;  Ez.  iv.  9;  1  K.  xix.  6,  LXX. 
^/Kpv<pia.i    oXvpirris).      Herod'^tus  indeed   states 


u  *Traiislat«cl  "filthiness  "  in  Ezek.  xvi.  36  (k.  V.), 
Ulead  of  brap°  or  money  (H"".'  HD,  x<»*«»«^-      H. 


BREAD  828 

(ii.  36)  that  in  the  former  country  bread  was  mad* 
exclusively  of  olyra.  which,  as  in  the  LXX.,  b« 
identifies  with  zea ;  b*it  in  this  he  was  niLstaken, 
as  wheat  was  also  used  (Ex.  ix.  32;  comp.  Wilkin- 
son's Anc.  Egypt,  ii.  397).  Occasionally  the  grains 
above  mentioned  were  mixed,  and  other  ingredients, 
such  as  beans,  lentils,  and  millet,  were  abided  (Ez. 
iv.  9;  cf.  2  Sam.  xvii.  28);  the  bread  so  produced 
is  called  "  barley  cakes "  (Ez.  iv.  12,  "«s  barley 
cakes,"  A.  V.),  inasmuch  as  barley  was  the  mail) 
ingredient.  The  amount  of  meal  required  for  a 
single  baking  was  an  ephah  or  tliree  measures  ((jien. 
xviii.  6;  Judg.  vi.  19;  1  Sam.  i.  24;  Matt.  xiii. 
33),  which  appears  to  have  been  suited  to  the  size 
of  the  ordinary  oven.  The  baking  was  done  in 
primitive  times  by  the  mistress  of  the  house  (Gen. 
xviii.  6)  or  one  of  the  daughters  (2  Sam.  xiii.  8): 
female  servants  were  however  eniplo3ed  in  large 
households  (1  Sam.  viii.  13):  it  appears  always  to 
have  been  the  proper  business  of  women  in  a  family 
(Jer.  vii.  18,  xliv.  19 ;  Matt.  xiii.  33 ;  cf.  Plin.  xviii. 
11,  28).  Baking,  as  a  profession,  was  carried  on  by 
men  (Hos.  vii.  4,  6).  In  Jerusalem  the  bakers  con- 
gregated in  one  quarter  of  the  town,  as  we  may  infer 
from  the  names  "bakers'  sti-eet"  (Jer.  xxxvii.  21), 
and  "tower  of  the  ovens"  (Neb.  iii.  11,  xii.  38, 
"furnaces,"  A.  V.).  In  the  time  of  the  Herods, 
bakers  were  scattered  throughout  the  towns  of  Pal- 
estine (Ant.  XV.  9,  §  2).  As  the  bread  was  made 
in  thin  cakes,  which  soon  became  dry  and  unpal- 
atable, it  was  usual  to  bake  daily,  or  when  required 
(Gen.  xviii.  6;  comp.  Harmer's  Observallons,  i. 
483):  reference  is  perhaps  made  to  this  ui  th« 
IjOrd's  prayer  (iMatt.  vi.  11;  Luke  xi.  3).  The 
bread  taken  by  persons  on  a  journey  (Gen.  xlv.  23; 
Josh.  ix.  12)  was  probably  a  kind  of  biscuit.  The 
process  of  making  bread  was  as  follows :  the  floiur 
was  first  mixed  mth  water,  or  perhaps  milk  (Burck- 
hardt's  Notes  on  the  Bedouins,  i.  58);  it  was  then 

kneaded  (tC^v)  with  the  hands  (in  Egj-pt  with  the 


Egyptians  kneading  dough  with  their  hands.  (Wllklu 
son.  From  a  painting  in  the  Tomb  of  Remesee  in 
at  Thebes.) 

feet  also;  Herod,  ii.  36;  Wilkinson,  ii.  386)  in 
a    small    wooden    bowl    or    "  kneading-trough " 

( rr^Strp,  a  term  which  may,  however,  rather  re- 
fer to  the  leathern  bag  in  which  the  Bedouins  carry 
their  provisions,  and  which  serves  both  as  a  wallet 
and  a  table;  Niebuhr's  Voyage,  i.  171;  Harmer, 
iv.  366  flf. ;  the  LXX.  inclines  to  this  view,  giving 
iyKaTa\eitJ.^Ta,  "store,"  A.  V.,  in  Deut.  xxviii. 
5,  17;  thi  expression  in  Ex.  xii.  34,  however, 
"  bound  up  in  their  clothes,"  favors  the  idea  of  a 

wooden  bowl),  until  it  became  dough  (p^'2 :  o-toTj, 
Ex.  xii.  34,  39;  2  Sam.  xiii.  8;  Jer.  vii.  J8;  Ho» 


324 


BREAD 


BRJSAD 


Egyptiaiis  kneading  the  dough  with  their  feet.  At  a 
and  t  the  dough  is  probably  left  to  ferment  in  a 
basket,  as  is  now  done  at  Cairo.     (Wilkinson.) 

»ii.  4.  The  term  "  dough  "  is  improperly  given  in 
the  A.  V.  as=n'lD"'~ip,  in  Num.  xv.  20,  21; 
Neh.  X.  37;  Ez.  xliv.  30).  \VTien  the  kneading 
was  completed,  leaven  ("'Sti? :  (vfiri)  was  generally 
added  [Leaven]  ;  but  when  the  time  for  prepar- 
vtion  was  short,  it  was  omitted,  and  unleavened 
!akes,  hastily  baked,  were  eaten,  as  is  still  the  prev- 
,lent  custom  among  the  Bedouins  (Gen.  xviii.  6, 
xix.  3;  Ex.  xii.  39;  Judg.  vi.  19;  1  Sam.  xxviii. 

24).  Such  cakes  were  termed  Hlv'^  {i^v/xu, 
LXX.),  a  word  of  doubtful  sense,  variously  sup- 
posed to  convey  the  ideas  of  thinness  (Fiirst.  Lex. 
s.  v.),  sweetness  (Gesen.  Thesaur.  p.  815),  or  j/rirUy 
(Knobel,    Comm.  in  Ex.  xii.   20),  while  leavened 

bread  was  called  V^'^  0^^-  sharpened  or  soured; 
Ex.  xii.  39;  Hos.  vii.  4).  Unleavened  cakes  were 
ordered  to  be  eaten  at  the  passover  to  commemorate 
the  hastiness  of  the  departure  (Ex.  xii.  15,  xiii.  3, 
7;  Deut.  xvi.  3),  as  well  as  on  other  sacred  occa- 
sions (I^v.  ii.  11,  vi.  16;  Num.  vi.  15).  The 
leavened  mass  was  allowed  to  stand  for  some  time 
(Matt.  xiii.  33;  Luke  xiii.  21),  sometimes  for  a 
whole  night  ("  their  baker  sleepeth  all  the  night," 
Hos.  \ii.  6),  exposed  to  a  moderate  heat  in  order  to 
forward  the  fermentation  ("he  ceaseth  from  stir- 
ring" ["l^^iQ:  "raising,"  A.  V.]  the  fire  "until 
it  be  leavened,"  Hos.  vii.  4).     The  dough  was  then 

divided  into  round  cakes  (DH^  ^"^'^'^?r)  ^^• 
circles :  &pToi  •  "  loaves,"  A.  V. ;  Ex.  xxix.  23 ; 
Judg.  viii.  5;  1  Sam.  x.  3;  Prov.  vi.  26;  in  Judg. 

vii.  13,  V^V^ :  fxayls),  not  unlike  flat  stones  in 
ihape  and  appearance  (Matt.  vii.  9;  comp.  iv.  3), 
about  a  span  in  diameter  and  a  finger's  breadth  in 
thickness  (comp.  Lane's  Modern  Kyyptinns,  i.  164). 
Three  of  these  were  required  for  the  meal  of  a 
single  person  (Luke  xi.  5),  and  consequently  one 
was  barely  sufficient  to  sustain  life  (1  Sam.  ii.  36, 
"morsel,"  A.  V.;  Jer.  xxxvii.  21,  "piece,"  A.  V.), 

whence  the  expression  VC^  CPl??  "bread  of 
affliction"  (1  K.  xxii.  27;  b.  xxx.  20),  referring 
not  to  the  quality  ( pane  plebeio,  Grotius),  but  to 
the  quantity ;  two  hundred  would  suffice  for  a  party 
^Mr  a  reasonable  time  (I  Sam.  xxv.  18;  2  Sam. 
wi  X).     The  cakes  were  sometimes  pjinctured,  and 


Two  Egyptians  carrying  bread  to  the  confectiorw.r,  whp 
rolls  out  the  paste,  which  is  afterwards  made  into 
cakes  of  various  forms,  d,  e,/,  g,  A.     (Wilkinson.) 

hence  called  HP  (KoWvpis;  Ex.  xxix.  2,  23; 
Lev.  ii.  4,  viii.  26,  xxiv.  5;  Num.  xv.  20;  2  Sam. 
vi.  19),  and  mixed  with  oil.  Similar  cakes,  spruikled 
with  seeds,  were  made  in  Egypt  (Wilkinson,  ii. 
386).     Sometimes  they  were  rolled  out  into  wafers 


Egyptians  making  cakes  of  bread  sprinkled  with  seeds. 
(Wilkinson.) 

(p''P"1  :  \dyavov;  Fjc.  xxix.  2,  23;  Lev.  ii.  4; 
Num.  vi.  15-19),  and  merely  coated  with  oil.  Oil 
was  occasionally  added  to  the  ordinary  cake  (1  K. 
xvii.  12).  A  more  delicate  kind  of  cake  is  de- 
scribed in  2  Sam.  xiii.  6,  8, 10;  the  dough  ("  flour," 
A.  V.)  is  kneaded  a  second  time,  and  probably  some 
stimulating  seeds  added,  as  seems  to  be  implied  in 

the  name  '"I'^^'^Il?  (from  22^,  heart;  compare 
our  expression  a  coi-dial:  KoWvpiSes-  sorbitiun- 
culce).  -The  cakes  were  now  taken  to  the  oven, 
having  been  first,  according  to  the  practice  in  Egypt, 

gathered  into  "white  baskets"  (Gen.  xl.  16),  ^;. D 

^"^P,  a  doubtful  expression,  referred  by  some  to  the 
whiteness  of  the  bread  (Kaya  xoi'SpiTuV,  Aquil. 
k6<Pivoi  yvptus'  cnnistra  J'arinte),  by  others,  as  in 
the  A.  v.,  to  the  whiteness  of  the  baskets,  and 
again,    by    connecting 

the  word  "''^'r  with  the 
idea  of  a  hole,  to  an 
open-work  baskf  t  (mar- 
gin, A.  v.),  or  liistly  to 
bread  baked  in  a  hole 
(Kitto,  Cyclop.,  art. 
Bread).  The  baskets 
were  placed  on  a  tray 
and  carried  on  the  bak- 
er's head  (Gen.  xl.  16: 
Herod,  ii.  35;  Wilkin- 
son, ii.  386). 

The  methods  of  bak- 
An  Egyptian  carrying  ,»ke«  /—^..■> 

to  the  oven.    (Wilkinson.)    ing  in5^>;  were,  an* 
still  are,   very  varioui 


BREAD 

n  ths  East,  adapted  to  the  ^  uious  styles  of 
dfe.  lu  the  towns,  where  professional  bakers 
■esided,  there  were  no  doubt  fixed  ovens,  in 
ihape  and  size  resembling  those  in  use  amoni; 
ourselves;   but  more  usually  each  household  jxjs- 

Bcssed  a  portable  oven  ("l^2i^  :  K\ifiavos),  consist- 
ing of  a  stone  or  metal  jar  about  three  feet  high, 
which  was  heated  inwardly  with  wood  (1  K.  xvii. 
12;  Is.  xliv.  15;  Jer.  vii.  18)  or  dried  grass  and 
flower-stalks  ix6pros,  Matt.  vi.  30);  when  the  fire 
had  burned  down,  the  cakes  were  applied  either  in- 
wardly (Herod,  ii.  92)  or  outwardly:  such  ovens 
were  used  by  the  Egyptians  (Wilkinson,  ii.  38.5), 
and  by  the  Easterns  of  Jerome's  time  ( Comment. 
in  Lam.  v.  10),  and  are  still  common  among  the 
Bedouins  (Wellsted's  Travels,  i.  350;  Niebuhr's 
Desciipl.  de  I' Arable,  pp.  45,  46).  The  use  of  a 
single  oven  by  several  families  only  took  place  in 
time  of  famine  (Lev.  xxvi.  26).  Another  species 
of  oven  consisted  of  a  hole  dug  in  the  ground,  the 
Bides  of  which  were  coated  with  clay  and  the  bot- 
tom with  pebbles  (Ilanuer,  i.  487).  Jahn  (Ar- 
chcBol.  i.  9,  §  140)  thinks  that  this  oven  is  referred 

to  in  the  term  H^'^^w  (Lev.  xi.  35);  but  the  dual 
number  is  an  objection  to  this  view.  The  term 
^"^n  (Gen.  xl.  16)  has  also  been  referred  to  it. 

Other  modes  of  baking  were  specially  adapted  to 
the  migratory  habits  of  the  pastoral  Jews,  as  of  the 
modem  Bedouins ;  the  cakes  were  either  spread  up- 
on stones,  which  were  previously  heated  by  light- 
ing a  fire  above  them  (Burckliardt's  Notes,  i.  58) 
or  beneath  them  (Belzoni  a  Travels,  p.  84);  or 
they  were  thrown  into  the  heated  embers  of  the 
fire  itself  (Wellsted's  Travels,  i.  350;  Niebuhr, 
Descript.  p.  46);  or  lastly,  they  were  roasted  by 
being  placed  between  layers  of  dung,  which  bums 
slowly,  and  is  therefore  specially  adapted  for  the 
purpose  (Ez.  iv.  12,  15;  Burckhardt's  Notes,  i.  57; 
Niebuhr's  Descnpt.  p.  46).     The  terms  by  which 

such  cakes  were  described  were  'i^'^V  (Gen.  xviii. 
6;  Ex.  xii.  39;  IK.  xvii.  13;  Ez.  iv."l2;  Hos.  vii. 
8),  :iil'p  (1  K.  xvu.  12;  Ps.  xxxv.  16),  or  more 
ftdly  Chp^"1  nS!?  (1   K.   xix.   6,   Ut.   on   the 

ttones,  "coals,"  A.  V.),  the  term  '"'S^'  referring, 
however,  not  to  the  mode  of  baking,  but  to  the 
rounded  shape  of  the  cake  (Gesen.  Thesaur.  p. 
997):  the  equivalent  terms  in  the  LXX.  iyKpv(pias, 
and  in  the  Vulg.  subcinericim  panis,  have  direct 
reference  to  the  peculiar  mode  of  baking.  The 
cakes  required  to  be  carefully  turned  during  the 
process  (Hos.  vii.  8:  Harmer,  i.  488).  Other 
methods  were  used  for  other  kinds  of  bread ;  some 

were  baked  on  a  pan  (  HISi"  p  :  r4\yavov  '•  sartago  : 
the  Greek  term  survives  in  the  tajen  of  the  Be- 
jouins),  the  result  being  simiLir  to  the  khviz  stiU 
eed  among  the  latter  people  (Burckhardt's  Notes, 
58)  or  like  the  Greek  Tayfjv lai,  which  were 
.  iked  in  oil,  and  eaten  warm  with  honey  (Athen. 
tiv.  55,  p.  646);  such  cakes  appear  to  have  been 
chiefly  used  as  sacred  offerings  (I^v.  ii.  5,  vi.  14, 
rii.  9;  1  Chr.  xxiii.  29).  A  similar  cooking  uten- 
lil  was  used  by  Tamar  (2  Sam.  xiii.  9),  named 

17}^^  (.TTjyavop),  in  which  she  baked  the  cakes, 

md  then  emptied  them  out  in  a  heap  ("7^!^,  not 
voured,  as  if  it  had  been  broth)  before  Amnon. 
A.  different  kind  of  bread,  pre  bably  resembling  the 


BRICK  825 

fHta  of  the  Btdouins,  a  pasty  substance  (Burck« 
hardt'a  Notes,  i.  57)  was  prepared  in  a  saucepaa 

nt?'n~172  {ia-^^dpa-  craticida :  frying-pan,  A. 
v.;  none  of  which  meanings  however  correspond 
with  the  etymological  sense  of  the  word,  which  is 
connected  with  boiling) ;  this  was  also  reserved  for 
sacred  offerings  (Lev.  ii.  7,  vii.  9).  As  the  above- 
mentioned  kinds  of  bread  (the  last  excepted)  were 
thin  and  crisp,  the  mode  of  eating  them  was  by 
breaking  (Lev.  ii.  6 ;  Is.  Iviii.  7 ;  Lam.  iv.  4 ;  Matt, 
xiv.  19,  XV.  36,  xxvi.  26;  Acts  xx.  11;  comp.  Xen. 
Anab.  vii.  3,  §  22,   &provs  SieK\a),  whence  the 

term  0"^?,  to  break  =  to  give  bread  (Jer.  xvi. 
7):  the  pieces  broken  for  consumption  were  called 
KKda-fiara  (Matt.  xiv.  20;  John  vl.  12).  Old 
bread  is  described  in  Josh.  ix.  5,  12,  as  crumbled 

(C'7i'v3  :  Aquil.  f\padvpw/ifj/os-  in  frusta  oom- 
minuti;  A.  V.  "mouldy,"  following  the  LXX.  4v- 
puTtuv  Kol  fie$pu/j.4vos),  a  term  which  is  also  ap- 
plied (1  K.  xiv.  3)  to  a  kind  of  biscuit  wliich  easily 
crumbled  {koKKvoIs:  "cracknels,"  A.  V.). 

W.  L.  B. 

BREASTPLATE.  [Akms,  p.  161;  High- 
PRIKST,  I.  (2.)  a.] 

*  BREECHES  (C'P^pri :  -nepiffKeXr,:  f^mr- 
inalia),  a  kind  of  drawers,  extending  only  from  the 
loins  to  the  thighs,  worn  by  the  priests  (Ex.  xxviii. 
42,  xxxix.  28;  Lev.  vi.  10,  xvi.  4;  Ez.  xliv.  18; 
comp.  Joseph.  Ant.  iii.  7,  §  1;  Philo,  De  Monarch. 
lib.  ii.  c.  5,  0pp.  ii.  225  ed.  Mang.).  See  Pkiest, 
Dress.  A. 

BRETHREN  OF  JESUS.    [Brother.] 

BRICK  ("'P? .  ,  made  of  white  clay :  ttAik- 
0OS-  later;  in  Ez.  iv.  1,  A.  V.  tile).  Herodotus 
(i.  179),  describing  the  mode  of  building  the  walls 
of  Babylon,  says  that  the  clay  dug  out  of  the  ditch 
was  made  into  bricks  as  soon  as  it  was  carried  up, 
and  burnt  in  kihis,  Kafxivoiffi-  Tlie  bricks  were 
cemented  with  hot  bitumen  (S(r<^aA.Tos),  and  at 
every  thirtieth  row  crates  of  reeds  were  stuflfed  in. 
This  account  agrees  with  the  history  of  the  build- 
ing of  the  Tower  of  Confusion,  m  which  the  build- 
ers used  brick  instead  of  stone,  and  slime  ("'^H  • 
S(rd)aATOs),  for  mortar  (Gen.  xi.  3;  Joseph.  Ant-  i 
4,  §  3).  In  the  alluvial  plain  of  Assyria,  both  the 
material  for  bricks  and  the  cement,  which  bubbles 
up  from  the  ground,  and  is  collected  and  exported 
by  the  Arabs,  were  close  at  hand  for  building  pur- 
poses, but  the  Babylonian  bricks  were  more  com- 
monly burnt  in  kilns  than  those  used  at  Nineveh, 
which  are  chiefly  8un-<lried  like  the  Egyptian. 
Xenophon  mentions  a  wall  called  the  wall  of  Media, 
not  far  from  Babylon,  made  of  bm-nt  bricks  set  in 
bitumen  {irXivQois  oirToii  iv  oAKpaKrc^  Keififvais) 
20  feet  wide,  and  100  feet  high.  Also  another  waU 
of  brick  50  feet  wide  (Diod.  ii.  7,  8,  12;  Xen. 
Anab.  ii.  4,  §  12,  iii.  4,  §  11;  Nah.  iii.  14;  Layard, 
Nineveh,  ii.  46,  252,  278).  While  it  is  needless  to 
inquire  to  what  place,  or  to  whom  the  actual  inven- 
tion of  brick-makuig  is  to  be  ascribed,  there  is  per- 
haps no  place  in  the  world  more  favorable  for  the 
process,  none  in  which  the  remains  of  original  brick 
structures  have  been  more  largely  used  in  later 
times  for  building  purposes.  The  Babylonian 
bricks  are  usually  from  12  to  13  in.  square,  and 
3i  in.  thick.  (Enghsh  bricks  are  usually  9  in. 
long,  4J  vride,  2^  thick.)  They  most  of  them  beai 
the  name  inscribed  in  cuneiform  character,  of  Neb- 


326 


BRIOK 


achadnezzar,  whose  buUdings,  no  doubt,  replaced 
6ho8e  of  ail  earlier  age  (Layard,  Nin.  and  Bab.  pp. 
505,  531).  They  thus  po.ssess  more  of  the  charac- 
ter of  tiles  (Ez.  iv.  1).  They  were  sometimes 
glazed  and  enamelled  with  patterns  of  various  col- 
ors. Semiramis  is  said  by  Diodorus  to  have  over- 
laid some  of  her  towers  with  surfaces  of  enamelled 
brick  bearing  elaborate  designs  (l)iod.  ii.  8).  En- 
amelled bricks  have  iKsen  found  at  Nimroud  (lay- 
ard, li.  312).  Pliny  (vii.  56)  says  that  the  Baby- 
lonians used  to  record  their  astronomical  observa^ 
tions  on  tiles  (coctilibus  laterculis).  He  also,  as 
well  as  Vitruvius,  describes  the  pixicess  of  making 
bricks  at  Rome.  There  were  three  sizes,  (1.)  li  ft. 
long,  1  ft.  broad;  (2.)  4  (Greek)  palms  long, 
12-135  in.  (3.)  5  palms  long,  15-16875  in.  The 
breadth  of  (2.)  and  (3.)  the  same.     He  sajB  the 


BRICK 

Greeks  preferred  brick  walls  in  general  to  etok-> 
(xxxv.  14;  Vltruv.  ii.  3,  8).  Bricks  of  more  than 
3  palms  length  and  of  less  than  1^  palm,  are  men- 
tionetl  by  the  Talmudists  (Gesen.  s.  v.).  The  Is- 
raelites, in  common  with  other  captives,  were  em- 
ployed by  the  Egyptian  monarchs  in  making  bricks 
and  in  building  (Ex.  i.  14,  v.  7).  Kiln-bricks  were 
not  generally  used  in  Egypt,  but  were  dried  in  the 
sun,  and  even  without  straw  are  as  firm  as  when 
first  put  up  in  the  reigns  of  the  Amimophs  and 
Thothmes  whose  names  they  bear.  The  usual  di- 
mensions vary  from  20  in.  or  17  in.  to  14^^  in. 
long;  8|  in.  to  6i  in.  wide;  and  7  in.  to  4^  in. 
thick.  When  made  of  the  Nile  mud,  or  alluvial 
deposit,  they  required  (as  they  still  require)  straw 
to  prevent  cracking,  but  those  formed  of  clay  taken 
from  the  torrent  beds  on  the  edge  of  the  desert 


Foreign  captives  employed  In  making  bricks  at  Thebes.     (Wilkinson.) 

tigs.  1,  2.  Men  returning  after  carrying  the  bricks.  Figs.  3,  6.  Taskmasters.  Figs.  4,  5.  Men  carrying  brlckf. 
Figs.  9-13.  Digging  and  mixing  the  clay  or  mud.  Figs.  8,  14.  Making  bricks  with  a  wooden  mould,  d,  h. 
Fig.  15.    Fetehing  water  from  the  tank,  k.     At  e  the  bricks  (tobi)  are  said  to  be  made  at  Thebes. 


neld  together  without  straw ;  and  crude  brick  walls 
had  frequently  the  additional  security  of  a  layer  of 
reeds  and  sticks,  placed  at  intervals  to  act  as  bind- 
ers (Wilkinson,  ii.  194,  smaller  ed.;  Birch,  Ancient 
Pottery,  i.  14;  comp.  Her.  i.  179).  Baked  bricks 
liowever  were  used,  chiefly  in  places  in  contact  with 
vater.  They  are  smaller  than  the  sun-dried  bricks 
(Birch,  1.  23).  A  brick-kiln  is  mentioned  as  in 
^jrpt  by  the  prophet  Jeremiah  (xliii.  9).  A  brick 
pyramid  is  mentioned  by  He'^'^lns  (ii.  136)  as  the 
work  of  King  Asychis.  Sesostris  (ii.  138)  is  said 
to  have  emplo}-ed  his  captives  in  building.  Nu- 
nerous  remains  of  buildings  of  various  kinds  exist. 


constructed  of  sun-dried  bricks,  of  which  many  spec- 
imens are  to  be  seen  in  the  British  Museum  with  in- 
scriptions indicating  their  date  and  purpose  (Birch, 
i.  11,  17).  Among  the  paintings  at  'ITielx^,  one 
on  the  tomb  of  Rekshara,  an  officer  of  the  court  of 
Tliothmes  HI.  (alx)ut  1400  b.  c),  represents  the 
enforced  labors  in  brick-making  of  captives,  who 
are  distinguished  from  the  natives  by  the  color  in 
which  they  are  drawn.  Watching  over  the  labor- 
ers are  "task-masters,"  who,  armed  with  sticks 
are  recei\-ing  the  "  tale  of  bricks  "  and  urging  oi 
the  work.  The  processes  of  digging  out  the  clay 
of  moulding,  and  of  arranging,  are  all  dul}  repra 


BRIDE 

aented,  aad  though  the  laborers  cannot  be  deter- 

luuied  to  be  Jews,  yet  the  similanty  of  employment 

illustrates  the  Bible  history  in  a  remar^cable  degree 

(Wilkinson,  ii.  197;   Birch,  i.  19;  see   Aristoph. 

Av.  1133,  Alyinrrioi  itKivdo^dposX  Ex.  v.  17,  18). 

The  Jews  learned  the  art  of  brick-making  in 

Egypt,  and  we  find  the  use  of  the  brick-kiln  in 

David's  time  (2  Sam.  xii.  31),  and  a  complaint 

made  by  Isaiah  that  the  people  built  altars  of  brick 

instead  of  mihewn  stone  as  the  law  directed  (Is.  Ixv. 

3;  Ex.  XX.  25).     [Pottkky.]  H.  W.  P. 

BRIDE,  BRIDEGROOM.     [Makkiage.] 

BRIDGE.     The  only  mention  of  a  bridge  in 

the  Canonical  Scriptures  is  indirectly  iu  the  proper 

name  Geshm*  ( "1^^^ J),  a  district  in  Bashan,  N.  E. 
of  the  sea  of  Galilee.  At  this  place  a  bridge  still 
»xists,  called  the  bridge  of  the  sous  of  .Jacob  "  (Ge- 
sen.  s.  v.).  Absalom  was  the  son  of  a  daughter  of 
the  king  of  Geshur  (2  Sam.  iii.  3,  xiii.  37,  xiv.  23, 
32).  The  Chaldee  paraphrase  renders  "gates,"  in 
Nahum  ii.  6,  "bridges,"  where,  however,  dykes  or 
weirs  are  to  he  understood,  which  being  burst  by 
inundation,  destroyed  the  walls  of  Nineveh  (Diod. 
ii.  27).  Judas  Maccabaeus  is  said  to  have  intended 
to  make  a  bridge  in  order  to  besiege  the  town  of 
Casphor  or  Gaspis,  situate  near  a  lake  (2  Mac.  xii. 
13).  Josephus  {^Ant.  v.  1,  §  3),  speaking  of  the 
Jordan  at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  Israelites, 
says  it  had  never  been  bridged  before,  ovk  e^evKTO 
■Kp6T(pov,  as  if  in  his  own  time  bridges  had  been 
oiade  over  it,  which  under  the  Romans  was  the 
case.     (See  the  notices  below.)     In  Is.  xxxvii.  25, 

"l-lp,  dig  for  water ^  is  rendered  by  LXX.  ye<pvpay 

Permanent  bridges  over  water  do  not  appear  to 
have  been  used  by  the  Israelites  in  their  earlier 
times,  but  we  have  firequent  mention  made  of  fords 
and  of  their  mUitary  importance  (Gen.  xxxii.  22; 
Josh.  ii.  7;  Judg.  iii.  28,  vii.  2-1,  xii.  5;  Is.  xvi. 
2).  West  of  the  Jordan  there  are  few  rivers  of 
importance  (Amm.  Marc.  xiv.  8;  Reland,  p.  284), 
and  perhaps  the  policy  of  the  Jews  may  have  dis- 
couraged intercourse  with  neighboring  tribes,  for  it 
seems  unlikely  that  the  skill  of  Solomon's  architects 
was  unable  to  construct  a  bridge. 

Herodotus  (i.  18G)  describes  a  bridge  consisting 
of  stone  piers,  with  planks  laid  across,  built  by  Ni- 
tocris,  B.  c.  circ.  600,  connecting  the  two  portions 
of  Babylon  (see  Jer.  U.  31,  32,  1.  38),  and  Diodorus 
speaks  of  an  arched  tunnel  under  the  Euphrates 
(ii.  9).  Bridges  of  boats  are  described  also  by 
Herodotus  (iv.  88,  vii.  36;  comp.  /Esch.  Pets.  69, 
KivSSeff/xos  (TxeSfo),  and  by  Xenophon  (Anab.  ii. 
1,  §  12).  A  bridge  over  the  Zab,  made  of  wicker- 
work,  connecting  stone  piers,  is  described  by  Layard 
(i.  192),  a  mode  of  construction  used  also  in  South 
A.merica. 

Though  the  arch  was  known  and  used  in  Egypt 
u  early  as  the  15th  century  b.  c.  (Wilkinson,  ii. 
302  ff..  Birch,  i.  1-i)  the  ILomans  were  the  first 
constructors  of  arched  bridges.  They  made  bridges 
over  the  Jordan  and  other  rivers  of  Syria,  of  whicu 
Kunains  still  exist  (Stanley,  296 ;  Irby  and  Mangles, 


BRIERS 


321 


a  •  This  bridge  spans  the  Jordan,  between  the  Hhleh 
ind  the  lake  of  Galilee,  and  is  caUed  Jisr  BenAt  W- 
M6,  "Bcidire  of  Jacob's  daughters  iKobinson,  Pkys. 
Geogr.  p.  155).  It  is  60  paces  long,  ani  has  4  pointed 
vrches.  Though  comparatively  mo<lern,  it  no  doubt 
.tands  where  a  bridge  stood  in  the  earliest  times,  since 
Bach  of  the  traffic  and  travel  between  Damascus  and 


90,  91,  92,  142,  143).  A  stone  I  ridge  over  the 
Jordan,  called  the  Bridge  of  the  daughters  of  Jatob, 
is  mentioned  by  B.  de  la  Brocquifere,  A.  d.  1432( 
and  a  portion  of  one  by  Arculf,  A.  d.  700  {Early 
Trav.  in  Pal.  8,  300;  Burckhardt,  Syi-ia,  315; 
Robinson,  ii.  441).  The  bridge  {ye(j>vpa)  connect- 
ing the  Temple  with  the  upper  city,  of  which  Jose- 
phus speaks  {B.  J.  vi.  6,  §  2,  Ani.  xv.  11,  5), 
seems  to  have  been  an  arched  viaduct  (Robinson,  i. 
288,  iu.  224).  H.  W.  P. 

BRIERS.*  No  less  than  six  Heb.  words  are 
thus  rendered  in  eleven  passages  of  the  0.  T.  In 
Heb.  vi.  8,  it  represents  &Kavdai.  In  the  8th  chap- 
ter of  Judges  occurs  twice  (v.  7,  16)   the  word 

l2'*P'^"13,  which  the  LXX.  render  by  rats  Bap- 
K7\vifjL  [Vat.  AfiapKtiveifi,  BapaKrjveifj,],  or  [Alex.] 
BapKOfifieiv,  [BapaKrii'eifjL,]  and  the  A.  V.  by 
briers.  This  is  probably  an  incorrect  rendering. 
The  word  properly  means  a  threshuig  m;u;hiiie, 
consistmg  of  a  flat,  square,  wooden  board  set  with 
teeth  of  iron,  flint,  or  fragments  of  iron  pyrites, 
which  are  abundant  in  Palestine.  Gesenius  con- 
jectures that  ]p'12  was  the  name  {or  pyrites,  from 
'!'2'^,fulyuramt;  and  hence  that  ^^p"??  =  tj-ffr- 
ulapyritis  munila=  DTIQ  (see  Robinson,  ii.  307). 

For  p'Un,  Mic.  vii.  4,  and  ^vD,  Ez.  xxviii. 

24,  see  under  Thorns. 

In  Ez.  ii.  6,  we  read  "  Though  briers  and  thorns 

be  with  thee,"  biners  representing  the  Heb.  C"*inO, 
which  is  explained  by  rebels  in  the  margin.     The 

root  is  2^^,  rebellis  vtl  refractanus  fuil,  and  the 
rendering  should  be  "  Thouyh  rebellious  men  like 
thorns  be  with  thee." 

In  Is.  Iv.  13,  we  have  "  instead  of  the  brier  shall 
come  up  the  myrtle-tree,"  the  Heb.  word  for  brier 

being  "T9"'p,  sirpdd:  K6vvCa-  urtica.  KSvvCa 
is  a  strong-smelling  plant  of  the  endive  kind,  Jlea- 
bnne,   Inula  helenium,  Linn.   (Arist.  H.  A.  iv.  8, 

28;  Diosc.  iii.  126).  The  Peshito  has  jjb 
satureia,  savory,  wUd  thyme,  Thymtis  serjnjllum,  a 
plant  growing  in  great  abundance  in  the  desert  of 
Sinai  according  to  Buckhardt  {Syr.  ii.).  Gesenius 
rejects  both  flea- bane  and  wild  thyme  on  etymolog 
ical  grounds,  and  prefers  u~Hca,  nettle,  consider 

ing  ^5"lp  to  be  a  compound  of  ^^O,  utsit,  and 

^DD,  punxit.  He  also  notices  the  opuiion  of 
Ewald  {Gram.  Crit.  p.  520)  that  Sinapi  album, 
the  white  mustard,  is  the  plant  meant. 

In  Is.  V.  6,  we  have  mention  of  briers  and  thorns 
as  springing  up  in  desolated  and  wasted  lands;  ami 

here  the  Hebrew  word  is  "T'ptt'',  from  root  "l^^^j 
riffuit,  hon-uit  [Adamant]  (comp.  Is.  vii.  23,  24, 

25,  ix.  18,  and  xxxii.  13.     In  Is.  x.  17,  xxvii.  4, 

T^^tt^  is  used  metaphorically  for  men.  The 
LXX.  in  several  of  these  passages  have  &KavOa', 
in  one  ■)(6pros,  in  another  &ypa>(TTis  |>j/>ci. 


Palestine  must  always  have   passed  this  way.      See 
Qeshus.  H. 

b  *  The  eminent  Hebraist,  Professor  Dietrich  of 
Marourg,  treats  of  the  subject  of  this  article  under  the 
head  of  liomen-  und  Distelnamen  (pp.  35-68)  in  hi* 
Abhnndlungen  fwr  Semitische  Wortforschun^  (lieipziK, 
1844).  H 


328  BRIGANDINE 

There  ia  nothing  in  the  etymology  or  usage  by 

irhich  we  can  identify  the  "'"'^f '  with  any  partic- 
alar  species  of  prickly  or  thorny  pknt.  Possibly 
it  is  a  general  term  for  the  very  numerous  plants 
of  this  character  which  are  found  in  the  unculti- 
vated lands  of  the  East.  W.  D. 
BRIGANDINE.      The  Hebrew  word   thus 

rendered  in  Jer.  xlvi.  4,  li.  3  (V'^P)  sirym: 
Odipa^t  loi-ica)  is  closely  connected  with  that 
(IT^ntr,  shirydn)  which  is  elsewhere  translated 
"coat  of  mail "  (1  Sam.  xvii.  5,  38),  and  "haber- 
•^eon"  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  14;  Neh.  iv.  16  [10]). 
[Aj«ms,  p.  161  n.]  Mr.  Wedgwood  (Diet,  of  Eng. 
Etyin.  s.  V. )  says  it  "  was  a  kind  of  scale  armor, 
also  called  liriganders,  from  being  worn  by  the 
light  troops  called  Urigands."  The  followmg  ex- 
amples will  illustrate  the  usage  of  the  word  in  Old 
English :  "  The  rest  of  the  armor  for  his  body,  he 
had  put  it  on  before  in  his  tent,  which  was  a  Si- 
cilian cassocke,  and  vpon  that  a  bn(,andine  made 
(rf  many  foldes  of  canuas  with  oylet-holes,  which 
was  gotten  among  the  spoiles  at  the  battell  of 
Issus"  (North's  Plutarch,  Altx.  p.  736,  ed.  1595). 
"Hym  selfe  with  the  Duke  of  Buckyngham  stode 
harnessed  in  olde euil-fauoured  Bric/uiicki-s"  (Hall, 
£dw.  v.,  fol.  15  b,  ed.  1550).  The  forms  bi-Ujavr- 
taille  and  brigantine  also  occur.  W.  A.  W. 

BRIMSTONE  (iT^-lCa,"  yophrith:  BtToV. 
mlphur).  There  can  be  no  question  that  the  He- 
brew word  which  occurs  several  times  in  the  Bible 
is  correctly  rendered  "  brimstone;  "  *  this  meaning 
is  fully  corroborated  by  the  old  versions.  The  word 
is  very  frequently  associated  with  "fire:"  "The 
I^nl  rained  upon  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  brimstone 
and  fire  out  of  heaven"  (Gen.  xix.  24);  see  also 
Ps.  xi.  6 ;  l'3z.  xxxviii.  22.  In  Job  xviii.  15,  and 
Is.  XXX.  33,  "  brimstone "  occurs  alone,  but  no 
doubt  in  a  sense  similar  to  that  in  the  foregoing 
passages,  namely,  as  a  synonymous  expression  with 
lightning,  as  has  been  observed  by  Ix  Clerc  {Dh- 
sert.  c/e  SodoDue  siibverswne,  Commentario  [in] 
Pentateuch,  adjecta,  §  iv.),  Michaelis,  Posenmiiller, 
and  others.^  There  is  a  peculiar  sulphurous  odor 
which  is  occasionally  perceived  to  accompany  a 
thunder-storm ;  the  ancients  draw  particular  atten- 
tion to  it:  see  Pliny  (N.  U.  xxxv.  15),  "  Pulniina 
w.  fulgura  quoque  sulphuris  odorem  habent;  "  Sen- 
eca {Q.  nat.  ii.  53),  and  Persius  {Sat.  ii.  24,  25). 
Hence  the  expression  in  the  Sacred  writings  "  fire 
and  brimstone  "  to  denote  a  storm  of  thunder  and 
lightnuig.  The  stream  of  brimstone  in  Is.  xxx.  33 
is,  no  doubt,  as  I.ee  {Ihb.  Ltx.  p.  123)  has  well 
expressed  it,  "  a  rushing  stream  of  Ughtning." 

From  Deut.  xxix.  23,  "  the  whole  land  thereof 

b  brunstone Uke  the  overthrow  of  So<l- 

om,"  it  would  appear  that  native  sulphur  itself  is 
alluded  to  (see  also  Is.  xxxiv.  9).  Sulphur  is  found 
at  the  present  time  in  diflTerent  parts  of  Palestine, 
but  in  the  greatest  abund.ance  on  the  borders  of 
the  Dead  Sea.     "  We  picked  up  pieces,"  says  Dr. 


«  Probably  allied  to  "125,  a  general  name  for  such 
trees  as  abound  with  resinous  inflammable  exudations  ; 
lenoo  n'*~lC3,  "  sulphur,"  as  being  very  conibus- 
Hbla.     See  tiie  Lexicons  of  Parkburst  and  Oesenlua, 


•.    Of.  tht  Arabic  i,;;^ 


^^.ri-^^ 


,  kUnU. 


BROOK 

Robinson  {Bib.  Res.  ii.  221),  "as  large  aa  a  ««1 
nut  ne;ir  the  northern  sliore,  and  the  Ai-abs  said  11 
was  found  in  the  sea  near  Vim  el-Ftshkhah  in 
lumps  as  large  as  a  man's  fist:  they  find  it  in  suf- 
ficient quantities  to  make  from  it  their  own  gun- 
powder." See  Irby  and  Mangles  ( Trnvtls,  p.  453). 
Burckhardt  {Travels^  p.  394),  who  obsei-ves  thai 
the  Arabs  use  sidphur  in  diseases  of  their  camels, 
and  Shaw  {Travek,i\.  159).  There  are  hot  sul- 
phurous springs  on  the  eastern  coast  at  the  ancient 
Callirrhoe  (Irby  and  Mangles,  Irav.  p.  467,  and 
Robinson,  Bib.  Jits.  ii.  222). 

The  pieces  of  sulphur,  varjing  in  size  from  a  nut- 
meg to  a  small  hen's  egg,  which  travellers  pick  up 
on  the  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea,  have,  in  all  prob*- 
bility,  been  disintegrated  fix)m  the  adjacent  lime- 
stone or  volcanic  rocks  and  washed  up  on  the  shores. 
Sulphur  was  much  used  by  the  (Greeks  and  Komans 
in  their  religious  purifications  (Juv.  ii.  157;  Plin. 
xxxv.  15):  hence  the  Greek  word  6f7ov,  lit.  "the 
divine  thing,"  was  employed  to  express  this  sul>- 
stance.  Sulphur  is  found  nearly  pure  in  difiTerrnt 
parts  of  the  world,  and  generally  in  volcanic  dis- 
tricts ;  it  exists  in  combination  with  metals  and  in 
various  sulphates;  it  is  very  combu.=tible,  and  is 
used  in  the  manufacture  of  gunix)wder,  matches, 
&c.  Pliny  (I.  c.)  says  one  kind  of  sulphur  waa 
employed  "  ad  ellychnia  conficienda."        W.  H. 

*  BRING.  "  To  bring  a  person  on  his  way  " 
or  "journey  "  is  used  in  the  A.  V.  in  the  sense  of 
to  conduct  or  accompany  him,  for  a  pai-t  or  the 
whole  of  the  distance,  often  with  the  associated 
idea  of  fitting  hhu  out  with  the  necessary  supplies 

(n'_tt'':  ffufxirponffiirw,  Trpoirf/xwa):  ileduco,  pras- 
milto;  Gen.  xviii.  16;  Acts  xv.  3,  xxi.  5;  liorn.  xv. 
24;  1  Cor.  xvi.  6;  2  Cor.  i.  16;  Tit.  iii.  13;  3 
John  6).  A. 

*  BROIDER.  See  EMnKoioEKKU.  In 
many  modern  editions  of  the  A.  V.,  brmdered  in 
1  Tim.  ii.  9  —  "  not  with  broidvrtd  hair"  —  is  a 
corruption  of  broidtd,  the  rendering  of  the  ed.  of 
1611  and  other  early  editions.  Broidvl  is  an  old 
form  of  braided,  'i'he  marginal  rendering  ia 
'■'■plaited;  "  Gr.  iv  wKeyfiaaiv;  Vulg.  in  tmtia 
crinibus.  A. 

BROOK.  Four  Hebrew  words  are  thus  ren- 
dered in  the  0.  T. 

L  p"'"  t"'.  aphik  (Ps.  xlii.  1  [2]),  which  properly 
denotes  a  violent  torrent,  sweeping  through  a  moun- 
tain gorge.  It  occurs  only  in  the  poetical  books, 
and  is  derived  fix)m  a  root  uphak,  signifying  "to 
be  strong."  Elsewhere  it  is  rendered  "stream," 
"channel,"  "river." 

2.  '^'^S'',  yeor  (Is.  xix.  6,  7,  8,  xxiii.  3,  10),  nil 
Egyptian  word,  generally  applied  to  tlie  Nile,  or  to 
the  canals  by  which  l^gypt  was  watei-ed.  The  onlj 
exceptions  to  this  usage  are  found  in  Dan.  xii.  6, 
6,7. 

3.  b!3''fi,  mk&l  (2  Sam.  xvii.  20),  which  oc- 
curs but  once,  and  tlien,  according  to  the  n;08t 
probable  conjecture,  signifies  a  "rivulet,"  or  smaQ 
stream  of  water.     The  etymology  of  the  word  ii 


6  From  A.  S.,  brennan,  "  to  bum,"  and  stone. 

c  See  the  different  explanation  of  Hengtteiibcrjr  (P» 
xi.  6),  who  maintains,  contniry  to  all  reason,  th* 
Sodom  and  Gomorrah  were  destroyed  by  "a  litei« 
raininj;  of  brimstone  " 


BROTHER 

iImcuk.       Ine    Targum    enx)neou8ly  renders    It 
'Jordan." 

4.  'H^,  nrtchal,  a  term  applied  both  to  the 
iry  torrent-bed  (Num.  xxi.  12;  Judjr.  xvi.  4)  and 
io  the  torrent  itself  (IK.  xvii.  3).  It  corresponds 
with  the  Arabic  teddy,  tlie  Greek  x^i^f'-^-ppovs,  the 
lUilian  fiumnra,  and  the  Indian  nulliik.  For  fur- 
ther information,  see  Kivkr.  \V.  A.  W. 

BROTHER  ( ■'^: :  iiZi\<p6s)-  The  HeJ.rew 
word  is  used  in  various  senses  in  the  O.  T.,  as  (1.) 
Any  kinsman,  and  not  a  mere  brother ;  <•.  y.  nepliew 
((ien.  xiv.  16,  xiii.  8).  husl>and  (Cant.  iv.  9).  (2.) 
One  of  the  same  tribe  (2  Sam.  xix.  12).  (3.)  Of 
die  same  pcdple  (Ex.  ii.  11),  or  even  of  a  cognate 
pevple  (Num.  xx.  14).  (4.)  An  ally  (Am.  i.  9). 
( J.)  Any  friend  (.Job  vi.  ia^.  (6.)  One  of  the  same 
jtlice  (1  K.  ix.  13).  (7.)  A  fellow  man  (I>ev.  xix. 
17).  (8.)  Jletaphorically  of  any  siniiLu-ity.  It  is  a 
very  favorite  Oriental  metaphor,  as  in  Job  xxx.  29, 
"  I  am  become  a  brother  to  the  jackals  "  (Gesen. 
i.v.). 

The  word  a.'beK<p6s  has  a  similar  range  of  mean- 
uigs  in  the  N.  T.,  and  is  also  used  for  a  disciple 
(.Matt.  XXV.  40,  &c.);  a  fellow- worker,  as  in  St. 
Paul's  h^pp.  passim;  and  especially  a  Christian. 
Indeed,  we  se^  from  the  Acts  that  it  was  by  this 
name  that  Christians  usually  spoke  of  each  other. 
The  name  (Jhristian  was  merely  used  to  describe 
them  objectively,  i.  e.  from  the  Pagan  point  of 
view,  as  we  see  from  the  places  where  it  occurs, 
namely.  Acts  [xi.  2G],  xxvi.  28,  and  1  Pet.  iv. 
16. 

The  Jewish  schools  distinguish  between  "  bro- 
ther" and  "neighl)or;"  "brother"  meant  an  Is- 
raelite by  blood,  "  neighbor  "  a  proselyte.  They 
allowed  neither  title  to  the  Gentiles;  Imt  Christ 
and  the  Apostles  extended  the  name  "  brother  "  to 
all  Christians,  and  "  neighbor  "  to  all  the  world, 
1  Cor.  V.  11;  Luke  x.  29,  30  (Lightfoot,  /for. 
Hebr.  ad  Malt.  v.  22). 

We  must  now  briefly  touch  on  the  difficult  and 
interesting  question  as  to  who  were  "  the  brethren 
of  the  Lord,"  and  pass  in  review  the  theories  re- 
specting them.  And  first  we  would  observe  that  in 
arguing  at  all  against  their  being  the  real  brethren 
of  Jesus,  far  too  much  stress  has  been  laid  on  the 
assumed  indefiniteness  of  meanhig  attached  to  the 
word  "brother"  in  Scripture.  In  all  the  adduced 
cases  it  will  be  seen  that,  when  the  word  is  used  in 
any  but  its  proper  sense,  the  context  prevents  the 
possibility  of  confusion ;  and  indeed  in  the  only  two 
excei»tional  instances  (not  metaphorical),  namely, 
those  in  which  Lot  and  Jacob  are  respectively 
called  "  brothers "  of  Abraham  and  Laban,  the 
word  is  only  extended  so  far  as  to  mean  "  nephew;  " 
and  it  must  be  rememtered  that  even  these  excep- 
tions are  quoted  from  a  single  book,  seventeen  cen- 
turies earlier  than  the  gospels.  If  then  the  word 
'  brethren,"  as  repeatedly  applied  to  James,  &c., 
really  mean  "cousins"  or  "kinsmen,"  it  will  be 
the  mly  instance  of  such  an  application  in  which 
uo  data  are  given  to  correct  the  laxity  of  meaning. 
•Vgain,  no  really  parallel  case  can  be  quoted  from 
he  N.  T.,  except  in  merely  rhetori<ra«  and  tropical 
yassages:  whereas  when  "nephews  are  meant 
they  are  always  specified  as  such,  as  in  Col.  iv.  10 ; 
.A.cts  xxiii  16  (Kitto,  Tlie  Apo,^/lcg,  A?.,  p.  16-5 
I".).    Tliere  is  therefore  no  adequate  wan-ant  in  the 

o  *N(i(  the  primitive  bishop  of  this  name,  of  Hierap- 
'U,  but  a  jKetlijcvaJ  namesake  who  lived  iu  the  11th 


BROTHER 


S29 


language  alone,  to  take  "  brethren  "  as  meaning 
"  relati"es ;  "  and  therefore  the  a  priari  presump 
tion  is  in  favor  of  a  hteral  acceptation  of  the  term. 
We  have  dwelt  the  more  strongly  on  this  point, 
because  it  seems  to  have  been  far  too  easily  assumed 
that  no  importance  is  to  be  attached  to  the  mere 
fact  of  their  being  invm-iably  called  Christ's  breth- 
ren; whereas  this  consideration  alone  g'oes  far  to 
prove  that  they  really  were  so. 

There  are,  however,  three  traditions  respecting 
them.  They  are  first  mentioned  (Matt.  xiii.  56) 
in  a  manner  which  would  certairdy  lead  an  un- 
biased mind  to  conclude  that  they  were  our  Lord's 
uterine  brothers.  "  Is  not  this  the  carijenter's  son  ? 
is  not /«'s  wio^/ier  called  Mary?  and  Itia  hrethren 
James,  and  Joses,  and  Judas,  and  Simon  ?  ajul  his 
sisters,  are  they  not  all  with  us"?  "  I5ut  since  we 
find  that  there  was  a  "  ^lary,  the  mother  of  James 
and  .loses"  (.Matt.  xvii.  56),  and  that  a  "James 
and  Judas  (?)  "  were  sons  of  Alphseus  (Luke  vi.  15, 
16),  the  most  general  tradition  is — I.  That  they 
were  all  oiu-  Lord's  first  cousins,  the  sons  of  Al- 
phaeua  (or  Clopas  —  not  Cleopas,  see  Alford,  Gr. 
Test.  Matt.  x.  3)  and  Mary,  the  sister  of  the  Vir- 
gin. This  tradition  is  accepted  by  Papias,"  Jerome 
{Cat.  Script.  Ecc.  2),  Augustine,  and  the  Latin 
Church  generally,  and  is  now  the  one  most  com- 
monly received.  Yet  there  seem  to  be  overwhelm- 
ing arguments  against  it:  for  (1.)  The  re:isoning 
entirely  depends  on  three  very  doubtful  assumptions, 
namely,  {a.)  That  "his  mother's  sister"  (Jolin  xix. 
25)  must  be  in  apposition  with  "  ^lary,  the  wif« 
of  Cleophas,"  which  would  be  improbable,  if  only  on 
the  ground  that  it  supposes  two  sisters  to  have  had 
the  same  name,  a  supposition  substantiated  by  no 
parallel  cases  [Wieseler  (comp.  Mark  xv.  40)  thinks 
that  Salome,  the  wife  of  Zebedee,  is  intended  by 
"his  mother's  sister"].  (6.)  That  "Mary,  th« 
mother  of  .James,"  was  the  wife  of  Alphajus,  i.  e 
that  the  James  hitended  is  'laKcafios  6  'A\<pa(ov. 
(c.)  That  (,'leophas,  or  more  correctly  Clopas,  whose 
wife  Mary  was,  is  identicjU  with  Alphajus;  which 
may  be  the  case,  although  it  cannot  be  proved. 
(2.)  If  his  cousins  were  meant,  it  would  be  signally 
untrue  tliat  "  neither  did  his  brethren  beheve  on 
him  "  (.lohn  vii.  5  ff.),  for  in  all  probability  three 
out  of  the  four  (namely,  James  the  I^ss,  Matthew  (or 
I>evi),  and  Jude,  the  brother  (?)  of  James)  wcr<J 
actual  Apostles.  We  do  not  see  how  this  objection 
can  be  removed.  (3.)  It  is  quite  unaccountable 
that  these  "  brethren  of  the  Lord,"  if  they  were 
oidy  his  cousins,  should  be  always  mentioned  in 
conjimction  with  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  never  with 
their  own  mother  Mary,  who  was  both  ahve  and  in 
constant  attendance  on  our  Lord.  (4.)  They  are 
generally  spoken  of  as  distinct  from  the  Apostles ; 
see  Acts  i.  14;  1  Cor.  ix.  5;  and  Jude  (17)  seems 
to  clearly  imply  that  he  himself  was  not  an  Apostle. 
It  seems  to  us  that  these  four  olyections  are  quite 
adetjuate  to  set  aside  the  very  slight  grounds  for 
identifying  the  "brethren  of  the  Lord  "  with  the 
"  sons  of  Alphaeus." 

II.  A  second  tradition  accepted  by  Hilary, 
Epiphariius,  and  the  Greek  fathers  generally,  makes 
them  the  sons  of  Joseph  by  a  former  marriage  with 
a  certain  Escha  or  Salome  of  the  tribe  of  Judah ; 
indeed  Epiphanius  (Ilceres.  xxix.  §  4)  even  men- 
tions the  supposed  order  of  birth  of  the  four  sons  and 
two  daughters.    But  Jerome  ( Com.  in  Alatt.  xii.  49 ) 


century.   Prof.  Lightfoot  (on  Galat.  p.  25&1  ha«  pointi>4 
out  this  sUd  of  the  writer.  H. 


330 


BROTHER 


{lights  tl  Js  as  a  mere  conjecture,  borrowed  from  the 
•' deliramenta  Apocryjjhoruni,"  and  Origen  says 
that  it  was  taken  from  the  Gospel  of  St.  Peter. 
The  only  shadow  of  ground  for  its  possibiUty  is  the 
apparent  difference  of  age  between  Joseph  and  the 
Virgin. 

III.  They  are  assumed  to  have  1)een  the  offspring 
•f  a  Icvirate  marriage  between  Joseph  and  the  wife 
of  his  d(H?eased  brother  Clopas.  But  apart  from  all 
evidence,  it  is  obviously  idle  to  examine  so  arbitrary 
an  assumption. 

The  arguments  ngninst  their  being  the  sons  of 
'Jie  Virgin  after  the  birth  of  our  Lord,  are  founded 
on  —  (1.)  The  almost  constant  tradition  of  h«r 
i.(.TapQ(via-  St.  IJasil  (Strm.  de  S.  Kutiv.)  even 
recoras  a  story  that  "  Zechary  was  slain  by  the  Jews 
between  the  porch  and  the  altar  "  for  afBnning  her 
to  be  a  Virgin  after,  as  well  as  before  the  birth  of 
her  most  holy  Son  (.ler.  Taylor,  Duct.  Didnt.  II.  3, 
4 ).  Still  the  tradition  was  mit  universal :  it  was 
denied,  for  instance,  by  large  numbers  called  Anti- 
dicomarianitai  and  I  lelvidiani.  To  quote  liz.  xliv. 
2,  as  any  argumtnl  on  the  question  is  plainly  ab- 
Rurd.  (2.)  On  the  fact  that  on  the  cross  Christ 
commended  his  mother  to  the  care  of  St.  John ; 
but  this  is  easily  explicable  on  the  ground  of  his 
brethren's  apparent  disheUef  in  Him  at  that  time, 
though  tliey  seem  to  have  been  converted  very  soon 
afterwards.  (.3.)  On  the  identity  of  their  names 
with  those  of  the  sons  of  Alphwus.  This  argument 
loses  all  W'cight,  when  we  remember  tlie  constant 
recurrence  of  names  in  Jewish  families,  and  the  ex- 
treme connnonness  of  these  particular  names.  In 
the  N.  T.  alone  there  may  be  at  least  five  contem- 
porary -Jameses,  and  several  Judes,  not  to  mention 
the  21  Simons,  17  Joses,  and  16  Judes  mentioned 
by  Joseplius. 

On  th.e  other  hand,  the  arginnentsybr  their  being 
our  l.«rd's  uterme  brotliei-s  are  numerous,  and, 
i^iken  colkclirclij,  to  an  unprejudiced  mind  almost 
iiTC-bistiWe,  although  singly  they  are  open  to  objec- 
doTis:  e.  g.  (1.)  The  word  TvptarSroKos  vi6s,  l-Mke 
ii.  7.  (2.)  Matt.  i.  2.3,  ovk  eyiycvaKev  aiiTi]v  ecus 
ttl-  ?T«-«-<:f.  K.  T.  A.,  to  which  A Iford  justly  remarks, 
o:;lv  onir.  moaning  could  have  been  attached  but  for 
pr£:»nc(iived  theories  al)out  the  aftirupBevia-  (3.) 
The  general  tone  of  the  gosfjels  on  the  subject, 
Mnce  they  are  constantly  sj^ken  of  teith  the  Virgin 
Mary,  and  with  no  shadow  of  a  hint  that  they  were 
not  her  own  cliildren  (Matt.  xii.  46;  Mai-k  iii.  31, 
&c.).  It  can,  we  think,  hardly  be  denied  that  any 
one  of  tliesc  arguments^is  singly  stronger  than  those 
produced  on  the  other  side. 

To  sum  up  then,  we  have  seen  (T.)  that  "the 
brethren  of  the  Ix)rd  "  could  hardly  have  been  iden- 
tical with  the  sons  of  Alphajus,  and  (II.)  that  we 
have  no  grounds  for  supposing  them  to  have  been 
the  sons  of  Joseph  liy  a  previous,  or  (III.)  a  levi- 
ratc  marriage;  tliat  the  arguments  in  favor  of  their 
l«ing  actual  brothers  of  our  Lord  are  cogent,  and 
that  the  tradition  on  the  other  side  is  not  suffi- 
ciently weighty  or  unanimous  to  set  them  aside. 
Finally,  this  tradition  of  the  perpetual  virginity  of 
Uie  mother  of  our  Lord  (which  any  one  may  hold, 
if  he  wiU,  as  one  of  the  "  pie  credibilia,"  Jer.  Tay- 
lor, Duct.  Dub.  II.  3,  6)  is  easily  accounted  for  by 
•he  general  error  on  the  inferiority  of  the  wedded 
o  the  virgin  state:  Scripture  in  no  way  requires 
us  to  believe  it,  and  since  Mary's  previous  virginity 
18  alo"«  '•'^uisite  to  the  (iospel  narrative,  we  must 
■egard  ll  s-»  a  question  of  mere  curiosity.  [James  ; 
oeEs;   Juuv.'i      (Pearson,   On  the.  Creed,  Art. 


BUKKI 

III.  and  notes;  Kuinoel  and  Alford  on  Matt,  nil 
56;  Lightfoot,  Hm:  Hebi:  Matt.  v.  22,  Ac,  &e.) 

F.  W.  F. 
*  On  this  question  of  "  the  brethren  of  the  Lord,'' 
Dr.  Lange  maintains  the  cousin-theory,  but  with  a 
peculiar  modification.  He  derives  the  cousinship 
not  from  the  mothers  (the  two  Marys  being  sisters), 
but  from  the  fathers  (Clopas  or  Alphajus  and  Joseph 
being  brothers).  See  his  Bibdwerk,  i.  201,  and 
Dr.  Schaff 's  Trnnslaticm,  p.  255.  Professor  light- 
foot  thinks  the  words  on  the  cross,  "  Woman,  be- 
hold thy  son,"  said  of  John  the  Evangelist,  are 
decisive,  as  showing  that  the  mother  of  Jasus  had 
no  sons  of  her  own,  and  hence  according  to  his  view 
"  the  brethren  ''  must  have  lieen  sons  of  Joseph  by 
a  former  iharriage  {St.  Paul's  Kp.  to  the  Galal.,  pp. 
241-275).  Of  these  two  explanations  (the  cousin- 
theory  being  regarded  as  out  of  the  question)  Dr. 
Schaff  (on  Lanye,  pp.  256-260,  where  he  has  a  full 
note)  prefers  the  latter,  partly  as  agreeing  better 
with  the  a{)parent  age  of  Joseph,  the  husband  of 
Mary  (who  disappears  so  early  from  the  historj-). 
and  also  with  the  age  of  the  brothers  who  seem  at 
times  to  have  exercised  a  sort  of  eldership  over 
•lesus  (comp.  Mark  iii.  31  and  John  vii.  3  ff.}. 
Undoubtedly  the  view  adopted  in  tlia  foregoing 
article,  that  Jesus  had  brothers  who  were  the  sons 
of  Mary,  is  the  one  which  an  unforced  exegesif  re- 
quires ;  and,  as  to  the  fact  of  the  Saviour's  com- 
mitting the  mother  in  his  last  moments  to  the  care 
of  John,  which  this  view  is  said  to  make  irrecon- 
concilable  with  "  the  claims  of  filial  piety,"  if  Mary 
had  sons  of  her  own,  it  is  not  easy  in  point  of  prin- 
ciple to  make  out  the  material  difference  (affirmed 
by  those  who  suppose  a  previous  marriage  of  Joseph) 
between  such  claims  of  her  own  sons  and  those  of 
step-sons.  "  The  perpetual  virginity  of  Mary," 
says  the  late  Prof.  Edwards,  "  is  inferred  from  half 
a  verse  (Matt.  i.  25),  wliich  by  natural  implication 
teaches  the  direct  contrary."  This  question  is 
brought  up  again  under  James.  H. 

*  BRUIT,  Jer.  x.  22;  Nah.  iii.  19,  is  used  in 
tlie  sense,  now  obsolete,  of  "  report,"  "  tidings." 
The  A.  V.  in  the  passages  referred  to  follows  the 
Genevan  version.  A. 

BUBAS'TIS.     [PiBESETii.] 

*  BUCKLER.     [.ViiMs,  II.  5;  Shield.] 

BUK'KI  (^"7^  [contracted  for  ^^njivlT ;  see 
infra^:  Bokki\  [Alex.]  BwKoi;  [Vat.  Bwe,  BtojcoiO 
Bocci).  1.  Son  of  Abishua  and  father  of  Uzzi, 
fifth  from  Aaron  in  the  Une  of  tlie  high-priests  in 
1  Chr.  v.  31,  vi.  36  (vi.  5,  51,  A.  V.),  and  hi  the 
genealogy  of  Ezra,  Ezr.  vii.  4,  and  1  Esdr.  \iii.  2, 
where  he  is  called  BokkA,  Boccas,  which  is  cor- 
rupted to  Bounii,  2  ICsdr.  i.  2.  Whether  Bukki 
ever  filled  the  office  of  high-priest,  we  are  not  in- 
formed in  Scripture.  Epiphanius  in  his  list  of  the 
ancestors  of  Jehoiada,  whom  he  fancifully  supposes 
to  be  brother  of  Oijah  the  Tishbite,  omits  botii 
Bukki  and  Abishua  {Advers.  Melchizedic  iii.). 
Josephus  (Ant.  viii.  1,  §  3)  expressly  says  that  all 
of  Aaron's  line  between  Joseph  (Abishua)  the  high- 
priest,  and  Zadok  who  was  made  high-priest  in  the 
reign  of  David,  were  private  persons  (iSia>T(v<rauTfs] 
i.  e.  not  high- priests,  and  mentions  by  name  "  Bukki 
the  son  of  Joseph  the  high-priest,"  as  the  first  of 
those  who  lived  a  private  life,  while  tlie  [wntifical 
dignity  was  in  the  liouse  of  Ithamar.  But  in  v 
1 1,  §  5,  Joseplius  says  as  expressly  that  A  bishua  (ther* 
called  Abiezer)  having  received  the  high-frieethooc 


BUKKIAH 

ftom  Lw  father  Phinehas,  transmitted  it  to  his  own 
loa  Bukk^,  wlio  was  succeeded  by  Uzzi,  after  whom 
it  passed  to  Eli.  We  may  conclude  therefore  that 
Josephus  had  no  more  means  of  knowing  for  certain 
who  were  high-priests  between  Phinehas  and  Eli, 
than  we  have,  and  may  adopt  the  opinion,  which  is 
far  the  most  probable,  that  there  was  no  high-priest 
between  them,  unless  perhaps  Abishua.  For  an 
fvccount  of  the  absurd  fancies  of  the  Jews,  and  the 
statements  of  Christian  writers  relative  to  the  suc- 
cession of  the  high-priests  at  this  period,  see  Sel- 
den,  de  Success,  in  Fontif.  Ilebr. ;  also  (Jenealog. 
nf  our  Lord,  ch.  x.  A.  C.  H. 

2.  (Bajcx^P  IT*t-  -X«'p]'  ^^^-  ^OKKi:  Bocci.) 
Son  of  Jogli,  "  prince  "  (S^tt^I)  )  of  the  tribe  of 
Uan,  one  of  the  ten  men  chosen  to  apportion  the 
land  of  Canaan  between  the  tribes  (Num.  xxxiv.  22). 

BUKKI'AH  (^rPi72  {wasting  from  Jtuo- 
fo/i],  Bukkijahu:  BovKias  [Vat.  -/cei-] ;  Alex.  Bok- 
vioj-,  [KoKKJasO  Bocciau),  a  Kohathite  Invite,  of 
the  sons  of  Heman,  one  of  tlie  musicians  in  the 
Temple,  the  leader  of  the  sixth  band  or  course  in 
the  service  (1  Chr.  xxv.  4,  13). 

BUL.     [Months.] 

BULL,  BULLOCK,  terms  used  synony- 
mously with  ox,  oxen,  in  the  A.  V.  as  the  repre- 
sentatives of  several  Hebrew  words.  [See  Ox.] 
Twice  in  the  N.  1'.  as  the  rendering  of  raupos,  Heb. 
ix.  13,  X.  4. 

~1|^3  is  properly  a  generic  name  for  homed  cat- 
tle when  of  full  age  and  fit  for  the  plough.  Ac- 
iCTdingly  it  is  variously  rendered  bullock  (Is.  Ixv. 
25),  cow  (Ez.  iv.  15),  oxen  (Gen.  xii.  16).     Hence 

in  Deut.  xxi.  3,  "ipS  H  v^V  is  a  heifer ;  Ex. 
xxix.  1,  "^p2")!fj  ~1v],  a  young  bullock;  and  in 

tien.  xviii.  7,  simply  "IJ^S"].?,  rendered  a  calf 
in  A.  Y.  It  is  derived  from  an  unused  root, 
~lf7-2,  to  cleave,  hence  In  plough,  as  in  Latin  ar- 
tnentum  is  aramentum. 

"Tltr  differs  fh)m  "^P^  in  the  same  way  as 
nt?'',  a  sheep,  from  ]S*',  a  flock  of  sheep.  It  is 
a  generic  name,  but  almost  always  signifies  (me 
head  of  homed  cattle,  without  distinction  of  age  or 
wx.     It   is  very  seldom    used  collectively.      The 

Chaldee  form  of  the  word,  ^'\r\,  occurs  in  Ezr.  vi. 
9,  17,  vii.  17;  Dan.  iv.  25,  &c.;  and  Plutarch 
{Sull.  c.  17)  says  0^p  ol  ^oivtKes  r^v  fiovv  kw 
Xovffi.  It  is  probably  the  same  word  as  ravpos, 
Uiurus,  Germ,  sfier,  Engl,  steer.     The  root  "l^ti" 

is  not  used,  but  the  Arab.  \  Lj,  excitavit  pudverem, 
'a  a  very  natural  derivation  of  the  word. 

^517,  n  Vj"y,  a  calf,  male  or  female,  prop- 
•rly  of  the  first  year,  derived,  as  Gesenius  thinks, 
from  an  .iEthiopic  word  signifying  fetus,  embryo, 

millus,  catulus,  while  others  derive  it  from  ^j^, 
Mbit,  rotm-it,  festinavit.  The  word  is  used  of  a 
irained  heifer  (Hos.  x.  11),  of  one  giving  milk  (Is. 
•ii.  21,  22),  of  one  used  in  ploughing  (Judg.  xiv. 
«3),  and  of  one  three  years  old  (Gen  tv.  9).     Al- 


"  The  ''  priDl^ei^  "  are  only  specified  to  seven  tribee 
"6t  of  tte  teu  :  \iot  to  .ludiih,  Simi'on.  or  Benjamin. 


BURIAL  831 

most  synonymous  with  73^  is  ~^2,  the  l;ttter  sig- 
nifying generally  a  young  bull  of  two  years  old, 
though  in  one  instance  (Judg.  vi.  25)  possibly  a 
bull  of  seven  years  old.  It  is  the  customary  terra 
for  bulls  offered  in  sacrifice,  and  hence  is  used  met 
aphorically  in  Hos.  xiv.  2,  "  so  will  we  render,  '  ae 
bullocks,'  our  lips." 

There  are  fbur  or  five  passages  in  which  the  word 
C^piBS  is  used  for  btdls.  It  is  the  plural  of  "T'SS, 
strong,  whence  its  use.  See  Ps.  xxii.  12, 1. 13,  Ixviii 
30;  Is.  xxxiv.  7;  Jer.  1.  11. 

All  the  above  words  refer  to  domesticated  cattle, 
which  formed  of  old,  as  now,  an  imjxjrtant  part  o{ 
the  wealth  of  the  people  of  I'alestine.     In  Is.  ii.  30 

the  word  S^n  occurs,  and  is  rendered  "  wild  bull," 
but  "  wild  ox  "  in  Dcut.  xiv.  5.  The  LXX.  have 
crevrKlov  in  the  former  passage  and  6pvya  in  the 
latter.  It  was  possibly  one  of  the  larger  species  ot 
antelope,  and  took  its  name  from  its  swil'tneso  — 

the  Arabic  -Lj*  being  cursti  anterert.it.  The  An- 
telope Oryx  of  Linnaeus  is  indigenous  in  Syria, 
Arabia,  and  Persia.  Dr.  Robinson  mentions  large 
herds  of  black  and  almost  hairless  buffaloes  as  still 
existing  in  Palestine,  and  these  may  be  the  anim;d 
indicated  (iii.  39G).  W.  D. 

BULRUSH,  used  synonymously  with  Rush  in 
the  A  V.  as  the  rendering  of  the  words  ]1!2!iS* 
ajid  S^^.     In  Is.  ix.  14,  xix.  15,  we  have  the 

proverbial  expression  ^^XS^ST  HG!?,  A.V.  "branch 
and  rush,"  equivalent  to  high  and  low  alike  (the 
LXX.  have  fiejav  KoX  niKp6y  in  one  passage,  apxv» 

Kal  Tf\os  in  the  other),  and  in  Is.  Iviii.  5,  'J'l^jS 
is  rendered  bulrush.  W.  D. 

*  Tlie  remainder  of  this  article  in  the  EngUsh 
edition  is  entirely  superseded  by  the  art.  RiiKi>, 
which  see.  A. 

*  BULRUSHES,  ARK  OF.     [Moses.] 

BU'NAH  (rr^^2  [discretion]:  Bavai;  [V&t. 
Bavaia;  Aid.  Baava,-]  Buna),  a  sou  of  Jerahnieel, 
of  the  family  of  Pharez  in  Judah  (1  Chr.  ii.  25). 

BUN'NI.  1.  ("'23  [built]:  Bmni),  one  of 
the  Levites  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh.  ix.  4); 
possibly  the  same  person  is  mentioned  in  x.  16. 
ITie  LXX.  in  both  cases  translate  the  name  by 
vl6s. 

2.  [FA.3  BouyaX;  Comp.  Bovm-  Boni.]  Another 
Levite,  but  of  earlier  date  than  the  preceding  (Neli 

xi.  15).  The  name,  ''3'2,  is  also  slightly  difTerent 
LXX.  [in  most  MSS.]  omits. 

Bunni  is  said  to  have  been  the  Jewish  name  of 
Nicodemus  (Lightfoot  on  John  iii.  1;  Ewald,  v. 
233). 

*  BURDEN.  The  Hebrew  S"K?n,  rendere.1 
"  burden  "  in  the  A.  V.,  denotes  both  a  burden, 
and  an  oracle  or  prophecy.  This  double  sense  of 
the  word  is  refen'ed  to  in  Jer.  xxiii.  33  fF.  Se* 
Noyes's  note  on  the  passage  ( Trans,  of  the  IlebrttL 
Prophets,  3d  ed.,  1866,  ii.  340).  A. 

BURIAL,  SEPULCHRES,  TOMBS.  The 

Jews  imiformly  disposed  of  the  corpse  by  entomb- 
ment where  possible,  and  failing  that,  by  interment ; 
extending  this  respect  to  the  remains  even  of  th« 


332 


BURIAL 


ilaiii  enemy  aiid  malefactor  (1  K.  xi.  15;  Deut.  xxi. 
23),  in  the  latter  case  by  express  provision  of  law. 
Since  this  was  the  only  case  so  guarded  by  Mosaic 
precept,  it  may  be  concluded  that  natural  feeling 
was  relied  on  as  rendering  any  such  general  injunc- 
tion superfluous.  Similarly,  to  disturb  remains 
was  r^arded  as  a  barbarity,  only  justifiable  in  the 
case  of  those  who  had  themselves  outraged  religion 
(2  K.  xxiii.  16,  17;  Jer.  viii.  1,  2).  The  Habbis 
quote  the  doctrine  "  dust  thou  art,  and  unto  dust 
Bhalt  thou  return,"  as  a  reason  for  preferring  to 
entomb  or  inter  their  dead ;  but  that  preferential 
practice  is  older  than  the  Mosaic  record,  as  traceable 
in  patriarchal  examples,  and  continued  unaltered  by 
any  Gentile  influence;  so  Tacitus  {Hid.  v.  5)  notices 
that  it  was  a  point  of  Jewish  custom,  corpovd  coii- 
<lere  quain  cremare. 

On  this  subject  we  have  to  notice:  (1)  the  place 
of  burial,  its  site  and  shape;  (2)  the  mode  of  burial; 

(3)  the  prevalent  notions  r^ardingthis  duty;  [and 

(4)  the  rapidity  with  which  burial  took  place  after 
death.] 

1.  A  natural  cave  enlarged  and  adapted  by  exca- 
vation, or  an  artificial  imitation  of  one,  was  the 
standard  type  of  sepulchre.  This  was  what  the 
structure  of  the  Jewish  soil  supplied  or  suggested. 
A  distinct  and  simple  form  of  sepulture  as  con- 
trasted with  the  complex  and  elaborate  rites  of 
Egypt  clings  to  the  region  of  Palestine  and  varies 
but  little  with  the  great  social  changes  between  the 
periods  of  Abraham  and  the  Captivity.  Jacob  and 
Joseph,  who  both  died  in  Egypt,  are  the  only  known 
instances  of  the  Egyptian  method  applied  to  patri- 
archal remains.  Sepulclires,  when  the  owTier's 
means  permitted  it,  were  commonly  prepared  before- 
aand,  and  stood  often  in  gardens,  by  roadsides,  or 
even  adjoining  houses.  Kings  and  prophets  alone 
were  probai)ly  buried  within  towns  (1  K.  ii.  10,  xvi. 
6,  28;  2  K.  x.  35,  xiii.  9;  2  Chr.  xvi.  14,  xxviii. 
i57 ;  1  Sam.  xxv.  1,  xxviii.  3).  Sar3,h's  tomb  and 
i-Jaehel's  seem  to  have  been  chosen  merely  from  the 
accident  of  the  place  of  death ;  but  the  successive 
interments  at  the  former  (Gen.  xlix.  31)  are  a 
chronicle  of  the  strong  family  feeling  among  the 
Jews.  It  was  the  sole  fixed  spot  in  the  unsettled 
patriarchal  life;  and  its  purchase  and  transfer,  mi- 
nutely detailed,  are  remarkable  as  the  sole  transac- 
tion of  the  kind,  until  repeated  on  a  «railar  occasion 
>»t  Shechem.  Thus  it  was  deemed  a  misfortune  or 
au  bidignity,  not  only  to  be  deprived  of  burial  (Is. 
xiv.  20;  Jer.  pas9im\;  2  K.  ix.  10),  but,  in  a  lesser 
degrex^,  to  be  excluded  from  the  family  sepulchre 
(I  K.  xiii.  22),  as  were  ITzziah  the  royal  leper,  and 
jManasseh  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  23,  xxxiii.  20).  Thus  the 
remains  of  Saul  and  his  sons  were  reclaimed  to  rest 
in  his  father's  tomb.  Similarly  it  was  a  mark  of  a 
profound  feeling  towards  a  person  not  of  one's  family 
to  wish  tu  be  buried  vrith  him  (Ruth  i.  17 ;  1  K. 
xiii.  31),  or  to  give  him  a  place  in  one's  own 
jepulihre  (Gen,  xxiii.  6;  comp.  2  Chr.  xxiv.  16). 
The  head  of  a  family  commonly  provided  space  for 
more  than  one  generation ;  and  these  galleries  of 
kindred  sepulchres  are  common  in  many  casteni 
^ranches  of  the  human  race.  Cities  soon  became 
•opulous  and  demanded  cemeteries  (comp.  the  term 
roKvdvSpiov,  Ez.  xxxix.  15),  which  were  placed 
irithout  the  waUs;  such  an  one  seems  intended  by 
the  expression  in  2  K.  xxiii.  6,  "  the  grares  of  the 
children  of  the  people,"  situated  in  the  valley  erf  the 
^edron  or  of  Jehoshaphat.  Jeremiah  (vii.  32,  xix. 
U)  threatens  that  the  eastern  valley  «dled  Tophet, 


BURIAL 

the  favorite  haunt  of  idolatry,  should  be  polluted  bj 
biu-jing  there  (comp  2  K.  xxiii.  16).  Such  wai 
also  the  "Potter's  Field"  (Matt,  xxvii.  7),  which 
had  perhaps  been  wrought  by  digging  for  clay  late 
holes  serviceable  for  graves. 

The  Mishnaic  description  of  a  sepulchre,  com- 
plete according  to  Rabbinical  notions,  Ls  somewhat 
as  follows :  a  cavern  about  6  cubits  square,  or  6  by 
8,  from  three  sides  of  which  are  receded  longitud- 
inally several  vaults,  called  D^DTT,  each  large 
enough  for  a  corpse.  On  the  fourth  side  the  cavern 
is  approached  through  a  small  open  covered  court. 

or  portico,  ~1Vn,  of  a  size  to  receive  the  bier  and 
bearers.  In  wme  such  structures  the  demoniac  may 
have  housed.     The  entry  from  this  court  to  that 

cavern  was  closed  by  a  large  stone  called  77TJ, 
as  capable  of  being  rolled,  thus  confirming  the 
Evangelistic  narrative.  Sometimes  several  such 
caverns,  each  with  its  recesses,  were  entered  from 
the  several  sides  of  the  same  portico.  (^lishna,  Bnva 
Bathra,  6,  8,  quoted  by  J.  Nicolaus,  de  Sejmlchrig 
Hebrceorum  [lib.  iii.  c.  xi.] .)  Such  a  tomb  b  that  de- 
scribed in  Buckingham's  Travels  in  Arabia  (p.  158), 
and  those  known  to  tradition  as  the  "  tombs  of  the 
kings"  (see  below).  But  earlier  sepulchres  were 
doubtless  more  simple,  and,  to  judge  from  2  K. 
xiii.  21,  did  not  prevent  mutual  contact  of  remains. 
Sepulchres  were  marked  sometimes  by  pillars,  as 
that  of  Rachel;  or  by  pyTamids,  as  tliose  of  the 
Asmoneans  at  Modin  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  6,  7);  and 
had  places  of  higher  and  tower  honor.  Like  tem- 
ples, they  were,  from  their  assmned  inviolability, 
sometimes  made  the  depositaries  of  treasures  (D« 
Saulcy,  ii.  183).  We  And  them  also  distinguished 
by  a  "title"  (2  K.  xxiii.  17).  Such  as  were  not 
otherwise  noticeable  were  scrupulously  "whited" 
(Matt,  xxiii.  27)  once  a  year,  afta*  the  rains  before 
the  passover,  to  warn  passers  by  of  defilement  (Hot- 
tinger,  Cippi  Hebr.  [Ugolini,  xxxiii.]  p.  1034 ;  Roa- 
teusch  ds  ISepul.  Cuke,  nutal.  Ugolbii,  xxxiii.). 

2.  With  regard  to  the  mode  of  burial,  we  should 
remember  that  our  impressions,  as  derived  from  tlie 
O.  T.,  are  those  of  the  burial  of  persons  of  rank  or 
public  eminence,  whilst  those  gathered  from  the 
N.  T.  regard  a  private  station.  But  in  both  cases 
"the  manner  of  the  Jews"  included  the  use  of 
spices,  where  they  could  command  the  means.  Thus 
Asa  lay  in  a  "  bed  of  spices  *'  (2  Chr.  xvi.  14).  A 
portitm  of  these  were  burnt  in  honor  of  the  de- 
ceased, and  to  this  use  was  probably  destined  part 
of  the  100  pounds  weight  of  "  myrrh  and  akies  "' 
in  our  I-ord's  case.  On  high  state  occasions  the 
vessels,  l)ed,  and  furniture  used  by  the  deceased 
were  burnt  also.  Such  was  probably  the  "great 
burning  "  made  for  Asa.  If  a  king  wi-.ts  unpopular 
or  died  disgraced  (e.  g.  Jehorarii,  2  Chr.  xxi.  19 ; 
Joseph.  Ant.  ix.  5,  §  3),  this  was  not  observed.  In 
no  case,  save  that  of  Saul  and  his  sons,  were  the 
bodies  burned,  nor  in  that  case  were  they  so  burnt 
as  not  to  leave  the  "  bones,"  easily  concealed  and 
transported,  and  the  whole  proceeding  looks  like  a 
hasty  precaution  against  hostile  violence.  Even 
then  the  bones  were  interred,  and  re-exhumed  foi 
solemn  entombment.    The  ambiguous  word  in  Am. 

vi.  10,  V."ip!^,  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "he  that 
biffneth  him"  probably  means  "  the  burner  of  per- 
fumes in  his  honor,"  i.  e.  his  near  relation,  oa 
whom  such  duties  devolved;  not,  as  Winer  (s.  v 
Btyrnben)  and  others  think    "  the  burner  of  tiu 


BURIAL 

lorpae."  "  For  a  great  mortality  never  causes  men 
to  burn  corpses  where  it  is  not  the  custom  of  the 
Bountry ;  nor  did  the  custom  vary  among  the  Jews 
on  such  an  occasion  (Ez.  xxxix.  12-14).  It  was 
the  office  of  the  next  of  kin  to  perform  and  preside 
over  the  whole  funereal  office ;  but  a  company  of 
public  buriers,  originating  in  an  esceptioaaJ  neces- 
sity (Ez.  I.  c),  had  become,  it  seems,  customary  in 
the  times  of  the  N.  T.  (Acts  v.  6,  10).  The  closing 
of  the  eyes,  kissing,  and  washing  the  corpse  (Gen. 
xln.  4,  1.  1;  Acts  ix.  37),  are  customs  common  to 
all  nations.  Coffins  were  but  seldom  used,  and  if 
used  were  open ;  but  fixed  stone  sarcophagi  were 
conmion  in  tombs  of  rank.  The  biei',  the  word  for 
which  in  the  O.  T.  is  the  same  as  that  rendered 
Ijed  [see  Beu],  was  borne  by  the  iiearest  relatives, 
and  followed  by  any  who  wished  to  do  honor  to  the 
dead.  The  grave-clothes  {6d6fia,  ^vrdipia)  were 
probably  of  the  fashion  worn  in  life,  but  swathed 
wid  fastened  with  bandages,  and  the  head  covered 


BURIAL  838 

separately.  Previously  to  this  being  done,  spices 
were  applied  to  the  corpse  in  the  form  cf  ointment, 
or  between  the  folds  of  the  linen ;  hence  our  lord's 
remark,  that  the  woman  had  anointed  his  bod^-, 
Tpos  rh  fyTa<{>id(eiv,  "  with  a  view  to  dressing  it 
in  these  ivrdcpia;"  not,  as  in  A.  V.  "for  the 
bui-ial."  For  the  custom  of  mourners  visiting  the 
sepulchre,  see  Mourning;  for  that  of  frequenting 
tombs  for  other  purposes,  see  Nkckomancy. 

3.  The  precedent  of  Jacob's  and  Joseph's  remains 
being  returned  to  the  land  of  Canaan  was  followed, 
in  wish  at  least,  by  every  pious  Jew.  Following  a 
similar  notion,  some  of  the  Kabbins  taught  that 
only  m  that  land  could  those  who  were  buried  ob 
tain  a  share  in  the  resurrection  which  was  to  usiiei 
in  Messiah's  reign  on  eartli.  Thus  that  land  w&a 
called  by  them,  "  the  land  of  the  living,"  and  the 
sepulchre  itself,  "  the  house  of  the  living."  Some 
even  feigned  that  the  bodies  of  the  righteous,  wher- 
ever else  buried,  rolled  back  to  Canaan  under  ground 


Plan  of  the  Tombs  called  «  Tombs  of  the  Prophets." 


and  foimd  there  only  their  appointed  rest  (J.  Nico- 
laus,  de  Sepulchr.  Heb.  [lib.  iii.  c]  xiii.  1).  Tombs 
were,  in  popular  belief,  led  by  the  same  teaching 
invested  with  traditions.  Thus  Machpelah  is  stated 
(Lightfoot,  CeiUuiia  Choroffraphica,  s.  v.  Hebron) 
to  have  been  the  burial-place  not  only  of  Abraham 
and  Sarah,  but  also  of  Adam  and  Eve;  and  there 
was  probably  at  the  time  of  the  N.  T.  a  spot  fixed 
upon  by  tradition  as  the  site  of  the  tomb  of  every 
prophet  of  note  in  the  0.  T.  To  repair  and  adorn 
these  was  deemed  a  work  of  exalted  piety  (Matt, 
sxiii.  29).  The  scruples  of  the  Scribes  extended 
even  to  the  burial  of  the  ass  whose  neck  was  broken 
(Ex.  xxxiv.  20),  and  of  the  first-born  of  cattle.  (R. 
Maimon.  de  Pnmogen.  ch.  iii.  §  4,  quoted  by  J. 
Nicolaus,  de  Sepidchr.  Heb.  [lib.  iii.  c]  nvi.  1, 3,  4). 
The  neighborhood  of  Jerusalem  is  thickly  studded 
with  tombs,  many  of  them  of  great  antiquity.  A 
luccinct  but  valuable  account  of  them  is  given  in 
Porter's  Handbook  (p.  143  ff.);  out  it  is  on.y  nec- 
essary in  this  article  to  refer  to  two  or  three  of  the 
most  celebrated.      The  so-called  "Tombs  of  the 

«  *  Ur.  Pusey  assigns  good  reasons  for  abiding  by 
«k«  nicrt)  obvious  sense  of  the  expression  in  Am.  vi. 


Prophets  "  will  be  best  explained  by  the  precedinc; 
plan,  taken  from  Porter  (p.  147),  and  of  which  he 
giv&s  the  following  description :  — 

"  Through  a  long  descending  gallery,  the  first 
part  of  which  is  winding,  we  enter  a  circular  chara  ■ 
ber  about  24  ft.  in  diameter  and  10  high,  having 
a  hole  in  its  roof.  From  this  chamber  two  parallel 
galleries,  10  ft.  high  and  5  wide,  are  carried  south- 
wards through  the  rock  for  about  60  ft. ;  a  third  di- 
verges S.  E.,  extending  40  ft.  They  are  connected 
by  two  cross^alleries  in  conrentric  curves,  one  at 
their  extreme  end,  the  other  in  the  middle.  The 
outer  one  is  115  ft.  long  and  has  a  range  of  thirty 
niches  on  the  level  of  its  floor,  radiating  outwards. 
Two  small  chambers,  with  similar  niches,  also  open 
into  it." 

The  celebrated  "  Tombs  of  the  Kings  "  have  re- 
ceived this  name  on  accoimt  of  their  remarkable 
character;  but  they  are  supposed  by  Robinson  and 
Porter  to  be  the  tomb  of  Helena,  the  widowed 
queen  of  Monobazus  king  of  Adiabene.  She  be- 
came a  proselyte  to  Judaism,  and  fixed  her  reai- 


10  (Minor  Prophets,  Part  III.  p.  207). 
Der  Propket  Amos,  p.  396. 


See  also  Baiir 
H 


834  BURIAL 

lenoe  at  Jerusalem,  where  she  relieved  many  of  the 
joor  during  the  famine  predicted  by  Agabus  in  the 
days  of  Claudius  Cfesar  (Acts  xi.  28),  and  built  for 
herself  a  tomb,  as  we  learn  from  Josephus.  (On 
Helena  and  her  tomb  see  Joseph.  Ant.  xx.  2,  §  1 
ff.,  4,  §  3;  fi.  J.  V.  2,  §  2,  4,  §  2;  Pans.  viii.  IG, 
§  5;  Robinson,  i.  3G1  ft;)  Into  the  question  of  the 
origin  of  tliese  tombs  it  is,  however,  unnecessary  to 
pjiter;  but  their  structure  claims  our  attention. 
They  are  excavated  out  of  tlie  rock.  The  traveller 
passes  through  a  low  arched  doorway  into  a  court 


BURIAL 

92  R:  long  by  87  wide.  On  the  western  side  ia  ■ 
vestibule  or  porch  3l>  feet  wide.  The  open  front 
w;is  supiwrted  by  two  columns  in  the  middle. 
Aloug  the  front  extend  a  deep  frieze  and  cornice 
tlij  former  riclily  ornamented.  At  the  southern 
side  of  tlie  vestibule  is  the  entrance  to  the  tomb 
The  first  room  is  a  mere  antechamber  18J  ft.  bj 
19.  On  the  S.  side  are  two  doors  leading  to  othei 
chambers,  and  on  the  W.  one.  These  three  cham- 
bers have  recesses,  running  into  the  walls  at  right 
angles,  and  intended  for  bodies.     (For  further  par 


Plan  of  the  Tombs  called  <•  Tombs  of  the  Kings." 


ticulars  see  I'orter,  from  whose  Handbook  the  pre- 
ceding account  is  taken.) 

The  so-called  "  Tomb  of  Zechariah,"  sjiid  to  have 
been  constructed  in  honor  of  Zechariah,  who  was 
slain  "between  the  temple  and  the  altar"  in  the 
reign  of  Joash  (2  Chr.  xxiv.  21;  Matt,  xxiii.  35), 
is  iield  in  great  veneration  by  the  .lews.  It  is 
doubtful,  however,  whether  it  be  a  tomb  at  all,  and 
the  style  of  architecture  can  scarcely  be  earlier  than 


Front  of  the  Vestibule  of  the  Tonilis  railed  "'Toniba 
of  the  Kings."     (From  Pliotogi-apli.) 

OUT  era.  A  drawing  of  it  is  inserted  here  on  ac- 
count of  its  celebrity.  It  bears  a  considerable 
resemblance  to  the  so-called  tomb  of  Absalom, 
which  is  figured  on  p.  17.  H.  H. 

•  4.  In  eastern  climates  generally,  interment 
takes  place  very  soon  after  the  death  of  a  person. 
This  is  made  necessary  to  some  extent,  on  account 
of  the  rapidity  with  which  decomposition  ensues 
*fler  death  (see  John  xi  39).  llie  Jews  no  doubt 
ouried  with  the  greater  laaste,  because  tliey  were  so 
fearful  of  being  defiled  by  contact  with  a  corpse 


(Num.  xix.  11  fi".).  We  have  a  striking  instance 
of  this  usage  in  the  account  of  Ananias  and  Sap- 
phira,  who  were  borne  to  the  grave  as  soon  as  the 
bodies  could  be  laid  out  and  shrouded  for  that  pur- 
pose (Acts  v.  1  fir.).  The  deaths  in  this  case  were 
extraordinary,  and  possibly  that  fact  may  have  has- 
teneii  the  burial  somewhat ;  though  even  under  or- 
dinary circumstances  a  person  among  tlie  Jews  was 


The  so-called  "  Tomb  of  Zechariah."    (From  Photo- 
graph.) 

commonly  buried  the  same  day  on  which  he  died. 
See  Winer's  liealw.  ii.  16.  Even  among  the  present 
inhabitants  of  Jeru.salem,  says  Tobler  \l>(nkbUUter 
nus  Jeinisrilem,  p.  325,  St.  Gallen,  1853),  umal,  at 
a  genci-al  rule,  is  not  deferred  more  tliai    three  m 


BUKNING 

four  hours.  If  the  death  wcurs  at  evening,  so  that 
there  is  no  time  for  the  funeral  on  the  same  day,  it 
takes  place  tl:e  next  morning  at  the  earliest  b»eak 
of  dawn.  The  body  is  placed  on  a  bier,  and  the 
mourners,  men  and  women,  the  near  relatives  and 
neighbors,  follow  it  to  the  grave  (comp.  Luke  vii. 
12-15).     See  Dmkblatler,  p.  325. 

When  the  body  was  embalmed,  as  among  the 
Egyptians,  the  same  reason  for  a  speedy  burial  did 
not  exist.  Hence  Joseph,  after  the  40  days  spent 
in  the  process  of  embalming  the  body  of  Jacob  his 
father,  waited  30  (or  70)"  days  longer,  before  he 
proceeded  to  Canaan  ia  deposit  the  remains  in  the 
cave  of  Machpelah  (Gen.  1.  1  ft'.).  Oe  Wette  refers 
to  Gen.  xxiii.  2— i  and  xxv.  9,  as  showing  that  the 
ancient  Hebrews  did  not  hasten  burial,  like  the 
later  Hebrews  (Lehrb.  der  liehrdisch-jiid.  Arclidoi- 
Ofji.e,  p.  400,  4te  Aufl.);  but  the  passages  hardly 
warrant  that  conclusion.  Abraliam's  plea,  "  Let  me 
bury  my  dead  out  of  my  sight,"  indicates  at  least 
impatience  of  any  needless  delay.  H. 

*  BURNING.      See   Burial,   2;    I'unish- 

MENTS,  IH.   («.)  3. 

BURNT-OFFERING   (H^V   or   nVli'', 

and  in  poetical  passages  -  /-^i  «■  e.  "perfect": 
dXoKdpiraiffts  (Gen.),  oXoKavrw/xu  (Ex.  and  Lev., 
ifec.),  LXX.;  dKoKuvTWfia,  N.  T.:  Iiobcmcsiuin, 
Vulg.).      The   original    derivation    of    the    word 

TiyV  is  from  the  root  H^^,  "  ascends;  "  and  it  is 
applied  to  the  offering,  which  was  wholly  consumed 
oy  fire  on  the  altar,  and  the  whole  of  which,  except 
the  refuse  ashes,  "  ascended  "  in  the  smoke  to  God. 
It  corresponds  therefore  in  sense,  though  not  exactly 
in  form,  to  the  word  dKoKainwfia,  "  whole  burnt- 
oflering,"  from  which  the  name  of  the  sacrifice  in 
modem  languages  is  taken.  ICvery  sacrifice  was  in 
part  "  a  burnt-ofTering,"  because,  since  fire  was  the 
chosen  manifestation  of  God's  presence,  the  portion 
of  each  sacrifice  especially  dedicated  to  Him  was 
consumed  by  fire.  But  the  term  is  generally  re- 
stricted to  that  which  is  properly  a  "  whole  burnt- 
offering,"  the  whole  of  which  was  so  offered  and 
so  consumed. 

The  burnt-ofTering  is  first  named  in  Gen.  viii. 
•20,  as  offered  aft«r  the  Flood.     (In  iv.  4  we  find 

die  more  general  word  nPDQ  "  oflfering,"  a  word 
usually  applied  to  unbloody  sacrifices,  though  in 
the  LXX.  and  in  Heb.  xi.  4  translated  by  Ouaia.) 
Throughout  the  whole  of  the  book  of  Genesis  (see 
IV.  9,  17,  xxii.  2,  7,  8,  13)  it  appears  to  be  the 
only  sacrifice  referred  to ;  afterwards  it  became  dis- 
tinguished as  one  of  the  regular  classes  of  sacrifice 
under  the  Mosaic  law. 

Now  ail  sacrifices  are  divided  (see  Heb.  v.  1)  uito 
"gifts"  and  " sacrifices-for-sin "  (i.  e.  eucharistic 
and  propitiatory  sacrifices),  and  of  the  former  of 
these  the  burnt-oftering  was  the  choicest  specimen. 
Accordingly  (in  Ps.  xl.  8,  9,  quoted  in  Heb.  x.  5, 
6)  we  have  first  (in  ver.  8)  the  general  opposition, 
as  above,  of  sacrifices  {$vaiai)  (propitiatory),  and 
offerings  {■r70(r<popai),  and  then  (in  ver.  9)  "burnt- 


BURNT-OFFERING 


335 


■"  •  Che  70  days  of  mourning  (Gen.  1.  3)  probably 
Include  the  40  days  of  the  embalming  (Tuch,  GenesLt, 
3.  695),  though  some  make  the  former  additional  to 
the  latter.  H. 

^  It  ife  clear  that  in  this  ceremony  the  bumt-offer- 
ng  touched  closely  on  the  propitiatory  or  sin-offering, 
llthough  the  solemnity  of  the  blood-sprinkling  in  the 
«tter  was  much  £:reater,  and  bad  a  peculiar  sienifi- 


ofiering,"  as  representing  the  one,  is  opposed  to 
"sin-offering,"  as  reprasenting  the  other.  Similarly 
in  Lx.  X.  25  (less  precisely)  "burnt-offering"  is 
contrasted  with  "sacrifice."  (So  in  1  Sam.  xv. 
22;  Ps.  1.  8;  Mark  xii.  33.)  On  the  other  hand, 
it  is  distinguished  from  "  meat-offerings  "  (whlth 
were  unbloody),  and  from  "peace-offerings"  (both 
of  the  eucharistic  kind),  because  only  a  portion  of 
them  were  consumed.  (See  1  K.  iii.  15,  viii.  64, 
&c.) 

The  meaning,  therefore,  of  the  whole  burnt-of- 
fering was  that  which  is  the  original  idea  of  afl 
sacrifice,  the  offering  by  the  sacrificer  of  himself, 
soul  and  body,  to  Gotl,  the  submission  of  his  will 
to  the  Will  of  the  Lord.  See  Ps.  xl.  10,  li.  17, 13, 
and  compare  the  more  general  treatment  of  th» 
subject  under  the  word  Sackifice.  It  typified 
(see  Heb.  v.  1,  3,  7,  8)  our  lord's  offering  (as  es- 
pecially in  the  temptation  and  the  agony),  the  per- 
fect sacrifice  of  his  own  human  will  to  the  Will  of 
his  Father.  As  that  oflering  could  only  be  accepted 
from  one  either  sinless  or  already  purified  from  sin, 
therefore  the  burnt-offering  (see  Ex.  xxix.  36,  37, 
38;  I^v.  viii.  14,  18,  is.  8,  12,  xvi.  3,  5,  Ac.)  was 
always  'preceded  by  a  sin-offering.  So  also  we 
Christians,  because  the  sin-offering  has  been  made 
once  for  all  for  us,  offer  the  continual  burnt-offering 
of  ourselves,  "  as  a'  living  sacrifice,  holy  and  accept- 
able to  the  Lord."     (See  Ilom.  xii.  1.) 

In  accordance  with  tliis  principle  it  was  enacted 
that  with  the  burnt-offering  a  "meat-offering"  (of 
flour  and  oil)  and  "  drink-offering  "  of  wine  should 
be  offered,  as  sb.owing  that,  with  themselves,  men 
dedicated  also  to  God  the  chief  earthly  gifts  with 
which  He  had  blessed  them.  (Lev.  viii.  18,  22. 
26,  ix.  16,  17,  xiv.  20 ;  Ex.  xxix.  40 ;  Num.  xxviii. 
4,  5.) 

The  ceremonial  of  the  burnt-offering  is  given  in 
detail  in  the  book  of  Ijcviticus.  The  animal  was 
to  be  a  male  unblemished,  either  a  young  bullock, 
ram,  or  goat,  or,  in  case  of  poverty,  a  turtle-dove 
or  pigeon.  It  was  to  be  brought  by  the  offerer 
"  of  his  mom  voluntary  will,'^  and  slain  by  himself, 
after  he  had  laid  his  hand  upon  its  head,  to  make 
it  his  own  representative,  on  the  north  side  of  the 
altar.  The  priest  was  then  to  sprinkle  the  blood 
upon  the  altar,*  and  afterwards  to  cut  up  and  burn 
the  whole  victim,  only  reserving  the  skin  for  him- 
self. The  birds  were  to  be  offered  similarly,  but 
not  divided.  (See  Lev.  i.,  vii.  8,  viii.  18-21,  &c.) 
It  will  be  observed  how  all  these  ceremonies  were 
typical  of  the  meaning  described  above,  and  espe- 
cially how  emphatically  the  freedom  of  will  in  the 
sacrificer  is  marked. 

The  burnt-offering  being  thus  the  rite  which 
represented  the  normal  state  and  constant  duty  of 
man,  when  already  in  covenant  with  God,"  was  the 
one  kind  of  sacrifice  regularly  appointed.  Thui 
there  were,  as  jniilic  burnt-offerings  — 

1st.  The  daily  burnt-offering^  a  lamb  of  the  first 
year,  sacrificed  every  morning  and  evening  (with 
an  offering  of  flour  and  wine)  for  the  people  (Ex. 
xxix.  38-42;  Num.  xxviii.  3-8). 


cancb.  It  is,  of  course,  impossible  that  the  forms  of 
sacrifices  should  be  rigidly  separated,  because  the  ideas 
which  they  enshrine,  though  capable  of  distinction, 
are  yet  inseparable  from  one  another. 

c  This  is  remarkably  illu.itnited  by  the  fact  that 
heathens  were  allowed  to  offer  burnt-offorings,  and 
that  Augustus  ordered  two  lambs  and  a  bullock  to  h» 
offered  for  him  every  day  (Joseph.  B.  J.  il.  17.  §  !4V 


336  BUSH 

2dl3'.  Tin-  Siibltiith  bu)-nt~off'crin(/,  double  of  that 
which  was  oflereH  every  day  (Num.  xxviii.  9,  10). 

3dly.  The  ojl'enni/  at  the  new  moon,  at  the  three 
great  festmils,  the  <jreal  Day  of  Atonement,  and 
feast  of  trumpets:  generally  two  bullocks,  a  ram, 
and  seven  lambs.     (See  Num.  xxviii.  11-xxix.  39.) 

Private  bumt-offerin<js  were  appointed  at  the 
consecration  of  priests  (I'jc.  xxix.  15;  I^v.  viii.  18, 
ix.  12),  at  the  purification  of  women  (Lev.  xii.  6, 
8),  at  the  cleansing  of  the  lepers  (Lev.  xiv.  19), 
and  removal  of  other  ceremonial  uncleanness  (xv. 
1.5,  30),  on  any  accidental  breach  of  the  Nazaritic 
\ow,  or  at  its  conclusion  (Num.  vi. ;  comp.  Acts 
xxi.  20),  &c. 

Hut  freeimll  bumt-offennys  were  offered  and  ac- 
cepted by  (lod  on  any  solemn  occasions,  as,  for 
example,  at  the  dedication  of  the  tabernacle  (Nimi. 
vu.)  and  of  the  temple  (1  K.  viii.  64),  when  they 
were  offf  "ed  in  extraordin;iry  abmidance.  But,  ex- 
cept on  such  occasions,  the  nature,  the  extent,  and 
the  place  of  the  sacrifice  were  expressly  hmited  by 
God,  so  that,  while  all  should  be  unblemished  and 
pure,  there  should  be  no  idea  (as  among  the  hea- 
then) of  buying  his  favor  by  costUness  of  sacrifice. 
Of  this  law  Jephthah's  vow  was  a  transgression, 
consistent  with  the  semi-heathenish  character  of  his 
early  days  (see  Jndg.  xi.  30,  35).  The  sacrifice  of 
cows  in  1  Sam.  vi.  14  was  also  a  fonnal  infraction  of 
it,  excused  by  the  probable  ignorance  of  the  people, 
wid  the  special  nature  of  the  occasion.        A.  B. 

BUSH  ("5--"  ««««/'••  $a.Tos--  ruhm).  The 
Hebrew  word  occurs  only  in  tliose  pas.sages  which 
refer  to  Jehovah's  appearance  to  Moses  "in  the 
flame  of  fire  in  the  bush  "  {V.x.  iii.  2,  3,  4;  Deut. 
xxxiii.  16).  The  Greek  word  is  ^aros  both  in  the 
LXX.  and  in  the  N.  T.  (Luke  xx.  37;  Acts  vii. 
35 ;  see  also  Luke  vi.  44,  where  it  is  correctly  ren- 
dered "bramble  bush"  by  the  A.  V.).  Bdros  is 
iLsed  also  to  denote  the  seneh  by  Josephus,  PhUo, 
Clemens,  Eusebius,  and  others  (see  Celsius,  Hierob. 
ii.  58).  Some  versions  adopt  a  more  general  Inter- 
pretation, and  understand  any  kind  of  bush,  as  the 
A.  V.  The  Arabic  in  Acts  vii.  35  has  rhavmus. 
Others  retain  the  Hebrew  word. 

Celsius  {Ilkrob.  ii.  58)  has  argued  in  favor  of 
the  liubus  vulgaris,  i.  e.  R.  fruticosus,  the  bramble 
or  blackberry  bush,  representing  the  seneh,  and  traces 
the  etymology  of  (Mt.)  "Sinai"  to  this  name.'' 
It  is  almost  certain  that  seiieh  is  definitely  used  for 
Bome  particular  bush,  for  the  Hebrew  siach<'  ex- 
presses buslies  generally ;  the  ^dros  and  rtibus  of 
the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  are  used  by  Greek  and  Ro- 
man writers  to  denote  for  the  most  part  the  differ- 
ent kinds  of  brambles  (Rubus),  such  as  the  rasp- 
l)erry  and  the  blackberry  bush;  Celsius's  ophiion, 
therefore,  is  corroborated  by  the  evidence  of  the 
oldest  versions.  Pococke  (Di'scr.  of  the  East,  i. 
215),  however,  objects  to  the  bramble  as  not  grow- 
ing at  all  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Sinai,  and 
proposes  the  hawthorn  bush,  Oxyacantha  Arabica 
(Shaw).''  Etymologically  «  one  would  be  inclmed 
to  refer  the  seneh  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures  to  some 
species  of  senna  plant  {cassia),  though  we  have  no 


«  Probably  ttom  7130  (unused  root)  =  ..».*«,  "  to 
iharfmi." 

b  Prof.  Stanley  (5.  ^  P.  p.  17)  thinks  Sinai  Is  de- 
rived from  Seneh,  "  an  acacia,"  as  being  a  ttiurny  tree. 

4  It  te  UQoertaln  what  Dr.  Shaw  speaks  of;  Dr. 


BUTTER 

direct  eWdence  of  any  cassia  growing  in  the  loi;al 
ities  about  Mount  Sinai,  neither  Decaisne  nor  Bovc 
mentioning  a  senna  bush  amongst  the  plants  of 
this  mountain.  Sprengel  identifies  the  seneh  with 
what  he  terms  the  Rubus  sunctus,f  und  says  it  grows 
abundantly  near  Sinai.  The  monks  of  St.  Cath- 
erine, it  is  well  known,  have  planted  a  bramble  bush 
near  their  chapel,  to  mark  the  spot  and  peri)etuatc 
the  name  of  the  suppo-sed  bush  in  which  God  ap- 
peared to  Moses.  It  is  quile  impossible  tt>  say  what 
kind  of  thonibush  is  intended  by  sineh,  but  Sinai 
is  almost  beyond  the  range  of  the  genus  Rubus. 

W.  H. 

*  The  word  "  bush  "  (fidros,  as  in  Mark  xii.  26; 
denotes  a  section  of  the  Pentateuch.  See  Bible, 
HL  (1).  H. 

BUSHEL.     [Measures.] 

*  BUTLER.     [CUPUE.VREK;  Joseph.] 

BUTTER  (J^^^'Prr,  chem'ah:  fiovrvpov.  bu- 

tyrum),  curdled  milk,  as  distuiguished  from  2^P, 
fresh  milk;  hence,  curds,  butter,  and  in  one  place 
probably  cheese.     It  comes  from  an  unused  root, 

S^n  =  Arab.  L»^;  sjnssuin  fuit  lac.  In  Gen. 
xviii.  8,  butter  ami  milk  are  mentioned  among  the 
things  which  Abraham  set  before  his  heavenly  guests 
(comp.  Judg.  v.  25;  2  Sam.  xvii.  29).  Milk  ia 
generally  offered  to  travellers  in  Palestine  in  a  ciur- 
dled  or  sour  stiite,  "  IMen,'"  thick,  almost  like  but- 
ter (comp.  Josephus's  rendering  in  Judg.  iv.  19 :  — 
ydKa  Ste^dophs  ijSr))-     In  Deut.  xxxii.  14,  we  find 

^i4^  2bn"1_  ~1|73  .~lS!::n  among  the  blessings 
which  Jeshurun  had  enjojed,  where  milk  of  kine 
would  seem  contrasted  with  milk  of  sheep.  The  two 
passages  in  Job  (xx.  17,  xxix.  6)  where  the  word 

nS^n  occurs  are  also  best  satisfied  by  rendering 
it  milk ;  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  Ps.  Iv.  21, 
which  should  be  compared  with  Job  xxix.  6. 
In  Prov.  XXX.  33,  Gesenius  thinks  that  cheese  is 

meant,  the  word  V  ''^  signifying  pressure  rather 
than  churning.     Jarchi  (on  Gen.  xviii.  8)  explains 

nS^Sn  to  be  pinguedo  laciis,  quam  de  ejus  super- 
fide  coUigunt,  i.  e.  cream,  and  Vitringa  and  Hitzig 
give  this  meaning  t«  the  word  in  Is.  vii.  15-22. 
Butter  was  not  in  use  among  the  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans except  for  medicinal  purposes,  but  this  fact  it 
of  no  weight  as  to  its  absence  from  Palestine.  liob- 
inson  mentions  the  use  of  butter  at  the  present  day 
(Bib.  Res.  i.  449),  and  also  the  method  of  churning 
(i.  485,  and  ii.  41.S),  and  from  this  we  may  safely 
infer  that  the  art  of  butter-making  was  knovm  to 
the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  land,  so  little  have 
the  habits  of  the  people  of  Palestine  been  modified 
in  the  lapse  of  centuries.  Burckhardt  ( Travels  in 
Arabia,  i.  52)  mentions  the  different  uses  of  butter 
by  the  Arabs  of  the  Hedjaz.  W.  D. 

*  The  Arabs  of  the  present  day  do  not  make  our 
kind  of  butter,  such  as  we  eat  witli  bread,  but  thi 


Hooker  ttUnks  he  must  mean  the  Oateggus  Aronia 
which  grows  on  Mount  Sinai. 

e  Compare  the  Arabic  IJcau,  "senna,  seu  folia  md 
nse,"  Kam.  (Freytag,  Arab.  Lex.  s   v.). 

f  "  This,"  says  Dr.  Iloolier,  "  Is  a  variety  o«  9« 
bramble,  Rubus  friticosus.^' 


BUZ 


i)  is  butler  to  all  iutents  and  pur- 


poses  —  i.  e.  it  is  the  fatty  particles  of  tbe  milk, 
separated  fiwrn  the  whey  and  the  caseine  by  agita^ 
tion.  When  in  some  of  the  cities  they  make  from 
cold  cream  a  little  of  our  butter  to  supply  the  de- 
mand of  a  few  Frank  families,  they  call  it  zubdeh 

-'  o  » 
( ii  Jo'\ ),  which  really  means  cream,  or  fresh  serrm, 

but  is  applied  to  our  butter  for  the  sake  of  distinc- 
tion. The  semii  is  liquid  during  the  hot  mouths, 
but  gets  quite  hard  in  winter,  and  our  butter  also 
liquefies  in  summer,  so  that  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  make  it  at  all  in  that  season;  and  if  it  were 
made  in  the  hot  sun,  as  the  semn  is,  it  would  be 
quite  as  liquid  as  the  semn.  See  also  Dr.  Thom- 
son's Land  (/  Book,  i.  393.  C.  V.  A.  V. 

BUZ  (T'12,  contempt:  6  Boi5|:  [Btiz]),  the 
second  son  of  Milcah  and  Nahor  (Gen.  xxii.  21). 

The  gentilio  name  is  ^T^2.  and  Elihu  is  called  "  the 
Buzite"' (Bou^Tijs)  of  the  kindred  of  Ram,  i.e. 
Aram,  lilihu  was  therefore  probably  a  descendant 
of  Buz,  whose  family  seems  to  have  settled  in  Ara- 
bia Dfcserta  or  I'etraea,  since  Jeremiah  (xxv.  23 
'Pws),  in  denouncing  God's  judgments  against  them, 
mentions  them  with  Tenia  and  Dedan.  Some 
connect  the  territory  of  Buz  with  Busan,  a  Roman 
fort  mentioned  in  Amm.  Marc,  xviii.  10,  and 
others  with  Basta  in  Arabia  Petraea,  which  how- 
ever has  only  the  first  letter  in  common  with  it 
(Winer,  s.  v.). 
The  jingle  of  the  names  Huz  and  Buss  is  by  no 

means  so  apparent  in  the  Hebrew  (\^*1'^,  T^2);  but 
it  is  quite  in  the  Oriental  taste  to  give  to  relations 
these  rhyming  appellatives;  comp.  Ishua  and  Ishui 
((ien.  xlvi.  17);  Mehujael  and  Methusael  (Gen.  iv. 
18),  Uzziel  and  Uzzi  (1  Chr.  vii.  7):  and  among 
the  Arabians,  Hiiroot  and  Mdroot,  the  rebel  angels, 
Hasan  and  Hoseyn,  the  sons  of  'Alee,  Ac.  The 
Koran  abounds  in  such  homoioleleutct,  and  so  pleas- 
ing are  they  to  tlie  Arabs,  that  they  even  call  Cain 
and  Abel,  Kabil  and  Habil  (Weil's  Bibl.  Legends, 
23;  also  Southey's  Kutes  tu  Thalubu),  or  Habil 
and  Habid  (see  Stanley,  p.  413).  The  same  idiom 
is  found  in  Mahratta  and  the  modern  languages  of 
the  East. 

2.  (BouC;  Alex.  Axi)3ouC;  ITat-  Zaffovxafj.  for 
Bov(  a,Si\cpou'-]  Buz).  A  name  occurring  in  the 
gen^dogies  of  the  tribe  of  Gad  (1  Chr.  v.  l-t). 

F.  W.  F. 

BU'ZI  C't^2,no  article:  Bou^e/:  Buzi),  father 
of  Ezekiel  the  prophet  (Ez.  i.  3).  [The  personal 
name  here  is  gentilic  elsewhere.  As  the  son  was  a 
priest  the  father  must  have  been  so  too.  —  H.] 

BUZ'ITE  (n^2  :  BouCitt/j;  [Vat.  Sin.  -(u-, 
Alex.  Tov  Bou^i:]  Buzites).  A  descendant  of  Buz. 
The  term  is  applied  to  Elihu,  who  was  of  the  km- 
dred  of  Ram  or  Aram  (Job  xxxii.  2,  6). 

W.  A.  W. 

*  BY.  This  preposition,  among  its  other  uses, 
formerly  maant  "against"  (though  never  very  com- 
mon in  that  sense),  and  so  undoubtedly  our  trans- 
lators (taking  if^avTcfi  as  dat.  incomm. )  employed  it 
in  1  Cor.  iv.  4 :  "  For  I  know  nothing  by  (=against) 
myself."  See  Trench  On  the  Authorized  Version 
p.  43  (2d  ed.  1859),  and  Eastwood  and  Wright's 
Bible  Wordr-Book,  p  83.  But  probably  the  Greek 
22 


CADES-BARNE  337 

means  only  "  I  am  conscious  to  myself  of  nothing," 
i.  e.  blameworthy  or  wrong.  That  the  conscious- 
ness is  not  self-condemnatory  lies  in  oi)84y,  no* 
ifiavTcj).  H. 

*  BY  AND  BY  b  used  in  the  A.  V.  in  the 
sense  of  immediately  (Mark  vi.  25,  i^aurijs;  siii 
21,  eiidvs;  Luke  xvii.  7,  xxi.  9,  tveews).         A. 

BYSSUS.     [LuNEN.] 


c 

CAB.     [Mkasurks.] 

CABTiON  Ci'"123  :  Xa0pd;    [Comp.]  Ala. 

XaySySa;  [Aid.  Xa/S/Saj/:]  Chebbon),  a.  tomi  m  tha 
low  country  {Shvftlah)  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  40) 
which  is  only  once  mentioned,  and  of  which  nothing 
has  been  since  discovered.  G. 

CA'BUL  ( ~^23  :  XaifiafjLaa-ofxeK,   including 

the  Hebrew  word  following,  7SX2l2?p :  [Aid.] 
Alex.  Xa^ciK  '•  Cabul),  a  place  named  as  one  of  the 
landmarks  on  the  boundary  of  Asher  (Josh.  xix. 
27).  From  its  mention  in  proximity  to  Jiphthach- 
el  —  afterwards  Jotapata,  and  now  Jefat  —  it  ]» 
probable  that  it  is  the  same  with  that  six)ken  of  by 
Josephus  (  Vit.  §  43,  45)  as  in  the  district  of  Ptole- 
mais,  and  40  stadia  from  Jotapata.  In  this  c;ise 
it  may  fairly  be  considered  as  still  existing  in  the 
modem  Kabul,  which  was  found  by  Dr.  Smith  iind 
by  Robinson  8  or  9  miles  east  of  Akla,  and  about 
the  same  distance  from  Jefat  (Rob.  iii.  87,  88. 
For  references  to  the  Talmuds  see  Schwarz,  p.  192). 
Being  thus  on  the  very  borders  of  Galilee,  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  there  is  some  connection 

between  this  place  and  the  district  (^^2^  \^7''^^ 
"the  land  of  C.")  containing  twenty  cities,  which 
was  presented  by  Solomon  to  Hiram  king  of  Tjtc 
(1  K.  ix.  11-14).  The  LXX.  rendering  of  the 
name,  "Opiov,  appears  to  arise  from  their  having  read 

A'Dl,  Gebool,  "boundary,"  for  ^1J2T.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  explanation  of  Josephus  is  quite  in 
accordance  with  that  hinted  at  in  the  text  —  itse)*" 
thoroughly  in  keeping  with  Oriental  modes  of 
speech.  Hiram,  not  liking  Solomon's  gift,  seizes 
on  the  name  of  one  of  the  cities,  which  in  his  own 
Phoenician  tongue  expresses  his  disappointment 
(Kara  ^ou'i/ccoc  yAuTrav,  ovk  aptcfKov,  Jos.  Ant. 
viii.  5,  §  3),  and  forms  from  it  a  designation  for 
the  whole  district.  The  pun  is  doubtless  a  Phoe- 
nician one,  since  there  is  no  trace  of  it  in  the 
Heorew  beyond  the  explanation  in  ver.  12,  "  they 
pleased  him  not;"  the  Hebrew  words  for  which, 

V3"*r2  ^"Itt*^  S^,  have  no  aflinity  whatever  with 
"  Cabul."  See  however  possible  derivations  of  the 
name  in  the  Onomasticons  of  Simoiiis  (p.  417),  and 
Hiller  (435,  775).  G. 

CAD'DIS  (KaSSis;  [Alex.  Aid.  FaSSis:  Sin. 
roSSejs:]  GaMis),  the  surname  {SiaKaKovfievos) 
of  JoANNAN,  the  eldest  brother  of  Judas  Macca- 
bse'is  (1  Mace.  ii.  2). 

CADES  ([KaS'/js;  Alex.  KrjSej,  KoStjj;  Sm. 
KrjSes,  KeSes:    Cades]),  1  Mace.  xi.  63,  73.    [Kk- 

DJJSH.] 

*  CADESH,  A.  Y.  ed.  1611,  etc.,  Gen.  xvi.  14. 
XX.  1.     [Kadesh.] 

CA'DES-BAR'NE  (K«£»»j5  Bo,  vi  ■  ^uig.  na* 


888  CADMIEL 

liflFerent  reading).  Judith  v.  14.     [Kaiiksh  har- 

NKA.] 

CADTVIIEL  (KMriKos,  [KoS/xiVjA.;  Vat.Ejff- 
Kodo7)\os,  OSafii7)\ ;]  Alex.  KaS/UJTjAos,  [KaSonjA. :] 
Cudiihelj,  1  Esdr.  v.  26,  58.     [Kadmikl.] 

C^'SAR  (KoiO-ap,  also  6  ^eficurrSs  [AuGus- 
rt'sj  in  Acts  xxv.  21,  25),  ahvays  in  the  N.  T.  the 
Ivom  m  emperor,  the  sovereign  of  Judsea  (John  xix. 
15;  Acts  xvii.  7).  It  was  to  him  that  the  Jews 
paid  tribute  (AEatt.  xxii.  17  ft'. ;  I.,uke  xx.  22,  xxiy. 
2);  and  to  him  that  such  Jews  as  were  cices  Jio- 
iHitiii  had  the  ri<;ht  of  appeal  (Acts  xxv.  11  f.,  xxvi. 
•■j2,  xxwii.  19):  in  which  case,  if  their  cause  was  a 
uiiminul  one,  they  were  sent  to  Rome  (x\cts  xxv. 
12,  21, — comp.  Plhiy,  Epp.  x.  97),  where  was 
the  court  of  the  emperor  (Phil.  iv.  22).  The  N.  T. 
history  falls  entirely  within  the  reigns  of  the  five 
fiiNt  Roman  Caesars,  namely,  Augustus,  Tiberius, 
Caligvla,  ( 'laudius,  and  Nero ;  only  the  two  former  of 
whom,  and  Claudius,  are  mentioned  by  name;  but 
Nero  is  the  enifKjror  alluded  to  in  the  Acts  from  ch. 
xxv.  to  the  end,  and  in  Phil.  (/.  c),  and  possibly  in 
the  Apocidypse.  See  further  under  Augustus, 
and  uiiiier  the  names  of  the  several  Csesars  above- 
mentioned.  H.  A. 

*  Ca'sar,  as  a  title  of  the  Roman  emperors,  oc- 
curs about  30  times  in  the  N.  T.  It  is  applied  to 
Augustus  (i.uke  ii.  1),  to  Tiberius  (Luke  iii.  1; 
.lolm  xix.  12,  15),  to  Claudius  (Acts  xvii.  7,  and  if 
the  common  reading  be  correct,  xi.  28),  and  to  Nero 
(Acts  xxv.  S,  xxvi.  32,  &c.).  There  appears  to 
have  been  some  difference  in  the  use  of  the  name 
at  a  later  period.  After  Nero's  time  the  emperor 
was  still  called  both  Augustus  (which  see)  and 
(  a;sar;  but  his  son  or  designated  successor  on  the 
throne  was  also  called  Caesar,  though  properly  the 
title  was  put  after  the  individual's  name,  instead 
of  being  prefixed  to  it,  as  in  the  case  of  the  reign- 
ing Ca;sar.    See  Pauly's  Real- Encycl.  ii.  46.    H. 

*  CESAR'S  HOUSEHOLD.  The  chief 
point  of  interest  here  is  whether  this  expression  re- 
fers to  any  of  the  immediate  relations  of  the  em- 
|)eror,  or  to  some  of  his  servants  and  dependents 
in  the  palace.  Nero  was  on  the  throne  when  Paul 
wrote  to  the  Philippians.  It  has  some  bearing  on 
the  question,  that  Nero  had  no  very  near  kindred 
living  after  he  became  emperor  (Rilliet,  V  Ejntre 
nux  PhiUpp.  p.  342).  It  is  possible,  of  course,  if  he 
had  such,  that  some  of  them  might  have  heard  the 
<iospel  and  have  believed.  History  gives  no  ac- 
count of  any  such  conversions,  and  it  is  altogether 
improbable,  if  they  occurred,  that  the  testimony  to 
this  effect  would  be  wanting.  Meyer  lays  speci;d 
stress  on  this  silence  of  the  oldest  writers.  We  are 
led  therefore  to  seek  for  some  other  explanation  of 
Paul's  language.  It  seems  essential  to  any  coirect 
explanation  that  it  should  recognize  the  apparent 
connection  between  Acts  xxviii.  16,  Phil.  i.  13,  and 
Iv.  22.  (1.)  Soldiers  under  the  general  custody  of 
the  Praetorian  Prefect  (this  is  the  meaning  of  tw 
jTpaToirfSdpxri^  Acts  xxviii.  16,  text.  rec.«)  at- 
tended Paul  while  he  was  a  prisoner,  and  in  the  per- 
rbrmance  of  this  service  would  often  relieve  each 
UK,^^  '4cts).  (2.)  In  the  course  of  time  the 
apostle  would  thus  become  known  as  a  preacher  of 
the  gospel  to  many  of  these  soldiers  (Phil.  i.  13), 
uid  through  them  to  their  comrades  and  acquaint- 


a  *  'JVhether  the  term  is  textually  certain  or  not,  the 
fact  stated  there  is  certain,  and  presupposed  in  Phil.  1. 
18.     See  UAprAJM  of  ths  Ucabd,  Amer.  eil.  II.- 


C^SAREA 

ances.  (3.)  Some  of  the  friends  of  thesv*  ftoidien 
thus  brought  by  them  into  connection  with  Paul 
may  have  been  employed  about  the  palace  of  the 
emperor,  and  so  could  have  been  the  members  of 
"Cresar's  household"  who  sent  greetings  to  the 
church  at  Philippi.  Perhaps  one  step  of  the  com- 
bination may  be  left  out.  The  camp  of  the  Prse- 
torians,  situated  out  of  the  city,  may  have  in- 
cluded also  those  of  their  number,  a  small  division, 
quartered  near  the  palace  in  the  city,  and  who  as 
the  emperor's  body-guard  might  be  said  to  belong 
to  his  "  household."  There  is  no  proof  that  the  im- 
perial residence  itself  was  ever  called  "  prsetorium." 
Paul  may  have  gained  converts  from  these,  as  one 
after  another  of  them  acted  as  sentries  over  him. 
As  the  reason  why  they  in  particiUar  greeted  the 
Christians  at  Philippi,  Neander  suggests  that  they 
may  have  known  .some  of  the  church  theie  who  had 
been  at  Rome,  or  possibly  may  themselves  have  been 
natives  of  that  city.  It  may  be  that  Paul's  "  chiefly  " 
(/xaKiffra,  Phil.  iv.  22),  which  so  emphasizes  the 
greeting  of  "  those  of  Csesai's  household,"'  represents 
the  tone  of  hearty  earnestness  with  which  they  spoke 
up  as  he  was  writuig,  and  asked  him  to  send  also 
their  kiss  of  love  (curiraa-fiSs)  to  these  Philippians 
of  whom  they  had  heard  so  much  from  the  apostle. 
For  this,  the  parties  need  not  have  had  any  per- 
sonal knowledge  of  each  other. 

The  subject  has  been  often  discussed,  with  more 
or  less  divergence  of  views.  For  references,  see 
Biittger's  Btitriige  in  die  Paulin.  Brief'e,  No.  2,  p. 
47  ff. ;  Wieseler,  Chron.  des  ajxist.  Zeitalt.  p.  420  ff., 
p.  457  ff. ;  Schenkel,  Biieft  an  die  A'plieser,  Pliilip- 
per,  &c.,  pp.  119, 162;  Bleek,  Eiid.  in  das  N.  T.  p. 
433;  Meyer,  Exeyet.  Handb.  (Phil.  i.  13,  iv.  21, 
3te  Aufl.);  RiUiet,  VEjAtre  aux  Pliilip/neng,  p. 
129;  Lightfoot  in  Joum.  of  Class,  and  ISdcr. 
PhiM.  (March,  1857);  Conybeare  and  Howson's 
Life  and  Epistles  of  Paid,  ii.  448,  553,  Amer.  ed.; 
and  Wordsworth,  Ureek  Test,  with  Notes,  iii.  337, 
Ist  ed.  II. 

C-^SARE'A  {Kaiadpeia,  Acts  viii.  40,  ix.  3U, 
X.  1,  24,  xi.  11,  xii.  19,  xviii.  22,  xxi.  8,  16;  xxiii. 
23,  33;  X.XV.  1,  4,  6,  13).  The  passages  just  enu- 
merated show  how  inifwrtant  a  place  this  city  occu- 
pies in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  It  was  the  res'- 
dence,  apparently  for  several  years,  of  Philip,  one  t  f 
the  seven  deacons  or  ahnoners  (viii.  40,  xxi.  8,  16), 
and  the  scene  of  the  conversion  of  the  Italian  cen- 
turion, ComeHus  (x.  1,  24,  xi.  11).  Here  Herod 
.\grippa  I.  died  (xii.  19).  I'rom  hence  St.  Paul 
sailed  to  Tarsus,  when  forced  to  leave  .Jerusalem  on 
his  return  from  Damascus  (ix.  30),  and  at  this  port 
he  landed  after  his  second  missionary  journey  (xviii. 
22).  He  also  spent  some  time  at  Csesarea  on  his 
return  from  the  third  missionary  journey  (xxi.  8, 
16),  and  before  long  was  brought  back  a  prisorer  to 
the  same  place  (xxiii.  23,  33),  where  he  remained 
two  years  in  bonds  before  his  voyage  to  Italy  (xxt. 
1,  4,  6,  13). 

Caesarea  was  situated  on  the  coast  of  Palestine, 
on  the  hue  of  the  great  road  from  Tyie  to  Egypt, 
and  about  half  way  between  Joppa  and  Dora  (Jo- 
seph. B.  J.  i.  21,  §  5).  The  journey  of  St.  Peter 
from  Joppa  (Acts  x.  24)  occupied  rather  more  than 
a  day.  On  the  other  hand  St.  Paul's  journey  from 
Ptolemais  (Acts  xxi.  8 )  was  accompUshed  within  th« 
day.  The  distance  from  Jerusalem  was  about  Ii 
miles;  Josephus  states  it  in  round  numbers  as  60C 
stadia  {Ant.  xiii.  11,  §  2;  B.  J.  i.  3,  §  5).  Th» 
Jenisalem  Itinerary  gives  68  miles  (  Wesselinff,  p. 


«? 


C^SAREA 

800.  Dr.  Robinson  thinks  this  ought  to  be  78: 
Bib.  Res.  ii.  242,  note).  It  has  been  ascertained, 
however,  that  there  was  a  shorter  road  by  Andpatris 
than  that  which  is  given  in  the  Itinerary,  —  a  point 
of  some  importance  in  reference  to  the  night-journey 
of  Acts  xxiii.     [Am'U'ATKis.] 

In  Strabo's  time  there  was  on  this  point  of  the 
coast  merely  a  town  call'jd  "  Strato's  tower,"  with  a 
landing-place  {irpSaopaov  ex""")'  whereas,  in  the 
time  of  Tacitus,  Casarea  is  spoken  of  as  being  the 


C^SAREA  PHILIPPI 


339 


head  of  Judaea  ("  JudiTja;  caput,"  Tac.  Hist.  ii.  79). 
It  was  in  this  interval  that  the  city  was  built  by 
Herod  the  Great.  The  work  was  in  fact  accom- 
pUsbed  in  ten  years.  The  utmost  care  and  expense 
were  lavished  on  the  building  of  Caesarea.  It  was 
ii  proud  monument  of  the  reign  of  Herod,  who 
named  it  in  honor  of  the  Emperor  Augustus.  The 
full  name  was  Kaicroipeia  26/3a«rT7?  (Joseph.  Ant. 
xvi.  5,  §  1).  It  wa.s  sometimes  called  Cajsarea  Stra- 
tonis,  and  Caesarea  Palsestinae ;  sometim&s  also  (from 


CnsarM.     (From  a  Sketch  by  Wm.  Tipping,  Esq.) 


its  position)  irapdXtos  (Joseph.  B.  J.  iii.  9,  §  1),  or 
7)  (ttI  OaKixTTr]  {id.  vii.  1,  §  3).  It  must  be  care- 
fiilly  distinguished  from  C/ESAkea  Philippi. 

The  magnificence  of  Caesarea  is  described  in  de- 
tail by  Josephus  in  two  places  {Ant.  xv.  9 ;  B.  J.  i. 
21).  The  chief  features  were  connected  with  the 
harbor  (itself  called  '^e^aarhs  Kt/X7}i>  on  coins,  and 
by  Josephus,  Ant.  xvii.  5,  §  1),  which  was  equal  in 
size  to  the  Piraeus.  A  vast  breakwater,  composed 
of  stones  50  feet  long,  curved  round  so  as  to  afford 
complete  protection  from  the  south-westerly  winds, 
leaving  an  opening  only  on  the  north.  Broad  land- 
ing-wharves surrounded  the  harbor;  and  conspicu- 
ous from  the  sea  was  a  temple,  dedicated  to  Caesar 
and  to  Rome,  and  containing  colossal  statues  of  the 
Kmperor  a^d  the  Imperial  City.  Caesarea  contained 
also  an  amphitheatre  and  a  tlieatre.  The  latter  was 
the  scene  of  the  death  of  Herod  Agrippa  I.  Caesarea 
was  the  official  residence  of  the  Herodian  kings,  and 
of  Festus,  i'elix,  and  the  other  Roman  procurators 
of  Judaea.  Here  also  were  the  head-quarters  of  the 
military  forces  of  the  proviuoe.  It  .vas  by  no  means 
strictly  a  Jewish  city.  The  Gentile  population  pre- 
dominated: and  at  the  synagogue-worship  the 
Scriptures  of  the  0.  T.  were  read  in  Greek.  Con- 
stant feuds  took  place  here  between  the  .Jews  and 
Greeks;  and  an  outbreak  of  this  kind  was  one  of 
the  lirst  incidents  of  the  great  war.  It  was  at  Caes- 
•n*  that  Vespasian  was  declared  emperor,      lie 


made  it  a  Roman  colony,  called  it  by  his  name,  aiy 
gave  to  it  the  Jus  Italicum.  The  history  of  th< 
place,  during  the  time  of  its  greatest  eminence,  k 
summed  up  in  one  sentence  by  Pliny  :  —  "  Strato 
nis  turris,  eadem  Caesarea,  ab  Herode  rege  condita' 
nunc  Colonia  prima  Flavia,  a  Vespasiano  Imperatort 
deducta"  (v.  14). 

To  the  Biblical  geographer  Caesarea  is  interestiiM 
as  the  home  of  Eusebius.  It  was  also  the  scene  of 
some  of  Origen's  labors  and  the  birth-place  of  Pro 
copius.  It  continued  to  be  a  city  of  some  impor- 
tance even  in  the  time  of  the  Crusades.  Now,  thougt 
an  Arabic  corruption  of  the  name  still  Ungers  on 
the  site  {Kaisariyeh),  it  is  utterly  desolate;  and 
its  ruins  have  for  a  long  period  been  a  quarry,  from 
which  other  towns  in  this  part  of  Syria  have  been 
built.  (See  Buckingham's  Travels  and  the  Ap- 
pendix to  vol.  i.  of  Dr.  Traill's  Josephus.)  J.  S.  H 

C^SARE'A  PHILIP'PI  {Kaiadp^ia  f,  *. 
\i;r7roii)  is  mentioned  only  in  the  two  first  Gospels 
(Matt.  xvi.  13;  Mark  viii.  27)  and  in  accounts  of 
the  same  transactions.  The  story  in  Eusebius,  that 
ine  woman  healed  of  the  issue  of  blood,  and  supposed 
to  have  been  named  Berenice,  lived  at  this  place, 
rests  on  no  foundation. 

Caesarea  Philippi  was  the  northernmost  point  of 
our  Lord's  journeyings;  and  the  passage  in  His 
life,  which  was  coimected  with  the  place,  was  other- 


340 


O^SAREA  PHILIPPI 


wist)  a  very  marked  one.  (Sec  Stanley's  Sinai  ^ 
P.xicjtMe,  p.  391.)  The  place  itself  too  is  remark- 
able ill  its  physical  and  picturesque  characteristics, 
uid  also  in  its  liistoricaJ  associations.  It  was  at 
the  ea-stenimost  and  most  important  of  the  two  rec- 
ognized sources  of  the  Jordan,  the  other  being  at 
TtU  f^LKadi  (Dan  or  Laish,  which  by  Winer 
and  others  has  been  erroneously  identified  with  Cees. 
Philippi).  Not  that  either  of  these  sources  is  the 
most  distant  fountain-head  of  the  Jordan,  the  name 
of  the  river  being  gi\en  (as  in  the  case  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi and  Missouri,  to  quote  Dr.  Robinson's  il- 
lustration), not  to  the  most  remote  fountains,  but 
the  most  copious.  The  spring  rises,  and  the  city 
Was  built,  on  a  limestone  terrace  in  a  valley  at 
the  base  of  Mount  Hemion.  Ca;sarea  Philippi 
ha3  iio  0.  T.  history,  though  it  has  been  not  un- 
reasonably identified  with  Baal-Gad.  Its  annals 
run  back  direct  from  Herod's  time  into  hea^ 
thenism.  'iliere  is  no  difficulty  in  identifying  it 
with  the  Paniiim  of  Josephus;  and  the  inscriptions 
are  not  yet  obliterated,  which  show  that  the  God 
Pan  had  once  a  sanctuary  at  this  spot.  Here  Herod 
the  Great  erected  a  temple  to  Augustus,  the  town 
being  then  called  from  the  grotto  where  Pan  had 
been  honored.  It  is  worth  while  here  to  quote  in 
succession  the  words  of  Josephus  and  of  Dr.  liobin- 
son ;  "  Herod,  having  accompanied  Caesar  to  the 
sea  and  returned  home,  erected  him  a  beautiful  tem- 
ple of  white  marble  neiir  the  place  called  Pauium. 
This  is  a  fine  cavern  in  a  mountain ;  under  which 
there  is  a  great  cavity  in  the  earth ;  and  the  cavern 
is  abrupt,  and  very  deep,  and  fiiU  of  still  water. 
Over  it  hangs  a  vast  mountain,  and  under  the 
moinifain  rise  the  springs  of  the  river  Jordan. 
Herod  adorned  this  place,  which  was  already  a  very 
remai'kable  one,  still  finther  by  the  erection  of  this 
temple,  which  he  dedicated  to  Casar."  (Joseph. 
Ant.  XV.  10,  §  3;  comp.  £.  J.  i.  21,  §  3.)  "  The 
situation  is  unique,  combining  in  an  unusual  degree 
the  elements  of  grandeur  and  beauty.  It  nestles 
in  its  recess  at  the  southern  base  of  the  mighty 
Hermon,  which  towers  in  majesty  to  an  elevation 
of  7000  or  8000  feet  above.  The  abundant  waters 
of  the  glorious  fountain  spread  over  the  terrace 
luxuriant  fertility  and  the  graceful  interchange  of 
copse,  lawn,  and  waving  fields."  (Robinson,  iii. 
404.) 

Pallium  became  part  of  the  territory  of  Philip, 
tetrarch  of  Trachonitis,  who  enlarged  and  embel- 
Ushed  the  to\*ii,  and  called  it  Csesarea  Philippi, 
partly  after  his  own  name,  and  partly  after  that  of 
the  emperor  (Ant.  xviii.  2,  §  1;  Ji.J.  ii.  9,  §  1). 
Agrijipa  II.  followed  in  the  same  course  of  flattery, 
and  called  the  pbice  Neronias  (Ant.  xx.  9,  §  4). 
Josephus  seems  to  imply  in  his  life  ( Vil.  13)  that 
many  heathens  resided  here.  Titus  exhibited  glad- 
iatorial shows  at  Csesarea  Philippi  after  the  end  of 
Jie  Jewish  war  (B.  J.  vii.  2,  §  1).  ITie  old  name 
was  not  lost.     Coins  of  Ccesarea  Paneas  continued 


«  *  Baumgarten  ( Comm.  iib.  Pentaleiich,  i.  73)  adopts 
the  sense  of  "  spear,"  "  weapon,"  as  the  name  of  the 
Brstborn  whom  Eve  had  thus  "  obtained  from  Jeho- 
vah," because  she  would  recognize  in  him  the  means 
ol  victory,  i.  e.  the  piomised  seed  who  was  to  overcome 
the  great  enemy  (Gen.  iii.  15).    According  to  this  view 

the  words    I^TJ,   Tl^P,    without  being  related  in  sig- 

I.  1-7  T   ^7 

:iiflcat|on,  are  merely  paronomastic  (nomen  et  omen), 
^.oui;h  they  serve  at   the  same  time  to  express  the 

i«kH  iviib  greater  encrgi'.     But  the  derivation  of  ^^~ 


CAIN 

through  the  reigns  of  many  empen  n.  Under  tht 
simple  name  of  Paneas  it  was  the  seat  of  a  Gredc 
bishopric  in  the  period  of  the  great  councils,  and 
of  a  l^tin  bishopric  during  the  crusjides.  It  is 
still  called  Banias,  the  first  name  having  here,  as 
in  other  cases,  survived  the  second.  A  remarkable 
monument,  which  has  seen  all  the  periods  of  the 
history  of  Csesarea  Philippi,  is  the  vast  castle  al)0ve 
the  site  of  the  city,  built  in  Syro-Greek  or  even 
Phoenician  times,  and,  after  receiving  additions 
from  the  Saracens  and  Franks,  still  the  most  re- 
markable fortress  in  the  Holy  Land.       J.  S.  H. 

CAGE.  The  term  so  rendeied  in  Jer.  v.  27, 
^^T"?,  is  more  properly  a  trap  {irayis,  dea'pul/i), 
in  which  decoy  birds  were  placed :  the  same  article 
is  referred  to  in  Ecclus.  xi.  30  under  the  term  icip- 
raWos,  which  is  elsewhere  used  of  a  tapering 
basket.  [Fowling.]  In  Rev.  xviii.  2  the  Greek 
tenn  is  (pvKaK'f],  meaning  a  prison  or  restricted 
habitation  rather  than  a  cage.  \V.  L.  B. 

CA'IAPHAS  [3  syl.]  {ViaUcpas,  said  (Winer, 
&c.)  to  be  derived  from  S?!"^?,  dtpi-esdu,  Targ. 
Prov.  xvi.  26),  in  full  Joskph  Caiaphas  (Joseph. 
Ant.  xviii.  2,  2),  high-priest  of  the  Jews  under 
Tiberius  during  the  years  of  our  Lord's  public 
ministry,  and  at  the  time  of  his  condemnation  and 
crucifixion.  Matt.  xxvi.  3, 57  (Mark  does  not  name 
him);  Luke  iii.  2;  John  xi.  49,  xviii.  13,  14,  24, 
28 ;  Acts  iv.  6.  The  Procurator  Valerius  Gratus, 
shortly  before  his  leaving  the  province,  appointed 
him  to  the  dignity,  which  was  before  held  by 
Simon  ben-Camith.  He  held  it  during  the  whole 
procuratorship  of  Pontius  Pilate,  but  soon  after 
his  removal  from  that  oflSce  was  deposed  by  the 
Proconsul  Vitellius  (a.  d.  36),  and  succeeded  by 
Jonathan,  son  of  Ananus  (Joseph.  Ant.  xviii.  4, 
§  3).  He  was  son-in-law  of  Annas.  [Annas.] 
Some  in  the  ancient  church  confounded  him  with 
the  historian  Josephus,  and  believed  him  to  have 
become  a  convert  to  Christianity.  (Assemann, 
Biblioth.  Oi-ient.  ii.  165.)  H.  A. 

CAIN  [2  syl.  in  Heb.]  {'X'xi,  derived  either 
from  T^1^,  to  acquire,  Gen.  iv.  1;  from  ^V, 
a  spear,  as  indicative  of  the  violence  used  by  Cain 
and  Lamech,  Gesen.  T/iesnur.  p.  120;  or  from  an 
Arabic  word  kny7i,  a  smith,  in  reference  to  the  arts 
introduced  by  the  Cainites,  Von  Bohlen,  Introd.  to 
Gi-n.  ii.  85:  Kti'Cv\  Joseph.  Ki'is-  Cain)."  Tho 
historical  facts  in  tlie  life  of  Cain,  jis  recorded  ui 
Gen.  iv.,  are  briefly  these:  —  He  was  the  eldest  son 
of  Adam  and  Eve ;  he  followed  the  business  of  ag- 
riculture ;  in  a  fit  of  jealousy,  roused  by  the  rejec- 
tion of  his  own  sacrifice  and  the  acceptance  of 
Abel's,  he  committed  the  crime  of  murder,  fur 
which  he  was  expelled  from  Eden,  and  led  the  life 
of  an  exile;  he  settled  in  the  land  of  Nod,  and  built 
a  city  which   he  named  after  his  son  Enoch ;  hi: 


from  ]T  =  rT_  p,  i.  e.  a  possession  which  she  had  ac- 
quired, suggests  Itself  as  more  natural,  and  is  more  for- 
cible as  including  an  affinity  of  sense  as  well  as  of 
sound.  See  Mr.  Wright's  note  to  this  effect  in  hil 
Bno/c  of  Genesis  in  Hdirew,  &c.,  p.  18.  Oeseniui 
(Hawlw.  p.  766,  6te  Aufl.)  does  not  seem  to  object  tc 
this  etymology  as  unphilological.     Fiirst  (Handw.  U 

815)  defines  ^^p  as  "  something  brought  ^?rOi,"  "  cpe* 

ture  "  (=  T^3^,  Ps-  civ.  24),  and  thus  brfngs  tlie  wrt 
and  noun  sUil  nearer  to  each  other. 


CAI5 

iescenaants  are  enumerated,  together  with  the  in- 
rentions  for  which  they  were  remarkable.  Occa- 
sional references  to  Cain  are  made  in  the  N.  T. 
(Hel).  xi.  4;  1  John  iii.  12;  Jude  11.) 

The  following  points  deserve  notice  in  connection 
with  the  Biblical  narrative :  —  1.  The  position  of 
the  land  of  Nod.  The  name  itself  tells  us  little ; 
it  means  Jlif/ht  or  exile,  in  reference  to  v.  12  where 
a  cognate  word  is  used :  Von  Bohlen's  attempt  to 
identify  it  with  India,  as  though  the  Hebrew  name 

ftind  (T^n)  had  been  erroneously  read  han-Nod^ 
13  too  far  fetched;  the  only  indication  of  its  posi- 
tion is  the  indefinite  notice  that  it  was  "  east  of 
YAen  "'  (16),  which  of  course  throws  us  back  to  the 
previous  settlement  of  the  position  of  Eden  itself. 
Kiiobel  { Comni.  in  loc. )  who  adopts  an  ethnological 
intei-pretation  of  the  history  of  Cain's  descendants, 
would  identify  Nod  with  the  whole  of  Eastern  Asia, 
and  even  hints  at  a  possible  connection  between  the 
names  Cain  and  China.  It  seems  vain  to  attempt 
the  identification  of  Nod  with  any  special  locality; 
the  direction  "east  of  Eden"  may  have  reference 
to  the  previous  notice  in  iii.  2-i,  and  may  indicate 
that  the  land  was  opposite  to  (KartvavTi,  LXX.) 
the  entrance,  which  was  barred  against  his  return. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  east  was  further  used 
to  mark  the  direction  which  the  Caijiites  took,  as 
distinct  from  the  Sethitea,  who  would,  according 
to  Hebrew  notions,  be  settled  towards  the  west. 
Similar  observations  must  be  made  in  regard  to 
the  city  luioch,  which  has  been  identified  with  the 
names  of  the  Heniochi,  a  tribe  in  Caucasus  (Hasse), 
Anuchta,  a  town  in  Susiana  (Huetius),  Chauoge, 
an  ancient  town  in  India  (Von  Bohlen),  and  Iconi- 
um,  as  the  place  where  the  deified  king  Annacos 
was  honored  (Ewald):  all  such  attempts  at  identi- 
fication must  be  subordinated  to  the  previous  set- 
tlement of  the  position  of  Eden  and  Nod. 

2.  The  "  mark  set  upon  Cain  "  has  given  rise  to 
various  speculations,  many  of  wliich  would  never 
have  been  broached,  if  the  Hebrew  text  had  been 
consulted :  the  words  probably  mean  that  .Jehovah 
gave  a  sign  to  Cain,  very  much  as  signs  were  after- 
wards given  to  Noah  (Gen.  ix.  13),  Moses  (Ex.  iii. 
2,  12),  Elijah  (1  K.  xix.  11),  and  Hezekiah  (Is. 
xxxviii.  7,  8).  Whether  the  sign  was  perceptible  to 
Cain  alone,  and  given  to  him  once  for  all,  in  token 
that  no  man  should  kill  him,  or  whether  it  was  one 
that  was  perceptible  to  others,  and  designed  as  a 
precaution  to  them,  as  is  implied  in  the  A.  V.,  is 
uncertain ;  the  nature  of  the  sign  itself  is  still  more 
uneertdin. 

:;.  The  narrative  implies  the  existence  of  a  con- 
siderable population  in  Cain's  time;  for  he  fears 
lest  he  should  be  murdered  in  return  for  the  mur- 
der he  had  committed  (1-1).  Josephus  {Ant.  i.  2, 
§  1)  explains  his  fears  as  arising  not  from  men  but 
rom  wild  beasts ;  but  such  an  explanation  is  wholly 
unnecessary.  The  family  of  Adam  may  have  largely 
increased  before  the  birth  of  Seth,  as  is  indeed  im- 
plied in  the  notice  of  Cain's  wife  (17),  and  the 
mere  circumstance  that  none  of  the  other  children 
we  noticed  by  name  may  be  explained  on  the 
ground  that  their  lives  furnished  nothing  worthy 
A  notice. 

4.  The  character  of  Cain  deserves  a  brief  notice. 
He  is  described  as  a  man  of  a  morose,  malicious, 
md  revengeful  temper;  and  that  he  presented  his 
»ffering  in  this  state  of  mind  is  implied  in  the  re- 
»uke  contained  in  ver.  7,  which  may  be  rendered 
htia:  "  If  thou  doeat  well  (or,  as  the  LXX.  has  it. 


CAIN 


841 


fiiv  ipOws  vpoaevtyKTis),  is  ihere  not  an  elevatioB 
of  the  countenance  (i'.  e.  cheerfulness  and  happi' 
ness)  ?  but  if  thou  doest  not  well,  thei-e  is  a  sinking 
of  the  countenance :  sin  lurketh  (as  a  wild  beast) 
at  the  door,  and  to  thee  is  its  desire:  but  thou 
shalt  rule  over  it."  The^iarrative  implies  there- 
fore that  his  offering  was  rejected  on  account  of 
the  temper  m  which  it  was  brought. 

5.  The  descendants  of  Cain  are  enumerated  to 
the  sixth  generation.  Some  commentators  (I\jio- 
bel,  Von  Bohlen)  have  traced  an  artificial  structure 
in  this  genealogy,  by  which  it  is  rendered  parallel 
to  that  of  the  Sethites :  e.  (j.  there  is  a  decade  of 
names  in  each,  commencing  with  Adam  and  ending 
with  Jabal  and  Noah,  the  deficiency  of  generations 
in  the  Camites  being  supplied  by  the  addition  of 
the  two  younger  sons  of  Lamech  to  the  hst ;  and 
there  is  a  considerable  similarity  in  the  names,  each 
list  contauiing  a  Lamech  and  an  Enoch ;  while  Cain 
in  the  one=:Cain-an  in  the  other,  Methusael  = 
Methuselah,  and  Mehujael  =  Mahalaleel :  tlie  in- 
ference from  this  comparison  being  that  the  one 
was  framed  out  of  the  other.  It  must  be  obsen'ed, 
however,  ,that  the  differences  far  exceed  the  points 
of  similarity;  that  the  order  of  the  names,  the 
number  of  generations,  and  even  the  meanings  of 
those  which  are  noticed  as  similar  in  sound,  are 
sufficiently  distinct  to  remove  the  impression  of 
artificial  construction. 

6.  The  social  condition  of  the  Cainites  is  prom- 
inently brought  forward  in  the  history.  Cain  him- 
self was  an  agriculturist,  Abel  a  shepherd:  the 
successors  of  the  latter  are  represented  by  the  Seth- 
ites and  the  progenitors  of  the  Hebrew  race  in 
later  times,  among  whom  a  pastoral  life  was  always 
held  in  high  honor  from  the  simplicity  and  devo- 
tional habits  which  it  engendered :  the  successors 
of  the  former  are  depicted  as  the  reverse  in  all 
these  respects.  Cain  founded  the  first  city;  I^ar- 
mech  instituted  polygamy;  Jabal  introduced  the 
nomadic  life;  Jubal  invented  musical  instrunients; 
Tubalcain  was  the  first  smith;  Lamech's  language 
takes  the  stately  tone  of  poetry;  and  even  the  names 
of  the  women,  Naamah  {pleasant),  Zillali  {shadow), 
Adah  {ornamental),  seem  to  bespeak  an  advanced 
state  of  civilization.  But  along  with  this,  there 
was  violence  and  godlessness;  Cain  and  Lamech 
furnish  proof  of  the  former,  while  the  concluding 
words  of  Gen.  iv.  26  imply  the  latter. 

7.  The  contrast  estabhshed  between  theCainitea 
and  the  Sethites  appears  to  have  reference  solely  to 
the  social  and  religious  condition  of  the  two  races. 
On  the  one  side  there  is  pictured  a  high  state  of 
civiUzation,.un8anctified  by  religion,  and  produc- 
tive of  luxury  and  violence;  on  the  other  side,  a 
state  of  simplicity  which  afforded  no  material  for 
history  beyond  the  declaration  "then  began  men 
to  call  upon  the  name  of  the  Lord."  Tlie  historian 
thus  accounts  for  the  progressive  d^eneration  of 
the  religious  condition  of  man,  the  evil  gaining  a 
predominance  over  the  good  by  its  alliance  with 
worldly  power  and  knowledge,  and  producing  tlio 
state  of  things  which  necessitated  the  flood. 

8.  Another  motive  may  be  assigned  for  the  in- 
troduction of  this  portion  of  sacred  history.  All 
ancient  nations  have  loved  to  trac^  up  the  inven- 
tion of  the  arts  to  some  certain  ;.dthor,  and,  gen- 
erally speaking,  these  authors  have  been  regarded 
as  objects  of  divine  worship.  Among  the  Greeks, 
Apollo  was  held  to  be  the  inventor  of  music,  Vul- 
can of  the  working  of  metals,  Triptolemus  of  th« 
plough.     A  similar  feeling  of  curiosity  prevsUed 


PA2 


CAIN 


Muong  the  Hebrews ;  and  hence  the  historian  has 
recorded  the  names  of  those  to  whom  the  invention 
of  the  arts  was  traditionallj  assigned,  obviating  at 
the  same  time  the  dangerous  error  into  which  other 
nations  had  fallen,  and  reduchig  the  estimate  of 
their  value  by  the  posRion  which  their  inventors 
held.  W.  L.  B. 

CAIN"  [2  syl.  in  Heb.j  (with  the  article, 
^^I^n  =  "the  lance,"  Ges.;  but  may  it  not  be 

derived  from  *{p,  Ken,  "a  nest,"  possibly  in  allu- 
sion to  its  position:  Za/cavat/i  [Vat.  -ei/ji],  Alex. 
Zcn'oiaKft/x,  both  by  including  name  preceding: 
Accaln),  one  of  the  cities  in  the  low  country  {She- 
felah)  of  Judah,  named  with  Zanoah  and  Gibeah 
(Josh.  XV.  57).  It  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
mentioned  or  identified  by  any  one.*  G. 

CAI'NAN    [2  syl.]  (Marg.  correctly  Kenan 

[and  so  the  test  1  Chr.  i.  2];  P*'i7.:  KoiVa»': 
Caiiian;  jtwsse*'sw,  Fiirst;  telifaber,  Gesen.,  as  if 

=  Vf^.  from  fhe  Arab,  to  forge,  as  in  Tubal- 
C:un,  Gen.  iv.  ;^2;  see  Dr.  Mill's  Vindic.  of  our 
Lord's  Geneal.  p.  150).  1.  Son  of  Enos,  aged  70 
yeai-s  when  he  begat  Jlahalaleel  his  son.  He  lived 
840  j-ears  afterwards,  and  died  aged  910  (Gen.  v. 
9-14).  The  rabbinical  tradition  was  that  he  first 
introduced  idol-worship  and  astrology  —  a  tradition 
which  the  Hellenists  transferred  to  the  post-dilu- 
vian Cainan.  Thus  Ephraem  Syrus  asserts  that 
the  Chaldees  in  the  time  of  Terah  and  Abram 
worshipjjed  a  graven  god  called  Cainan ;  and  Greg- 
ory Bar-Hebrseus,  another  Syriac  author,  also  ap- 
plies it  to  the  son  of  Arphaxad  (Mill,  ul  sup.). 
The  origin  of  the  tradition  is  not  known ;  but  it 
may  probably  have  been  suggested  by  the  meaning 
of  the  supposed  root  in  Arabic  and  the  Aramean 
dialects;  just  as  another  signification  of  the  same 
root  seems  to  have  suggested  the  tradition  that  the 
daughters  of  Cain  were  the  first  who  made  and  sang 

to  musical  instruments  (Gesen.  s.  v.  I^T)). 

2.  [Alex.  Kaiva/ji  in  Gen.  x.  24;  Tisch.  (with 
Sin.  B  L)  Katvd/i  in  Luke  iii.  36.]  Son  of  Ar- 
phaxad, and  father  of  Sala,  according  to  Luke  iii. 
35,  36,  and  usually  called  the  second  Cainan.  He 
is  also  found  in  the  present  copies  of  the  LXX.  in 
the  genealogy  of  Shem,  Gen.  x.  24,  xi.  12,  and  1 
Chr.  i.  18  (though  he  is  omitted  in  1  Chr.  i.  24), 
but  is  nowhere  named  in  the  Hebrew  codd.,  nor  in 
any  of  the  versions  made  from  the  Hebrew,  as  the 
Samaritan,  Chaldee,  Syriac,  Vulgate,  &c.  More- 
over it  can  be  demonstrated  that  the  intrusion  of 
the  name  into  the  version  of  the  LXX.  is  com- 
paratively modem,  since  Augustine  is  the  first 
writer  who  mentions  it  as  found  in  the  0.  T.  at 
»11 ; "  and  since  we  have  the  absolute  certainty  that 
it  was  not  contained  in  any  copies  of  the  Alexan- 
drine Bible  which  either  Berosus,  Eupolemus,  Poly- 
histor,  Josephus,    Philo,    Theophilus   of  A'ntioch, 


a  The  letter  p  Is  generally  rendered  Ja  the  A.  V.  by 
K.  A  possible  connection  of  this  name  with  that  of 
the  "  Kenites  "  is  obscm^d  by  the  form  Cain,  which  is 
probably  derived  from  the  Vulgate. 

6  *  Knobcl  (Josua,  p.  437)  says  that  Cain  according 
o  all  appeanmce  is  the  Arabic  Yiikin  not  far  fW)m 
Jebron  (Rob.  BM.  Res.,  1st  ed.,  il.  449).  Dr.  Robinson 
records  the  name,  but  says  nothing  of  the  identifica- 
tion. The  position  may  be  right  enough,  but  the  re- 
lemblnn'se  of  the  names  is  too  slight  to  be  of  any  ac- 
^OUnt  U. 


OALAH 

Julius  Africai^us,  Origen,  Eusebius,  »r  even  Jeromr^ 
had  access  to.  It  seems  certain,  therefore,  that  hia 
name  was  introduced  into  the  genealogies  of  the 
Greek  0.  T.  in  order  to  bring  them  into  harmony 
with  the  genealogy  of  Christ  in  St.  Luke's  Gospel, 
where  Cainan  was  found  in  the  time  of  Jerome. 
The  question  is  thus  narrowed  into  one  concerning 
its  introduction  into  the  Gospel.  It  might  hare 
been  thought  that  it  had  found  its  way  by  acci- 
dent into  the  genealogy  of  Joeeph,  and  that  Luke 
inserted  that  genealogy  exactly  as  he  found  it.  liut 
as  Beza's  very  ancient  MS.  presented  to  the  I'ni- 
versity  of  Cambridge,  does  not  contain  the  name 
of  Cainan,  and  there  is  strong  ground  for  suitp-js- 
ing  that  neither  did  Irenseus's  copy  of  St.  Luke,  it 
seems  on  the  whole  more  probable  that  Cainan  was 
not  inserted  by  St.  Luke  himself,  but  was  after- 
wards added,  either  by  accident,  or  to  make  up  the 
number  of  generations  to  17,  or  from  some  other 
cause  which  cannot  now  be  discovered.  For  fur- 
ther information,  see  Geneal.  of  our  Loi-d  J.  C., 
ch.  viii. ;  Heid^ger,  Hist.  Patriarch,  ii.  8-15; 
Bochart,  Phaleg,  lib.  ii.  cap.  13;  and  for  the  op- 
posite view,  Mill's  Vindic.  of  our  Lord's  Geneal. 
p.  143  fir.  A.  C.  H. 

CAT  US.  [John,  Second  and  Third  Epis- 
tles OF.] 

CAKES.     [Bread.] 

CA'LAH  ([nb?',  in  paus*';]  nb3  \comple- 
tMi]:  Xa\dx'  Cli'de),  one  of  the  most  ancient 
cities  of  Assyria.  Its  foundation  is  ascribed  to  the 
patriarch  Asshur  (Gen.  x.  11 ).    The  name  has  been 

thought  identical  with  the  Halah  (H  H),  whi"ii 
is  found  in  Kings  (2  K.  xvii.  6,  and  x^-iii.  11)  and 
Chronicles  (1  Chr.  v.  20);  but  this  view  is  unsup- 
ported by  the  Septuagint,  which  renders  Halah  by 
'AAae.  According  to  the  opinions  of  the  best 
Oriental  antiquaries,  the  site  of  Calah  is  marked 
by  the  Nimrud  ruins,  which  have  furnished  so  large 
a  proportion  of  the  Assyrian  remains  at  piesent  in 
England.  If  this  be  regarded  as  ascertained,  Ca- 
lah must  be  considered  to  have  been  at  one  time 
(about  B.  c.  930-720)  the  capital  of  tlie  empire.  It 
was  the  residence  of  the  warhke  Sardanapalus  and  his 
successors  down  to  the  time  of  Sargon,  who  built 
a  new  capital,  which  he  called  by  his  own  name,  on 
the  site  occupied  by  the  modern  Khorsabad.  Ca- 
lah still  continued  under  the  later  kings  to  be  a 
town  of  importance,  and  was  especially  favored  by 
I'^rhaddon,  who  built  there  one  of  the  grandest 
of  the  AssjTian  palaces.  In  later  times  il  gave 
name  to  one  of  the  chief  districts  of  the  coimtry, 
which  appears  as  Calacin^  (Ptolem.  vi.  1)  or  ('al- 
achgn^  (Strab.  xvi.  1,  §  1)  in  the  geographers. 

G.  K. 
*  Mr.  J.  L.  Porter  (Bjtto's  Cyc.  of  Bibl.  Lit., 
3d  ed.,  art.  Calah)  objects  to  the  identification  of 
Calah  with  Nimrud,  that  suflBcient  space  is  not 
left  for  Resen,  which  is  described  in  Gen.  x.  12  at 
"  a  great  city  "  lying  between  Nineveli  and  Calali; 


c  Demetrius  (B.  c.  170),  quoted  by  Eu-sebius  (Praip. 
Evang.  ix.  21),  reckons  1860  years  from  the  birth  o* 
Shem  to  Jacob's  going  down  to  Egypt,  which  sfems  to 
include  the  130  years  of  Cainan.  But  in  the  great 
fluctuation  of  the  numbers  in  the  ages  of  the  patri- 
archs, no  reliance  can  be  placed  on  this  argument 
Nor  have  we  any  certainty  that  the  figures  have  no( 
been  altered  In  the  modem  copies  of  Eusebius.  to  mak« 
them  agree  with  the  computation  of  the  altered  coplw 
of  the  LXX 


CALAMOLALUS 

Jje  distance  between  Nimrud  and  the  ruins  of  an- 
tient  Nineveli  (opposite  MosiU)  being  less  tlian 
twenty  miles.  He  would  therefore  identify  Resen 
irith  Nimrud,  and  Calah  with  Kidak-  or  Kileh- 
Suerghat,  forty  miles  south  of  Nimrud  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Tigris.  He  further  observes: 
"  Kalah-Sherghat  was  one  of  the  most  ancient 
places  in  Assyria.  On  a  cylinder  discovered  there 
is  an  inscription  recording  the  fact  that  the  King 
'I'iglath-pileser  restored  a  moimmeiit  which  had 
been  taken  down  sixty  years  previously,  after  hav- 
ing stood  for  641  years.  It  must,  therefore,  have 
lieen  founded  about  u.  c.  1870  (Kawlinsou's  Herod. 
L  457,  460;  Vaux,  Nin.  and  Pars.  p.  13).  On 
the  bricks  and  pottery  found  at  Kalah  are  the 
,  names  and  titles  of  the  earliest  known  Assyrian 
kings.  The  name  Asshur  is  found  among  them." 
Kaiisch  {Genesis,  p.  261)  likewise  identifies  Resen 
I' with  Nimrud,  and  Calah  with  Kalah-Sher(/hat. 
See  AssYiu.v,  p.  187;  Nineveh;  Resen.     A. 

CALAMOLA'LUS  {KaKa^diXaXos;  [Vat. 
KaXafxoiKaKos-]  CUomus),  1  Esdr.  v.  22,  a  corrupt 
name,  apparently  agglomerated  of  Elam,  Lod,  and 
Hadiu. 

CALAMUS.     [Reed.] 

CAL'COL  (^373  [perh.  sustenance,  Ges.] : 
KaAvaX  [Vat.  KaAxa],  XaAK<{5  [Alex.  XaAx"'^]  '■ 
(JkiHchal,  Ch(dcol),  a  man  of  Judah,  son  or  de- 
scendant of  Zerah  (1  Chr.  ii.  6).  Probably  iden- 
tical with  On  ALGOL  (A.  V.  only;  no  difference  in 
the  Hebrew),  son  of  Mahol,  one  of  the  four  wi  ^e 
men  whom  Solomon  excelled  in  wisdom  (1  K.  iv. 
31).  For  the  grounds  of  this  identification  see 
Dakda.  G. 

*  CALDE'A,  CALDE'ANS,  CALTDEES, 
occur  in  the  A.  V.  ed.  1611  and  other  early  editions 
passim  for  Ciialdea,  etc.,  which  see.  A. 

CALDRON.     (1.)  1^1,  probably  from  1^'^, 

boil,  akin  to  Arab.  OiOj  to  be  moved,  as  water  in 

boiling;  a  pot  or  kettle ;  also  a  basket.     (2.)  "''^p, 

i.  pot  or  kettle.      (3.)  V^^HS,  or  "jb?^-      (4-) 


CALEB 


842 


,^v-« 


-  r.?  pour. 


r\ 7 ".  Ti  fro™  ""'  -  'li  pour.  Ae'/Sijy,  X"^"""?"?  '"■"' 
iwriip'  lebes,  ulln.  A  vessel  for  boiling  ilesh, 
sither  for  ceremonial  or  domestic  use  (2  Chr.  xxxv. 
13;  1  Sam.  ii.  14;  Mic.  iii.  3;  Job  xU.  20).  [Pot; 
Kettle.]  H.  W.  P. 


Bi'onze  Caldron  from  Egyptian  Thebes. 

CA'LEB  (2j^:  Xa\e'j3;  [Alex.  XoAs^  ver. 
12:  Caleb  ;'\  dog,  Gesen. ;  Seller,  Klaffer,  e. 
'tarker,  Fiirst).«  1.  According  to  1  Chr.  ii.  \i,  18, 
19,  42,  .50,  the  son  of  Hezron,  the  son  of  Pharez,  the 
on  of  Judah,  and  the  father  of  Hur  by  Ephrath,  or 


•  •Fiirgt's  do-rivation  (ed.  1857)  is  from  3^3.   in 
lack,  seize,  and  hence  as  appellative,  hold,  a  hero. 


Ephratah,  and  consequently  grandfather  .>f  Caleb  tht 
spy.  His  brothers,  according  to  the  same  author 
ity,  were  Jerahmeel  and  Ram ;  hia  wives  Azubah, 
Jerioth,  and  Ephratah;  and  his  concubines  Ephah 
and  Maachah  (ver.  9,  42,  46,  48).  But  from  tho 
manifest  corruption  of  the  text  in  many  parts  of 

the  chapter,  from  the  name  being  written  ^5^/3 
[CHELiTdAi]  in  ver.  9,  which  looks  like  a  patro- 
nymic from  11-r^'T,  Chelub  (1  Chr.  iv.  11)  the 
brother  of  Shuali,  from  the  evident  confusion  be- 
tween the  two  Calebs  at  ver.  49,  and  from  the  non- 
appearance of  this  elder  Caleb  anywhere  except  in 
this  genealogy  drawn  up  in  Hezekiah's  reign  [Aza- 
HiAH,  No.  5],  it  is  impossible  to  speak  vrith  con- 
fidence of  his  relations,  or  even  of  his  existence. 

2.  Son  of  Jephunneh,  by  which  patronymic  the 
illustrious  spy  is  usually  designated  (Num.  xiii.  6, 
and  ten  other  places),  with  the  addition  of  that  of 
"  the  Kenezite,"  or  "  son  of  Kenaz,"  in  Num.  xxxii. 
12;  Josh.  xiv.  6,  14.     Caleb  is  first  mentioned  tj. 

the  list  of  the  rulers  or  princes  (  S^K'3),  called  in 
the  next  verse  — "*'  K",  "heads,"  one  from  each 

tribe,  who  were  sent  to  search  the  land  of  Canaan 
in  the  second  year  of  the  Exodus,  where  it  may  be 

noted  that  these  CStil?}  or  lj'*C?"S"I  are  all  dif 
ferent  from  those  named  in  Num.  i.  ii.  vii.  x.  as 
princes  or  heads  of  the  tribes  of  Israel,  and  conse- 
quently that  the  same  title  was  given  to  the  chiefs 
of  families  as  to  the  chiefs  of  the  whole  tribe.  Ca- 
leb was  a  S^ti7"5  or  t?.'S"l  in  the  tribe  of  Judah, 

perhaps  as  chief  of  the  family  of  the  Hezronites, 
at  the  same  time  that  Nahshon  the  son  of  Am- 
minadab  was  prince  of  the  whole  tribe.  He  and 
Oshea  or  Joshixa  the  son  of  Nun  were  the  only 
two  of  the  whole  muaber  who,  on  their  return  from 
Canaan  to  Kadesh-Barnea,  encouraged  the  people 
to  enter  in  boldly  to  the  land,  and  take  possession 
of  it;  for  which  act  of  fiiithfulness  they  narrowly 
escaped  stoning  at  the  hands  of  the  infuriated 
people.  In  the  plague  that  ensued,  while  the  other 
ten  spies  perished,  Caleb  and  Joshua  alone  were 
spared.  Moreover,  while  it  was  announced  to  the 
congregation  by  Moses  that,  for  this  rebellious  mur- 
muring, all  that  had  been  numbered  from  20  years 
old  and  upwards,  except  Joshua  and  Caleb,  should 
perish  in  the  wilderness,  a  special  promise  was  made 
to  Caleb  the  son  of  Jephuimeh,  that  he  should  sur- 
vive to- enter  into  the  land  which  he  had  trodden 
upon,  and  that  his  seed  should  possess  it.  Accord- 
ingly, 45  years  afterwards,  when  some  progress  had 
been  made  in  the  conquest  of  the  land,  Caieb  came 
to  Joshua  and  reminded  him  of  what  had  happenetl 
at  Kadesh,  and  of  the  promise  which  Moses  niatle 
to  him  with  an  oath.  He  added  that  though  he 
was  now  85  years  old,  he  was  as  strong  as  in  the 
day  when  Moses  sent  him  to  spy  out  the  land,  and 
he  claimed  possession  of  the  land  of  the  Anakims, 
Kirjath-Arba,  or  Hebron,  and  the  neighboring  hiU- 
country  (Josh.  xiv. ).  This  was  immediately  granted 
to  him,  and  the  following  chapter  relates  how  he 
took  possession  of  Hebron,  driving  out  the  three 
sons  of  Anak;  and  how  he  offered  Achsah  his 
daughter  in  marriage  to  whoever  would  take  Kir- 
jath-Sepher.  i.  e.  Debit;  and  how  when  OthnieL 
his  younger  brother,  had  performed  the  feat,  he  no* 

Dietrich  in  his  edition  o'  Gewniup  (1868)  adnpt«  th« 
same  etymolofO'.  H 


144  CALEB 

only  gare  him  his  daughter  to  wife,  but  with  her 
tiie  upper  and  nether  springs  of  water  which  she 
uked  for.  After  this  we  liear  no  more  of  Caleb, 
nOT  is  the  time  of  his  death  recorded.  But  we 
team  from  Josli.  xxi.  J  3,  that,  in  the  distribution 
of  cities  out  of  the  different  tribes  for  tlie  priests 
and  Invites  to  dwell  in,  Hebron  fell  to  the  priests, 
the  children  of  Aaron,  of  the  family  of  Kohatliites, 
and  was  also  a  city  of  refugf.,  while  the  surround- 
ing territory  continued  to  be  the  possession  of  Ca- 
leb, at  least  as  late  as  the  time  of  David  (1  Sam. 
ixv.  3,  XXX.  14). 

But  a  very  interesting  question  arises  as  to  the 
birth  and  parentage  of  Caleb.  He  is,  as  we  have 
seen,  styled  "the  son  of  Jephunneh  the  Kenczite," 
and  his  j-ounger  brother  Othniel,  afterwards  the 
first  Judge,  is  also  called  "  the  son  of  Kenaz " 
(.Josh.  XV.  17;  Judg.  i.  13,  iu.  9,  11). 

On  the  other  hand  the  gen«Uogy  in  1  Chr.  ii. 
makes  no  mention  whatever  of  either  Jephunneh  or 
Kenaz,  but  represents  Caleb,  though  obscurely,  as 
being  a  descendant  of  Hezron  and  a  son  of  Hur 
(see  too  ch.  iv.).  Again  in  Josh.  xv.  13  we  have 
this  singular  expression,  "  Unto  Caleb  the  son  of 
Jephunneh  he  gave  a  part  artum;/  the  cidldren  ofJur- 
dnh ; "  and  in  xiv.  14,  the  no  less  significant  one, 
"  Hebron  became  the  inheritance  of  Caleb  the  son 
of  Jephunneh  the  Kenezite,  because  that  be  wb^Uy 
followed  Jehovah  God  of  Israel."  It  becomes, 
therefore,  quite  possible  that  Caleb  was  a  foreigner 
by  birth ;  a  proseljte,  incorfwrated  into  the  tribe 
of  .hulah,  into  which  perhaps  he  or  his  ancestors 
had  married,  and  one  of  the  first-fruits  of  that 
Gentile  harvest,  of  which  Jethro,  Kahab,  Ruth, 
Naaman,  and  many  others  were  samples  and  signs. 
And  this  conjecture  receives  a  most  striking  con- 
firmation from  the  names  in  Caleb's  family.  For 
on  turning  to  Gen.  xxxvi.  11,  15,  we  find  that 
Kenaz  is  an  Edomitish  name,  the  son  of  Eliphaz. 
Again,  in  1  Chr.  ii.  50,  52,  among  the  sons  of  Ca- 
leb the  son  of  Hur  we  find  Shobal  and  half  the 
Manahethites  or  sons  of  Manahath.  But  in  Gen. 
xxxvi.  20-23,  we  are  told  that  Shobal  was  the  son 
of  Seir  the  Horite,  and  that  he  was  the  father  of 
Manahath.  So  too  Korrili,  Ithran,  Ekih  (1  Chr. 
ii.,  iv.),  and  perhaps  Jephunneh,  compared  with 
Pinon,  are  all  Edomitish  names  (1  Chr.  i. ;  (ien. 
xxxvi.).  We  find  too  Temanites,  or  sons  of  Te- 
man  (I  Chr.  i.  36),  among  the  children  of  Ashur 
the  son  of  Hezron  (1  Chr.  iv.  6).  The  findij.g  thus 
whole  families  or  tribes,  apparently  of  foreign  origin, 
incorporated  into  the  tribes  of  Israel,  s<ems  further 
to  supjjly  us  with  an  easy  and  natural  solution  of 
the  difficulty  with  regard  to  the  great  numbers  of 
the  Israelites  at  the  Exodus.  Tlie  seed  of  Abra- 
ham had  been  multiplied  by  the  accretion  of  pros- 
el3tcs,  as  well  as  by  generation. 

3.  CA'i-En-EPH'RATAH,  accordmg  to  the  pres- 
ent text  of  1  Chr.  ii.  24,  the  name  of  a  place  where 
Hezron  died.  But  no  such  place  was  ever  heard 
of,  and  the  composition  of  the  name  is  a  most  im- 
probable one.  Nor  could  Hezron  or  his  son  have 
l^iven  any  name  to  a  place  in  Egypt,  the  land  of 
their  Iwndage,  nor  could  Hezron  hare  died,  or  his 
*on  have  lived,  elsewhere  than  in  Egypt.  'Hie 
present  text  must  therefore  be  corrupt,  and  the 
reading  which  Jerome's  Hebrew  Bible  had,  and 
which  is  presen-ed  in  the  I«XX.,  is  prol)ably  the 

true  one,  namely,  nn"1?SS  3^''  !»"?".   "Caleb 

'  •"  T    T  :    V  ••   T  T 

?ume  in  unto  Ephratah."  Tlie  whole  infbrmation 
^1-en  scans  to  be  that  Hezron  bad  two  wives,  the 


CALF 

first  whose  name  is  not  given,  the  mother  of  Jen^ 
meel,  Ram,  and  Caleb  or  Chelubai;  the  second. 
Abiah,  the  daughter  of  Machir,  whom  he  married 
when  60  years  old,  and  who  baie  him  Segub  and 
Ashur.  Also  that  Caleb  had  two  wives,  Azubah, 
the  first,  the  mother,  according  to  Jerome's  version, 
of  Jerioth ;  and  Ephratah,  the  second,  th«  mother 
of  Hur;  and  that  this  second  marriage  of  Caleb 
did  not  I  .ike  place  till  after  Hezron's  death. 

A.  C.  H. 

*  CaJeb-Ephratah  (see  3  al^ve),  it  is  true,  does 
not  occur  elsewhere;  but  in  1  Sam.  xxx.  14  we  find 
mention  made  of  a  district  Caleb,  which  must  have 
been  a  part  of  Judah,  and  so  called  from  Caleb,  .Josh- 
ua's spy,  to  wliom  it  was  allotted.  liertheau  in  hia 
note  on  1  Clir.  ii.  24  (Bi'cntr  der  Chrimik,  p.  17)* 
suggests  that  the  northern  part  of  this  territory  of 
Caleb  where  it  approached  Ephratah,  i.  e.  lietlilehem, 
may  have  been  distinguished  from  the  southern  part 
by  the  more  definite  name  of  Calcb-lCphratah.  He 
remarks  further  that  the  proposed  change  of  the 
text  i^Kde  Xa\ffi  tls  'KcppaBd  in  the  LXX .  which 
the  V'ulg.  follows)  removes  tlie  difficulty,  but  intro- 
duces a  notice  altogether  foreign  to  the  text,  since 
the  verse  relates  to  Hezron  and  not  to  Caleb.  There 
may  be  some  doubt  about  the  translation.  But  the 
chronology  and  history  of  this  period  are  too  ob- 
scure to  allow  us  to  say  that  Hezron  must  hav» 
died  in  Egypt,  and  could  not  have  died  in  Caleb- 
Ephratah  (1  Chr.  ii.  24).  See  ^\'ordsworth  on  the 
pas.sage,  Chronicles,  p.  171  (1866).  H. 

CALEB.  "The  south  of  Caleb"  is  that  por- 
tion of  the  Negeb  (—23)  or  "south  country"  of 
Palestine,  occupied  by  Caleb  and  his  descendant« 
(1  Sam.  xxx.  14).  In  the  division  of  Canaan  Joshua 
assigned  the  city  luid  suburbs  of  Hebron  to  the 
priests,  but  the  "  field  "  of  the  city,  that  is  the 
pasture  and  corn  lands,  together  witli  the  villages, 
were  given  to  Caleb.  The  south,  or  Negeb,  of 
Caleb,  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  the  exten- 
sive basin  or  plain  which  Ues  tetween  Hebron  and 
KurmnI,  the  ancient  Carmel  of  .Judah,  where  Ca- 
leb's descendant  Nabal  had  his  iwssessions. 

W.  A.  W. 

CALF  (nS"!;,  ^.^7  :  fiScrxos,  SaftoKis).  In 
Ex.  xxxii.  4,  we  are  told  that  Aaron,  constrained 
by  the  people  in  the  absence  of  Moses,  made  a 
molten  calf  of  the  golden  ear-rings  of  the  people,  to 
represent  the  Elohini  which  brought  Israel  out  of 
I'^gypt.     He  is  also  said  to  have  "  finished  it  with 

a  g.  wing-tool,"  but  the  word  '^'^J~!  may  mean  h 
tnoulil  (comp.  2  K.  v.  23,  A.  V.'"bags;"  LXX, 
BuKiKoii)-  Bochart  {Ilieroz.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xxxiv 
explains  it  to  mean  "  he  placed  the  ear-rings  in  a 
bag,"  as  Gideon  did  (Judg.  viii.  24).  Probabiy, 
however,  it  means  that  after  the  calf  had  l)een  cast, 
Aaron  ornamented  it  with  the  sculptured  wings, 
feathers  and  other  marks,  which  were  similarly  rep- 
resented on  the  statues  of  Apis,  &c.  (Wilkinson, 
iv.  348).  It  ('.ics  not  seem  likely  that  the  ear-ringf 
would  have  providetl  the  enormous  quantity  of  gold 
required  for  a  solid  figure.  More  prol)ably  it  was 
a  wooden  figure  laminated  with  gold,  a  process  which 
is  known  to  have  existed  in  Egj-pt.  "  A  gilded  ox 
covered  with  a  pall  "  was  an  emblem  of  Osiris  (AViJ 
kinson,  iv.  335). 

Tlie  legends  alwut  the  calf  are  numerous.  Tlie 
suggestion  is  said  by  the  Jews  to  haw  onginate^ 
with  certain  Egj-ptian  proselytes  (Godwyn's  Moi 
and  Anr.  iv.  5);  Hur,  "  the  desert's  martyr  "  wai 


Ii 


CALF 

tilled  for  opposing  it;  Abu'lfeda  says  that  all  ex- 
cept 12,000  worshipped  it ;  when  made,  it  wag  mag- 
cally  animated  (Ex.  xxxii.  24).  "  The  Uevil."  says 
Jonathan,  "  got  into  the  metal  and  fashioned  it  into 
a  calf"  (Lightfoot,  Works,  v.  398).  Hence,  the 
Koran  (vii.  146)  calls  it  "a  corporeal  calf,  made  of 
their  ornaments,  which  lowed.''''  This  was  effected, 
not  by  Aaron  (according  to  the  Mohammedans), 
but  by  al  Sameri,  a  chief  Israelite,  whose  descend- 
ants still  inhabit  an  island  of  the  Arabian  gulf. 
He  took  a  handful  of  dust  from  the  footsteps  of  the 
horse  of  Gabriel,  who  rode  at  the  head  of  the  host, 
and  threw  it  into  the  mouth  of  the  calf,  which  im- 
mediately began  to  low.  No  one  is  to  be  punished 
in  hell  more  than  40  days,  being  the  number  of 
days  of  the  calf-worship  (Sale's  Koran,  ed.  Daven- 
port, p.  7,  note;  and  see  Weil's  Leyetuh,  125).  It 
was  a  Jewish  proverb  that  "  no  punishment  befall- 
Dth  the  IsraeUtes  in  which  there  is  not  an  ounce  of 
this  calf"  (Godwyn,  vbisupr.). 


Bronze  figure  of  Apis.     (W^ilkinson.) 

To  punish  the  apostasy  Moses  burnt  the  calf,  and 
then  grinding  it  to  powder  scattered  it  over  tlie 
water,  where,  according  to  some,  it  produced  in  the 
drinkers  effects  similar  to  the  water  of  jealousy 
(Num.  v.).  He  probably  adopted  this  course  as 
the  deadliest  and  most  irreparable  blow  to  their  su- 
perstition (Jerome,  Kp.  128;  Plut.  de  Is.  p.  3(52), 
or  as  an  allegorical  act  (Job  xv.  16),  or  witli  refer- 
ence to  an  Egyptian  custom  (Herod,  ii.  41;  I'oli 
Syn.  ad  loc).  It  has  always  been  a  difficulty  to 
explain  the  process  which  he  used;  some  account 
for  it  by  his  supposed  knowledge  of  a  forgotten  art 
(such  as  was  one  of  the  boasts  of  alchymy )  by  which 
he  could  reduce  gold  to  dust.  Goguet  ( Oriyine  des 
[jiis)  invokes  the  assistance  of  natron,  which  would 
lave  liad  the  additional  advantage  of  making  the 
raught  nauseous.  Baumgarten  easily  endows  the 
i.re  employed  with  miraculous  properties.  liocliart 
and  Kosenmiiller  merely  think  that  he  cut,  ground, 
and  filed  the  gold  to  powder,  such  as  was  used  to 
sprinkle  over  the  hair  (Joseph.  Ant.  viii.  7,  §  3). 

There  seems  little  doubt  that  ^"^t*''  ==  KaraKaiu), 
LXX.    (Hiivernick's  Introd.  to  the  Pentnt.  p.  292.) 

It  has  always  been  a  great  dispute  respecting  this 
ealf  and  those  of  Jeroboam,  whether,  I.  the  Jews 
intended  them  for  some  Egyptian  God,  or  II.  for  a 
•nere  cherubic  symbol  of  Jehovah. 

I.  The  arguments  for  the  first  supposition  are,  1. 
The  ready  apostasy  of  the  Jews  to  Egyptian  sujier- 
ttition  (Acts  vii.  39,  and  chap.  v.  passim ;  Lactant. 
(mt.  iv.  10).  2.  The  fact  that  they  had  been  wor- 
hippera  of  Apis  (Josh.  xxiv.  14),  and  their  extreme 
iuniliarity  with  his  cultus  (1  K.  xi.  40).  3.  The 
«eniblance  of  the  feast  described  in  Ex.  xxxii.  5, 


CALF  345 

to  the  festival  in  honor  of  Apis  (Sulci.  >;.  v .  'ATrjSei)- 
(Df  the  various  sacred  cows  of  I'^gypt,  that  of  Isis, 
of  Athor,  and  of  the  three  kinds  of  sacred  bulla 
.\pis.  Basis,  and  Mnevis,  Sir  G.  Wilkinson  fixes  oc 
the  latter  as  the  prototype  of  the  golden  calf;  "  th< 
offerings,  dancings,  and  rejoicings  practiced  on  thai 
occasion  were  doubtless  in  imitation  of  a  ceremonj 
they  had  witnessed  in  honor  of  Mnevis"  {Anc, 
H(jypt;  V.  197,  see  Plates  35,  36).  The  ox  wai 
worshipped  from  its  utility  in  agriculture  (Plut.  tZ« 
Is.  p.  74),  and  was  a  symbol  of  the  sun,  and  con- 
secrated to  him  (Hon).  Od.  i.  xii.  <fcc. ;  Warburton, 
Div.  Ley.  iv.  3,  5).  Hence  it  is  almost  universallj 
found  in  Oriental  and  other  mythologies.  4.  The 
expression  "  an  ox  that  eateth  hay,"  &c.  (Ps.  cvi 
20,  &c.),  where  some  see  an  allusion  to  the  Egyptiai 
custom  of  bringing  a  bottle  of  hay  when  they  con- 
sulted Apis  (Godwyn's  Mos.  ami  Aar.  iv.  5).  Yel 
these  terms  of  scorn  are  rather  due  to  the  intenst 
hatred  of  the  Jews,  both  to  tliis  idolatry  and  tha< 
of  Jeroboam.  Thus  in  Tob.  i.  5,  we  have  one  of 
Jeroboam's  calves  called  ^  Sd/jia\ts  BciaA,  which  ia 
an  unquestional)le  calumny;  just  as  in  Jer.  xlvi.  15, 
"Atfis  6  f^Sffxo^  c^ov  6  (KKeKrhs  is  either  a  mistake 
or  a  corruption  of  the  text  (Bochart,  Hiei'oz.  ii.  28, 
6,  and  Schleusner,  s.  v.  ''Airis)- 

II.  It  seems  to  us  more  likely  that  in  this  calf- 
worship  the  Jews  merely 

"  LikenerJ  their  Maker  to  the  gravM  ox  ;  " 

or  in  other  words,  adopted  a  well-understood  cher- 
ubic emblem.  For  (1.)  it  is  obvious  that  they  were 
aware  of  this  symbol,  since  Mf)ses  finds  it  unnecessary 
to  dcscrilie  it  (Ex.  xxv.  18-22).  (2.)  .losephu^  seems 
to  imply  that  the  caU'  symbolized  ( jod  (Ant.  viii.  8, 
§  4).  (3.)  Aaron  in  proclaiming  the  feast  (Ex.  xxxii. 
5)  distinctly  calls  it  a  feast  to  .Jehovah,  and  speaks 
of  the  god  as  the  visible  representation  of  Him  who 
had  led  them  out  of  Egypt.  (4.)  It  was  extremely 
unlikely  that  they  would  so  .soon  adopt  a  deity  whom 
they  had  so  recently  seen  humiliated  by  the  judg- 
ments of  Moses  (Num.  xxxiii.  4).  (5.)  There  was 
only  o«e  Apis,  whereas  Jeroboam  erected  tim  calves. 
(But  see  Jahn,  Arch.  Bibl.  §  464.)  (6.)  Jero 
beam's  well-understood  political  purpose  was.  not 
to  introduce  a  new  religion,  but  to  provide  a  differ- 
ent fonn  of  the  old;  and  this  alone  explains  th* 
fact  that  this  was  the  only  form  of  idolatry  into 
which  Judah  never  fell,  since  she  already  possessed 
the  archetypal  emblems  in  the  Temple.  (7.)  It 
appears  from  1  K.  xxii.  6,  &c.  that  the  prophets  of 
Israel,  though  sanctioning  the  calf-worship,  still  re- 
garded themselves,  and  were  regarded,  as  "  prophe'ui 
of  Jehovid)." 

These  arguments,  out  of  many  others,  are  ad- 
duced from  the  interesting  treatise  of  Monca;us,  de 
Vituh  Aureo  ( Critici  Sncri,  ix. ).  The  work  i?  in- 
hibited by  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  has  been  an- 
swered by  Visorinus.  A  brief  resumi^  of  it  may 
be  found  in  Poll  Syn.  ad  Ex.  xxxii.,  and  in  Watt's 
"  Remnants  of  Time  "  (ad  finem).     [Cherubim.] 

The  prophet  Hosea  is  full  of  denunciations  against 
the  calf-worship  of  Israel  (Hos.  viii.  5,  6,  x.  5),  and 
mentions  the  curious  custom  of  kissiny  them  (xiii 
2).  His  change  of  Beth-el  into  Beth-aven  possibly 
rose  from  contempt  of  this  idolatry  (but  see  Beth- 
aven).  The  calf  at  Dan  was  carried  away  by 
Tiglath-Pileser,  and  that  of  Bethel  10  years  aftei 
by  his  son  SnaJmaneser  (2  K.  xv.  29,  xvii.  3;  Pri 
deaux,  Co7inection,  i.  15). 

Bochart  thinks  that  the  ridiculous  story  of  Ceisui 
about  the  Chnstian  worship  of  an  ass-head"  s*  itj 


346 


CALITAS 


oalled  €Hifafiai)9  1^  'Ovi-ti\  (a  story,  at  the  source 
of  which  Tertullian,  'OvokoItv^,  Apol.  16,  Ad  Nnt. 
i.  14,  could  only  guess),  sprang  from  some  misun- 
derstanding of  cherubic  emblems  (Minuc.  Fel.  Apul. 
ix.).  But  it  is  much  more  probable,  as  Origen 
conjectured,  that  the  Clhristians  were  confomided 
with  the  absurd  mystic  Ophumi  (Tac.  Hist.  v.  4 : 
iMerivale,  Hist,  of  Emjt.  vi.  564). 

In  the  expression  "  the  calves  of  our  lips  "  (Hos. 
xiv.  2),  the  word  "calves"  is  used  mefeiphorically 
for  victims  or  sacrifices,  and  the  passage  signifies 
either  "  we  wiQ  render  to  thee  sacrifices  of  our  lips," 
that  is,  "  the  tril)ute  of  thanksgiving  and  praise," 
or  "  we  will  offer  to  thee  the  sacrifices  which  our 
lips  have  vowed."  The  LXX.  erroneously  translate 
Kapirhv  Twv  xetA-ew,  which  is  followed  by  the  Syr. 
and  Arab,  versions,  and  is  supposed  to  have  been 
borrowed  by  the  author  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
(xiii.  15).  For  allusions  to  the  "  fatted  calf"  see 
Gen.  xviii.  7 ;  Luke  xv.  23,  <fec. ;  and  on  the  custom 
of  cutting  up  a  calf,  and  "  passing  between  the 
parts  thereof"  to  ratify  a  covenant,  see  Jer.  xxxiv. 
18,  19;  Gen.  xv.  10,  17;  Ephrem  Syrus,  i  161; 
Horn.  //.  iii.  208.  F.  W.  F. 

CALI'TAS  (KaXfras;  [Vat.  in  ver.  2.J  cor- 
rupt; in  ver.  48  V^at.  Alex.  KoXetrasO  Calitas, 
[Calitkes]),  1  Esdr.  ix.  23,  48.     [Kelita.] 

CALLIS'THENES  (KaWtaeev-nih  a  parti- 
san of  Nicanor,  who  was  burnt  by  the  Jews  on  the 
defeat  of  that  general  in  revenge  for  his  guilt  in  set- 
ling  fire  to  "  the  sacred  portals  "  (2  Ma«c.  viii.  33). 

B.  F.  W. 

CAL'NBH,  or  CAL'NO  (^.'3^-,  Sd^^  : 
XaKdvirn,  XaXdvT}  [see  Calno]  :  Chalcmw),  ap- 
pears in  Genesis  (x.  10)  among  the  cities  of  Nimrod. 
The  word  is  thought  to  mean  "  the  fort  of  the  god 
Ana  or  Anu,"  who  was  one  of  the  chief  objects  of 
Babylonian  worship.  Probably  the  site  is  the  mod- 
em Niffer,  which  was  certainly  one  of  the  early 
capitals,  and  which,  under  the  name  of  Nqjhcr,  the 
Talmud  identifies  with  Cahieh  (see  the  Vomn). 
Arab  traditions  made  Niffer  the  original  Babylon, 
and  said  tiiat  it  was  the  place  where  Nimrod  en- 
deavored to  mount  on  eagles'  wings  to  heaven. 
Similarly,  the  LXX.  speak  of  Calneh  or  Calno,  as 
"the  place  where  the  tower  was  built"  (Is.  x.  9). 
Niffer  is  situated  about  60  miles  S.  E.  E.  of  Baby- 
lon in  the  marshes  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Eu- 
phrates :  it  has  been  visited  and  described  by  Mr. 
I^ayard  (Nin.  d^- Bab.  ch.  xxiv.),  and  Mr.  Ix)ftu8 
{ChnMan,  p.  101).  We  may  gather  from  Script- 
ure that  in  the  8th  century  b.  c.  Calneh  was  taken 
by  one  of  the  Ass.>Tian  kings,  and  never  recovered 
its  prospeiity.  Hence  it  is  compared  with  Car 
chemish,  Hamath,  and  Gath  (Is.  x.  9;  Am.  vi.  2), 
«id  regarded  as  a  proof  of  the  resistless  might  of 
\ssjTia.  G.  K. 

CAL'NO  03^?:  XoA.((»^;  [Vat.  Sin.]  Alex. 
\%\avvr).,  the  passage  [in  the  LXX],  however, does 
lot  agree  with  the  Hebrew:  Calam),  Is.  x.  9. 
^Oalnkh.] 

*  Hence  we  have  3  variations  of  the  name :  Calno 
n  Isaiah,  Calneh  in  Genesis  and  Amos,  and  Canneh 
n  Ezekiel  xxvii.  23.  ITie  idea  which  the  Seventy 
»ring  into  the  text  of  Is.  x.  9  (not  in  the  Hebrew), 


CAMEL 

IS  that  the  tower  of  Babel  was  built  at  Calno  di 
Chalane,  as  if  a  protest  against  some  different  opin- 
ion. See  Gesenius  iiber  Jesnia  (i.  394).  The  Bibk 
is  silent  respecting  this  ancient  place  during  all  the 
long  ages  between  Nimrod  (Gen.  x.  10)  and  the 
prophet  Amos  (vi.  2).  Dr.  Pusey  (Minor  Prophets, 
ii.  202)  agrees  with  those  who  think  that  Calneh  oi 
Calno  was  the  later  Greek  Ctesiphon,  on  the  left 
of  the  Tigris,  about  40  miles  Scorn  Babylon.  [Cal- 
neh.] H. 

CAL'PHI  (6  Xa\(pl;  [Sin.  Alex.  Xa\<p(i\] 
Jos.  Xoi^oTos :  Calphl),  father  of  Judas,  one  of  the 
two  captains  i&pxovns)  of  Jonathan's  army  who 
remained  firm  at  the  battle  of  Geimesar  (1  Mace, 
xi.  70). 

CKLYABYiKpaAoV.  Syr.  Karhipthn :  Cal- 
varia),  a  word  occurring  in  the  A.  V.  only  in  Luke 
xxiii.  33,  and  there  no  proj^er  name,  but  arising 
from  the  translators  having  literally  adojjted  th« 


word  coivnria,  i.  e.  a  bare  skull,  the  L.itin  word 
by  which  the  Kpuviov  of  the  Evangelists  is  ren- 
dered in  the  Vulgate;  Kpaviov  again  being  i.othing 
but  the  Greek  interpretation  of  the  Hebrew  Goi> 

GOTHA. 

Kpaviov  is  used  by  each  of  the  four  Evangehst^ 
in  describing  the  place  of  the  Crucifixion,  and  is  hi 
every  case  translated  in  the  Vulg.  cakai-ia ;  and 
in  every  case  but  that  in  St.  Luke  the  A.  V.  has 
"  skull."  Prof.  Stanley  has  not  omitted  to  notice 
this  (<S.  (/•  P.  460,  note),  and  to  call  attention  to 
the  fact  that  the  popular  expression  "  Mount  Cal- 
vary "  is  not  wan-anted  by  any  statement  in  the 
accounts  of  the  pLvce  of  our  Ix)rd's  crucifixion. 
There  is  no  mention  of  a  mount  in  either  of  the 
narratives.  [Cuucifixion;  Goujotha;  Jeru- 
salem.] fr- 

*  The  transfer  of  Calvary  to  our  language  from 
the  Vulg.  has  often  been  noticed.  The  association 
of  "  mount  "  with  the  place  of  crucifixion  has  in  all 
probability  a  monastic  origin.  The  epithet  was  ap- 
plied to  the  rock  at  Jerusalem,  held  to  be  the  one 
on  which  the  cross  was  erected.  The  expression 
"  monticuliis  Golgotha  "  occurs  in  the  Jtiner.  Hieros. 
(a.  d.  333)  and  yia»  current,  no  doubt,  at  a  some- 
what earlier  period.  Thus  introduced,  the  term 
spread  at  length  into  all  the  languages  of  Christen- 
dom. See  note  in  Hob.  Bihl.  Res.  ii.  17.  Yet 
after  all  the  popular  idea  of  ( iolgotha  may  not  be 
wholly  without  support  in  Scripture.  ITie  Ijest  ex- 
planation of  Kpaviov  («  &kull,  Luke  xxiii.  33)  is 
that  it  denotes  a  spot  slightly  elevated  and  so  called 
for  that  reason,  and  because  it  was  skull-shaped. 
As  to  Mr.  Fergusson's  theory  that  the  place  of  cru- 
cifixion was  Mount  Moriah,  see  the  addition  to 
Jerusalem  (Amer.  ed.).  H. 

CAMEL.  Under  this  head  we  shall  consider 
the  Hebrew  words  (jdmdl,  b!^cer  or  bicruh,  and 
circaroth.  As  to  the  achnshterdnim"  in  Esth. 
viii.  10,  erroneously  translated  "  camels  "  by  the  A. 
v.,  see  Mule  (note). 

1.  Gdmdl  (  -^1  [burden-bearer]  •  Ku/aijAoj' 
camelus)  is  the  common  Hebrew  term  to  express 
the  genus  "  camel,"  irrespective  of  any  difference 
of  species,  age,  or  breed:  it  occurs  in  numerous 
passages  of  the  0.  T.,  and  is  in  all  probability  de- 
rived from  a  root  *>  which  signifies  "  to  carry."    The 


a  c''D'^ric.''ns. 

6  ^7i3  =  Arab.     ^\■  t"^-,   portare,   according   to 
JmbbIm,  fiimt,  and  others,    fiocbart  derives  the  word 


from  ^^3  "to  revenge,"  the  camel  being  a  vin  IJctlT* 
animal.  The  word  has  survii  td  to  this  day  in  thi 
languages  of  Western  Europe       See  aeseuius,   7%«» 

8.  T. 


I 


CAMEL 

Bnt  mention  of  camels  occurs  in  Gen.  xii.  16,  as 
*moug  the  presents  which  Pharaoh  bestowed  upon 
Abrani  when  he  was  in  I'-gypt.  It  is  clear  from  this 
passage  that  camels  were  early  known  to  the  Egyp- 
tians (see  also  Ex.  ix.  3),  though  no  representation 
of  this  animal  has  yet  been  discovered  in  the  paint- 
ings or  hieroglyphics  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  Egypt,  i. 
234,  l,ond.  1854).  The  camel  has  been  from  the 
earliest  times  the  most  important  beast  of  burden 
amongst  Oriental  nations.  The  Ethiopians  had 
'  camels  in  abundance"  (2Chr.  xiv.  15);  the  queen 
•jf  Sheba  came  to  .Jerusalem  "  with  camels  that  bare 
spices  and  gold  and  precious  stones  "  (1  K.  x.  2); 
the  men  of  Kedar  and  of  Hazor  possessed  camels 
(Jer.  xlix.  29,  32);  David  took  away  the  camels 


CAMEL 


847 


from  the  Geshurites  and  the  Amalekites  (I  Sam 
xxvii.  9,  XXX.  17);  forty  camels'  burden  of  goo<! 
things  were  .sent  to  Ehsha  by  Ben-hadad,  king  of 
Syria,  from  Damascus  (2  K.  viii.  9);  the  Ishniael 
ites  trafficked  with  Egypt  in  the  precious  gums  of 
Gilead,  carried  on  the  backs  of  camels  (Gen.  xxxvii. 
25);  the  Midianites  and  the  Amalekites  posse.sse<l 
camels  "  as  the  sand  by  the  sea-side  for  multitude  " 
(Judg.  vii.  12);  Job  had  three  thousand  camels  be- 
fore his  affliction  (Job  i.  3),  and  six  thousand  after- 
j  wards  (xlii.  12). 

The  camel  was  used  for  riding  (Gen.  xxiv.  64: 
1  Sam.  XXX.  17);  as  a  beast  of  burden  generally 
1  (Gen.  xxxvii.  25;  2  K.  viii.  9;  1  K.  x.  2,  &c.),  foi 
I  draught  purposes  (Is.  xxi.  7 :  see  also  Suetonius, 


Two-humped  Camels  on  Assyrian  moDumeuts.     (Layard.) 


Nero,  c.  ll)."  From  1  Sam.  xxx.  17  we  learn 
tliat  camels  were  used  in  war:  compare  also  Pliny 
(N.  H.  viii.  18),  Xenophon  {Cyrop.  vii.  1,  27),  and 
Herodotus  (i.  80,  vii.  86),  and  Livy  (xxxvii.  40). 
It  is  to  the  mixed  nature  of  the  forces  of  the  Persian 
army  that  Isaiah  is  probably  alluding  in  his  descrip- 
tion of  the  fall  of  Babylon  (Is.  xxi.  7). 

John  the  Baptist  wore  a  garment  made  of  camel's 
hair  (Mavt.  iii.  4;  Mark  i.  6),  and  some  have  sup- 
posed that  Elijah  "  was  clad  in  a  dress  of  the  same 
gtufT"  (Calmet's  Diet.  Frag.  No.  cccxx. ;  liosen- 
miiller,  Sclud.  ad  Is.  xx.  2),  the  Hebrew  expression 
"lord  of  hair"  (2  K.  i.  8)  having  reference  not  to 
his  beard  or  head,  but  to  his  garment  (compare 
Zech.  xiii.  4;  1  K.  xix.  13, 19)  [Sackcloth],  but 
see  Elijah.  Chardin  (in  Harmer's  Observ.  ii. 
487)  says  the  people  in  the  East  make  vestments 
of  camel's  hair,  which  they  pull  off  the  animal  at 
the  time  it  is  changing  its  coat.  vElian  {Nat.  //. 
xvii.  34)  speaks  of  the  excellent  smooth  quality  of 
the  hair  of  camels,  which  the  wealthy  near  the  (.'as- 
pian  Sea  used  to  wear;  but  the  garment  of  camel's 
Lair  which  the  Baptist  wore  was  in  all  probability 
tierely  the  prepared  skin  of  the  animal. 

Camel's  milk  was  much  esteemed  by  Orientals 
I  Vristot.  Hist.  Anin.  vi.  25,  §  1,  ed.  Schneid. : 
P  iny.  A''.  //.  xi.  41,  xxviii.  9);  it  was  in  all  prob- 
ibility  used  by  the  Hebrews  but  no  distinct  refer- 


o  "  Commisit  etiam  camelorum  quadrigas." 
b  Amongst  the  live  stock  which  Jacob  presented  to 
Rsau  were  "  thirty  milch  camels  with   their  colts." 

IT^'^J^^  C^'  t^3  is  literally  "  camels  giving  suck." 
This  passage  has  been  quoted  to  prove  that  the  Israel- 
tea  used  the  milk  of  the  camel,  which  however  -  can- 
tot  fairly  be  said  to  do.  The  milk  which  .luel  offered 
libera  (Judg.  iv.  19),  according  to  Jcsephus  (Ant.  v. 
♦)  §  4),  was  sour.  Some  of  the  Rabbis,  Michaelis  and 
ftosenmuUer  (Not.  ad  Hieroz.  i  10),  say  it  was  for  the 
"urpose  of  intoxicating  Sisera,  sour  "amel's  milk,  as 


ence  to  it  is  made  in  the  Bible.*  Camel's  flefli, 
although  much  esteemed  by  the  Arabs  (Prosp. 
Alpinus,  //.  N.  jEy.  i.  226),  was  forbidden  as  food 
to  the  IsraeUtes  (Lev.  xi.  4;  Dent.  xiv.  7),  because, 
though  the  camel  "  cheweth  the  cud,  it  divideth 
not  the  hoof."  Many  attempts  have  been  matle  to 
explain  the  reason  why  camel-flesh  was  forbidden 
to  the  Jews,  as  by  Bochart  {Hieroz.  i.  11),  liosen- 
miiller  {Not.  ad  Hieroz.  1.  c),  Michaelis  {Laws  of 
Moses,  iii.  234,  Smith's  translat.),  none  of  which, 
however,  are  satisfactory.  It  is  sufficient  to  know 
that  the  law  of  Moses  allowed  no  quadruped  to  be 
usefl  as  food  except  such  as  chewed  the  cud  and 
divided  the  hoof  into  two  equal  parts :  as  the  camel 
does  not  fuUy  divide  the  hoof,  the  anterior  parts 
oidy  being  cleft,  it  was  excluded  by  the  very  terms 
of  the  definition. 

Dr.  Kitto  {Phys.  ff.  of  Palest,  p.  391)  says  "  the 
Arabs  adorn  the  necks  of  their  camels  with  a  band 
of  cloth  or  leather,  upon  which  are  strung  small 
shells  called  cowries  in  the  form  of  half-moons." 
This  very  aptly  illustrates  Judg.  viii.  21,  26,  with 
reference  to  the  moon-shaped  ornaments  «  that  were 
on  the  necks  of  the  camels  which  Gideon  took  from 
Zebah  and  Zalmimna.  (Comp.  Stat.  Thebaid,  iy 
687.)''     [Ornaments.] 

Ezekiel  (xxv.  5)  declares  that  Kabbah  shall  be  » 


they  afflrm,  having  this  effect.     The  Arabs  use  scut 
camel's  milk  ixtensively  as  a  d-ink. 

c~'"l"'~'U\  Compare  also  Is  iii.  18:  "Round 
tires  like  the  moon,"  A.  V.  The  LXX.  has  /xiji'tV/coi, 
Vulg.  lunula. 

*  Cassel'o  note  (Lange's  Bibfliverk,  p.  83)  confirms 
and  illustrates  this  oriental  usage  of  putting  "  little 
moons  "  on  'he  necks  ol  the  camels.  It  no  doubt  had 
some  connection  with  the  Saheranism  of  the  Arab 
tribes  who  worshipped  so  extensively  the  moon  and 
stars.     See  Rawlinson's  note  on  Hfrol   iii.  8.        H. 

</  "  Niveo  lunata  monilia  dente  '   on  horses '  necks. 


348 


CAMEL 


*  stable  for  camels,  and  the  Ammonites  a  couchii>g 
place  for  flocks."  Buckingham  ( Trav.  p.  a29 )  speaks 
of  ruins  in  this  country  as  "  places  of  resort  to  the 
Bedouins  where  they  pasture  their  camels  and  their 
sheep."  See  "  Illustrations  of  Scripture,"  in  vol. 
ii.  pt.  ix.  of  "  Good  Words." 

From  the  temi)erate  habits  of  the  camel  with  re- 
gard to  its  requirements  of  food  and  water,  and 
from  its  wonderful  adaptation,  both  structurally 
and  physiologically,  to  traverse  the  arid  regions 
which  for  miles  afford  but  a  scanty  herbage,  we  can 
readily  give  credence  to  the  immense  numbers  which 
Scripture  spe;iks  of  as  the  property  either  of  tribes 
or  individuals.  The  three  thousand  camels  of  Job 
may  be  illustrated  to  the  very  letter  by  a  passage  in 
Aristotle  (//.  A.  ix.  37,  §  5):  "Now  some  men 
in  upper  Asia  possess  as  many  as  three  thousand 
cameb." 

2.  Biicer,  bicrdh  ("153,  'i^'p^  :  LXX.  k({^,j- 
Kos  in  Is.  Ix.  6 ;  o^^i  in  Jer.  ii.  2-3,  as  from  Arab. 
^y^ZS^,  mane;"  Spofie6siii  verss.  of  Aq.,Theod., 

and  Syni.:  dnmitdarius,  cursor).  The  Hebrew 
words  occur  only  in  the  two  passages  above  named, 
where  the  A.  V.  reads  "dromedary." 

Isaiah,  foretelling  the  conversion  of  the  Gentiles, 
says,  "  The  caravans  of  camels  shall  cover  thee,  the 
dromedaries  of  Midian  and  Ephah."  The  Midian- 
ites  had  camels  "  as  the  sand  of  the  sea  "  (Judg. 
vii.  12).  In  Jeremiah  God  expostulates  with  Israel 
for  her  wickedness,  and  compares  her  to  a  swift 
bicrdh  "traversing  her  ways."  Bochart  (Meroz. 
i.  15  ff. )  contends  that  the  Hebrew  word  is  indic- 
ative only  of  a  difference  in  age,  and  adduces  the 
authority  of  the  Arabic  becra  in  support  of  his 
opinion  that  a  young  camel  is  signified  by  the 
term.  Gesenius  follows  Bochart,  and  ( Comm.  iib. 
d.  Jes.  k.  6)  answers  the  objections  of  Hosenmiiller, 
who  (N'ut.  ad.  liocharti  I/iervz.  I.  c.)  argues  in  favor 
of  the  "  dromedary."  Gesenius's  remarks  are  com- 
mented on  again  by  Hosenmiiller  in  his  Bibl.  Nn^ 
turyescli.  ii.  21.  Etymologically  the  Hebrew  wonl 
is  more  in  favor  of  the  "  dromedary."  *  So  too  are 
the  old  versions,  as  is  also  the  epithet  "  swift,"  ap- 
plied to  the  bicrdh  ui  Jeremiah ;  while  on  the  other 
hand  the  term  is  used  in  the  Arabic  '^  to  denote  "  a 
young  camel."  Oedmami,  commenting  on  the 
Hebrew  word,  makes  the  following  just  observa- 
tion :  "  '  The  multitude  of  camels  shall  cover  thee, 
Jie  dromedaries  of  Midian,'  Ac.  —  a  weak  distinc- 
jon,  if  bierim  means  only  young  camels  in  opjwsi- 
ion  to  old  ones  "  (  Verra.  Sam.).  The  "  traversing 
isr  ways  "  is  well  explained  by  Kosenmiiller,  "  mox 
luc  mox  illuc  cursitans  quasi  furore  venereo  cor- 
'eptus,  suique  non  compos,  quemadmodum  faccre 
iolent  cameli  tempore  sestus  libidinosi."  We  are 
of  opinion  that  the  becer  or  bicrdh  c;innot  be  better 
fepresented  than  by  the  "  dromedary  "  of  the  A.  V. 


CAMEL 

■i.  As  to  the  circardth  (.T1"l!3~i!;  )  of  U.  Ix'rt 
20,  which  the  LXX.  interpret  ffKia^ia,  the  Yulg 
carruae,  and  the  A.  V.  "  swift  Ijeastsj"  there  it 
some  difference  of  opinion.  The  explanation  is  not 
satisfactory  which  is  given  by  Bochart  (Hieroz.  i. 
25),  following  some  of  the  Kabbis,  and  adopted  by 
Hosenmiiller,  Gesenius,  1^,  and  others,  that "  drom- 
edaries "  are  meant.  According  to  those  who  sane- 
tion  this  rendering,  the  word  (which  occurs  only  in 
Isaiah,  I.  c.)  is  derived  from  the  root  "T^"^,  "to 
leap,"  •'  to  gallop;  "  but  the  idea  involved  is  surely 
inapplicable  to  the  jolting  trot  of  a  camel.  The  old 
versions  moreover  are  opposed  to  such  an  explana- 
tion. We  prefer,  with  Michaelis  {Suppl.  ad  Ltx. 
lleb.  No.  1210)  and  I'arkhurst  (s.  v.),  to  under- 
stand by  drcdroth  "  panniers  "  or  "  baskets  "  car- 
ried on  the  backs  of  camels  or  mules,  and  to  refer 
the  word  to  its  unreduplicated  form  in  Gen.  xxxi. 
M.^  The  shctded.  vehicles  of  the  LXX.  may  be  il- 
lustrated  by  a  quotation  from  Maillet  {Desciipt.  de 
^'^fft/pff,  P-  230*),  who  says,  "  other  ladies  are  car- 
ried sitting  in  chairs  made  like  covered  cages  hang- 
ing on  both  sides  of  a  camel;  "  or  by  a  remark  of 
Dr.  Russell  (Nat.  //.  of  Aleppo,  i.  256),  who  states 
that  some  of  the  women  about  Aleppo  are  commonly 
stowed,  when  on  a  journey,  on  each  side  a  mule  in 
a  sort  of  covered  cradles. 

The  species  of  camel  wliich  was  in  common  use 
amongst  the  Jews  and  the  heathen  nations  of  Pal- 
estine is  the  Arabian  or  one-humped  camel  ( Camelut 
Arabicm).    The  dromedary  is  a  swifter  animal  than 


a  See  Schleusner  ( ZVs.  in  LXX.)  s.  y.  6^e. 
6  From   ~I32,  i.  q.  "1|23,  "  to  be  first." 

60.- 
"  «Jo    "*  youug  camel,"  of  the  sarv  age  as  "a 

fouug  man  "  amongst  men.     But  the  idea  of  swiftness 
ie  involveii  even  in  the  Arabic  use  of  this  word  for 

..  *'■-->  <  —f/roperare,  festinare  (v.  Gesenius,  Thes.) 

''  nT",   i.  «.  "  the  camel's  saddle,"  with   a  kind  of 
4UK>py  ever  it.     See  Jahn  {Areh.  Bibl.  p.  54,  Upham's 


Arabian  Camel. 


the  baggage-camel,  and  is  used  chiefly  for  ridini; 
purposes — it  is  merely  a  finer  breed  than  the  other: 
the  Arabs  call  it  the  Heirie.  The  speed  of  the 
dromedary  has  been  greatly  exaggerated,  the  Arabp 
asserting  that  it  is  swifter  than  the  horse ;  eight  01 
nine  miles  an  hour  is  the  utmost  it  is  able  to  per- 


translation):  "Sometimes  they  travel  in  a  coverfil 
vehicle  which  is  secured  on  the  back  of  a  camel,  a<id 
answers  the  purpose  of  a  small  house."  Parkhurst  sayi 

nT^D"!^  "  is  in  the  reduplicate  form,  because  thesn 
I>a8ket8  were  in  pairs,  and  slung  one  on  each  side  of 
the  beast."     In  this  sense  the  word  may  be  referre(! 

G    y 
to  the  Arabic  ^ ^j,  "  sella  camelina,  aliis,  com  ap> 

paratu  suo  "  (Freytag,  s.  v.).  See  flg^jrei  in  Poeoek* 
Descript.  Orient.  1.  tab.  68. 


CAMEL 

brm;  this  pace,  however,  it  i?  able  to  Ic^ep  up  ft/r 
bours  together.  The  Bactrian  camel  ( Cnniclus  Bic- 
trianus),  the  only  other  known  specie?  has  two 
hnnips;  it  is  not  capable  of  such  endurance  as  its 


OAMP 


34(» 


Bactrian  Camel. 

Arabian  cousin:  this  species  is  found  in  China, 
Russia,  and  throughout  Central  Asia,  and  is  em- 
ployed by  the  Persians  in  war  to  carry  one  or  two 
giuis  which  are  fixed  to  the  saddle.  Col.  H.  Smith 
says  this  species  api^ears  figured  in  the  processions 
of  the  ancient  Persian  satrapies  among  the  bas- 
reliefs  of  Chehel  Minar.  Though  the  Bactrian 
camel  was  probably  not  used  by  the  Jews,  it  was 
doubtless  known  to  them  in  a  late  period  of  their 
history,  from  their  relations  with  Persia  and  Chal- 
dsea.  Russell  (N.  Bisl.  of  Alep.  ii.  170,  2d  ed.) 
says  the  two-humped  camel  is  now  seldom  seen  at 
Aleppo. 

The  camel,  as  may  be  readily  conceived,  is  the 
subject  amongst  Orientals  of  many  proverbial  ex- 
pressions; see  many  cited  by  Bochart  {llieroz.  i. 
30),  and  comp.  Matt,  xxiii.  24,  and  xix.  24,  where 
there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  the 
A.  v.,  notwitl»tandlng  the  attempts  which  are 
made  from  time  to  time  to  explain  away  the  ex- 
pression: the  very  magnitude  of  the  hyperbole  is 
evidence  in  its  favor;  with  the  Talmuds  [Talmudic 
writers]  "  an  elephant  passing  through  a  needle's 
eye  "  was  a  common  figure  to  denote  anything  im- 


We  may  notice  in  conclusion  the  wonderful 
adaptation  of  the  camel  to  the  purposes  for  which 
it  is  designed.  With  feet  admirably  formed  for 
journeying  over  dry  and  loose  sandy  soil ;  with  an 
internid  reservoir  for  a  supply  of  water  when  the 
ordinary  sources  of  nature  fail ;  with  a  hump  of  fat 
ready  on  emergencies  to  supply  it  with  carbon  when 
even  the  prickly  thorns  and  mimosas  of  the  burning 
desert  cease  to  afford  food ;  with  nostrils  which  can 
close  valve-like  when  the  sandy  storm  fills  the  air, 
this  valuable  animal  does  indeed  well  deserve  the 
significant  title  of  the  "  ship  of  the  desert.""  The 
tamel  belongs  to  the  family  Camelidm,  order  Rumi- 
nantia.  W.  H. 

*  It  is  a  disappointment  to  know  that  the  many 
wrviceable  qualities  of  the  camel  which  have  been 
Enumerated,  are  far  from  being  mat(^hed  by  any 
jorrespondent  social  or  moral  instincts  to  increase 
mr  regard  for  him.     Dr.  Kitto  {Daily  Bibk  11- 


»  An  expression  derived  from  the  Arabs.  See  the 
(dotation  firom  the  Arabian  naturalist  Damir,  quoted 
Vs  Bochart,  Hieroz,  i.  13. 


histr.  i.  5575.  Portor  ^  «1.  1866)  writes  as  Mows 
"Of  all  the  animals  which  have  been  domesticater 
for  higher  purposes  than  to  sen-e  mankind  merel} 
as  food,  the  camel  is,  p;ist  all  doubt,  the  most 
churlish,  irascible,  revengeful,  and  self-M'illed.  We 
have  heard  of  strong  attachments  between  man 
and  all  other  domestic  animals,  but  never  between 
a  man  and  his  camel.  Of  all  the  creatures  pro- 
moted to  be  man's  companions  in  travel  and  in 
rest,  no  one  .so  unloving  and  unloved  exists.  Its 
very  countenance,  which  the  inexperienced  call  pa- 
tient, is  the  very  impersonation  of  maUce  and  ill- 
nature  —  even  when  its  eyes  are  not  kindled  up  in- 
to active  spite,  and  when  its  mouth  does  not  quiver 
with  burning  rage.  Even  among  themselves  quar- 
rels are  frequent ;  and  he  who  has  been  summoned 
by  their  sharp  and  bitter  cries  to  witness  a  camel- 
fight,  will  not  easily  forget  the  scene."  The  trav- 
eller in  the  East  is  soon  led  to  observe  this  want 
of  sjinpathy  between  the  camel  and  his  owner  or 
drivei',  and  not  being  able  to  enter  into  all  the 
provocations  which  there  may  be  for  such  severity, 
finds  it  a  constant  outrage  to  his  feelings  to  vritness 
the  blows_  and  scourgings  which  he  sees  inliicted  on 
the  bearer  of  such  heavy  l)urden3.  Camels  are  al- 
most unknown  in  Euroj)e  for  purposes  of  travel  and 
transportation.  It  was  not  without  surprise  that 
the  writer  encountered  a  small  caravan  of  them, 
laden  with  military  stores,  in  Greece,  on  the  road 
between  Delphi  and  Amphissa. 

Much  important  information  in  respect  to  the 
general  characteristics  and  habits  of  the  camel  will 
be  found  in  U.  S.  Senate  Documents  (viii.  No.  02, 
pp.  1-238,  18.56-7)  relating  to  the  purchase  of 
camels  for  purposes  of  niiUtary  transportation.  A 
circular  was  addressed  by  agents  of  the  U.  S.  Gor- 
emment  to  American  residents  in  the  East,  espe- 
cially our  missionaries  (H.  G.  O.  Dwight,  Edwin 
E.  Bliss,  W.  F.  Williams)  whose  intelligent  replies 
to  the  inquiries  made  are  replete  with  important 
facts  and  suggestions  illustrative  of  the  subject. 
Hints  for  Scripture  al,so  may  be  gleaned  from  them. 
It  is  stated  e.  </.  (p.  80)  that  camels,  ordinarily  occu- 
pying from  30  to  45  days  on  the  journey  to  .\fosut 
from  Alepjyo  by  the  way  of  Orfa  and  the  Desert, 
will  accomplish  the  distance  on  an  emergency  in  13 
days.  (See  addition  to  Haran,  Amer.  ed.)  The 
Hon.  George  P.  Marsh  has  written  a  valuable  trea- 
tise on  "  The  Camel,  his  Organization,  Habits,  and 
Uses,  considered  with  reference  to  his  Introduction 
into  the  United  States,"  lioston,  1856,  lOmo.  It 
is  understood  that  the  attempt  to  domesticate  and 
employ  the  camel  in  the  southern  parts  of  our 
country  has  proved  a  failure.  H. 

CA'MON  (p^p:  [statuMng-placejfnttnem]: 
'Pa/j.vo)!';  Alex.  Payii/tco;  [Comp.  Aid.  Kotfx^y;]  Jos. 
Kajuwc:  Qtinon),  the  place  in  which  Jaik  the  ju'lge 
was  buried  [Judg.  x.  5].  The  few  notices  of 
Jair  which  we  possess  have  all  reference  to  the 
country  iL  of  Jordan,  and  there  is  therefore  no 
reason  against  accepting  the  statement  of  Jospphus 
(Ant.  V.  7,  §  6)  that  Camon  was  a  city  of  Gilead 
In  support  of  this  is  the  mention  by  Poly  hi  us  (v. 
70,  §  12)  of  a  Camoun  (Kafiovu)  in  company  with 
PeUa  and  other  trdns-.Tordanic  places  (Reland,679). 
In  modem  times,  however,  the  name  has  not  been 
recoverea  on  the  E.  of  Jordan.  Eusebius  and  Je- 
rome identify  it  WaJi  Cyamoiv,  in  the  pluin  of 
Esdraelon.  G 

OAMP.     [Eaoampments.! 


S50 


CAMPHIRE 


CAMTHIRE  ("^^5,a  cdpher:  Kimpoi-  Cy- 
prus, Cyprus).  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
"  camphire  "  is  an  incorrect  rendering  of  the  He- 
brew term,  which  occurs  in  the  sense  of  some  aro- 
matic substance  only  in  Cant.  i.  14,  iv.  13:  tlie 
margin  in  Iwth  passages  has  "cypress,"  giving  the 
form  but  not  the  signification  of  the  Greek  word. 
Camphire,  or,  as  it  is  now  generally  written,  cam- 
phor, is  a  product  of  a  tree  largely  cultivated  in 
the  island  of  Formosa,  the  Cnmphora  oj/icimirutn,  of 
the  Nat.  order  Lnuraceiz.  There  is  another  tree, 
the  Dryobiilanops  nromntica  of  Sumatra,  which 
also  yields  camphor;  but  it  is  improbable  t)iat  the 
substance  secreted  by  either  of  these  trees  was 
known  to  the  ancients. 

l''r(jm  [ForV]  the  expression  "cluster  of  copher  in 
the  vineyards  of  Engedi,"  in  Cant,  i-  14,  the  Chal- 
dee  version  reads  "  bunches  of  grapes."'  *  Several 
versions  retain  the  Hel)rew  word.  The  substance 
really  denoted  by  copher  is  the  Kinrpos  of  Diosco- 
rides,  Theophrastus,  Ac,  and  the  cypres  of  Pliny, 
}.  e.  the  Lawsonin  alba  of  botanists,  the  henn.a  of 
Arabian  naturalists.  So  11.  Ifen  Melek  (CVnl.  i. 
14):  "The  cluster  of  copher  is  that  which  the  Ar- 
abs call  al-heima"  (see  Celsius,  Hierob.  i.  223). 
Although  there  is  some  discrepancy  in  the  descrip- 
tions given  by  the  Greek  and  Latin  writers  of  tlie 
cypros-plant,  yet  their  accounts  are  on  the  whole 
sufficiently  exact  to  enaltle  us  to  refer  it  to  the 
henna-plant.  The  Aratjic  authors  Avicenna  and 
Serapion  also  identify  their  henna  with  the  cypros 
of  Dioscorides  and  Galen  (Hoyle  in  Kitto's  Bibl.  I 
Cycl.  art.  Kopher). 

"The  Kinrpos,"  says  Sprengel  (Comment,  on, 
Dimcor.  1.  124),  "is  the  Liursonia  alba.  Lam., 
which  includes  the  L.  inermis  and  spinom,  Linn. : 
it  is  the  Copher  of  the  Hebrews  and  the  lleniai  uf 
the  Arabs,  a  plant  of  great  note  throughout  the  East 
to  this  day,  both  on  account  of  its  fragrance  and 
of  the  dye  which  its  leaves  yield  for  the  hair." 
In  a  note  Sprengel  adds  that  the  inhal>itant8  of 
Nubia  call  the  henna-plant  Khofreh ;  he  refers  to 
Delisle  {Flor.  ^(jypt.  p.  12).  Hasselquist  {Trav. 
246,  Lond.  1766),  speaking  of  this  plant,  says  "the 
leaves  are  pulverized  and  made  into  a  paste  with 
water;  the  Egyptians  bind  this  paste  on  the  nails 
of  their  hands  and  feet,  and  keep  it  on  all  night: 
this  gives  them  a  deep  yellow  [red?],  which  is 
gi'eatly  admired  by  Eastern  nations.  The  color 
lasts  for  three  or  four  weeks  before  there  is  occasion 
to  renew  it.  The  custom  is  so  ancient  in  Egypt 
that  I  have  seen  the  nails  of  the  mummies  dyed  in 
this  manner."  Sonnini  (  Voyage,  i.  297)  says  the 
women  are  fond  of  decorating  themselves  with  the 
dowers  of  the  henna-plant;  that  they  take  them 
in  their  hand  and  perfume  their  bosoms  with  them. 
Compare  with  this  Cant.  i.  13;  see  also  Mariti 
Trav.  i.  29),  Prosper  Alpinus  {De  Plant.  yEijypt. 
,.  13),  Pliny  N.  II.  xii.  24),  who  says  that  a  good 
kind  grows  near  Ascalon,  Oedmann  ( Verm.  Sam. 

a  From  HC?,  ohlevit:  "QulamuUetwi  in  oriente 
ungues  oblinunt "   (Simonis,  Lex.  b.   v.).     Cf.  Arabic 

,_ft^  Vix,  and   the   Syriac    ;;_2Q-5.     The  Greek 

tvir/xK  Is  the  same  word  as  the  Hebrew  [?]. 

ft  The  Heb.  "153,  also  denotes  "  redemption," 
"  •xplation ; "  whence  some  of  the  Ilebrew  doctors, 
*7  diTiding  v2C£7S,  have  found  out  the  mystery  of 


CANA 

i.  c.  7,  and  vi.  p.  102),  who  satisfactorily  answen 
Micbaelis's  conjecture  (Supp.  ad  Lex.  Heb.  ii.  1206) 
that  "palm-flowers"  or  "dates"  are  intended;  se* 
also  Kosenmiiller  {Bib.  Bot.  p.  133),  and  Wilkin 
son  (Anc.  Egypt,  ii.  345). 


Latesonia  alha. 

Some  have  supposed  that  the  expression  rendered 
by  the  A.  V.  "pare  her  nails  "  "^  (Deut.  xxi.  12) 
has  reference  to  the  custom  of  staining  them  with 
henna-dye;  but  it  is  very  improbable  that  there  is 
any  such  allusion,  for  the  ca|jtive  woman  was  or- 
dered to  shave  her  head,  a  mark  of  mourning:  such 
a  meaning  therefore  as  the  one  proposed  is  quite 
out  of  place  (see  Kosenmiiller,  Schol.  ad  Deut.  xxi. 
12).  Not  only  the  nails  of  the  hands  and  the  feet, 
but  the  hair  and  beard  were  also  dyed  with  henna, 
and  even  sometimes  the  manes  and  tails  of  horses 
and  a.sses  were  similarly  treated. 

The  Lawsonia  alba  when  young  is  without 
thorns,  and  when  older  is  spinous,  whence  Linnse 
us's  names,  L.  inermis  and  L.  spinosa,  he  regard- 
ing his  specimens  as  two  distinct  si^ecies.  Tlie 
henna-plant  grows  in  Egypt,  Sjria,  Arabia,  and  N. 
India.  The  flowers  are  white,  and  grow  in  clusters, 
and  are  very  fragrant.  The  whole  shrub  is  from 
four  to  six  feet  high.  The  fullest  description  is 
that  given  by  Sonnini.  The  Lawsonia  alba,  the 
only  known  species,  belongs  to  the  natural  order 
LythracecE.  W.  H. 

CA'NA  OF  GALILEE,  once  Cana  in  Gai  - 
n.KE  (KavS  ttjs  TaXiXaias:  Syriac,  Pesh.  Katmi, 
|.JL_4J3,    Nitrian,    Katnah,    CTLi.jA-O:''    Cana 

GalilaxB),  a  village  or  town  memorable  as  the  scene 
of  Christ's  first  miracle  (John  ii.  1.  11,  iv.  46),  as 
well  as  of  a  subsequent  one  (iv.  46,  54),  and  also  as 
the  native  place  of  the  Apostle  Nathanael  (xxi.  2). 


the  Messiah,  "15 D  ^D  ti7S,  "the  man  mat  propJ- 
tiatee  all  things  "  (Patrick's  Commentary). 

c  n"'Tnt^--,-lSt  nnr'KV  Ut.  "ana  she  shall 
do  her  nail's."  Onkelos  and  Saadias  understand  tht 
expression  to  denote  "  letting  her  nails  grow,"  as  a 
sign  of  grief.  The  Hebrew  "  do  her  nails,"  however 
must  surely  express  more  than  "  letting  them  alone." 

(I  •  This  is  an  error.  The  Nitrian  ♦ext  published 
by  Cureton  (Lond.  1868)  agrees  in  the  form  of  tb» 
word  (John  iv.  46)  with  the  Peshito  A 


? 


UANA 

fhe  four  jassa^-es  quot«d  —  all,  it  will  be  observed 
irom  St.  John  —  are  the  only  ones  in  which  the 
name  occurs.  Neither  of  them  affords  any  clue 
>o  the  situation  of  Cana.  All  we  can  gather  is, 
that  it  was  not  far  from  Capernaum  (John  ii.  12, 
iv.  46),  and  also  on  higher  ground,  since  our  Lord 
went  down  {Karefir])  from  the  one  to  the  other  (ii. 
12).  No  further  help  is  to  be  obtained  from  the 
notices  either  of  Josephus  (  Vit.  §  16 ;  B.  J.  i.  17, 
J  5)  —  even  if  the  place  which  he  mentions  be  the 
Rame  —  or  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  in  their  Ono- 
misticoti. 

The  traditional  site  is  at  Kefr  Kenna,  a  small 
village  about  4^  miles  northeast  of  Nazareth.  It 
now  contains  only  the  ruins  of  a  church  said  to 
8tand  over  the  house  in  which  the  miracle  was  per- 
formed, and  —  doubtless  much  oldeit —  the  fountain 
from  which  the  water  for  the  miraele  was  brought 
(Mislin,  iii.  443-6).  The  Christians  of  the  village 
are  entirely  of  the  Greek  Church.  The  "water- 
pots  of  stone"  were  shown  to  M.  Lamartine, 
though  at  St.  Willibald's  visit  centuries  before 
there  had  been  but  one  remaining  {Early  Ti-nv. 
16).  In  the  time  of  the  Crusades,  the  six  jars 
were  brought  to  France,  where  one  of  them  is  said 
still  to  exist  in  the  Mus^e  d' Angers  (see  M.  Di- 
dron's  Essays  in  the  Annales  Archeohgiques,  xi. 
5,  xiii.  2). 

The  tradition  identifying  Kefr  Kenna  with  Cana 
is  certainly  of  considerable  age.  It  existed  in  the 
tune  of  WilUbald  (the  latter  half  of  the  8th  cent.), 
who  visited  it  in  passing  from  Nazareth  to  Tabor, 
and  again  in  that  of  Fhocas  (12th  cent.  See  Re- 
land,  680).  From  that  time  until  lately  the  tradi- 
tion appears  to  have  been  undisturbed.  But  even 
by  Quaresmius  the  claims  of  another  site  were  ad- 
mitted, and  these  hr.ve  been  lately  brought  forward 
by  Dr.  Robinson  with  much  force.  The  rival  site 
is  a  village  situated  further  north,  about  5  miles 
north  of  Seffurieh  (Sepphoris)  and  9  of  Nazareth, 
near  the  present  Jefat,  the  Jotapata  of  the  Jewish 
wars.     This  village  stiU  bears  the  name  of  Kana 

eUelU  ((_^/A:i.|  LjLs),  a  name  which  is  in 
every  respect  the  exact  representative  of  the  Hebrew 

original  —  as  Kenna,  \jS  v-fl^  is  widely  differ- 
ent from  it  —  and  it  is  in  this  fact  that  the  chief 
Ktrength  of  the  argument  in  favor  of  the  northern 
Kana  seems  to  reside.  The  argument  from  tradi- 
tion is  not  of  much  weight.  The  testimonies  of 
Willibald  and  Phocas,  given  above,  appear  to  have 
escaped  the  notice  of  Dr.  Robinson,  and  they  cer- 
tainly form  a  balance  to  those  of  Adrichomius  and 
others,  which  he  quotes  against  Kefr  Kennn  (Hob. 
u.  346-9,  iii.  108,  with  the  note  on  De  Saulcy; 
comp.  Ewald,  v.  147;  Mislin.  iii.  443-6). 

The  Gospel  history  will  not  be  affected  whichever 
nte  may  be  discovered  to  be  the  real  one.         G. 

*  Dr.  Robinson  (Bil/t.  Res.  iii.  205,  ed.  1841) 
pronounces  the  addition  of  eUJelil  to  the  northern 
Kana  conclusive  in  favor  of  that  village:  most  of 
the  later  writers  acquiesce  in  this  view.  Thomson 
raises  a  doubt  whether  any  such  designation  dis- 
tiaguishes  the  one  place  from  the  other.  Of  ie 
nany,  he  says,  to  whom  he  put  the  question,  »  only 
me  had  ever  heard  of  the  word  Jelll  as  a  part 
tf  the  name;  and  from  the  hesitancy  with  wl-'ch 
Jiis  one  admitted  it,  I  was  left  in  doubt  whether 
le  did  not  inerely  acquiesce  in  it  at  my  suggestion." 
JmiuI  <irtd  Book,  ii.  121).    Mr.  Dixon  {Holy  Land, 

832)  has  %  long  not*  in  which  he  contends  for  the 


CANAAN 


3J»1 


other  KatJi  in  opposition  to  Robinson's  view.  It  ia 
impossible  to  say  wliich  of  these  villages  was  the 
scene  of  the  first  miracle.  Both  of  them  are  near 
enough  to  Nazareth  to  make  them,  in  oriental  life, 
parts  of  the  same  neighborhood.  It  has  been 
alleged  for  the  northeastern  Kana  that  it  is  more 
directly  on  the  way  to  Capernaum.  But  there  is 
not  a  word  of  proof  that  Jesus  was  going  down  to 
Capernaum  at  the  time;  he  was  at  Cana,  wherever 
it  wa.'^,  because  he  and  his  disciples  had  been  incited 
there  to  attend  the  marriage  (John  ii.  2).  Nor  if 
he  went  down  to  Capernaum  from  Cana  immedi- 
ately after  the  marriage  (which  is  not  certain  — 
since  ixerh,  tovto,  John  ii.  12,  may  mark  that  move- 
ment as  only  relatively  subsequent)  does  tlie  expres- 
sion '  going  down  '  settle  anything ;  for  it  would 
be  topographically  exact  whether  he  went  from  the 
one  Kdnu  or  the  other.  Nor  does  the  nobleman's 
coming  to  him  at  Cana,  from  Capernaum,  to  inter- 
cede for  his  sou  (John  iv.  46  ff.)  decide  the  question; 
for  it  is  merely  said  that  on  hearing  that  Jesus 
had  returned  to  Galilee  from  Judsea,  he  came  to 
him  where  he  was  —  of  course,  whether  the  Cana 
in  which  lie  found  him  was  the  nearer  or  the  more 
distant  one. 

Stanley  {N'otices  oj" Localities,  cfc.  p.  188)  sug- 
gests that  Cana  may  have  been  one  of  the  GalUean 
homes  of  Jesus ;  but  his  going  thither  on  the  return 
from  Judsea  (John  iv.  43  ff. )  so  far  from  favoring  this, 
is  rather  opposed  to  it.  The  reason  assigned  for 
doing  so,  namely,  that  "  »  prophet  is  not  witho'.it 
honor  save  in  his  own  country,"  explains  in  effect 
why  he  avoided  Nazareth  (his  irarpis),  to  which  he 
might  have  been  expected  to  go,  and  went  to  Cana, 
a  place  having  so  much  less  interest  for  him.   II. 

CA'NAAN  (U'i-  (=C'na'an;  comp.  the 
Greek  name  Xm,  as  mentioned  below)  [low,  hum- 
bled]: Xauadv,  Jos.  Xai/dai/os-  Chnnaan).  1. 
The  fourth  son  of  Ham  (Gen.  x.  6;  1  Chr.  i.  8; 
comp.  Jos.  Ant.  i.  6,  §  4),  the  progenitor  of  the 
Phoenicians  ("  Zidon  " ),  and  of  the  various  nations 
who  before  the  Israelite  conquest  peopled  the  sea- 
coast  of  Palestine,  and  generally  the  whole  of  the 
country  westward  of  the  Jordan  (Gen.  x.  15;  1 
Chr.  i.  13).  [Canaan,  LAND  of;  Canaanites.] 
In  the  ancient  narrative  of  Gen.  ix.  20-27,  a  cm-se 
is  pronounced  on  Canaan  for  the  unfilial  and  irrev- 
erential  conduct  of  Ham:  it  is  almost  as  if  the 
name  had  belonged  to  both,  or  tlie  father  were  al- 
ready merged  in  the  son. 

2.  The  name  "  Canaan  "  is  sometimes  employed 
for  the  country  itself  —  more  generally  sty'ed  "  the 
land  of  C."  It  is  so  in  Zeph.  ii.  5;  and  we  also 
find  "Language  of  C."  (Is.  xix.  18):  "Waiscf 
C."  (.ludg.  iii.  1):  "Inhabitants  of  C."  (Ex.  xt 
15):  "King  of  C."  (.hidg.  iv.  2,  2.'5,  24,  v.  19): 
'•  Daughters  of  C."  (Gen.  xxviii.  1,  6,  8,  xxivi.  2): 
"  Kingdoms  of  C."  (Ps.  cxxxv.  11).  In  addition  to 
the  above  the  word  occurs  in  several  passages  where 
it  is  concealed  in  the  A.  V.  by  being  translated. 
These  are:  Is.  xxiii.  8,  "traffickers,"  and  xxiii.  11, 
"the  merchant  city;"  Gesenius,  "Jehovah  gab 
Befehl  iiber  Canaan:  "  Hos.  xii.  7,  "  He  is  a  mer- 
chant ; ' '  Ewald,  "  Kanaan  halt  triige  rische  Wage :  " 
Zeph.  i.  11,  "  merchant-people;  "  E\/ald,  "  dass  alle 
^ananiter  sind  dahin."  G. 

CA'NAAN,  THE  LAND  of  (]r."'T  VT.^- 

from  a  root  ^5"^,  signifying  to  be  law ,  see  2  Chr. 
xxviii.  19;  Job  xl.  12,  amongst  other  |>a88ages  in 
which  the  verb  is  used),  a  name  denoting  tb^  coun- 


852 


CANAAN 


try  west  of  the  Jordan  and  Dead  Sea,  and  between 
those  waters  and  tlie  Mediterranean ;  specially  op- 
posed to  tlie  "  land  of  Gilead,"  that  is,  the  high 
tible-land  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan.  Thus:  "our 
ittle  ones  and  our  wives  shall  be  here  in  the  cities 
of  Gilead  ....  but  we  will  pass  over  anned  into 
Uie  iand  of  Canaan  "  (Num.  xxxii.  26-32),  and  see 
xxxiii.  51 :  "  I'hincas  .  .  .  returned  from  tlie  chil- 
dren of  Reuben  and  the  children  of  Gad  out  of  the 
land  of  Gilead  into  the  land  of  (Janaan  to  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel,"  Josh.  xxii.  32:  see  also  Gen.  xii. 
i.  xxiii.  2.  19,  xxxi.  18,  xxxiii.  18,  xxxv.  G,  xxxvii. 
1,  xlviii.  3,  7,  xlix.  30 ;  Num.  xiii.  2,  17,  xxxiii. 
40,  51;  Josh.  xxi.  2;  Judg.  xxi.  12.  True,  the  dis- 
trict to  which  tlie  name  of  "  low  land  "  is  thus 
applied  contained  many  very  elevated  spots :  —  She- 
chem  (Gen.  xxxiii.  18 1,  Hebron  (xxiii.  19),  Bethel 
yxxxv.  6),  Bethlehem  (xlviii.  7),  Shiloh  (Josh.  xxi. 
2;  Judg.  xxi.  12),  which  are  all  stated  to  be  in  the 
"  land  of  Canaan."  But  high  as  the  level  of  much 
of  the  country  west  of  the  Jordan  undoubtedly  is, 
there  are  several  things  which  must  always  have 
prevented,  as  they  still  prevent,  it  from  leaving  an 
impression  of  elevation.  These  are,  (1)  that  re- 
markable, wide,  maritime  plain  over  which  the  eye 
ranges  for  miles  from  the  central  hills ;  a  feature  of 
the  country  which  cannot  be  overlooked  by  the 
most  casual  observer,  and  which  impiesses  itself 
most  indelibly  on  tiie  recollection;  (2)  the  still 
deeper,  and  still  more  remarkable  and  impressive 
hoUow  of  the  .Jordan  valley,  a  view  into  which  may 
be  commanded  from  almost  any  of  the  heights  of 
central  Palestine;  and,  (3)  there  is  the  almost  con- 
stant presence  of  the  long  high  line  of  the  moun- 
tains east  of  the  Jordan,  which  from  their  distance 
have  the  effect  more  of  an  enormous  cliff  than  of  a 
mountain  range  —  kwking  down  on  the  more  bro- 
ken and  isolated  hilLs  of  Canaan,  and  furnishing  a 
constant  standard  of  height  before  which  everything 
is  dwarfed. 

The  word  "  Canaanite  "  was  used  in  the  0.  T. 
in  two  senses,  a  broader  and  a  narrower,  which  will 
be  most  conveniently  examined  under  that  head ; 
but  this  does  not  appear  to  be  the  case  with  "  Ca- 
naan," at  least  in  the  older  cases  of  its  occurrence. 
It  is  only  in  later  notices,  such  as  Zeph.  ii.  5,  and 
Matt.  XV.  22,  that  we  find  it  applied  to  the  low 
maritime  plains  of  I'hilistia  and  Phoenicia  (comp. 
Mark  vii.  26).  In  the  same  manner  it  was  by  the 
Greeks  that  the  name  Xva,  C'na,  was  used  for 
I'lioenicia,  i.  e.  the  sea-side  plain  north  of  the 
"  Tyrian  ladder "  (see  the  extract  in  Reland,  7, 
and  (jesenius,  696),  and  by  the  later  Phoenicians 
both  of  Phoenicia  proper  and  of  the  Punic  colonies 
in  Africa.  (See  the  coin  of  I^aodicea  ad  Lib.  and 
the  testimony  of  Augustine,  l)oth  quoted  by  Gese- 
nius,  696.)  The  LXX.  translators  had  learnt  to 
apply  this  meaning  to  the  word,  and  in  two  ca-ses 
they  render  the  Hebrew  words  given  alrove  by 
Kdpa  rail'  ^oivIkoiv  (Ex.  xvi.  35;  Josh.  v.  12, 
wnip.  V.  1),  aa  they  do  "Canaanites"  hy  ^oiviKes. 

G. 

♦CANAAN,  LANGUAGE  OF,  Is.  xix. 
8.     See  Canaanites  ;  Ham. 

CA'NAANITE,  THE  (Rec.  T.  6  Kapavtrvs, 
\,  Kavavfirifs;  Lachm.  [Tisch.  Tr^.]  with  B 
C,  6  Kavavaios;  D  [in  Malt.l,  Xayavatos-  Cha- 
naneus),  the  designation  of  tne  Apostle  Simon, 
otherwise  known  as  "Simon  [the]  Zelotes."  It 
wcura  in  Matt.  x.  4 ;  Mark,  iii.  18. 

The  word  does  not  si^iiy  a  descendant  of  C»- 


OANAANITES 

naan,  that  being  m  the  Greek  both  of  tlie  I,XX 
and  the  N.  T.  Xaj'oj/o7os  =  '"rv'3I  (comp.  Matt 
XV.  22  with  Mark  vii.  20).  Nor  does  it  signify,  u 
has  been  suggested,  a  native  of  Kana,  since  thai 
would  probably  be  Koj/i'ttjs.  But  it  comes  fron: 
a  Chaldee  or  SjTiac  word,  ^SD^,  Knnean,  or 
CnAJ_LJ3  ["f.-..  I  >  ol    Kanenleh  [?],  by  which 

the  Jewish  sect  or  faction  of  "the  Zealots"  —  so 
prominent  in  the  last  days  of  Jerusalem  was  desig- 
nated (see  Buxtorf,  Lex.  [Tali/i.]  s.  v.).  This  Syr- 
iac  word  is  the  reading  of  the  Peshito  version.  The 
Greek  equivalent  of  Kaman  is  ZtjAwtVis,  Zelottg, 
and  this  St.  Luke  (vi.  15;  Acts  i.  13)  has  airrectly 
preserved.  St.  Matthew  and  St.  JIark,  on  the 
other  hand,  have  literally  transferred  the  Syria<; 
word,  as  the  LXX.  transktors  did  frequently  before 
them.  There  is  no  necessity  to  suppose,  as  Mr. 
Cureton  does   {Nitrian  Rec.  lxxx\ii.),  that   they 

mistook  the  word  for  <rL>.X.:i.J_D  flLxJ-iJ^I 

=  Xavavaios,  a  Canaanite  or  descendant  of  Ca- 
naan. The  Evangelists  could  hardly  commit  such 
an  eri-or,  whatever  subsequent  transcribers  of  their 
works  m.ay  have  done.  But  that  this  meaning 
was  afterwards  attached  to  the  word  is  plain  from 
the  readings  of  the  Codex  Bezaj  (D)  and  the  Vul- 
gate, as  given  above,  and  from  the  notice  quoted 
from  Cotelier  in  the  note  to  Winer's  arti(de  (p. 
463).  The  spelling  of  the  A.  V.  has  doubtless 
led  many  to  the  same  conclusion;  and  it  would  be 
well  if  it  were  altered  to  •>  Kananite,"  or  some  other 
form  distinguished  from  the  well-known  one  in 
which  it  now  stands.  G. 

*  Simon  is  supposed  to  have  been  c.alle<l  the 
"Cananite"  or  "Zealot"  because  of  his  former 
zeal  in  behalf  of  Judaism.  As  there  was  another 
Simon  among  the  Apostles,  he  appears  to  have  re- 
tained the  name  after  he  became  a  disciple,  as  & 
me.ans  of  distinction,  though  it  had  ceased  to 
mark  the  trait  of  character  out  of  which  it  arose. 
It  has  been  said  that  he  took  the  appellation  from 
his  having  belonged  to  a  political  sect  known  as  the 
Zealots,  mentioned  by  Josephus  {B.  J.  iv.  3,  §  9); 
but  though  he  may  have  shown  the  same  tendencies 
of  character,  the  party  historically  distinguished 
by  that  name  did  not  appear  till  a  later  period. 
See  Wetstein's  Nm.  Test.  i.  360.  H. 

CA'NAANITES,  THE  ("3^3"  H,  i.  e.  ac- 
curately according  to  Hebrew  usage  —  Gesen.  Ileb. 
Grnm.  §  107  —  "  the  Canaanite ;  "  but  in  the  A. 
V.  with  few  exceptions  rendered  as  plural,  and  there  • 

fore  indistinguishable  from  C^jVS?,  which  aJao, 
but  very  unfrequently,  occurs:  Xavava7os,  ^oiyi^, 
Ex.  vi.  15,  comp.  Josh.  v.  1:  Clionnnetis),  a  word 
used  in  two  senses:  (1)  a  tribe  which  inhabited  a 
particular  locality  of  the  land  west  of  the  Jordan 
before  the  conquest;  and  (2)  in  a  wider  sense,  the 
people  who  inhabited  generally  the  whole  of  thai 
country. 

1 .  I'or  the  tribe  of  "  the  Canaanites  ' '  only  —  thf 
dwellers  in  the  lowland.  The  whole  of  the  country 
west  of  Jordan  was  a  "  lowland  "  as  compared  with 
the  loftier  and  more  extended  tracts  on  the  east : 
but  there  was  a  part  of  this  western  country  which 
was  still  more  emphatically  a  "lowland."  (a.) 
There  were  the  plains  lying  between  the  shore  of 
the  Mediterranean,  and  the  foot  of  the  hills  of  Ben- 
jamin, Judah,  and  Ephraim  —  the  Shefehh  oi 
i  plain  of  Philistia  on  the  south  —  that  of  Sharoi 


OANAANITES 

beiween  Jaffa  and  Carmel  —  the  great  plain  of  Es- 
draelon  in  the  rear  of  the  hay  of  Akka ;  and  lastly, 
the  plain  of  Phoenicia,  containing  Tyre,  Sidon,  and 
all  the  other  cities  of  that  nation.  (6.)  But  sep- 
arated entirely  from  these  was  the  still  lower  region 
of  the  Jordan  Valley  or  Arahah,  the  modern  Gh6i\ 
a  region  which  extended  in  length  from  the  sea  of 
Cinneroth  (Gennesareth )  to  the  south  of  the  Dead 
Sea  ahout  120  miles,  with  a  width  of  from  8  to  14. 
The  climate  of  these  sunken  regions  —  especially 
of  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  —  is  so  peculiar,  that  it 
is  natural  to  find  them  the  special  possession  of  one 
tribe.  "  Amalek  "  —  so  runs  one  of  the  earliest 
and  most  precise  statements  in  the  ancient  records 
of  Scripture  —  "  Amalek  dwells  in  the  land  of  the 
south ;  and  the  Hittite,  and  the  Jebusite,  and  the 
Aniorite,  dwell  in  the  mountains;  and  the  Canaan- 
ite  dwells  by  the  sea,  and  by  the  side  of  Jordan  " 
(Num.  xiii.  29).  This  describes  the  division  of 
the  country  a  few  years  only  before  the  conquest. 
Rut  there  had  been  little  or  no  variation  for  cen- 
turies. In  the  notice  which  purports  to  be  the 
earliest  of  all,  the  seats  of  the  Canaanite  tribe  — 
as  distinguished  from  the  sister  tribes  of  Zidon, 
the  liittites,  Amorites,  and  the  other  descendants 
of  Canaan  —  are  given  as  on  the  seashore  from 
Zidon  to  Gaza,  and  in  the  Jordan  valley  to  Sodom, 
Gomorrah,  and  Lasha  (afterwards  Callirhoe),  on  the 
shore  of  the  present  Dead  Sea  (Gen.  x.  18-20). 
In  Josh.  xi.  3  —  at  a  time  when  the  Israelites  were 
actually  in  the  western  country  —  this  is  expressed 
more  broadly.  "  The  Canaanite  on  the  east  and 
the  west"  is  carefully  distinguished  from  the 
Amorite  who  held  "  the  mountain  "  in  the  centre 
of  the  country.     In  Josh.  xiii.  2,  3,  we  are  told 

with  more  detail  that  "  all  the  '  circles '  (HI  7"*  •!!) 
of  the  Philistines  .  .  .  from  Sihor  (the  Wouly  el- 
Arisk)  unto  Ekron  northward,  is  counted  to  the 
Canaanite."  Later  still,  the  Canaanites  are  still 
dwelling  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Jordan  Valley  — 
Kethshean ;  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  —  Taanach, 
Ibleam,  and  Megiddo;  the  plain  of  Sharon  —  Dor; 
and  also  on  the  plain  of  I'hoenicia  —  Accho  and 
Zidon.  Here  were  collected  the  chariots  which 
formed  a  prominent  part  of  their  armies  (Judg.  i. 
19,  iv.  3;  Josh.  xvii.  16),  and  which  could  mdeed 
be  driven  nowhere  but  in  these  level  lowlands  (Stan- 
ley, S.  (/  P.  p.  134). 

The  plains  which  thus  appear  to  have  been  in 
possession  of  the  Canaanites  specially  so  called, 
were  not  only  of  great  extent;  they  were  also  the 
richest  and  most  imfwrtant  parts  of  the  country, 
and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  this  was  one  of  the  rea- 
sons for  the  name  of  "  Canaanite  "  being 

2.  Applied  as  a  general  name  for  the  non-Israel- 
ite inhabitants  of  the  land,  as  we  have  already  seen 
was  the  case  with  "  Canaan." 

Instances  of  this  are.  Gen.  xii.  6;  Num.  xxi. 
3  —  where  the  name  is  applied  to  dwellers  in  the 
south,  who  in  xiii.  29  are  called  Amalekites ;  Judgi 
i.  10  —  with  which  comp.  Gen.  xiv.  13  and  xiii.  18, 
and  Josh.  x.  5,  where  Hebron,  the  highest  land  in 
Palestine,  is  stated  to  be  Amorit«;  and  Gen.  xiii. 
12,  where  the  "land  of  Canaan"  is  distinguished 
from  the  very  Jordan  vailey  itself.  See  also  Gen. 
xxiv.  3,  37,  comp.  xxviii  2,  6 ;  Ex.  xiii.  11,  comp. 
5.  But  in  many  of  its  occurrences  it  is  difficult 
to  know  in  which  category  to  place  the  word.  Thus 
in  Gen.  1.  11 :  if  the  floor  of  Atad  was  at  Beth- 
hogla,  close  to  the  west  side  of  the  Jordan,  "  the 
Canaanites  "  must  be  intended  in  the  narrower  and 

2a 


CANAANITES  853 

stricter  sense ;  but  the  expression  "  inhabitant<  of 
the  land  "  appears  as  if  intended  to  be  more  gen- 
eral. Agjfin,  in  Gen.  x.  18,  19,  where  the  present 
writer  believes  the  tribe  to  be  intended,  Gesenius 
takes  it  to  apply  to  the  whole  of  the  Canaanite 
nations.  But  in  these  and  other  similar  instances, 
allowance  must  surely  be  made  for  the  different 
dates  at  which  the  various  records  thus  compared 
were  composed.  And  besides  this,  it  is  difficult  to 
imagine  what  accurate  knowledge  the  Israelites  can 
have  possessed  of  a  set  of  petty  nations,  from  whom 
they  had  been  entirely  removed  for  four  hundred 
years,  and  with  whom  they  were  now  again  brought 
into  contact  only  that  they  might  exterminate  them 
as  soon  as  possible.  And  before  we  can  solve  such 
questions  we  also  ought  to  know  more  than  we  do 
of  the  usages  and  circumstances  of  people  who  dif- 
fered not  only  from  ourselves,  but  also  possibly  in  a 
material  degree  from  the  Orientals  of  the  present 
day.  The  tribe  who  possessed  the  ancient  city  of 
Hebron,  besides  being,  a.s  shown  above,  called  inter- 
changeably Canaanites  and  Amorites,  are  in  a  third 
passage  (Gen.  xxiii.)  called  the  children  of  Ileth  or 
Hittites  (comp.  also  xxvii.  40  with  xxviii.  1,  G). 
The  Canaanites  who  were  dwelling  in  the  land  of 
the  south  when  the  Israelites  made  their  attack  on 
it,  may  have  been  driven  to  these  higher  and  more 
barren  grounds  by  some  other  tribes,  possibly  by 
the  Philistines  who  displaced  the  Avvites,  also 
dwellers  in  the  low  country  (Deut.  ii.  23). 

Beyond  their  chariots  (see  above)  we  have  no 
clue  to  any  manners  or  customs  of  the  Canaanites. 
Like  the  Phoenicians,  they  were  probably  given  to 
commerce;  and  thus  the  name  became  probably  ii» 
later  times  an  occasional  synonym  for  a  merchant 
(Job  xli.  6;  Prov.  xxxi.  24;  comp.  Is.  xxiii.  8,  11; 
Hos.  xii.  7;  Zeph.  i.  11.  See  Kenrick,  Fhoin.  p. 
232). 

Of  the  language  of  the  Canaanites  little  can  be 
said.  On  the  one  hand,  being  —  if  the  genealogy 
of  Gen.  X.  be  right  —  Hamit€s,  there  could  be  no 
afiinity  between  their  language  and  that  jf  the  Is- 
raelites, who  were  descendants  of  Shem.  On  the 
other  is  the  fact  that  Abram  and  Jacob  shortly 
after  their  entrance  to  the  country  seem  able  to 
hold  converse  with  them,  and  also  that  the  names 
of  Canaanite  persons  and  places  which  we  possess, 
are  translatable  into  Hebrew.  Such  are  Melchize- 
dek,  Ilamor,  Shechem,  Sisera  .  .  .  Ephrath,  and 
also  a  great  number  of  the  names  of  places.  But 
we  know  that  the  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  nanes 
have  been  materially  altered  in  their  adoption  into 
Hebrew  records,  either  by  translation  into  Hebrew 
equivalents,  or  from  the  impossibility  of  accurately 
rendering  the  sounds  of  one  language  by  those  of 
another.  The  modem  Arabs  have  adopted  the  He  • 
brew  names  of  places  as  nearly  as  would  admit  of 
their  having  a  meaning  in  Arabic,  though  that 
meaning  may  be  widely  different  from  that  of  the 
Hebrew  name.  Examples  of  this  are  Beit-ur,  Btit- 
lahm,  Bir  es-Seba,  which  mean  respectively,  "  house 
of  the  eye,"  "house  of  flesh,"  "well  of  the  lion," 
while  the  Hebrew  names  which  these  have  super- 
seded meant  "  house  of  caves,"  "  house  of  bread," 
"  well  of  the  oath."  May  not  a  similar  process 
have  taken  place  when  the  Hebrews  took  possession 
of  the  Canaanite  towns,  and  "  called  the  lands  after 
their  own  names?"  (For  an  examination  of  this 
interesting  but  obscure  subject  see  Gesenius,  l/ebr 
Spr.  pp.  223-5.) 

The  "  Nethinim  "  or  servants  of  the  temple  seem 
to  have  originated  in  the  dedication  of  captirm 


854  CANDACE 

taken  in  war  from  the  petty  states  surrounding  the 
Israelites.  [Xktiiimm.]  If  this  was  the  case, 
and  if  they  were  maintained  in  number  from  sim- 
ilar sources,  there  must  be  uiany  non-Israelite  names 
in  the  lists  of  their  famiUes  which  we  possess  in 
Ezr.  ii.  43-54;  Neh.  vii.  46-5G.  Several  of  the 
names  in  these  catalogues  —  such  as  Sisera,  Me- 
hunim,  Nephushim  —  are  the  same  as  those  which 
we  know  to  be  foreign,  and  doubtless  others  would 
be  found  on  examination.  The  subject  perhaps 
would  not  be  beneath  the  examination  of  a  Hebrew 
scholar. 

This  is  perhaps  the  proper  place  for  noticing  the 
various  shapes  under  which  tlie  formula  for  desig- 
nating the  nations  to  be  expelled  by  the  Israelites 
is  given  in  tlie  various  books. 

1.  Six  nations:  the  Canaanites,  Hittites,  Amor- 
ites,  Perizzites,  Hivites,  and  Jebusites.  This  is 
the  usual  form,  and,  with  some  variation  in  the 
order  of  the  names,  it  is  found  in  Ex.  iij.  8,  17, 
xxiii.  23,  xxxiii.  2,  xxxiv.  11 ;  Deut.  xx.  17 ;  Josh. 
ix.  1,  xii.  8;  Judg.  iii.  5.  In  I'>x.  xiii.  5,  the  same 
names  are  given  with  the  omission  of  the  Periz- 
zites. 

2.  With  the  addition  of  the  Girgashites,  making 
np  the  mystic  number  seven  (Deut.  vii.  1 ;  .Tosh. 
iii.  10,  xxiv.  11).  The  Girgashites  are  retained 
and  the  Hivites  omitted  in  Neh.  ix.  8  (comp.  Ezr. 
ix.l). 

3.  In  Ex.  xxiii.  28,  we  find  the  Canaanite,  the 
Hittite,  and  the  Hivite. 

4.  The  list  of  ten  nations  in  Gen.  xv.  19-21  in- 
cludes some  on  the  east  of  Jordan,  and  probably 
some  on  the  south  of  Palestine. 

5.  In  1  K.  ix.  20  the  Canaanites  are  omitted 
from  the  list.  G. 

CANT) ACE  {KavSdKv,  Strab.  xvii.  p.  820),  a 
queen  of  I^thiopia  (Merotj),  mentioned  Acts  viii. 
27.  The  name  was  not  a  proper  name  of  an  indi- 
ridual,  but  tliat  of  a  dynasty  of  Ethiopian  queens. 
(See  Plin.  vi.  35;  Dion  Cass.  liv.  5;  Strab.  I.  c.) 
The  eunuch  of  this  queen,  who  had  charge  of  all 
her  treasure,  is  mentioned  in  Acts  as  having  been 
met  by  Philip  the  Evangelist  on  the  desert  road 
from  Jerusjilem  to  Gaza,  and  converted  to  Chris- 
tianity. Etliiopian  tradition  gives  him  the  name 
of  Indich;  and  in  Iren.  iii.  12,  and  Euseb.  //.  -t'. 
ii.  1,  he  is  said  to  have  first  propagated  the  gospel 
in  Arabia  Felix  and  Ethiopia,  but  Sophronius 
makes  him  preach  and  suffer  martyrdom  in  the 
island  of  Ceylon.     (See  Wolf,  Cures,  ii.  113.) 

H.  A. 

•  The  foregoing  is  the  generally  received  view, 
but  is  subject  still  to  some  doubt.  Of  the  writers  to 
whom  appeal  is  made,  Strabo  (xvii.  2,  §  3)  says  ex- 
pressly that  the  inhabitants  of  Meroe  appoint  kings 
(0a(rt\fas)  as  their  sovereigns,  and  apiwint  them 
for  their  personal  qualities,  being  therefore  elective, 
and  not  hereflitary;  and  also  that  the  royal  resi- 
dence of  Candiice  was  Napata  (rovro  iiv  tJi  )8o- 
ci\fiov  rris  KavSdKvs),  a  different  place  from 
Meroe,  eighty-six  geographical  miles  farther  north. 
Dion  Cassius  (liv.  5,  though  he  writes  erroneously 
Tavdwri)  makes  the  same  distinction,  referring  the 
queens  who  bore  this  title  to  Napata,  and  not  Meroe. 
In  accordance  wifli  these  notices,  Hawlinson  {l/eivd- 
otus,  ii.  41)  makes  Napata  the  capital  of  one  part 
of  Ethiopia,  and  Meroe  the  seat  of  another  inde- 
pendent kingdom.  The  passage  in  Pliny  (ffist. 
Nat.  vi.  35)  does  not  disagree  with  this  conclusion, 
though  it  is  chiefly  his  language  that  has  misled 
leaden,  if  they  have  fallen  into  error  here.     His 


CANDLESTICK 

words  are  the  following:  "Inde  Niipata  US  'JL 
mill.;  oppidum  id  parvum  intei  pra-dicta  sk^^utn. 
Ab  eo  ad  insulam  Meroiin  CCCl>X  M.  Herbas  "area 
Meroen  demum  viridiores,  silvarumque  aliquid  ap- 
paruisse  et  rhinocerotum  elephantorumque  vestigia. 
Ipsum  oppidum  Meroen  ab  introitu  insulre  ab^se 
LXX.  mill,  passuum :  juxtaque  aliam  insulam  Tadu 
dextro  subeuntibus  alveo,  quae  portum  faceret. 
.(Edificia  oppidi  pauca.  Regnare  feminam  Can- 
dacem;  quod  nomen  multis  jam  annis  ad  reginas 
transiit."  If  "sedificia  oppidi"  refers  to  "Me- 
roen," just  before,  then  "regnare  Candacem"  does 
of  com^se,  and  Candace  reigned  in  the  city  and 
island  of  that  name.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
Meroe  was  an  important  city,  and  could  not  well 
be  said  to  consist  of  "  a  few  buildings,"  and  Napata 
might  be  so  described ;  and  hence,  as  some  snjjpose, 
Pliny  at  this  point  goes  back  to  the  remoter  Napata. 
of  which  he  has  already  spoken  as  "  pamim,"  and 
so  much  the  more  as  that  is  uppermost  in  the  mind, 
as  being  the  place  from  which  he  reckons  the  situa- 
tion of  the  other  places  named. 

Others  suppose  that  Napata  wa-s  only  one  of  the 
capitals  of  Jleroe,  and  that  Strabo  and  IJion  Cassius 
speak  of  Candace  in  connection  with  the  former 
place  rather  than  the  latter,  because  she  had  a  noted 
palace  there.  It  follows,  then  (to  make  the  con- 
ciliation here  complete),  that  Strabo  must  mean  by 
"kings"  rulers  of  both  sexes.  Ritter  {Erdkuruh, 
i.  592,  2d  ed.)  regards  the  Napata  of  Pliny  as  a 
different  place  from  that  of  Strabo.  For  a  fuller 
statement  of  the  case,  the  reader  is  referred  to  J 
C.  M.  I^urent's  Neufestamentliche  Stw/ien,  pp 
140-146  (Gotha,  18GG);  and  Bibl.  Sacra,  1866 
pp.  515-16. 

The  name  Candace,  says  Riietschi  (Herzog'a 
Real-Encykl.  vii.  243),  appears  not  to  be  of  Semitic 
origin,  at  least  no  satisfactory  etjinology  has  yet 
been  assigned  for  it.  The  supposition  that  the 
Candace  in  Acts  viii.  27  was  the  one  who  fought 
against  the  L'omans  b.  c.  22  (Strabo,  xvii.  1,  §  54) 
is  just  possiljle,  so  fai'  as  the  dates  are  concerned, 
but  has  every  presumption  against  it.  Some  of 
the  commentators  suppose  her  to  have  been  the 
same;  in  which  case  she  must  have  reigned  under 
the  emperor  Claudius,  and  have  been  nearly  ninety 
years  old  at  the  time  of  Philip's  baptizing  the 
eunuch.  Pliny's  statement  that  Candace  was  a 
transmitted  title  of  these  Ethiopian  queens  renders 
so  violent  a  supposition  neediest'.  H. 

CANDLESTICK  (n-j'l3r>  :  Xvxviarov  <po>- 
r6s,  1  Mace.  i.  21 ;  6  kdavan.  v  -  -  .>  eySfxevos  \ix' 
vos  Ka\  Kai6ixevos  iSiaKflTTToii  ^.-  t<j?  ray,  Diod. 
Sic.  ap.  Schleusn.  Tfifs.  s.  v.),  vhich  Moses  was 
commanded  to  make  for  the  tabernacle,  is  described 
Ex.  XXV.  31-37,  xxxvii.  17-24.  It  is  called  in  I*v. 
xxiv.  4,  "  the  pure,"  and  in  Ecclus.  xxvi.  17,  "the 
holy  candlestick."  With  its  various  appurtenances 
(mentioned  below)  it  required  a  talent  of  "piure 
gold,"  and  it  was  not  mouh/cd,  but  "of  beaten 
work"  (ropfuT^).  Josephus,  however,  says  (Ant. 
iii.  6,  §  7)  that  it  was  of  cast  gold  (/ce^wfi'Mf'^)' 
and  hollow.  I'rom  its  golden  ba.se  (^TI't'  /3({ff«s, 
Joseph.),  which,  according  to  the  Jews,  was  3  feet 
high  (Winer,  Ltucliler),  sprang  a  main  shaft  or  reed 

(nil"),  "and  spread  itself  into  a,s  many  branches 
as  there  arc  planets,  including  the  sun.  It  ter- 
minated hi  7  heads  all  in  one  row,  all  standing 
parallel  to  one  another,  one  bj  one,  in  imitatioe 
of  the  number  of  the  planets  "  (Whiston's  ./<•».  uh 


I 


CANDLESTICK 


CANDLESTICK 


355 


tipra)  As  the  description  given  in  Ex.  is  not  very 
tiear,  we  abbreviate  Iji^litfoot's  explanation  of  it. 
••  The  foot  of  it  was  gold,  from  which  went  up  a 
(haft  straight,  which  was  the  middle  light.  Near 
the  foot  was  a  golden  dish  wrought  almondwise; 
and  a  little  above  that  a  golden  knop,  and  above 
that  a  golden  flower.  Then  two  branches,  one  on 
each  side,  bowed,  and  coming  up  as  high  as  the 
middle  shaft.  On  each  of  them  were  three  golden 
cups  placed  almondwise,  on  sharp,  scollop-shell 
fashion ;  above  which  was  a  golden  knop,  a  golden 
flower,  and  the  socket.  Above  the  branches  on  the 
middle  shaft  was  a  golden  boss,  above  which  rose 
two  shafts  more;  above  the  coming  out  of  these 
was  another  boss,  and  two  more  shafts,  and  then  on 
the  shaft  upwards  were  three  golden  scollop-cups, 
a  knop,  and  a  flower:  so  that  the  heads  of  the 
branches  stood  an  equal  height "  (  Works,  ii.  399, 
ed.  Pitman).  CaJmet  remarks  that  "  the  number 
7  might  remind  them  of  the  sabbath."  We  have 
seen  that  Josephus  gives  it  a  somewhat  Egyptian 
reference  to  tibe  number  of  the  planets,  but  else- 
where {B.  J.  vii.  5,  §  5)  he  assigns  to  the  7 
branches  a  merely  general  reference,  as  rrjs  iraph 
Tois  'lov^ulois  efiSofidSos  t^v  ti/x^v  f/j,(pavi^ov- 
Tey.  The  whole  weight  of  the  candlestick  was  100 
minae ;  its  height  was,  according  to  the  Kabbis,  5 
feet,  and  the  breadth,  or  distance  between  the  ex- 
terior branches  3 J  feet  (Jahn,  Ardi.  Blbl.  §  329). 
It  has  been  calculated  to  have  been  worth  5076/. 
exclusive  of  workmanship. 

According  to  Josephus  the  ornaments  on  the 
shaft  and  branches  were  70  in  number,  and  this 
was  a  notion  in  which  the  Jews  with  their  peculiar 
reverence  for  that  number  would  readily  coincide; 
but  it  seems  difficult  from  the  description  in  Exodus 
to  confirm  the  statement.  On  the  main  shaft 
(called  "the  candlestick,"  in  Ex.  xxv.  34)  there 
is  said  to  be  "4  almond-shaped  bowls,"  with  their 
knops  and  their  flowers,"  which  would  make  12 
of  these  ornaments  in  all ;  and  as  on  each  of  the  6 
branches  there  were  apparently  (for  the  expression 
In  verse  33  is  obscure)  3  bowls,  3  knops,  and  3 
flowers,  the  entire  number  of  such  figures  on  the 
candlestick  would   be   66.      The  word  translated 

"bowl"  in  the  A.  V.  is  V^r^^j  Kpar-fjp,  for  which 
Joseph,  (l.  c.)  has  KparrjpiSia  koI  ^o'taKoi-  It  is 
said  to  have  been  almond-shaped  (T)?t?"  ^2,  (Krerv 
vaififvot  KapviffKois),  but  whether  the  fruit  or  flower 
of  the  almond  is  intended  cannot  be  certain.     The 

word  ~1"^np3  is  variously  rendered  "knop"  (A. 
v.),  "pommel"  (Geddes),  (Tc\>aipwT-i)p  (LXX.), 
tphe-rula  (Vulg.),  "apple"  (Arabic,  and  other  ver- 
sions); and  to  this  some  apply  the  poiffKoi,  and 
Mot  (as  is  more  natural)  the  ffcjjatpia  of  Josephus. 

The  third  term  is  FT]^,  "a  bud,"  Kpiya  (LXX. 
and  Joseph.),  which  from  an  old  gloss  seems  to  be 
put  for  any  &vdos  evQiStd^ov,  Kpivois  'd^oiov. 
From  the  fact  that  it  was  expressly  made  "  after 
the  pattern  sho\^^l  in  the  mount,"  many  have  en- 
deavored to  find  a  symbolical  meaning  in  these  or- 
naments, especially  JNIeyer  and  Biihr  {Symbol,  i. 
il6  ff ).  Generally  it  was.  "  a  type  o)  preaching  " 
(Godwyn's  Moses  awl  Aaron,  ii.  Ij  or  of  "the 
Ight  of  the  law"  (Lightfoot,  I.  c).  Similarly 
eandlesticks  are  matle  types  of  the  spirit,  of  the 
Church,  of  witnesses,  Ac.  (Coinp.  Zech.  iv. ;  Kev. 
(.  5.  xi.  4,  &c. ;  Wemyss,  Clae.  SymOol.  s.  v.) 
The  candlestick  was  placed  on  the  south  side  ~.{ 


the  first  apartment  of  the  tabernacle,  opposite  tkt 
table  of  shew-bread,  which  it  was  intended  to  il- 
lumine, in  an  oblique  position  (ao|cDs)  so  that  the 
lamps  looked  to  the  east  and  south  (Joseph.  AtU. 
iii.  6,  §  7;  Ex.  xxv.  37);  hence  the  central  was 
called  "the  western"  Lj  up,  according  to  some, 
though  others  render  it  '  the  evening  lamp,"  and 
say  that  it  alone  burned  perpetually  (Ex.  xxvii.  20, 
21),  the  others  not  being  lit  during  the  day,  al- 
though  the  Holy  Place  was  dark  (Kx.  xxx.  8;  1 
Mace.  iv.  50).  In  1  Sam.  iii.  3  we  have  the  ex- 
pression "ere  the  lamp  of  (iod  went  out  in  the 
temple  of  the  Lord,"  and  this,  taken  in  connection 
with  2  Chr.  xiii.  11  and  Lev.  xxiv.  2,  3,  would 
seem  to  imply  that  "  always  "  and  "  continually," 
merely  mean  "tempore  constitute,"  i.  e.  by  night; 
especially  as  Aaron  is  said  to  have  dressed  the  lamps 
every  morning  and  lighted  them  every  evening. 
Rabbi  Kimchi  {ad  loc. )  says  that  the  other  lamps 
often  went  out  at  night,  but  "  they  always  found 
the  western  lamp  burning."  They  were  each  sup- 
plied with  cotton,  and  half  a  log  of  the  purest 
olive-oil  (about  two  wine-glasses),  which  was  suf- 
ficient to  Tjeep  them  burning  during  a  long  night 
(Winer). 
The  priest  in  the  morning  trimmed  the  lamps 

with  golden  snuffers  (D'^np7Q  :  eTrapuffXTJoey: 
forcipes),  and  carried  away  the  snuflf  in  golden 
dishes  (iT^nn^  :  vvoOffiara:  acerrce,  Ex.  xxv. 
38).  When  carried  about,  the  candlestick  was  cov- 
ered with  a  cloth  of  blue,  and  put  with  its  append  ■ 
ages  in  badger-skin  bags,  which  were  supported  on 
a  bar  (Xum.  iv.  9). 

In  Solomon's  temple,  instead  of  this  candlestick 
(or  besides  it,  as  the  Kabbis  say,  for  what  became 
of  it  we  do  not  know),  there  were  10  golden  can- 
dlesticks similarly  embossed,  5  on  the  right  and  5 
on  the  left  (1  K.  vii.  49;  2  Chr.  iv.  7).  These  are 
said  to  have  formed  a  sort  of  railing  before  the 
vail,  and  to  have  been  connected  by  golden  chains, 
under  which,  on  the  day  of  atonement,  the  high- 
priest  crept.  They  were  taken  to  Uabylon  (Jer. 
Iii.  19). 

In  the  temple  of  Zerubbabel  there  was  again  a 
single  candlestick  (1  Mace.  i.  21,  iv.  49).     It  wm 


Candlestick.    (From  Ar-h.  of  Tltueu) 

taken  from  the  Herodian  temple  by  Titus,  and  car- 
ried in  triumph  immediate)  v  heforp  the  conqueror ' 


856 


CANDLESTICK 


(Joseph.  B.  J.  vii.  5,  §  5).  The  description  given 
of  its  kIoiv  and  Aeirrol  Kav\lcKoi  by  Joseplms, 
agrees  only  tolerably  with  the  deeply  interesting 
sculpture  on  the  Arch  of  Titus ;  hut  be  drops  a 
hint  that  it  was  not  identical  with  the  one  used  in 
the  Temple,  saying  (possibly  in  allusion  to  the  fan- 
tastic gritfins,  &c.,  sculptured  on  the  pediment, 
which  are  so  much  worn  that  we  found  it  difficult 
to  make  them  out),  rb  tpyov  i^-fiKKaKro  TTJy  icarck 
ri)!/  rjnerepav  XP^*''"'  covriOfias  '■  where  see  Whis- 
ton's  note.  Hence  Jahn  {/lebr.  Com.  §  clix.)  says 
that  the  candlestick  carried  in  the  triumph  was 
"somewhat  difftrent  from  the  yokkn  candlestick  of 
the  temple.''''  These  questions  are  examined  in  Ke- 
land's  treatise  De  Spotiis  Templi  Hierosol.  in  Ar-cu 
Titiano  cons/riciiis.  The  r/eneral  accuracy  of  the 
■culpture  is  undoubted  (Prideaux,  Con.  i.  166). 

After  the  triumph  the  candlestick  was  deposited 
iu  the  Temple  of  Peace,  and  according  to  one  story 
fell  into  the  Tiber  from  the  Milvian  bridge  during 
the  flight  of  Maxentius  from  Constantine,  Oct.  28, 
312  A.  P. ;  but  it  probably  was  among  the  spoils 
Iransfened,  at  the  end  of  400  years,  from  lionie  to 
l^arthage  by  Gensi  ric,  a.  d.  455  (Gibbon,  iii.  291). 
It  was  recovered  by  Belisarius,  once  more  carried 
in  triumph  to  Constantinople,  "  and  then  re8i)ect- 
fully  deposited  in  the  Christian  church  of  Jerusa- 
lem "  {/d.  iv.  24),  A.  D.  533.  It  has  never  been 
heard  of  since. 

When  our  Lord  cried  "  I  am  the  light  of  the 
world"  (John  viii.  12),  the  allusion  was  prob- 
ably suggested  by  the  two  large  golden  chandeliers, 
lighted  in  the  court  of  the  women  during  the  Feast 
oif  Tabernacles,  which  illuminated  all  Jerusalem 
(Wetstein,  ad  be),  or  perhaps  to  the  lighting  of 
this  colossal  candlestick,  "  the  more  remarkable  in 
the  profound  darkness  of  an  Oriental  town  "  (Stan- 
ley, S.  (j-  P.  p.  428).  F.  W.  F. 

*  According  to  the  description  given  in  Ex.  xxv. 
31-37,  the  candelabrum,  or  chandeUer,  of  the  tab- 
ernacle (improperly  called  candlestick  in  the  com- 
mon Enghsh  version)  was  constructed  as  follows: 

From  a  base  or  stand  (called  ?fT^^  properly  the 
upper  portion  of  the  thigh  where  it  joms  the  body, 
and  hence,  naturally,  the  support  on  which  a  struct- 
ure rests)  rose  an  upright  central  shaft  (H^p, 
a  reed,  cane)  bearing  the  central  lamp;  from  two 
opposite  sides  of  it  proceeded  other  shafts  (3*3'^), 
three  on  a  side,  making  six  branches  from  the  main 
shaft,  all  being  in  the  same  plane  with  it,  and  each 
bearing  a  lamp. 

As  parts  of  the  main  shaft  and  its  branches, 
lerving  for  ornaments  of  the  structure,  are  men- 
tioned/oicer-cwp*  (P"*32,  properly  a  c?«p  or  ftoic?, 
hence,  the  calyx  or  outer  covering  of  a  flower),  cajn- 
tals  ("Tip?,  crmcn  of  a  column,  its  capital,  Am. 

Ix.  1;  Zeph.  ii.  14),  and  flowers  (rT^S).  In 
shape,  the  capital  may  have  had  the  rounded  form 
of  fruit,  as  indicated  in  some  of  the  ancient  ver- 
sions and  Josephus. 

From  the  representation  in  verses  33-35,  these 
parts  appear  to  have  been  arranged  as  follows: 
F.ach  of  the  six  side-branches  (ver.  33)  had  three 
flower-cups  (caljTces)  shaped  like  the  calyx  of  the 
almond  blossom,  and  terminated  in  a  crown  or  cap- 
ital, y,ith  its  ornamental  flower,  aa  a  receptacle  for 
Uie  lamo.  The  central  shaft  (vers.  34,  35)  was 
)ompo«ea  of  four  such  combinations  af  calyx,  capi- 


CANON  OF  SCRIPTURE,  THE 

tal,  and  flower,  each  pair  of  sidc-bi-anches  resting 
on  the  capital  (ver.  35)  of  one  of  the  thi-ee  lower, 
the  fourth  and  uppermost  bearing  the  centra] 
lamp. 

As  thus  understood,  the  passage  is  interpreted 
according  to  its  strictest  grammatical  construotioti, 
and  each  term  is  taken  in  its  ordinary  acceptation 
in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  The  form,  as  thus  repri"- 
sented,  is  more  symmetrical  than  the  one  sculpt- 
ured on  the  Arch  of  Titus,  which  plainly  conflicts 
with  some  points  in  the  description,  and  has  no 
historical  claim  to  represent  the  form  of  the  candel- 
abrum of  the  first  Hebrew  tabernacle. 

Whether  the  lamps  were  all  on  the  same  level, 
as  supposed  to  be  represented  on  the  Arch  of  Titus 
(for  the  central  shaft  is  defaced  at  the  top),  whether 
the  central  lamp  was  highest,  as  supiwsed  by 
Kwald,  and  whether  the  seven  lamps  were  arranged 
in  a  pyramidal  form,  as  supposed  by  Scachius,  is 
matter  of  mere  speculation.  But  on  either  of  the 
two  latter  suppositions,  the  structure  is  not  only 
more  sjinmetrically  artistic  in  itself,  but  harmo- 
nizes better  with  the  designation  of  the  central 

shaft  by  the  general  name  of  the  whole  (n"^DT^, 
in  ver.  34),  the  other  parts  being  only  its  subordinate 
appendages.  Keil,  in  the  Bibl.  Cvmmentar  of 
Keil  and  Dehtzsch,  and  in  his  Archaohgie,  where 
an  engraved  representation  is  given,  arbitrarily  re- 
verses the  order  of  the  V33  and  the  "IFIi " , 
as  given  three  times  in  the  Hebrew  text. 

The  term  candlestick  (A.  V.)  is  obviously  inap- 
propriate here.  It  is  also  improjierly  used  in  the 
New  Testament  in  passages  where  Uimp-sUind  is 
meant  by  the  Greek  word  (Aux»"'«)- 

As  to  the  aUusion  in  our  Saviour's  words,  "I 
am  the  light  of  the  world,"  it  has  been  shown  by 
Liicke  (who  examines  the  subject  minutely),  and 
by  Meyer,  that  they  could  not  have  been  suggested 
by  the  lighting  of  the  lamps  in  the  temple.  On 
the  contrary,  there  is  a  manifest  reference  to  the 
repeated  and  famUiar  predictions  of  the  Messiah,  aa 
"a  hght  of  the  Gentiles"  (Is.  xUi.  6,  xUx.  6),  as 
"the  Sun  of  righteousness"  (Mai.  iv.  2),  to  which 
allusion  is  made  in  Luke  i.  78,  79,  as  "  the  day- 
sprmg  from  on  high,"  "  to  give  light  to  them  that 
sit  in  darkness."  Comp.  Matt.  iv.  16;  Luke  ii. 
32.  T.  J.  C. 

CANE.     [Reed.] 

CANKERWORM.     [Loctst.] 

CANTlfEH  (n?3,  one  Codex  Ha^D  :  Xa- 
vai;  Alex.  Xoj/oai/:  C/fene),  Ez.  xxvii.  23.  [CaI/- 
^EH.] 

CANON   OF  SCRIPTURE,  THE,  may 

be  generally  described  aa  "  the  collection  of  liookg 
which  forms  the  original  and  authoritative  written 
rule  of  the  faith  and  practice  of  the  Christian 
Church."  Starting  from  this  definition  it  will  I* 
the  object  of  the  present  article  to  examine  shortly, 
I.  The  original  meaning  of  the  term ;  II.  The  .lew- 
ish  Canon  of  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures  as  to 
(a)  its  formation,  and  ()8)  extent;  III.  The  Chris- 
tian Canon  of  the  Old;  and  IV.  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament. 

I.  The  use  of  (he  icord  Canon.  —  The  word 
Canon  (Kavdy,  aMn  to  rfP  [cf.  Gesen.  Thes.  a 
v.],  Kiyri,  Kdvva,  canna  icanalis,  channel],  cane 
cannon)  in  classical  Greek  is  (1.)  properly  a  straiglii 
rod,  as  the  rod  of  a  shield,  or  that  used  in  weaving 


CAN03I 

[UdaConutn),  or  a  iarpenter's  rule.  (2.)  The  last  I 
kfK'U^  offers  au  easy  transition  to  the  metaphorical 
ase  of  the  word  for  a  testing  rule  in  ethics  (comp. 
Arist.  ML  Nic.  iii.  4,  5),  or  in  art  (the  Caiwn  of 
Polycletus ;  Luc.  de  Salt.  p.  946  B. ),  or  in  language 
(the  Canons  of  Grammar).  The  varied  gift  of 
tongues,  according  to  the  ancient  interpretation  of 
Acts  ii.  7,  was  regarded  as  the  "  canon  "  or  test 
which  determined  the  direction  of  the  Libors  of  the 
several  Apostles  (Severian.  ap.  Cram.  Cat.  in  Act. 
ii.  7,  SiSorai  tKourTCfi  yKCxraa  KaOdirep  Kowdtv)- 
Chronological  tables  were  called  Kav6vis  xpovtKoi 
(I'lut.  Sol.  p.  27);  and  the  summary  of  a  book 
was  called  Kaudy,  as  giving  the  "  rule,"  as  it  were, 
of  its  composition.  The  Alexandrine  grammarians 
appUed  the  word  in  this  sense  to  the  great  "  clas- 
sical "  writers,  who  were  styled  "the  rule"  (6 
Kavdv),  or  the  perfect  model  of  style  and  language. 
(3.)  But  in  addition  to  these  active  meanings  the 
word  was  also  used  passively  for  a  measured  space 
(at  Olyrapia),  and,  in  later  times,  tor  a  fixed  tax 
(Uu  Cange,  s.  v.  Canon). 

The  ecclesiastical  usage  of  the  word  offei^s  a  com- 
plete parallel  to  the  classical.  It  occurs  in  the 
LXX.  in  its  literal  sense  (.Jud.  xiii.  6),  and  again 
hi  Aquila  (Job  xxxviii.  5).  In  the  N.  T.  it  is 
found  in  two  places  in  St.  Paul's  epistles  (Gal.  vi. 
16;  2  Cor.  x.  13-16),  and  in  the  second  place  the 
transition  from  an  active  to  a  passive  sense  is  wor- 
thy of  notice,  ^^n  patristic  writings  the  word  is 
commonly  used  both  as  "  a  rule "  in  the  widest 
sense,  and  especially  in  the  phrases  "  the  rule  of  the 
Chui-ch,"  "the  rule  of  faith,"  the  rule  of  truth" 
(d  Kavuiu  rr\s  ^/c/c\7j(riaj,  6  koli/mv  t^s  aXrideias, 
&  Kavaiv  t1)s  Tricrrecos;  and  so  also  Kav^v  (KK\r}- 
inaa-TiKSs,  and  6  Kaviiv  simply).  This  rule  was 
regarded  either  as  the  abstract,  ideal  standard,  em- 
bodied only  in  the  life  and  action  of  the  Church; 
or,  again,  as  the  concrete,  deihiite  creed,  which  set 
forth  the  facts  from  which  that  life  sprang  {rey- 
ula:  Tertull.  de  Virg.  vel.  1).  In  the  fourth 
century,  when  the  practice  of  the  Church  was  fur- 
ther systematized,  the  decisions  of  synods  were 
styled  "  Canons,"  and  the  discipline  by  which  min- 
isters were  bound  was  technically  "the  Rule,"  and 
those  who  were  thus  bound  were  styled  Canonici 
("Canons").  In  the  phrase  "the  canon  (/.  e. 
fixed  part)  of  the  mass,"  from  which  the  popular 
sense  of  "canonize"  is  derived,  the  passive  sense 
again  prevailed. 

As  applied  to  Scripture  the  derivatives  of  Kauiv 
are  used  long  before  the  simple  word.  The  Latin 
translation  of  Origen  speaks  of  Scriptune  Canon- 
icce  {de  Princ.  iv.  33),  libri  regulares  {Comm.  in 
Matt.  §  117),  and  libri  canonizati  {id.  §  28).  In 
another  place  the  phrase  haberi  in  Canone  {Prol. 
in  Cant.  s.  f.)  occurs,  but  probably  only  as  a  trans- 
lation of  Kavovl^ecrdat,  which  is  used  in  this  and  cog- 
nate senses  in  Atlianasius  {Ep.  Fest.),  the  Laodi- 
cene  Canons  (d/coftJi/io-ra,  Can.  lix.),  and  later 
writers.  This  circumstance  seems  to  show  that  the 
title  "  Canonical "  was  first  given  to  writings  in  the 
sense  of  "  admitted  by  the  rule,"  and  not  as  '■'■form- 


a  Credner  accepts  the  popular  interpretation,  as  if 
sanonical  were  equivalent  to  "  having  the  force  of 
law,"  and  supposes  that  scriptiirce  le<cis,  a  phrase  r^- 
eurring  in  the  time  of  the  persecution  of  Diocletian, 
reprcjents  ypac^al  icai/oi'os,  which  however  does  not,  as 
6.r  as  I  know,  occur  anywhere  (Ziir  Gesck.  d.  Kan 
p.  67),  The  terms  canonical  and  canonize  are  prob- 
ibiy  of  Alexandrine  origin  ;  but  there  is  not  the 
■lightest  evidence  for  connecting  the  "  canon  "  of  clas- 


OANON  357 

ing  part  of  and  giving  the  rule."  It  \i  true  thai 
an  ambiguity  thus  attaches  to  the  word,  which  may 
mean  only  "  publicly  used  in  the  Church ;  "  but  such 
an  ambiguity  may  find  many  parallels,  and  usaga 
tended  to  remove  it."  The  spirit  of  Christendom 
recognized  the  books  which  truly  expressed  its  ea- 
sence;  and  in  lapse  of  time,  when  that  spirit  waa 
deadened  by  later  overgrowths  of  sinjerstition,  the 
written  "  Kule "  occupied  the  place  and  received 
the  name  of  that  vital  "  Rule "  by  which  it  was 
first  stamped  with  authority  (6  kuvwv  rrjs  a\rf- 
deias  al  OeTai  ypa<{)al,  Isid.  Felus.  Ej).  cxiv. ;  comp. 
Aug.  de  doctr.  Chr.  iv.  9  (6);  and  as  a  contrast 
Anm.  ap.  Euseb.  //.  E.  v.  28). 

The  first  direct  application  of  the  term  KavtSiv  to 
the  Scriptures  seems  to  be  in  the  verses  of  Amphi- 
lochius  (c.  380  A.  d.  ),  who  concludes  his  well-known 
Catalogue  of  the  Scriptures  with  the  words  outoi 
anf/euSetrTOTOs  Kaviiiv  h.v  flrj  rav  deoTrvevffTwv 
ypaipcav,  where  the  word  indicates  the  rule  by 
which  the  contents  of  the  Bible  must  be  deter- 
mined, and  thus  secondarily  an  index  of  the  con- 
stituent books.  A.mong  Latin  writers  the  word  ia 
commonly  found  fi-om  the  time  of  Jerome  {ProL 
Gal.  .  .  .  Tobias  et  Judith  non  sunt  in  'Canone) 
and  Augustine  {De  Civ.  xvii.  24,  .  .  .  perpauci 
auctoi'itatem  Canonis  obtinuerunt;  id.  xviii.  38, 
.  .  .  inveniuntur  in  Canone),  and  their  usage  of 
the  word,  which  is  wider  than  that  of  Greek  writers, 
is  the  source  of  its  modern  acceptation. 

The  uncanonical  books  were  described  simply  as 
"those  without,"  or  "those  uncanonized  "  (awa- 
v6vi(rTa,  Cone.  Load.  Ux.).  The  Apocryphal  booksi, 
which  were  supposed  to  occupy  an  uitermediate 
position,  were  called  "  books  read  "  {avayiyvtiiaitS- 
fjiiva,  Athan.  Ep.  Fest.),  or  "ecclesiastical"  (eo- 
clesiastici,  Rufin.  in  SymJ).  A//ost.  §  38),  though 
the  latter  title  was  also  applied  to  the  canonical 
Scriptures  (Leont.  /.  c.  infr.).  The  canonical  books 
(l.«ont.  de  Sect.  ii.  ra  kuvov  i(6  /xe  va  /Si^Aia) 
were  also  called  "books  of  the  Testament"  (eV 
SidOr^Ka  fiifi\la),  and  Jerome  styled  the  whole  col- 
lection by  the  striking  name  of  "  the  holy  Ubrary  " 
{Bibliotheca  snncta),  which  happily  expresses  tho 
unity  and  variety  of  the  Bible  (Credner,  Zur  Gesch. 
d.  Kan.  §  1 ;  Hist,  of  Carton  of  N.  T.  App.  D). 

II.  (a)  The  formation  of  the  Jewish  Camjn.  — 
The  history  of  the  Jewish  Canon  in  the  earliest 
times  is  beset  with  the  greatest  difficulties.  Before 
the  period  of  the  exile  only  faint  traces  occur  of  the 
solemn  preservation  and  use  of  sacred  books.  Ac- 
cording to  the  command  of  Moses  the  •'  book  of  the 
law  "  was  "  put  in  the  side  of  the  ark  "  (Dent.  xxxL 
25  flF.),  but  not  in  it  (1  K.  viii.  9;  comp.  Joseph. 
Ant.  iii.  i.  7,  v.  1,  17),  and  thus  in  the  reign  of 
Josiah,  Hilkiah  is  said  to  have  "  found  the  book  of 
the  law  in  the  house  of  the  Ix)rd  "  (2  K.  xxii.  8; 
comp.  2  Chi-,  xxxiv.  14).  This  "book  of  the  law," 
which,  in  addition  to  the  direct  precepts  (Ex.  xxiv. 
7),  contained  general  exhortations  (Deut.  xxviii. 
61)  and  historical  iiairatives  (Ex.  xvii.  14),  waj 
further  increased  by  the  records  of  Joshua  (Josh. 
xxiv.  26),  and  probably  by  other  writings  (1  Sam. 

sical  authors  with  the  "  canon "  of  Scripture,  not- 
withstanding the  tempting  analogy.  If  it  could  b« 
shown  that  6  icavcav  waa  used  at  an  early  period  foi 
the  list  of  sa/C-TJd  books,  then  it  would  be  the  simpled 
interpretatior  *.o  take  KavovCCe<T6ai.  ia  the  sense  or 
"  being  entered  on  the  list."  [For  this  view  see  F.  0. 
Piur,  Die  BerJeiitting  den  Worlex  Kdvi^v,  in  Ililgeo 
leld's  Zeilsdir  f.  wiss.  Theol.,  1868,  i.  141-160. 


368  CANON 

e.  25),  though  it  is  impossible  to  determine  their 
wniteuts."  At  a  subsequent  time  collections  of 
proverbs  were  made  (Prov.  xxv.  1),  and  the  later 
prophets  (especially  Jeremiah ;  comp.  Kueper,  Je- 
rem.  Libror.  ss.  interp.  et  viiidtx,  Berol.  1837) 
were  familiar  with  the  writings  of  their  predeces- 
sors, a  circumstance  which  may  naturally  be  con- 
nected with  the  training  of  "  the  prophetic  schools." 
It  perhaps  mai'ks  a  further  step  in  the  formation 
of  the  Canon  when  "  the  book  of  the  Lord  "  is  men- 
tionefl  by  Isaiah  as  a  general  collection  of  sacred 
teaching  (xxxiv.  16;  comp.  xxix.  18),  at  once  fa- 
miliar and  authoritative;  but  it  is  mihkely  that 
any  definite  collection  either  of  "  the  psalms  "  or 
of  "  the  prophets  "  existed  before  the  Captivity. 
At  that  time  Zechariali  speaks  of  "  the  law  "  and 
•'  the  former  pi-ophets  "  as  in  some  measure  coijr- 
dinate  (Zech.  vii.  12);  and  Daniel  refers  to  "  iAe 

books"  (Dan.  ix.  2,  CIDDH)  in  a  maimer  which 
seems  to  mark  the  prophetic  writings  as  already 
collected  into  a  whole.  Even  after  the  Captivity 
the  history  of  the  Canon,  Uke  all  Jewish  history  up 
to  the  date  of  the  JMaccal^ees,  is  wrapt  in  great  ob- 
scurity.. Faint  traditions  alone  remain  to  interpret 
results  which  are  found  realized  when  the  darkness 
is  first  cleared  away.  Popular  belief  assigned  to 
Ezra  and  "  the  great  synagogue  "  the  task  of  col- 
lecting and  promulgating  the  Scriptures  as  part  of 
their  work  in  organizing  the  Jewish  Church. 
Doubts  have  been  thrown  upon  this  belief  (Kau, 
De  Synag.  mngna,  1726 ;  comp.  Ewald,  Gesch.  d. 
V.  hi:  iv.  191),  and  it  is  difficult  to  answer  them, 
from  the  scantiness  of  the  evidence  which  can  be 
adduced ;  but  the  behef  is  in  every  way  consistent 
with  the  history  of  Judaism  and  with  the  internal 
evidence  of  the  books  themselves.  The  later  em- 
bellishments of  the  tradition,  which  represent  Ezra 
as  the  second  author  of  all  the  books  [2  Esdras], 
or  define  more  exactly  the  nature  of  his  work,  can 
only  be  accepted  as  signs  of  the  universal  behef  in 
his  labors,  and  ought  not  to  cast  discredit  uiwn  the 
gmiple  fact  that  the  foundation  of  the  present  Ca- 
non is  due  to  him.  Nor  can  it  be  supposed  that 
the  work  was  completed  at  once  ;  so  that  the 
account  (2  Mace.  ii.  13)  which  assigns  a  collection 
of  books  to  Nehemiah  is  in  itself  a  confirmation  of 
the  general  truth  of  the  gradual  formation  of  the 
Canon  during  the  Persian  period.  Tlie  work  of 
Nehemiah  is  not  described  as  initiatory  or  final. 
The  tradition  omits  all  mention  of  the  law,  which 
may  be  supposed  to  have  assumed  its  final  shai>e 
under  Ezra,  but  says  that  Nehemiah  "  gathered 
together  the  [writings]  concerning  the  kings  and 
prophets,  and  the  [writings]  of  David,  and  letters 
of  kings  concerning  offerings  "  while  "  founding  a 
library"  {KarafiaWSfifvos  fii^Xio&i\KT}v  i-Kia-v- 
»^707e  rh.  irtpi  tcov  fiaaiAetaf  Kal  vpo(priT&v  Koi 
TO.  Tov  AavlS  Kol  eniffToXhs  ^affi\f(DV  nepl  iua- 
de/xaTuv ;  2  JVIaec.  L  c. ).  The  various  classes  of 
books  were  thus  completed  in  succession ;  and  this 


o  According  to  some  (Fabric.  Cod.  Pseudfp.  V.  T. 
.  1113),  this  collection  of  sacred  boolis  waa  preserved 
by  Jeremiah  at  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  (comp. 
E  Mace.  ii.  4  f.) ;  according  to  others  it  was  consumed 
together  with  the  ark  (Epiph.  de  Pond.  cir.  11.  162). 
In  2  K.  xxii.  8  tf.,  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  14  ff.,  mention  is  made 
>nly  of  the  Law. 

b  The  reference  to  the  work  of  Judas  Mace.  In  2 
idacc.  ii.  14,  uMravToa  Be  itai  'lovJas  Tci  SiarreirruiKOTa 
Ui  rbv  woKeiJiOV  toi/  yeyorora  rinlv  iTticrvv^yaye  wdvTa, 
■t^ia^i  noft  rjixlv,  appears  fW-m  the  connection  to  refbr 


CANON 

Tlew  harmonizes  with  what  must  have  been  tha 
natural  development  of  the  Jewish  faith  after  Iht 
Return.  The  Constitution  of  the  Church  and  the 
fonuation  of  tlie  Canon  were  both  from  their  nature 
gi"adual  and  mutually  dependent.  The  construction 
of  an  ecclesiastical  polity  involved  the  practical  de- 
termination of  the  divine  rule  of  truth,  though,  as 
in  the  parallel  case  of  the  Christian  Scriptures, 
open  persecution  first  gave  a  clear  and  distinct  ex- 
pression to  the  impUcit  faith. 

The  persecution  of  Antiochus  (b.  c.  168)  was  for 
the  Old  Testament  what  the  persecution  of  Dio- 
cletian was  for  the  New,  the  final  crisis  which 
stamped  the  sacred  writings  with  their  pecuhar 
character.  The  king  sought  out  "  the  boolcs  of 
the  law"  (ra  ^ifiKia  tov  v6ij.ov,  1  Mace.  i.  56) 
and  burnt  them;  and  the  possession  of  a  "book 
of  the  covenant  "  (  fitfiKiou  Stad-{)Kr]s)  was  a  cap- 
ital crime  (Joseph.  Anl.  xii.  5,  §  4,  if<pavi^(TO 
fiirov  $ifi\os  eupeSelr)  iepa  Kal  vS/xos  ....). 
According  to  the  common  tradition,  this  proscrij)- 
tion  of  "  the  law  "  led  to  the  pubUc  use  of  tlie  writ- 
ings of  the  prophets,  and  without  discussing  the 
accuracy  of  this  belief,  it  Ls  evident  that  tlie  gen- 
eral eflfect  of  such  a  persecution  would  be,  to  direct 
the  attention  of  the  jjeople  more  closely  to  the  books 
which  they  connected  with  the  original  foundation 
of  their  fiUth.  And  this  was  hi  fact  the  result  of 
the  great  trial.  After  the  Maccabaean  persecution 
the  history  of  the  formation  of  the  Canon  is  merged 
in  the  history  of  its  contents.''  The  Bible  appears 
from  that  time  as  a  whole,  though  it  was  natural 
that  the  several  parts  were  not  yet  placed  on  an 
equal  footuig,  nor  regarded  imiversally  and  in  every 
respect  with  equal  reverence  '  (comp.  Zunz,  Die  yot- 
tesd.  Vwti:  d.  Juden,  pp.  14,  25,  &c.). 

But  while  the  combined  evidence  of  tradition 
and  of  the  general  course  of  Jewish  history  leads 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  Canon  in  its  present 
shape  was  formed  gradually  durihg  a  lengthened 
interval,  beginning  with  I'jsra  and  extending  through 
a  part  or  even  the  whole  (Neh.  xii.  11,  22)  of  tlie 
Persian  period  (b.  c.  458-332),  when  the  cessation 
of  the  prophetic  gift ''  pointed  out  the  necessity  and 
defined  the  limits  of  the  collection,  it  is  of  the  ut- 
most importance  to  notice  that  the  collection  waa 
peculiar  in  character  and  circumscribed  in  contents. 
All  the  evidence  which  can  be  obtained,  though  it 
is  confessedly  scanty,  tends  to  show  that  it  ie  faisc, 
both  in  theory  and  fact,  to  descril)e  the  O.  T.  as 
"  all  the  reUcs  of  the  Hebrseo-Chaldaic  literature 
up  to  a  certain  epoch  "  (De  Wette,  J-^inl.  §  8),  if 
the  phrase  is  intended  to  refer  to  the  time  when 
the  Canon  was  completed.  The  epilogue  of  Eccle- 
siastes  (xii.  11  ff. )  s\)tiaks  of  an  extensive  Uterature, 
with  which  the  teaching  of  Wisdom  is  contrasted, 
and  "  weariness  of  the  flesh  "  is  described  as  the 
result  of  the  study  bestowed  upon  it.  It  is  im- 
possible that  these  "many  writings"  can  have 
perished  in  the  interval  between  the  composition 
of  Ecolesiastes  and  the  Greek  invasion,  and  the 


in  particular  to  his  care  with  regard  to  the  restitution 
of  the  copies  of  the  sacred  writings  which  were  "  lost " 
{SiavenTUKOTa).  It  Is  of  importance  to  notice  that  the 
work  was  a  restoration,  and  not  a  new  collection. 

c  Yet  the  distinction  between  the  three  degrees  of 
inspiration  which  were  applied  by  Abarbanel  (Keil, 
Eini.  §  158,  6)  to  the  three  classes  of  writings  is  un- 
known to  the  early  rabbins. 

</  After  Malachl,  according  to  the  Jewish  tradltioi 
(Vitrlnga,  Oba.  Sacr.  t1.  6 ;  ap.  Keil,  I.  c). 


CANON 

Apocrypha  uicludes  several  fragments  which  must 
te  referred  to  the  Persian  period  (Buxtorf,  Tiberias, 
10  f. ;  Hottinger,  Tins.  Phil. ;  Hcngstenberg,  Bei- 
irage,  1. ;  Hiivernick,  Einl.  i. ;  Oehler,  art.  Karum 
d.  A.  T.  in  Herzog's  Encijkl.). 

(0)  The  conltnts  of  the  Jewish  Canon. —The  first 
notice  of  the  O.  T.  as  consisting  of  distinct  and 
definite  parts  occurs  in  tlie  prologue  to  the  Greek 
translation  of  the  Wisdom  of  Sirach  (Ecclesiasticus). 
The  date  of  this  is  disputed  [I<k;cLESiASTicus ; 
•Jksus  son  of  SikachJ  ;  but  if  we  admit  the 
later  date  (c.  b.  c.  131),  it  falls  in  with  what  has 
been  said  on  the  effect  of  the  Antiochian  persecu- 
tion. After  that  "  the  law,  the  prophecies,  and  the 
remainder  of  the  books  "  are  mentioned  as  integral 
sections  of  a  completed  whole  {6  u6fxos,  koI  ai 
irpo(j)r)Te7ai,  koI  ra  \OLira  tuiv  /8i/3A.ia»j'),  and  the 
plirase  which  designates  the  last  ckvss  suggests  no 
reason  for  supposing  that  that  was  still  indefinite 
and  open  to  additions.  A  like  threefold  classifica- 
tion is  used  for  describing  the  enth-e  0.  T.  in  the 
Gospel  of  St.  Luke  (xxiv.  44,  eV  t^  v6fi(f  McoDcre'cos 
KaX  Trpo(pi]TaiS  koI  ij/aA^uots;  comp.  Acts  xxviii.  23), 
and  appears  again  in  a  passage  of  Philo,  where  the 
Therapeutae  are  said  to  find  their  true  food  in  "  laws 
and  oracles  uttered  by  prophets,  and  hymns  and 
(ra  &\\a)  the  other  [books?]  by  which  knowledge 
and  piety  are  increased  and  perfected  "  (Philo,  de 
Vita  cunt.  3).     [Bible.] 

The  triple  division  of  the  0.  T.  is  itself  not  a 
mere  accidental  or  ai-bitrary  arrangement,  but  a 
reflection  of  the  different  stages  of  religious  devel- 
opment through  which  the  Jewish  nation  passed. 
The  Law  is  the  foundation  of  the  whole  revelation, 
the  special  discipline  by  which  a  chosen  race  was 
trained  from  a  savage  willfuhiess  to  the  accomphsh- 
raent  of  its  divine  work.  The  Prophets  portray 
the  struggles  of  the  same  people  when  they  came 
into  closer  connection  with  the  kingdoms  of  the 
world,  and  were  led  to  look  for  the  inward  antitypes 
cf  the  outward  precepts.  The  llagiographa  carry 
the  divine  lesson  yet  further,  and  show  its  working 
in  the  various  phases  of  individual  life,  and  in  rela 
tion  to  the  great  problems  of  thought  and  feeling, 
which  present  themselves  by  a  necessary  law  ui  the 
later  stages  of  civilization  (comp.  Oehler,  art.  Ka- 
noii,  in  ilerzog"s  Encykl.  p.  253). 

The  general  contents  of  these  three  classes  still, 
however,  remain  to  be  determined.  Joseph  us, 
tlie  earliest  dii-ect  witness  on  the  subject,  enumer- 
ates twenty-two  books  "  which  are  justly  believed  to 
lie  divine"  {rk  StKaieos  Q^la  weTrtffTfv/uLfya)  '  five 
Iwoks  of  Jloses,  thirteen  of  the  prophets,  extending 
to  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  (i.  e.  Esther,  according 
to  Josephus),"  and  four  which  contain  hymns  and 
directions  for  life  (Joseph,  c.  Apion.  i.  8).  Still 
'lere  is  some  ambiguity  in  this  enumeration,  for 


«  The  limit  fixed  by  Josephus  marks  the  period  to 
which  the  prophetic  history  extended,  and  not,  as  is 
commonly  said,  the  date  at  which  the  0.  T.  canon 
was  itself  finally  closed. 

ft  In  Ant.  xiii.  10,  §  6,  Josephus  simply  says  that 
the  Sadducees  rejected  the  precepts  which  were  not  con- 
tained in  the  laws  of  Moses  (oiirep  ovk  avayeypainai 
iv  Tois  M<oii(rea)5  vo^ots),  but  derived  only  from  tradi- 
tion (to,  eK  7rapa6o<reo>?,  opposed  to  to,  yeyoafjLiJ.r^a). 
Sie  statement  has  no  connection  whatever  with  Jie 
7ther  writings  of  the  Canon. 

The  Canon  of  the  Samaritans  was  confined  to  the 
Pentateufh,  not  so  much  from  their  hostility  to  the 
"ews,  as  from  their  undue  exaltation  of  the  Law  (Kell, 
VM.  i  218). 


CANON  359 

in  order  to  make  up  the  numbers.  It  is  uer:e8sarj 
either  to  rank  Job  among  the  prophets,  or  to  ex- 
clude one  book,  and  in  that  case  probably  Ecclo- 
siastes,  from  the  Hagiographa.  The  former  alter 
native  is  the  more  pi-obable,  for  it  is  worthy  of 
special  notice  that  Josephus  regards  primarily  the 
historic  character  of  the  prophets  {rk  kcit  uvtovs 
irpaxOivra  crvveypmf/av),  a  circumstance  which 
explains  his  deviation  from  the  common  arrange- 
ment in  regard  to  the  later  annals  (1  and  2  Chr., 
Ezr.,  Neh.),  and  Daniel  and  Job,  though  he  is  si- 
lent as  to  tlie  latter  in  his  narrative  (comp.  Orig. 
op.  Euseb.  //.  £.  vi.  25).  The  later  history,  he 
adds,  has  also  been  written  in  detail,  but  the  records 
have  not  been  esteemed  worthy  of  the  same  credit, 
"  because  the  accurate  succession  of  the  prophets 
was  not  preserved  in  their  case  "  {5ta  rh  /i);  ye- 
vfffdat  r))v  Twv  irpofprjTCoy  aKpifi?i  StaSox^")- 
"  But  what  faith  we  place  in  our  own  Scriptures 
(ypd/xficunv)  is  seen  in  aur  conduct.  They  have 
suffered  no  addition,  diminution,  or  change.  Prom 
our  infancy  we  learn  to  regard  them  as  decrees  of 
God  {Qeou  S6yij.aTa);  we  observe  them,  and  if 
need  be,  we  gladly  die  for  them  "  (c.  Apion.  i.  8; 
comp.  Euseb.  H.  E.  iii.  10). 

In  these  words  Josephus  clearly  expresses  not  his 
own  private  opinion,  nor  the  opinion  of  his  sect, 
the  Pharisees,  but  the  general  opinion  of  his  coun- 
trymen. The  popular  belief  that  the  Sadducees 
received  only  the  books  of  Moses  (Tertull.  De 
Prcescr.  Haeret.  45 ;  Hieron.  in  Mutth.  xxii.  31,  p. 
181;  Origen,  c.  Cels.  i.  49),  rests  on  no  sufficient 
authority ;  and  if  they  had  done  so,  Josephus  could 
not  have  failed  to  notice  the  fact  in  his  account  of 
the  different  sects  [Sadducees].*  In  the  tradi- 
tions of  tlie  Talmud,  on  the  other  hand,  GamaUel 
is  represented  as  using  passages  from  the  Prophets 
and  the  Hagiographa  in  his  controversies  with 
them,  and  they  reply  with  quotations  from  the 
same  sources  without  scruple  or  objection.  (Comp. 
Eichhom,  Einl.  §  35;  Lightfoot,  Ilorm  llebr.  el 
Talm.  ii.  616 ;  C.  F.  Schmid,  Enarr.  Sent.  Fl.  ./o- 
sej)hi  de  Libris  V.  T.  1777;  G.  Giildenapfel,  Dis- 
sert. Josephi  de  Sadd.  Can.  Sent,  exhibens,  1804.) 

The  casual  quotations  of  Josephus  agree  with  his 
express  Canon.  With  the  exception  of  Prov., 
Eccles.,  and  Cant.,  which  furnished  no  mat<irialH 
for  his  work,  and  Job,  which,  even  if  historical 
offered  no  point  of  contact  with  other  history,  he 
uses  all  the  other  books  either  as  divinely  inspired 
writings  (5  Moses,  Is.,  Jer.,  Ez.,  Dan.,  12  Pro^h.), 
or  as  authoritative  sources  of  truth. 

The  writings  of  the  N.  T.  completely  confirm 
the  testimony  of  Josephus.  Coincidences  of  lan- 
guage show  that  the  Apostles  were  familiar  with 
several  of  the  Apocryphal  books  (Bleek,  Ueber  d. 
Stellung  d.  Apokr.  u.  s.  w.  in  Stwl.  u.  Krit.  1853, 
pp.  267  fF.);c  but  they  do  not  contain  one  authori- 
tative or  direct  quotation  from  them,  while,  with 
the  exception  of  Judges,  Eccl.,  Cant.,  Esther,  Ezra, 


c  The  chief  passages  which  Bleek  quotes,  after  Stiei 
and  Nitzsch,  are  James  i.  19  ||  Ecclus.  v.  11  ;  1  Pet.  i.  6. 
7  II  Wisd.  iii.  3-7;  Heb.  xi.  34,  35  ||  2  Mace.  vi.  18  — 
vii.  42 ;  Heb.  i.  3  II  Wisd.  vii.  26,  &c. ;  Rom.  i.  20-32 
II  Wisd.  xlii.-xv.  ;  Rom.  ix.  21  ||  Wisd.  xv.  7 ;  Eph.  vi. 
13-17  II  Wisd.  V.  18-20.  But  it  is  obvious  that  if  these 
passages  pr-^ve  satisfiictorily  that  the  Apostolic  writers 
were  acquainted  with  the  Apocryphal  books,  they  indi- 
ca*3  with  equal  clearness  that  their  silence  with  regard 
to  them  cannot  have  been  purely  accidental.  An  ear 
Uer  criticism  of  ti.a  alleged  coincidences  is  given  te 
Cosin's  Canon  of  Scripture,  §§  35  ff. 


aeo 


CANON 


and  Nebemiah,  every  other  book  in  the  Hebrew 
Canon  js  used  either  for  illustration  or  proof." 

Several  of  the  early  fathers  describe  the  contents 
of  the  Hebrew  Canon  in  terms  which  generally 
agree  with  the  results  already  obtained.  Melito 
of  Sardis  (c.  179  A.  D.)  in  a  journey  to  the  East 
made  the  question  of  the  exact  number  and  order 
of  "the  books  of  the  Old  Testament"  a  subject  of 
special  inquiry,  to  satisfy  the  wishes  of  a  friend 
(Kuseb.  JI.  E.  iv.  26).  He  gives  the  result  in  the 
following  form ;  the  books  are,  5  Moses  .  .  .  Josh., 
.(ud.,  Kuth,  -i  K.,  2  Chr.,  Ps.,  Prov.  {laXoixwvos 
napoi/jiiai  /col  So^i'o),  Eccl.,  Cant.,  Job,  Is.,  Jer., 
12  Proph.,  Dan.,  £z.,  Esdr.  The  arrangement  is 
pecuUar,  and  the  books  of  Nehemiah  and  Esther 
iire  wanting.  The  former  is  without  doubt  included 
121  the  general  title  "Esdras,"  and  it  has  been  con- 
jectured (Eichhorn,  Einl.  §  52;  comp.  Routh,  Rel. 
Sacr.  i.  13G)  that  Esther  may  have  formed  part  of 
the  same  collection  of  records  of  the  history  after 
the  exile.*  The  testimony  of  OniGEN  labors  under 
a  similar  difficulty.  According  to  the  present  Greek 
text  (Euseb.  //.  K  vi.  25;  Jn  Ps.  i.  Philoc.  3), 
in  enumerating  the  22  books  "  which  the  Hebrews 
hand  down  as  included  in  the  Testament  {ivdiaQi\- 
Kovs),'^  he  omits  the  book  of  the  12  minor  proph- 
ets, and  adds  "  the  Letter  "  to  the  book  of  Jeremiah 
and  Lamentations  {'Upefiias  avu  @pi\vois  Koi  rp 
iiriaToXrj  iv  evi)-  The  number  is  thus  imperfect, 
and  the  Latin  version  of  Kufinus  has  rightly  pre- 
served the  book  of  the  12  prophets  in  the  catalogue 
placing  it  after  Cant,  and  before  the  greater  proph- 
ets, a  strange  position,  which  can  hardly  have  been 
due  to  an  arbitrary  insertion  (cf.  Hil.  Prol.  in  Ps. 
15).'^  The  addition  of  "the  Letter"  to  Jer.  is  in- 
explicaoie  except  on  the  assumption  that  it  was  an 
error  springing  naturally  from  the  habitual  use  of 
the  LXX.,  in  which  the  books  are  united,  for  there 
is  not  the  slightest  trace  that  this  late  apocryphal 
fragment  [Bakuch,  Book  of]  ever  formed  part 
of  the  Jewish  Canon.  The  statement  of  Jerome 
is  clear  and  complete.  After  noticing  the  coinci- 
dence of  the  22  books  of  the  Hebrew  Bible  with 
the  number  of  the  Hebrew  letters,  and  of  the  5 
double  letters  with  the  5  "double  books"  (Sam., 
K.,  Chr.,  Ezr.,  Jer.),  he  gives  the  contents  of  the 
Iaw,  the  Prophets,  and  the  Hagiographa,  in  exact 
accordance  with  the  Hebrew  authorities,  placing 
Daniel  in  the  last  class;  and  adding  that  whatever 
is  without  the  number  of  these  must  be  placed 
among  the  Apocrypha.  ("  Hie  prologus  Script, 
quasi  galeatum  principium  omnibus  libris  quos  de 
Hebrseo  vertimus  in  I^tinum  convenu'e  potest,  ut 
Bcire  valeamus,  quidquid  extra  hos  est,  inter  Apoc- 
rypha esse  ponendum,"  Hieron.  Prol.  Gal.).  The 
statement  of  the  Talimul  is  in  many  respects  so 
remarkable  that  it  must  be  transcribed  entire. 
"  But  who  wrote  [the  books  of  the  Bible]  ?  Moses 
wrote  his  own  book  (?),  the  Pentateuch,  the  section 


o  Some  passages  are  quoted  in  the  N.  T.  which  are 
not  Ibund  in  the  canonical  boolis.  The  most  impor- 
tant of  these  is  that  from  the  prophecies  of  Enoch 
[Enoch,  Book  of]  (Jude,  14).  Others  have  been  found 
la  Lxike  x\.  49-51  ;  John  vii.  33 ;  James  iv.  5,  6 ; 
I  Cor.  ii.  9 ;  but  tliese  are  more  or  less  questionable. 

t  Uody  (De  Bibl.  Text.  p.  646)  quotes  a  singular 
note,  fiilaely  attributed  to  Athanasius,  who  Ukewlse 
omits  Esther.  "  Sunt  etiam  ex  antiquis  Hebrseis  qui 
Esther  admittant,  atque  ut  numerus  idem  (22)  serve- 
*iir,  cum  Juilicibus  copularunt."  The  book  is  want- 
ing also  in  the  Si/»ops.  S.  Srript.,  Gregor.  Naz.,  Am- 
MttocAtiM,  Nicephonis  Cullistus,  &c. 


CANO> 

about  Balaam  and  Job.  Joshua  wi-cle  Ills  awn 
book  and  the  eight  [last]  verses  of  the  Pentateuch. 
Samuel  wrote  his  own  book,  the  book  of  Judget 
and  Kuth.  David  wrote  the  book  of  I'salnis,  [of 
which,  however,  some  were  composed]  by  the  tCL 
venerable  elders,  Adam,  the  first  man,  Melchizedek, 
Abraliam,  Moses,  Haman,  Jeduthun,  Asaph,  and 
the  three  sons  of  Korah.  Jeremiali  wrote  his  own 
book,  the  books  of  Kings  and  Lamentations.  Hez- 
ekiah  and  his  friends  [reduced  to  WTiting]  the  books 
contained  in  the  Memorial  word  laMSCHaK,  i.  e. 
Isaiah,  Proverbs,  Canticles,  Ecclesiastes.  The  men 
of  the  great  Synagogue  [reduced  to  writing]  the 
books  contained  in  the  memorial  letter  KaNDaG, 
i.  e.  Ezekiel,  the  12  lesser  prophets,  Daniel,  and 
Esther.  Ezra  wrote  his  own  book,  and  brought 
down  the  genealogies  of  the  books  of  Chronicles  to 
his  own  times  ....  Who  brought  the  remainder 
of  the  books  [of  Chronicles]  to  a  close?  Nehemiah 
the  son  of  Hachalyah  "  {Baba  Bathra  f.  14  b,  ap. 
Oehler,  art.  Kanon,  I.  c. ). 

In  spite  of  the  comparatively  late  date  (c.  A.  n. 
500),  from  which  this  tradition  is  derived,  it  is 
evidently  in  essence  the  earliest  description  of  the 
work  of  Ezra  and  the  Great  Sj-nagogue  which  has 
been  preserved.  The  details  must  be  tested  by 
other  evidence,  but  the  general  description  of  the 
growth  of  the  Jewish  Canon  bears  every  mark  of 
probability.  The  early  fables  as  to  the  work  of 
Ezra  [2  Esdkas;  see  above]  are  a  natural  corrup- 
tion of  this  original  bcUef,  and  alter  a  time  entirely 
supplanted  it;  but  as  it  stands  in  the  great  collec- 
tion of  the  teaching  of  the  Hebrew  Schools,  it  bears 
witness  to  the  authority  of  the  complete  Canon, 
and  at  the  same  time  recognizes  its  gradual  forma- 
tion in  accordance  with  tlie  independent  results  of 
internal  evidence. 

The  later  Jewish  Catalogues  throw  little  light 
upon  the  Canon.  They  generally  reckon  twenty- 
two  books,  equal  in  number  to  the  letters  of  the 
Hebrew  alphabet,  five  of  the  I>aw,  eight  of  the 
Prophets  (Josh.,  Judg.  and  Kuth,  1,  2  Sam.,  1, 
2  K.,  Is.,  Jer.  and  Lam.,  Ez.,  12  Proph.),  and 
nine  of  the  Hagiographa  (Hieron.  Prol.  in  Jteg.). 
The  last  number  was  more  commonly  increasfd  to 
eleven  by  the  distinct  enumeration  of  the  books  of 

Ruth  and  Lamentation  ("the  24  Books"  ClttJlS? 

nm~lS1),  and  in  that  case  it  was  supposed  that 
the  Yod  was  thrice  repeated  in  reverence  for  the 
sacred  name  (Hody,  De  Bibl.  Text.  p.  644;  Eich- 
horn, Einl.  §  6).  In  Hebrew  MSS.,  and  in  the  early 
editions  of  the  0.  T.,  tlie  arrangement  of  Ibe  later 
books  offers  great  variations  (Hody,  /.  c,  gives  a  large 
collection),  but  they  generally  agree  in  reckoning  all 
separately  except  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  <* 
(Buxtorf,  Hottinger,  Hengstenberg,  Hiivemick,  U. 
cc. ;  Zunz,  Gottesd.  Vortrage  d.  Judtn). 


c  Origen  expressly  excludes  1  Mace,  from  the  canon 
{e^o)  Si  TOVTwv  ecrrl  7a  Maxic.),  although  written  in  He- 
brew. Bertholdfs  statement  to  the  contrary  is  incor- 
rect (Einl.  §  31),  although  Kcil  (</e  Atict.  Can.  Libb. 
Mace.  67)  maintains  the  same  opinion. 

(I  Notwithstanding  the  unanimous  judgment  of  later 
writers,  there  are  traces  of  the  exi.stence  of  doubti 
among  the  first  Jewish  doctors  as  to  some  books. 
Thus  in  the  Mishna  (Jad.  8, 5)  a  discussion  is  recorded 
as  to  Cant,  and  Eccles.  whether  they  "  soil  the  hands  ;  " 
and  a  difference  as  U>  the  latter  book  existed  between 
the  great  schools  of  Hillel  and  Shanmmi.  The  »ara» 
doubts  as  to  Kccies.  are  repeated  in  another  fom    ' 


CANON 

So  lar  then  /t  has  been  shown  that  tlie  Hebrew 
2anoi\  was  uniform  and  coincident  with  our  own ; " 
;«it  while  the  Palestinian  Jews  cDrabined  to  pre- 
serve the  strict  limits  of  the  old  prophetic  writin;^s, 
the  Alexandrine  Jews  allowed  themselves  greater 
freedom.  Tiieir  ecclesiastical  constitution  was  less 
definite,  and  tlie  same  influences  which  created 
among  them  an  independent  literature  disinclined 
them  to  regard  with  marked  veneration  more  than 
the  Law  itself.  Tiie  idea  of  a  Canon  was  foreign 
to  their  habits;  and  the  fact  that  they  possessed 
the  sacred  books  not  merely  in  a  translation,  but 
in  a  translation  made  at  different  times,  without 
any  unity  of  plan  and  without  any  uniformity  of 
execution,  necessarily  weakened  that  traditional 
feeling  of  their  real  connection  which  existed  in 
Palestine.  Translations  of  later  books  were  made 
(I  Mace,  Ecchis..  liaruch,  &c.),  and  new  ones 
were  written  (2  Mace,  Wisd.),  which  wei-e  reck- 
aned  in  the  sum  of  their  religious  literature,  and 
probably  placed  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  Hagio- 
grapha  in  common  esteem.  But  this  was  not  the 
result  of  any  express  judgment  on  their  worth,  but 
a  natural  consequence  of  the  popular  belief  in  the 
doctriue  of  a  living  Word  which  deprived  the  pro- 
phetic writings  of  part  of  their  distinctive  value. 
So  far  as  an  authoritative  Canon  existed  in  Eg3'pt, 
it  is  probable  that  it  was  the  same  as  that  of  Pal- 
estine. In  the  absence  of  distinct  evidence  to  the 
contrary  this  is  most  likely,  and  jwsitive  indications 
of  the  fact  are  not  wanting.  The  translator  of  the 
Wisdom  of  Sirach  uses  the  same  phrase  {6  y6/ios 
Koii  oi  irpo<prjTai  Koi  to.  &\\a  fiifi\ia}  ui  speaking 
of  his  grancifather's  Biblical  studies  in  Palestine, 
and  of  his  own  in  Egypt  (comp.  Eichhorn,  J'Jiril. 
§  22),  and  he  could  hardly  have  done  so,  had  the 
Bible  been  different  in  the  two  places.  The  evi- 
dence of  PiiiLo',  if  less  direct,  is  still  more  couclu- 
give.  His  language  shows  that  he  was  acquainted 
with  tlie  Apocryphal  books,  and  yet  he  does  not 
make  a  single  quotation  from  them  (Hornemann, 
Obaevv.  ad  illastr.  (bctr.  de  Can.  V.  T.  ex  Philone, 
pp.  28,  29,  ap.  Eichhorn,  Jiiril.  §  26),  though  they 
offered  much  that  was  favorable  to  his  views.  On 
the  other  hand,  in  addition  to  the  I^aw,  he  quotes 
all  the  books  of  "  the  Prophets,"  and  the  Psalms 
and  Proverbs,  from  the  Hagiographa,  and  several 
of  them  (Is.,  Jer.,  Hos.,  Zech.,  Ps.,  Prov.)  with 
clear  assertions  of  their  "  prophetic  "  or  inspired 
character.  Of  the  remaining  Hagiographa  (Neh., 
Ruth,  Lam.,  1,  2  Chron.,  Dan.,  Eccl.,  Cant.,)  he 
makes  no  mention,  but  the  three  first  may  have 
been  attached,  as  often  in  Hebrew  usage,  to  other 
books  (Ez.,  Jud.,  Jer.),  so  that  four  writings  alone 
we  entirely  unattested  by  him  (comp.  Hornemann, 


the  Talmud  (Sahb.  f.  30,  2),  where  it  is  said  that  the 
book  would  have  been  concealed  (^SS)  but  for  the 
qu»ta,tioiis  at  the  beginning  and  the  end.  Comp.  Hie- 
ton.Comm.  in  Exies.  s.  f. :  "  Aiunt  Hebraei  cum  inter 
wetera  scripta  Salomonis  qu!B  antiquata  sunt  nee  in 
memoria  duraverunt,  et  hie  liber  oblr  "ferandus  vide- 
cetur,  eo  quod  vauas  Dei  assereret  creaturas  .  .  .  . 
ti.  hoc  uno  capitulo  (xii.)  meruisse  auctoritatem  .  .  ." 
Parallel  passages  are  quoted  iu  the  notes  on  the  pas- 
lage,  and  by  Bleek,  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1853,  pp.  322  ff. 
The  dovbts  as  to  Esther  \ave  been  already  noticed. 

\Beres  of  references  ti.>the  Apocrypha,  books  from 
'ewish  writers  has  been  made  by  Hottinger  {Tnis. 
PMlol.  1659),  and  collected  and  reprinted  by  Words- 
worth (On  the  Canon  nf  Ike  Scriptures,  App.  0.).  Com- 
fue  also  the  valuable  notices  in  Zunz,  Die  gotte.vl. 
\tnr.  d.  Juden,  pp    123  ff. 


CANON  801 

l.  c).  A  further  trace  of  the  identity  of  the  Alex- 
andrine Canon  with  the  Palestinian  is  found  in  the 
Apocalypse  of  Elsdras  [2  Esdras],  where  "  2-4  open 
books "  are  specially  distinguished  from  the  mass 
of  esoteric  writings  which  were  dictated  to  Ezra  by 
inspiration  (2  Esdr.  xiv.  44  ff.). 

From  the  combination  of  this  evidence  there  can 
be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Christian  era  the  Jews  had  only  one  Canon  of 
the  Sacred  writings,  defined  distinctly  in  Palestine, 
and  admitted,  though  with  a  less  definite  apprehen- 
sion of  its  peculiar  characteristics,  by  the  Hellen- 
izing  Jews  of  the  Dispersion,  and  that  this  Canon 
was  recognized,  as  far  as  can  be  determined,  by  our 
Lord  and  his  Apostles.  But  on  the  other  hand, 
the  connection  of  other  religious  books  with  the 
Greek  translation  of  the  O.  T..  and  their  common 
use  in  Egypt,  was  already  opening  the  way  for  an 
extension  of  the  original  Canon,  and  assigning  an 
authority  to  later  writings  which  they  did  not  de 
rive  from  ecclesiastical  sanction. 

HI.  a.  The  Hixtory  of  the  Chridian  Canon 
of  the  Old  Testament.  —  The  history  of  the  Old 
Testament  Canon  among  Christian  writers  exhibits 
the  natural  issue  of  the  currency  of  the  LXX.,  en- 
larged as  it  had  been  by  apocr)-])hal  additions.  In 
proportion  as  the  Fathers  were  more  or  less  absolutely 
dependent  on  that  version  for  their  knowledge  of 
the  Old  Testament  Scriptures,  tliey  gradually  lost 
in  common  practice  the  sense  of  the  difference  be- 
tween the  books  of  the  Hebrew  Canon  and  the 
Apocrypha.  The  custom  of  individuals  grew  into 
the  custom  of  the  Church ;  and  the  public  use  of 
the  Apocryphal  books  obliterated  in  popular  regard 
the  characteristic  marks  of  their  origin  and  value, 
which  could  only  be  discovered  by  the  scholar.  But 
the  custom  of  the  Church  was  not  fixed  in  an  ab- 
solute judgment.  It  might  seem  as  if  the  groat 
leaders  of  the  Christian  Body  shrank  by  a  wise 
forethought  from  a  work  for  which  they  were  un- 
fitted; for  by  acquirements  and  constitution  they 
were  little  capable  of  solving  a  problem  which  must 
at  last  depend  on  historical  data.  .\nd  this  re- 
mark must  be  applied  to  the  details  of  patristic  ev- 
idence on  the  contents  of  the  Canon.  Their  habit 
must  be  distinguished  from  their  judgment.  The 
want  of  critical  tact  which  allowed  them  to  use  the 
most  obviously  pseudonymous  works  (2  Esdras, 
Enoch)  as  genuine  productions  of  their  supposed 
authors,  or  as  "divine  Scripture,"  greatly  diniiu-- 
ishes  the  value  of  casual  and  isolated  testimonies 
to  single  books.  In  such  cases  the  form  as  well  ac 
the  fact  of  the  attestation  requires  to  be  examined, 
and  afler  this  the  combined  witness  of  different 
Churches  c.in  alone  suffice  to  stamp  a  book  with 
ecclesiastical  authority. 


*  The  p:issages  from  the  Talmud  relating  to  Canticlws 
and  Ecclesiastes  are  quoted  and  translated  in  full  by 
Ginsburg  ( CoAeietA,  Lond.  1861,  pp.  13-15).  The  phrast 
used  in  some  of  these  passages,  "  to  soil  (or  <  pollute  ') 
the  hands,"  has  often  been  misunderstood.  As  applied 
to  a  book,  it  signifies  "  to  be  sacred  "  or  "  canoniral," 
not  the  reverse,  as  might  naturally  be  suppcsed.  This 
fact  is  clearly  shown,  and  the  reason  of  it  giv<>n.  hy 
Ginsburg,  Song  of  Songs,  London,  1857,  p.  3,  note. 

A. 

o  The  dream  of  a  second  and  third  revision  of  the 
Jeirish  Canon  in  the  times  of  Eleazer  and  Hilli'l.  by 
whiih  the  Apocryphal  books  were  ratified  (Genebrard), 
resr^  on  no  basis  whatever.  The  supposition  that  the 
Jems  rejected  the  Apocrypha  after  our  Lord's  coming 
(Card.  Perron)  is  equally  unfounded.  Osin.  Cnnon 
oj  Hcriptuft.  §§  23,  25 


B62  CANON 

The  confusion  which  was  necessarily  introduced 
by  the  use  of  the  LXX.  was  further  increased 
ffhen  the  Western  Chiu-ch  rose  in  importance.  The 
LXX.  itself  was  the  original  of  the  Old  l^tin,  and 
the  recollection  of  the  original  distinction  between 
llie  constituent  books  of  the  Bible  became  more 
and  more  difficult  in  the  version  of  a  version;  and 
at  the  same  time  the  Hebrew  Church  dwindled  down 
to  an  obscure  sect,  and  the  intercourse  l)etween  the 
Churches  of  the  Mast  and  West  grew  less  intimate. 
The  impulse  which  instigated  Melito  in  the  second 
century  to  seek  in  "the  East"  an  "accurate"  ac- 
count of  "  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,"  grad- 
ually lost  its  force  as  the  Jewish  nation  and  literature 
were  further  withdrawn  from  the  circle  of  Christian 
knowledge.  The  Old  Latin  version  converted  use 
popularly  into  belief,  and  the  investigations  of  Je- 
rome were  unable  to  counteract  the  feeling  which 
had  gained  strength  silently,  without  any  distinct 
and  authoritative  sanction.  Yet  one  important, 
though  obscure,  protest  was  made  against  the  grow- 
ing error.  The  Nazarenes,  the  relics  of  the  He- 
brew Church,  in  addition  to  the  New  Testament 
"made  use  of  the  Old  Testament,  as  the  Jews" 
(Epiph.  ll(Bi\  xxix.  7).  They  had  "the  whole 
Law,  and  tlie  Prophets,  and  the  Hagiographa  so 
called,  that  is  the  poetical  books,  and  the  Kings, 
and  Chronicles  and  I'Jither,  and  all  the  other  books 
in  Hebrew  "  (Eiiiph.  I.  c.  irap  avrois  yap  jroy  6 
v6fj.os  Kal  oi  irpoqirirai  koX  to,  ypa<pua  \ey6fi.eva, 
<pt\fx\  St  TO  (TTixvpO;  Kal  Of  Ba<n\f7ai  Kal  Tlapa- 
\ftir6ixepa  Kal  AiaBiip  Kal  r&Wa  Trdvra  'EjSpoi- 
Kus  avayivwcrKfTat)-  And  in  connection  with  this 
fact,  it  is  worthy  of  reniai-k  that  Justin  Martyr, 
who  drew  his  knowledge  of  Christianity  from  Pal- 
estine, makes  no  use  of  the  apocryphal  writings  in 
any  of  his  works. 

From  what  has  been  said,  it  is  evident  that  the 
history  of  the  Christian  Canon  is  to  be  sought  in 
the  first  instance  from  definite  catalogues  and  not 
from  isolated  quotations.  But  even  this  evidence 
is  incomplete  and  unsatisfactory.  A  comparison  of 
the  subjoined  t^ahle  (No.  I.)  of  the  chief  extant  Cat- 
alogues will  sliow  how  few  of  them  are  really  inde- 
pendent; and  the  later  transcriptions  are  commonly 
of  no  value,  as  they  do  not  appear  to  have  been 
made  with  any  critical  appreciation  of  their  dis- 
tinctive worth. 

These  Catalogues  endently  fall  nito  two  great 
classes,  Hebrew  and  Latin ;  and  the  former,  again, 
exhibits  three  distinct  varieties,  which  are  to  be 
traced  to  the  three  original  sources  from  which  the 
Catalogues  were  derived.  The  first  may  be  called 
the  pure  Hebrew  Canon,  which  is  that  of  the 
Church  of  England  (the  Talmud,  Jerome,  Joan. 
Damasc).  The  second  differs  from  this  by  the 
/mhsion  of  the  book  of  Esther  (Melito,  [Athan.] 
Zyn.  S.  Script.,  Greg.  Naz.,  Amphihch.,  Leont., 
Niceph.  Cdllixl.).  The  third  differs  by  the  addi- 
'im  of  Paruch,  or  "the  Letter"  (O/i.^en,  Ath(t- 
r.ftj.,  Cyr.  Hieros.,  [Concil.  Laod.,]  Ilil.  Pictav.). 
The  omission  of  Esther  may  mark  a  real  variation 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Jewish  Church  [Esther], 
iut  tlie  addition  of  Banich  is  probably  due  to  the 
place  which  it  occupied  in  direct  connection  with 
Jeremiali,  not  only  in  the  Greek  and  I-.atin  trans- 
itions, l)ut  perhaps  also  in  some  copies  of  the 
lebrew  text  [Hakucif,  Book  ok].  This  is  ren- 
oered  more  likely  by  the  converse  fact  that  the  I^m- 
VitatioKS  and  Banich  are  not  distinctly  enumerated 
»y  many  writers  who  certainly  received  both  books. 
during  the  four  first  centuries  this  Hebrew  Canon 


CANON 

u  the  only  one  which  is  distinctly  recogniaed,  iti  j 
it  is  8up|)orted  by  the  combined  authority  of  those 
fathers  whose  critical  judgment  is  entitled  to  th« 
greatest  weight.  In  the  mean  tinie,  however,  aa 
has  been  already  noticed,  the  common  usage  of  the 
early  fathers  was  influenced  by  the  position  which 
the  Apocryphal  books  occupied  in  the  current  ver- 
sions, and  they  quoted  them  frequently  as  Script- 
ure when  they  were  not  led  to  refer  to  the  judg- 
ment of  antiquity.  The  subjoined  table  (No.  H." 
will  show  the  extent  and  character  of  this  partiaJ 
testimony  to  the  disputed  books. 

These  casual  testimonies  are,  however,  of  com- 
paratively slight  value,  and  are,  in  many  cases,  op- 
posed to  the  dehberate  judgment  of  the  authors 
from  whom  they  are  quoted.  The  real  divergence 
as  to  the  contents  of  the  Old  Testament  Canon  is 
to  be  traced  to  A^;Gl;8TI^•^:,  whose  wavering  and 
uncertain  language  on  the  point  furnishes  abiuidant 
materials  for  controversy.  By  education  and  chjir- 
acter  he  occupied  a  position  more  than  usually 
unfavorable  for  historical  criticism,  and  yet  his 
overpowering  influence,  when  it  fell  in  with  ordi- 
nary usage,  gave  consi.°tency  and  strength  to  the 
opinion  which  he  appeared  to  advocate,  for  it  may 
be  reasonably  doubted  whether  he  differed  inten- 
tionally from  Jerome  except  in  language.  In  a 
famous  passage  (de  Doctr.  Chiisf.  ii.  8  (13))  he 
enumerates  the  books  which  are  contained  in  "  the 
whole  Canon  of  Scripture,"  and  includes  among 
them  the  Apocryphal  books  without  any  clear  mark 
of  distinction.  This  general  statement  is  further 
confirmed  by  two  other  passages,  in  which  it  is 
argued  that  he  draws  a  distinction  between  the 
Jewish  and  Christian  Canons,  and  refers  the  autlior- 
ity  of  the  Apocryphal  books  to  the  judgment  of  the 
Christian  Churcli.  In  the  first  passage  he  speaks  of 
the  Maccaba^an  history  as  not  "  found  in  the  Sacred 
Scriptures  which  are  called  canonical,  but  in  others, 
among  which  are  also  the  books  of  the  Maccabees, 
which  the  Church,  and  not  the  Jews,  holds  for  ca- 
nonical, on  account  of  the  man'ellous  suflerings  of 
the  martyrs  [recorded  in  them]  ..."  (quorum 
supputatio  temponnn  non  in  Scripturis  Sanctis, 
quae  Canonical  ajux-Uantur,  sed  in  aliis  invenitur, 
in  quibus  sunt  et  Machabaeorum  hiri,  quos  non 
Judsei,  sed  ecclesia  pro  Canonicis  haljet  .  .  .  De 
Civ.  xviii.  36).  In  the  other  passage  he  speaks  of 
the  books  of  the  ^laccabees  as  "received  (recepta 
by  the  Church,  not  without  profit,  if  they  be  read 
with  sobriety "  (c.  Gaud.  i.  38).  But  it  will  be 
noticed  that  in  each  case  a  distinction  is  drawn  be- 
tween the  "Ecclesiastical"  and  projierly  "Canon- 
ical "  books.  In  the  second  case  he  expressly  lowers 
the  authority  of  the  books  of  the  IMaccabees  by  re- 
marking that  "the  Jews  have  them  not  like  the 
Law,  the  P.salms,  and  the  Pro])Iiets  to  which  the 
Ixird  gives  His  witness"  (Aug.  /.  c).  And  the 
original  catalogue  is  equally  qualified  by  an  intro- 
duction which  distinguishes  between  the  authorify 
of  books  which  are  received  by  all  and  by  some  of 
the  Churches ;  and,  again,  between  those  which  are 
received  by  churches  of  great  or  of  small  weight 
(de  Doctr.  Clir.  ii.  8  (12))  so  that  the  list  which 
immediately  follows  must  be  interpreted  by  this 
rule.  In  confirniiition  of  this  view  of  Augustine's 
special  r^ard  for  the  Hebrew  Canon,  it  may  be 
further  urged  that  ];e  api)eals  to  the  Jews,  "the 
librarians  of  the  Christians,"  as  possessing  "all  th« 
writings  in  vvhicii  Christ  was  prophesied  of"  (/« 
Ps.  xl.,  Ps.  hi.),  and  to  "the  I.aw,  the  Paalnis,  and 
the  Prophets,"  which  were  supported  bv  the  witnew 


CANON 

>f  the  Jews  (c.  Gaud.  1.  c),  as  m&'uding  "all  the 
tansnical  authorities  of  the  Sacred  books  "  (cfe  Unit. 
Ecdes.  p.  16),  which,  as  he  says  ir  another  place 
'^(le  Civ.  XV.  23,  4),  "  were  presen-ed  in  the  temple 
of  the  Hebrew  people  by  the  care  of  the  successive 
priests."  But  on  the  other  hand  Augustine  fre- 
quently uses  passages  from  the  Apocrj'phal  books 
as  coordinate  with  Scripture,  and  practically  dis- 
regards the  rules  of  distinction  between  the  various 
classes  of  sacred  writings  which  he  had  himself  laid 
down.  He  stood  on  the  extreme  verge  of  the  age 
of  independent  learning,  and  follows  at  one  time 
the  conchisions  of  criticism,  at  anotlier  the  prescrip- 
tions of  habit,  which  from  his  date  grew  more  and 
morp  powerful. 

The  enlarged  Canon  of  Augustine,  which  was,  as 
it  will  be  seen,  wholly  unsupported  by  any  Greek 
authority,  was  adopted  at  the  Council  of  Car- 
thage (a.  d.  397  V),  though  with  a  reservation 
(Can.  47,  Be  confii-mando  isto  Canone  transmarina 
ecclesla  consulatur).,  and  afterwards  pubhshed  in 
the  decretals  which  bear  the  name  of  Innocknt, 
Damasus,  andGELAsius  (cf.  Credner,  Zur  Gesch, 
d.  Kan.  151  ff.);  and  it  recurs  in  many  later  writ- 
ers. But  nevertheless  a  continuous  succession  of 
the  more  learned  fathers  in  the  West  maintained 
the  distinctive  authority  of  the  Hebrew  Canon  up 
to  the  period  of  the  Reformation.  In  the  sixth  cen- 
tury Primasios  ( Comm.  in  Apoc.  iv.  Cosin,  §  92  ?), 
in  the  7th  Gregory  the  Great  {Moral,  xix.  21,  p. 
622),  in  the  8th  Bede  {In  Apoc.  iv.  ?),  in  the  9th 
Alcuin  {np.  Hody,  654;  yet  see  Carm.  vi.,  vii.), 
in  the  10th  Radulphus  FluVv.  {In  Levit.  xiv. 
Hody,  655),  hi  the  12th  Peter  of  Clugni  {Ep. 

c.  Petr.  Hody,  I.  c),  Hugo  de  S.  Victore  (r/e 
Script.  6),  and  John  of  Salisbury  (Hody,  656; 
Cosin,  §  130),  in  the  13th  Hugo  Cardinalis 
(Hody,  656),  in  the  14th  Nicholas  Liranus 
(Hody,  p.  657;  Cosin,  §  146),  Wycliffe  (?  comp. 
Hody,  658),  and  Occam  (Hody,  657 ;  Cosin,  §  147), 
ui  the  15th  Thomas  Anglicus  (Cosin,  §  150), 
and  Thomas  pe  Waldex  (Id.  §  151),  in  the  16th 
Card.  XiMENES  {Ed.  Compl.  Fref.),  Sixtus  Se- 
NENSis  {BlbVwlh.  i.  1),  and  Card.  Cajetan  (Hody, 
p.  662;  Cosin  §  173),  repeat  with  approval  the 
decision  of  Jerome,  and  draw  a  clear  Une  between 
the  Canonical  and  Apocryphal  books  (Cosin,  Scho- 
lastical  History  of  the  Canon ;  Reuss,  die  Gesch. 

d.  heiligen  Schriften  N.  T.,  Ed.  2,  §  328). 

Up  to  the  date  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  the 
Romanists  allow  that  the  question  of  the  Carion 
was  open,  but  one  of  the  first  labors  of  that  assem- 
bly was  to  circumscribe  a  freedom  which  the  growth 
of  literature  seemed  to  render  perilous."  The  de- 
cree of  the  Council  "  on  the  Canonical  Scriptures," 
which  was  made  at  the  4th  Session  (April  8th, 
1546),  at  which  about  53  representatives  were  pres- 
ent, pronounced  the  enlarged  Canon,  including  the 
Apocryphal  books,  to  be  desen-ing  in  ail  its  parts 
of  "equal  ven<3ration  "  (pari  pietatis  afectu),  and 
added  a  list  of  books  "  to  prevent  the  possibiUty  of 
doubt "  (ne  cui  dubitatio  suboriri  possit).  This 
hasty  and  peremptory  decree,  unlike  in  its  form  to 
any  catalogue  before  published,  was  closed  by  a  sol- 
emn anathema  against  all  who  should  "  not  receive 
the  entire  books  with  all  their  parts  as  sacred  and 
^nonical "  (Si  quis  autem  libros  ipsos  integros  cum 
Bnnibus  suis  partibus,  prout  in  ecclesia  catholica 
e^  consueverunt  et  in  veteri  vuigata  i^atina  edi- 


^  The  hljtory  of  the  Catalogue  published  at  the 
Jonncil  of  Flor3nce  (1441)  is  obscure  (Cosin  §§  159  f), 


CANON  863 

tione  habentur,  pro  sacris  et  canonicU  non  suscepe- 
rit  .  .  .  .  anathema  esto,  Cone.  Ttid.  Sess.  iv.) 
This  decree  was  not,  however,  passed  without  oppo- 
sition (Sarpi,  139  ff.  ed.  1655,  though  Pallavacino 
denies  this);  and  in  spite  of  the  absolute  terms  in 
which  it  is  expressed,  later  Romanists  have  sought 
to  find  a  method  of  escaping  from  the  definite 
equalization  of  the  two  classes  of  Sacred  writings 
by  a  forced  interpretation  of  the  subsidiary  clauses. 
Du  Pin  {Dissert,  prelim,  i.  1),  Lamy  {Aj)j}.  BibL 
ii.  5),  and  Jahn  {Einl.  in  d.  A.  T.,  i.  141  ff.  ap. 
Reuss,  a.  a.O.  §  337),  endeavored  to  estabUsh  two 
classes,  of  proto-Canonical  and  deutero-Canonical 
books,  attributing  to  the  first  a  dogmatic,  and  to 
the  second  only  an  ethical  authority.  But  such  a 
classification,  however  true  it  may  be,  is  obviously 
at  variance  with  the  terms  of  the  Tridentine  de- 
cision, and  lias  found  comparatively  little  favoi 
among  Romish  writers  (comp.  [Herbst]  Welte 
Einl.  ii.  ff.  1  f.). 

The  reformed  churches  unanimously  agreed  in 
confirming  the  Hebrew  Canon  of  Jerome,  and  re- 
fused to  allow  any  dogmatic  authority  to  the  Apoc- 
ryphal iJooks,  but  the  form  in  which  this  judgment 
was  expressed  varied  considerably  in  the  different 
confessions.  The  Lutheran  formularies  contain  no 
definite  article  on  the  subject,  but  the  note  which 
Luther  placed  in  the  front  of  his  German  transla- 
tion of  the  Apocrypha  (ed.  1534),  is  an  adequate 
declaration  of  the  later  judgment  of  the  Comtnun- 
ion  :  "  Apocrypha,  that  is.  Books  which  are  not 
placed  on  an  equal  footing  {7iicht  f/leich  gehalten) 
with  Holy  Scripture,  and  yet  are  profitable  and 
good  for  reading."  This  general  view  was  further 
expanded  in  the  special  prefaces  to  the  separate 
books,  in  which  Luther  freely  criticised  their  indi- 
vidual worth,  and  wholly  rejected  3  and  4  Esdra*, 
as  unworthy  of  translation.  At  an  earlier  period 
Carlstadt  (1520)  published  a  critical  essay,  De  ca- 
nonicis  scripturis  libelliis  (reprinted  in  Credner, 
Zur  Gesch.  d.  Kan.  pp.  291  ff.),  in  which  he  fol- 
lowed the  Hebrew  division  of  the  Canonical  books 
into  three  ranks,  and  added  Wisd.,  Ecclus.,  Judith, 
Tobit,  1  and  2  Mace,  as  Hagiographa,  though  not 
included  in  the  Hebrew  collection,  while  he  rejected 
the  remainder  of  the  Apocrypha  with  considerable 
parts  of  Daniel  as  "utterly  apocryphal"  {plane 
cipocryphi;  Credn.  pp.  389,  410  ff.). 

The  Calvinistic  churches  generally  treated  the 
question  with  more  precision,  and  introduced  into 
their  symboUc  documents  a  distinction  between  the 
"Canonical"  and  "  Apocryphal,"  or  "  Ecclesiasti- 
cal "  books,  llie  Galilean  Confession  (1561),  after 
an  enumeration  of  the  Hieronymian  Canon  {Ai  t.  3), 
adds  {Art.  4)  "  that  the  other  ecclesiastical  books 
are  useful,  yet  not  such  that  any  article  of  fai*b 
could  be  established  out  of  them  "  {quo  [sc.  Spiritv 
Sancto]  su(/(jerente  docemur,  illos  [sc.  liliros  Canon- 
icos]  ab  aliis  libris  ecclesiasiicis  discernere,  qui,  iU 
sint  utiles,  non  sunt  tamen  ejusmodi,  ut  ex  iis  con- 
stitui  possit  aliquis  Jidei  articulus).  The  Belgic 
Confession  (1561?)  contains  a  similar  enumeration 
of  the  Canonical  books  {Art.  4),  and  allows  their 
public  use  by  the  Church,  but  denies  to  them  all 
independent  authority  in  matters  of  faith  {Art.  6). 
The  later  Helvetic  Confession  (1562,  BuUinger)  no- 
tices the  distinction  between  the  Canonical  and 
Apocryphal  books  without  pronouncing  any  judg- 
ment OL  .he  question  (Niemeyer,  Libr.  Symb.  Eo- 


and  it  was  probably  limited  to  the  determination  of 
books  ftr  Ecclesiastical  use  (Reuss,  §  326). 


7A 


B64 


CAKOlf 


No.  I.  — CHRISTIAN  CATALOGUES  OF  THE  BOOKS  OF    fHE  OLD  TESTASIKNT. 

fhe  Ust  extends  only  to  such  books  as  are  disputed.  Of  the  signs,  *  indicates  tliat  tlie  book  is  ezprnitl} 
reckoned  as  Holy  Scripture:  t  ttiat  it  is  placed  expressly  in  a  second  rank  ;  ?  that  it  is  mentioned  witk 
doubt.     A  blank  marks  the  silence  of  the  author  aa  to  the  book  in  question. 


I.  CoNCiuAR  Catalogues: 
[Laodicene]  .     A.  d.  363 

Carthaginian      .     .    397  (?) 

Apostolic  Canons    .... 

D.  Private  Catalogues: 
(a)  Greek  toriters. 
Melito  .     .A.D.  c.  160  [180] 

Origen .     .     .     .  c.  183-253 

Athanasius     .     .     .  296-373 

Cyril  of  Jena.    .     .  315-386 

Synopsis  S.  Script 

[Nicephori]  Stichometria .    . 

Gregory  of  Naz.      .  300-391 

Amphilochiua     .     .      c.  380 

Epiphanius    .     .   c.  303-403 

Leontius  ....      c.  590 

Joannes  Damasc.     .     .  t750 

Kicephorus  Callist. .    c.  1330 

Cod.  Gr.  Scec.  X 

(P)  Latin  writers. 

Hilarius  Pictav.  A.  D.  t  c.  370 

HieiY)nymus.     .     .  329^20 

Rufinus    .    .    c.  380  [t410] 

Augustinus  .     .     .   855-430 

[Damasus] 

[Innocentius] 

Caasiodorus  ....   t570 

Tsidorus  Hispal.  .  t696  [636] 

Sacram.  Gallic.  *^ante  anna 
1000" 

[Cod.  Clarom  S(xc.  YU.  .     . 


Sg 


^" 


*? 


Cone.  Laod.  Can.  lix.^ 

Cone.  Carthag.  iii.  Can. 

xxxix.  (Alii  xlvii.).2 
Can.  A  post.  Ixxvi.  (Alii 

lxxrv.).8 


Ap.  Euseb.  ff.  E.  It 

26. 
Ap.  Euseb.  H.  E.  vi 

25.* 
Ep.  Fest.   1.  767,   ed. 

Ben.6 
Catech.  iv.  35. 

Credner.  Zur  Gesch.  del 

Kan. -p.  127  ff.« 
Credner,   o.    a.    0.   p. 

117  ff.T 
Carm.  xii.  31,  ed.  Par. 

1840.« 
Amphiloch.  ed.  Combef. 

p.  1.32.9 
De  Mensuris,  p.  162, 

ed.  Petav.w 
De  Sectis,  Act.  ii.  (Gal- 

landi,  xii.  625  f.).ii 
Be  Fide  wUiod.  iv.  17." 

Hody,  p.  648.18 

Montfaucon,  Bibl.  Ccn*- 
Un.  p.  193  f. 

Prcl.  in  Pi.  15.»* 

Prol.  Galeat.  ix.  p.  547 

ff.,  ed.  Migne.i& 
Expos.  Symb.  p.  37  f.i« 

De  Doctr.  Christ,  ii.  8.1' 

Credner,  a.  a.  0.  p.  188 

Ep.   ad  Exsup.    (Gal- 

landi,  viii.  561  f.). 
De  Inst.  Div.  LiU.  xiv.'» 

De  Oriff.  vi.  l." 


Hody,  p.  654. 

Ed.  Tisch,  p.  468  ff.] 


CANON 

ties.  Re/,  p.  4G8;.  The  Westminster  Confession 
[Art.  3)  places  the  Apocryphal  books  on  a  level 
•rith  other  human  writings,  and  concedes  to  them 
no  other  authority  in  the  Church. 

The  English  Church  {Art.  6)  appeals  directly  to 
the  opinion  of  St.  Jerome,  and  concedes  to  the 
Apocryphal  books  (including  [1571]  4  Esdras  and 
The  Prayer  of  Manasses")  a  use  "for  example  of 
life  and  instruction  of  manners,"  but  not  for  the 


a  The  Latin  copy  of  1562  includes  only  2  3  Esdr.s 
Wisd.,  Eoclus.,  Tobit,  Jud.,  1,  2  Mace.  (Hardwick, 
Hist,  of  Art.  p.  275). 


CANON 

establishment  of  doctrine;  and  a  similar  decision  it 
given  in  the  Irish  Articles  of  1615  (Hardwick,  I.  c, 
3-11  f.).  The  original  English  Articles  of  1553 
contained  no  catalogue  {Art.  5)  of  the  contents  of 
"  Holy  Scripture,"  and  no  mention  of  the  Apocry- 
pha, although  the  Tridentine  decree  (1546)  might 
seem  to  have  rendered  this  necessary.  The  exam- 
ple of  foreign  Churches  may  have  led  to  the  addi- 
tion upon  the  later  revision. 

The  expressed  opinion  of  the  later  Greek  Church 
on  the  Canon  of  Scripture  has  been  modified  in 
some  cases  by  the  circumstances  under  which  the 
declaration  was  made.     The  "  Confession  "  of  Cyril 


1  The  evidence  against  the  authenticity  of  this 
Canon,  aa  an  origioal  part  of  the  collection,  is  de- 
risive, in  spite  of  the  defense  of  Bickell  {Stud.  u.  Krit. 
lii.  611  £f.),  as  the  present  writer  has  shown  at  length 
in  another  place  {Hist,  of  N.  T.  Canon,  Iv.  498  ff.  [p. 
884  ff.,  2d  ed.]).  The  Canon  recurs  in  the  Capitular. 
Aquisgran.  c.  xx.,  with  the  omission  of  Baruch  and 
LamentatioTis. 

2  The  same  Canon  appears  in  Cone.  Hipp.  Can. 
xxxvi.  The  Greek  version  of  the  Canon  omits  the 
books  of  Maccabees;  and  the  history  of  the  Council 
itself  is  very  obscure.     Comp.  Cosin,  §  82. 

8  This  Canon  mentions  three  books  of  the  Maccabees. 
Judith  is  not  found  in  some  MSS. ;  and  generally  it 
may  be  observed  that  the  published  text  of  the  Con- 
ciliar  Canons  needs  a  thorough  revision.  Ecclesiasti- 
cus  is  thus  mentioned :  i^iadev  Si  irpotn,(rTOpeC(r8u>  vixiv 
\i.a.vdaveiv  viiSiv  ToOs  veovi  Ti)V  a'0(j>Cav  tou  TroAufAofloOs 
Seipdx.     Comp.  Constit.  Apost.  ii.  57. 

The  Canons  of  Laodlcea,  Carthage,  and  the  Apostolic 
Janons,  were  all  ratiiied  in  the  Quini-Sextine  Council, 
Can.% 

*  'lepefiiat  crvv  Spijcoit  koX  eiri  <rTo\fj  ev  ivC.  Ori- 
gen  expressly  says  that  this  catalogue  is  a>s  'E/3paiot 
napaSMaa-i,  and  begins  with  the  words:  elai  &e  ai 
«i(co(ri  Svo  ^t'^Aoi  Kaff  'E/Spat'ovs  aide.  He  quotes  sev- 
eral of  the  Apocryphal  books  as  Scripture,  as  will  be 
seen  below ;  and  in  his  Letter  to  Africanus  defends  the 
interpolated  Greek  text  of  Daniel  and  the  other  0.  T. 
books,  on  the  ground  of  their  public  use  {Ep.  ad  Af- 
ric.  §  3  If.).  The  whole  of  this  last  passage  is  of  the 
deepest  interest,  and  places  in  the  clearest  light  the 
intluence  which  the  LXX.  exercised  on  common  opin- 
ion. 

6  Athanasius  closes  his  whole  catalogue  with  the 
words :  rauTa  Tnjyal  toO  crwTrjpiou  .  .  .  ev  toutois  ij.  6- 
coit  TO  Ttjs  evcrejSei'as  StSatTKoAetoi'  evayyeAiferat. 
M>)ieis  TOUTOis  eTri/SaAAeTo)  •  fj.i)5e  tovtmv  a.<f>aipeC<T6o) 
Ti  .  .  .  eariv  Koi  erepa  ^i/SAi'a  TovTtav  efwflec,  oil  Kavo- 
vi^oficva  fjLeu  TeTViTii)fiL€Va  Si  irapa.  Tcov  Ttaaipmv  avayivut- 
<rKe<r9ai  tois  apri  npoa-epxofi.evoi';  /cai  jSouAojieVots  Kan)- 
\el<Tdai  Tov  Trjs  ev<TePeCa^  Koyov. 

6  The  list  of  the  Apocryphal  books  is  prefaced  by  a 
slause  nearly  identical  with  that  in  Athanasius.  In  a 
seoond  enumeration  (Credner,  a.  a.  O.  p.  144),  three 
books  of  the  Maccabees  and  Susanna  are  enumerated 
among  the  avriKeyoixeva. 

7  The  Apocryphal  books  are  headed :  koX  o<rai  auri- 
\eyocTat  rrj^  TraXaias  aSrat  e'i(Tiv.  Susanna  {i.  e.  Add. 
to  Daniel)  is  reckoned  among  them. 

8  The  catalogue  ends  with  the  words  :  n-ao-as  exeis  ' 
eZ  Tis  5e  TOUTw;'  cktos  ovk  ev  ynjiriois. 

9  The  verses  occur  under  the  name  of  Gregory  of 
Nazianzus,  but  are  generally  referred  to  Amphilochius. 
W  Esther  he  says  :  toutois  npoa-eyKpCvrnxri.  ttji'  'Eo-StJp 

tves.     Ale   concludes :  oJtos  ai/(eu6e'<rTaTos  Kaviav  av 

'i)  T<av  Beoirvevmiov  ypa(j>ii}v. 

10  Epiphanius  adds  of  ^Vi8dom  and  Ecclus. :  ^f,^- 
nfxoi  ixiv  eicri  Ktu  to<f>e'Ai/uoi,  aAA'  el^  apiOixov  prfriov  ovk 
'va<t>epovTai,  Sio  ovSi  .  ,  .  iv  rrj  ttjs  5ia9rjKT'S  Ki^MTia 
iveTe6r)(T0iv].  The  same  catalogue  is  repeated  Je  Mens. 
p.  180.     In  another  place  {adv.  Hcer,  Ixsvi.  p.  941),  he 


NOTES  ON  TABLE  NO.  L 

speaks  of  the  teaching  contained  in  "  the  xxii.  books ' 
of  the  Old  Test,  in  the  New  Test.,  and  then  ev  Tais  2o 
</)tais,  ^oKofjiiavTOi  re  <^r)/il  /cat  viov  Setpa^  /cai  na.<rai- 
aTrXws  ypa<^aiy  flei'ats.  In  a  third  catalogue  {adv.  Hsa 
viii.  p.  19)  he  adds  the  letters  of  Baruch  and  JeremiaU 
(which  he  elsewhere  specially  notices  as  wanting  in  th* 
Hebrew,  de  Mens.  p.  163),  and  speaks  of  Wisdom  and 
Ecclus.  as  ev  ojuc^iXe'/cTco  (among  the  Jews),  \u>p\';  oAAuir 
riviiiv  ^ijSAiuv  eyairo/tpvt^i'.  CJomp.  ado.  Har.  xxix. 
p.  122. 

Lecnt.  /.  c.  TavTa  eori  ra  Kavovi^oixeva  ^i/SAia  tp 
Ttj  eKK\ri<ria  Koi  TroAaia  (cat  vea,  &v  to,  TroAaia  Tvavra, 
Sexovrai  ot  'E^palOl. 

12  Joan.  Damasc.  /.  c.  t)  2o<|it'a  toO  SoAouuirTo;  /cat  ^ 
2o<^t'a  tou  'IijcroC  .  .  .  ei'dpeTOt  fxev  /cat  /caAa't  »/.A'  oii/c 
optSfioCvTai,  ovSe  eKetvTO  ev  Tfj  /ctjSuTw. 

18  Quibus  nonnulli  adjici;mt  Esther,  Judith,  et  T<^ 
bit.  e/cTOS  Si  toutcoi'  tjjs  ypou()y}s  anav  v66ov  (Hcdyi 
I.  c). 

14  Hilar.  I.  c.  Quibusdam  autem  visum  est  adilitia 
Tobia  et  Judith  xxiv.  libros  secundum  nunierum  Qrse- 
carum  litterarum  connumerare.  .   .   . 

15  Hieron.  I.  c.  Quicquid  extra  hos  (the  books  of  the 
Hebrew  canon)  est,  inter  apocrypha  ponendum.  Igi- 
tur  Sapientia,  quae  vulgo  Salomonis  inscribitur,  et  Jesu 
filii  Sirach  liber,  et  Judith  et  Tobias  et  Pastor  non 
sunt  in  canone.  Mackabcsorum  primum  librum  He- 
braicum  reperi :  secundus  Graecus  est  .  .  .  Cf.  Prol, 
in  Libro.f  Salom.  ad  Chrom.  et  Heliod.  Fertur  et 
ITai'apeTos,  Jesu  JUii  Sirach  liber,  et  alius  {j/evSeKiypa- 
ijicy;,  qui  Sapientia  Salomonis  inscribitur  .  .  .  Sic- 
ut  ergo  Judith  et  Tobit  et  MacAabceorum  libros  legit 
quidem  ecclesia,  sed  inter  canonicos  non  recipit,  sic  et 
hsec  duo  volumina  legit  ad  aedificationem  plebis,  non 
ad  auctoritatem  ecclesiasticorum  dogmatum  conflr- 
mand.am.  Comp.  Prologos  in  Dan.  Hierem.,  Tobit,  Ju- 
dith, Jonam ;  Ep.  ad  Paidinum,  liii.  Hence  at  th« 
close  of  Esther  one  very  ancient  MS.,  quoted  by  Mar 
tianay  on  the  place,  adds :  Hucusque  completum 
est  Vet.  Test,  id  est,  omnes  canonicae  Scripturae  .  .  . 
quas  transtulit  Hieronymus  .  .  .  de  Hebraica  ver- 
itate  .  .  .  caeteras  vero  Scripturae,  quae  non  sunt  can- 
onicae, sed  dicuntur  ecclesiasticae,  istae  sunt,  id  est  . 
giving  the  list  contained  in  Prol.  Galat. 

16  After  giving  the  Hebrew  canon  and  the  received 
canon  of  N.  T.,  Ruflnus  says:  Sciendum  tamen  est, 
quod  et  alii  libri  sunt,  qui  non  canonici  sed  ecclesias 
tici  a  majoribus  appellati  sunt,  id  est,  Sapientia,  quae 
dicitur  Salomonis,  et  alia  Sapientia  quae  dicitur  filit 
Sirach  .  .  .  ejusdem  vero  ordinis  libellus  est  Tobia 
et  Judith  et  Machaboeonim  Ubri  .  .  .  Quae  omnia  legl 
quidem  in  ecclesiis  voluerunt,  non  tamen  prolem  a<t 
auctoritatem  ex  his  fldei  confirmandam.  Caeteras  vero 
Scripturas  apocryphas  nominarunt,  quas  in  ecclesiia 
legi  noluerunt. 

17  See  below. 

18  Cassiodorus  gives  also,  however,  with  marks  of 
n.gh  respect,  the  catalogue  of  Jerome.  Comp.  Coeln, 
§89. 

19  Isidorus,  lik»  Cassiodorus,  gives  the  catalogue  ct 
Jerome,  as  well  a»  that  of  Augustine.  Comp.  Coate, 
«108. 


866 


CANON 


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CANON 

Lucar,  who  was  most  favorably  disposed  towards 
he  Frotestaiit  Churches,  confirms  the  I-aodiceiie 
Catalogue,  and  marks  the  Apocrynhiil  books  as  not 
possessing  the  same  divine  authority  as  those  whose 
canonicity  is  unquestioned  (Kimmel,  Alun.  Fid. 
Ecclts.  Or.  i.  p.  42,  rb  Kvpos  irapa.  rod  iravayiov 
wevfiaroi  ovk  ex"""'"'  odh  rck  Kupiais  Koi  avaficpi- 
^6\a>s  KOLvoviKo.  fitfiKia).  In  this  judgment  Cyril 
Lucar  w;is  followed  by  his  friend  Metrophanes  Cri- 
topulus,  in  whose  confession  a  complete  list  of  the 
books  of  the  Hebrew  Canon  is  given  (Kinuuel,  ii. 
p.  105  f.),  while  some  value  is  assigned  to  the 
Apocryphal  books  {ano^A-nTOus  ovx  rjyov/xfBa)  in 
consideration  of  their  ethical  value;  and  the  de- 
tailed decision  of  Metrophanes  is  quoted  with  ap- 
proval in  the  "  Orthodox  Teaching "  of  Platon, 
Metropolitan  of  Moscow  (ed.  Athens,  1836,  p.  59). 
The  "  Orthodox  Confession  "  simply  refers  the  sub- 
ject of  Scripture  to  the  Church  (Kimmel,  p.  159,  rj 
eKKKriaria  ex*'  '''h"  ^^ovaiay  .  .  .  va  SoKifid^i  ras 
ypacpds;  comp.  p.  123).  On  the  other  hand  the 
Synod  at  Jerusalem,  held  iji  1672,  "  against  the 
Calvinists,"  which  is  commonly  said  to  have  been 
led  by  Romish  influence  (yet  comp.  Kimmel,  p. 
Ixxxviii.),  pronounced  that  the  books  which  Cyril 
Lucar  "  ignoraiitly  or  maliciously  called  apocry- 
phal," are  "  canonical  and  Holy  Scripture,"  on  the 
authority  of  the  testimony  of  the  ancient  Church 
([Kimmel,]  Weissenborn,  Dositli.  Conftss.  pp.  467 
f.).  The  Constantinoix)litan  Synod,  which  was 
held  in  the  same  year,  notices  the  difference  exist- 
ing between  the  Apostolic,  I>aodicene,  and  Cartha- 
ginian Catalogues,  and  appears  to  distinguish  the 
Apocryphal  books  as  not  wliolly  to  be  rejected  (oVo 
iifVTOi  TUP  rrjs  waKalas  Siaflrj/crjs  fii^\ia)V  rrj 
auap  10 ij.il (Tet  tuv  ayioypdcposv  ov  (Tvfxirepi\afji,fia- 
vfTai  .  .  .  OVK  a.ir60KriTa  ruyxdvovcri  Sl6Kou). 
The  authorized  Russian  Catechism  ( The  Doctrine 
of  the  Russian  Church,  (fee,  by  Rev.  W.  Black- 
more,  Aberd.,  1845,  pp.  37  fF.)  distinctly  quotes  and 
defends  the  Hebrew  Canon  on  the  authority  of  the 
Greek  Fathers,  and  repeats  the  judgment  of  Atha- 
nasius  on  the  usefuhiess  of  the  Apocryphal  books 
as  a  preparatory  study  in  the  Bible ;  and  there  can 
l)e  no  doubt  but  that  the  current  of  Greek  opinion, 
in  accordance  with  the  unanimous  agreement  of  the 
ancient  Greek  Catalogues,  coincides  with  this  judg- 
ment. 

The  history  of  the  Syrian  Canon  of  the  O.  T.  is 
involved  in  great  obscurity  from  the  scantiness  of 
the  evidence  which  can  be  brought  to  bear  upon  it. 
The  Peshito  was  made,  in  the  first  instance,  directly 
from  the  Hebrew,  and  consequently  adhered  to  the 
Hebrew  Canon ;  but  as  the  1>XX.  was  used  after- 
vards  in  revising  the  version,  so  many  of  the  Apoc- 
vphal  books  were  translated  from  the  Greek  at  an 
><irly  period,  and  added  to  the  original  collection 
(Assem.  Bihl.  Or.  i.  71).  Yet  this  change  was 
only  made  gradually.  In  the  time  of  Ephrera  (c. 
A.  D.  370)  tlie  Apocryphal  additions  to  Daniel  were 
yet  wanting,  and  his  commentaries  were  confined  to 
the  books  of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  though  he  was 
ttcquainted  with  the  Apocrypha  (I-ardner,  Credi- 
bility, &c.,  iv.  pp.  427  f. ;  see  I^ngerke,  Daniel, 
cxii.).  The  later  SjTian  writers  do  not  throw  much 
'ight  upon  the  question  Gregory  Bar  Hebraeus, 
Sn  his  short  'commentary  on  Scripture,  treats  of  the 
books  in  the  following  order  (Assem.  Bibl.  Orient. 
d.  282)-  *he  PeHtateuch,  Josh.,.Judg.,  1  &  2  Sam. 
^*8.,  1  <fe  2  K.,  Prov.,  h^cclm.,  Eccl.,  Cant.,  Wisd., 
Kuth,  Hist.  Sits.,  Job,  Is.,  12  I'roph.,  Jer.,  Lam., 
Ek.,  Dan.,  Bel,  4  Gosp.,  Acts  ...  14  Epist.  of  St. 


CANON 


867 


Paul,  omitting  1 A  2  Chr.,  Ezr.,  Neh.,  Esther,  Tobit^ 
1  &  2  Macc.,Judit/i,  {Barach'i),  Apoctdiipse,  Epist 
James,  1  Pet.,  1  John. 

In  the  Scriptural  Vocabulary  of  Jacob  of  ICdessa 
(Assem.  I.  c.  p.  499),  the  order  and  number  of  the 
books  conmieuted  upon  is  somewhat  different: 
Pent.,  Josh.,  Judg.,  Job,  1  &  2  Sam.,  David  (i.  a 
Ps.),  1  &  2  K.,  Is.,  12  Proph.,  Jer ,  Urn.,  Baruch, 
Ez.,  Dan.,  Prov.,  Wisd.,  Cant.,  Ruth,  Esth.,  Jv^ 
dith,  Ecclus.,  Acts,  Epist.  James,  1  Pet.,  1  John, 
14  Epist.  of  St.  Paul,  4  Gosp.,  omitting  1  &  2 
Chr.,  Ezr.,  Neh.,  Iu;cl.,  Tobil,  1  &  2  J/rtCc,  Apoc 
(comp.  Assem.  BiOl.  Orient,  iii.  4  not.). 

The  Catalogue  of  Ebed-Jesu  (Assem.  Bibl.  Ori- 
ent., iii.  5  ft'.)  is  rather  a  general  survey  of  all  the 
Hebrew  and  Christian  literature  with  which  he  waa 
acquainted  (Catalogus  Ubrorum  omnium  Ecclesias- 
ticorum)  than  a  Canon  of  Scripture.  After  enu- 
merating the  books  of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  togethci 
with  Kccltis.,  WimI.,  Jtulith,  ndil.  to  Dan.,  and  Bd- 
ruch,  he  adds,  without  any  break,  "  the  tradition* 
of  the  Elders  "  (Mishnali),  the  works  of  Josephus, 
including  the  Fables  of  .^Esop  which  were  popularly 
ascribed  ^  to  him,  and  at  the  end  mentions  the 
"  book  of  Tobias  and  Tobit."  In  the  like  manner 
after  enumerating  the  4  Gosp.,  Acts,  3  Cath.  Epist. 
and  14  Epist.  of  St.  Paul,  he  passes  at  once  to  the 
Diatessaron  of  Tatian,  and  the  writings  <>f  "  the 
disciples  of  the  Apostles."  Little  dependeuaei  how- 
ever, can  be  placed  on  these  lists,  as  they  icst  on 
no  critical  foundation,  and  it  is  known  frcn  other 
sources  that  varieties  of  opinion  on  the  palyect  of 
the  Canon  existed  in  the  SjTian  Church  (Assem. 
Bibl.  Oiient.  iii.  6  not.). 

One  testimony,  however,  which  darives  its  ongin 
from  the  Syrian  Church,  is  specially  worthy  of 
notice.  JunUius,  an  African  bishop  of  tiie  Gth 
century,  has  preserved  a  full  a:id  interesting  account 
of  the  teaehing  of  Paulus,  a  Persian,  on  Holy 
Scripture,  who  was  educated  at  Xisibis  where  "  the 
Divine  Law  was  regularly  explained  by  public  ma»- 
ters,"  :is  a  branch  of  common  education  CJunU. 
De  part,  [div.l  leg.  Pnef.).  He  dividps  the  oooks 
of  the  Bible  into  two  classes,  those  of  "  i>erf'ect," 
and  those  of  "mean"  authority  [inexlke  auctori- 
utis].  The  first  class  includes  all  the  books  of  the 
Hebrew  Canon  with  the  exception  of  1  &  2  Chr., 
Job,  Canticles,  and  Esther,  and  with  the  addition 
of  Ecclesiasticus.  The  second  class  consists  of 
Chronicles  (2),  Job,  Esdras  (2),  Judith,  Esther, 
and  Maccabees  (2),  which  are  adde<l  by  "very 
many"  {plunmi)  to  the  Canonical  books.  The 
remaining  books  are  pronounced  to  be  of  no  au- 
thority, and  of  these  Canticles  and  Wisdom  are 
said  to  be  added  by  "some"  {quidam)  to  the  Ca,- 
non.  The  classification  as  it  stands  is  not  without 
difficulties,  but  it  deserves  more  attention  than  it 
has  received  (comp.  Hody,  p.  653;  Gallandi,  Bib- 
liitth.  xii.  79  ff.  [Migne,  Patrol.  Lat.  vol.  Ixviii.] 
The  reprint  in  Wordsworth,  On  the  Canon,  A  pp. 
A.,  pp.  42  ff.,  is  very  imperfect).  [See  Westcott'a 
Canon  of  the  N.  T.,  2d  ed.,  pp.  48.5-87.] 

The  Armenian  Canon,  as  far  as  it  can  be  ascer- 
tained froff  ■'^itions,  follows  that  of  the  LXX.,  but 
it  is  of  no  critical  authority ;  and  a  similar  remark 
applies  to  the  .(Ethiopian  Canon,  though  it  is  mors 
easy  in  this  case  to  trace  the  changes  through 
which  it  has  passed  (Dillmann,  Uebcr  d.  ^Eth- 
Kar    'n  Ewald'"   Jahrbiicher,  1853,  pp.  144  ff'.). 

In  addition  to  the  books  alre;idy  quoted  unda 
th/»  ^'^»ads  for  which  they  are  specially  valuable, 
some  still  remain  to  be  noticed.     C    F    Sc.hiiiid. 


368 


CANON 


But.  ant.  et  VtTidic.  Can.  S.  Vet.  et  Nov.  Test. 
Lipa.  1775;  [H.  Corrodi],  Versuch  einer  Bekuch- 
tUTiff .  .  .  d.  Bibl.  Kanons,  HaUe,  1792 ;  Movers, 
jA)ci  quidnm  Hist.  Can.  V.  T.  illustrati,  Breslau, 
1842.  The  great  work  of  Hody  (Z>e  Biblm:  Text., 
Oxon.  1705)  contains  a  rich  store  of  materials, 
though  even  this  is  not  free  from  minor  errors. 
Stuart's  Cntical  IJisioiy  and  Defence,  of  the  Old 
Test.  Canon,  London,  1849  [Audover,  1845]  is 
rather  an  apology  than  a  history.  [It  has  particu- 
lar reference  to  Mr.  Norton's  "  Note  on  the  Jewish 
Dispensation,  the  Pentateuch,  and  the  other  Books 
of  the  Old  Testament,"  in  vol.  ii.  of  his  Evidences 
<f  the  Genuineness  of  the  Gospels,  Cambridge, 
1844  (pp.  xlviii.-cciv.  of  the  2d  ed.,  1848),  in 
which  the  Mosaic  authorship  of  the  Pentateuch 
was  denied.  See  also  Palirey,  Lectures  on  the 
.Jewish  So-iptures,  Boston,  1838,  etc.  i.  20-42;  De 
Wette,  Einl.  in  die  Biicher  des  A.  T.,  6*  Aufl. 
1852,  pp.  13-46,  or  Parker's  (often  inaccurate) 
translation,  i.  20-119,  and  Appendix,  pp.  412-28; 
Dillmann,  Uebtr  die  Bildung  der  Sammlung  hei- 
liger  Schriften  A.  T.  (in  the  Jahrb.  f.  deutsche 
Theol.  1858,  iii.  419-91);  Bleek,  Einl.  in  dus  A. 
T.,  Berlin,  1860,  pp.  662-716,  and  the  references 
under  the  art.  Apockypha.  —  A.] 

IV.  The  history  of  the  Canon  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament. —  The  history  of  the  Canon  of  the  N.  T. 
presents  a  remarkable  analogy  to  that  of  the  Canon 
of  the  0.  T.  The  beginnings  of  both  Canons  are 
obscure,  from  the  circumstances  under  which  they 
arose ;  both  grew  silently  under  the  guidance  of  an 
inward  instinct  rather  than  by  the  force  of  external 
authority ;  both  were  connected  with  other  religious 
litei-ature  by  a  series  of  books  which  claimed  a  par- 
tial and  questionable  authority;  both  gained  defi- 
niteness  in  times  of  persecution.  The  chief  differ- 
ence lies  in  the  general  consent  with  which  all  the 
churches  of  the  West  have  joined  in  ratifying  one 
Canon  of  the  N.  T.,  while  they  are  divided  as  to 
the  [wsition  of  the  O.  T.  Apocrypha. 

The  history  of  the  N.  T.  Canon  may  be  conven- 
ient!) divided  into  three  periods.  The  first  extends 
to  the  time  of  Hegesippus  (c.  .K.  n.  170),  and  in- 
cludes the  era  of  the  separate  circulation  and  grad- 
ual collection  of  the  Apostolic  writings.  The  sec- 
ond is  closed  by  the  persecution  of  Diocletian  (a.  d. 
303),  and  marks  the  separation  of  the  sacred  writ- 
ings from  the  remaining  Ecclesiastical  literature. 
The  third  may  be  defined  by  the  third  Council  of 
Carthage  (a.  n.  397),  in  which  a  catalogue  of  the 
books  of  Scripture  was  formally  ratified  by  conciliar 
authority.  Tlie  first  is  characteristically  a  period 
of  tradition,  the  second  of  speculation,  the  third  of 
authority ;  and  it  is  not  difficult  to  trace  the  feat- 
ures of  the  successive  ages  in  the  course  of  the  his- 
tory of  the  Canon. 

1.  The  histoi'y  of  the  Canon  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment to  170  A.  u.  —  The  writings  of  the  N.  T. 
themselves  contain  little  more  than  faint,  and  per- 
laps  unconscious  intimations  of  the  position  which 
they  were  destined  to  occupy.  The  mission  of  the 
\postles  was  essentially  one  of  preaching  and  not 
of  writing ;  of  founding  a  present  church  and  not 
of  l^islating  for  a  future  one.  Tlie  "  word  "  is 
essentially  one  of  "  hearing,"  "  received,"  and 
"handed  down,"  a  "message,"  a  "proclamation." 


CANON 

Written  instniction  was  in  each  ].ariiouliii  jate 
only  occasional  and  fragmentary ;  and  the  complete- 
ness of  the  entire  collection  of  the  incidental  record» 
thus  formed  is  one  of  the  most  striking  proofs  of 
the  Providential  power  which  guided  the  natural 
development  of  the  church.  The  prevaiUng  method 
of  interpreting  the  0.  T.,  and  the  peculiar  position 
which  the  first  Christians  occupied,  as  standing 
upon  the  verge  of  "the  coming  age"  (oudv), 
seemed  to  preclude  the  necessity  and  even  the  use 
of  a  "  New  Testament."  Yet  even  thus,  though 
there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  Apostles  re- 
garded their  written  remauis  as  likely  to  preserve  a 
perfect  exhibition  of  the  sum  of  Christian  troth, 
coordinate  with  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  they 
claim  for  their  writings  a  public  use  (1  Thess.  v. 
27;  Col.  iv.  16;  Rev.  xxii.  18),  and  an  authorita- 
tive power  (1  Tim.  iv.  1  ff. ;  2  Thess.  iii.  6 ;  Rev. 
xxii.  19);  and,  at  the  time  when  2  Peter  was  writ^ 
ten,  which  on  any  supposition  is  an  extremely  early 
writing,  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  were  phiced  in  sig- 
nificant connection  with  "  the  other  Scriptures  "  «• 
(ras  \onras  ypatpds,  not  rhs  &Was  ypa^d,s). 

The  transition  from  the  Apostolic  to  the  sub- 
Apostolic  age  is  essentially  abrupt  and  striking. 
An  age  of  conservatism  succeeds  an  age  of  creation ; 
but  in  feeling  and  general  character  the  period 
which  followed  the  working  of  the  Apostles  seems 
to  have  been  a  faithful  reflection  of  that  which  they 
moulded.  'ITie  remains  of  the  literature  to  which 
it  gave  birth,  which  are  wholly  Greek,  are  singu- 
larly scanty  and  limited  in  range,  merely  a  few  Let- 
ters and  "  Apologies."  As  yet,  writing  among 
Christians  was,  as  a  general  rule,  the  result  of  a 
pressing  necessity  and  not  of  choice;  and  vmAet 
such  circumstances  it  is  vain  to  expect  e.ther  a  dis- 
tinct consciousness  of  the  necessity  of  a  written 
Canon,  or  any  clear  testimony  as  to  its  hmits. 

The  writings  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers  (c. 
70-120  A.  D.)  are  all  occasional.  They  sprang  out 
of  peculiar  circumstances,  and  offered  little  scope 
for  quotation.  At  the  same  time  the  Apostolic 
tradition  was  still  fresh  in  the  memories  of  men, 
and  the  need  of  written  Gospels  was  not  yet  made 
evident  by  the  corruption  of  the  oral  narrative. 
As  a  consequence  of  this,  the  testimony  of  the 
Apostolic  fathers  is  chiefly  important  as  proving 
the  general  currency  of  such  outlines  of  history  and 
types  of  doctrine  as  are  preserved  in  our  Canon. 
They  show  in  this  way  that  the  Canonical  books 
offer  an  adequate  explanation  of  the  belief  of  the 
next  age,  and  must  therefore  represent  completely 
the  earlier  teaching  on  which  that  was  based.  In 
three  places,  however,  in  which  it  was  natural  to 
look  for  a  more  distinct  reference,  Clement  {Ep. 
47),  Ignatius  {nd  Eph.  12),  and  Polycarp  (Ep.  3) 
refer  to  Apostolic  Epistles  written  to  those  whom 
they  were  themselves  addressing.  The  casual  co- 
incidences of  the  writings  of  the  Apostolic  fathers 
with  the  language  of  the  Epistles  are  much  more 
extensive.  With  the  exception  of  the  Epistles  of 
Jude,  2  Peter,  and  2,  3  John,''  with  which  no  co- 
incidences occur,  and  1,  2  Thessalonians,  Colos- 
sians,  Titus,  and  Philemon,  with  which  the  coinci- 
dences are  very  questionable,  all  the  other  Epistlei 
were  clearly  known,  and  used  by  tJoem ;  but  stiU 
they  are  not  quoted  with  the  formulas  which  pre- 


n  The  late  tradition  commonly  quoted  from  Photius 
'^Biblioth.  254)  to  show  that  St.  John  completed  the 
Uiuion,  refers  only  to  the  Gospels :  loiis  rojaout  ot  a»'<'- 
^fta^ov    2ia^6poi«    yAuao'aic    to    vungpta    rov 


SecnroTOV  naOri  re  xal  davfxara  KaX  Si£a.y/ia.Ta  ....  6i4- 
Tof  e  T€  KOI  <TVvSi.ril>6pt»<Te  .... 

ft  The  titles  of  the  JisputcJ  books  of  the  N.  T.  aw 
italicized  throughout,  far  conTeuience  of  refereuo* 


CANON 

hce  citations  from  tiie  0.  T.  {rj  yf)a(pi)  \eye<.,  y^- 
ypavrat,  Ac.);"  nor  is  the  famous  plira.se  of  Igna- 
tius (nd  Pliilad.  5,  wpoff(f)vyci)V  rqi  fuayyeAi'v  cos 
vapKl  '\t)<Tou  KoX  Tots  a.Tro(Tr6\oi.s  iis  irpeo-jSuTe- 
oiai  eKKXriffias)  sufficient  to  prove  tlie  existence  of 
a  collection  of  Apostolic  records  as  distinct  from  the 
sum  of  Apostolic  teaching.  The  coincidences  with 
the  Gospels,  on  the  other  hand,  both  in  fact  and 
substance  are  numerous  and  uiteresting,  but  such 
as  cannot  be  referred  to  the  exclusive  use  of  our 
present  written  Gosi^els.  li^'ich  a  use  would  have 
i)een  alien  from  tlie  character  of  the  age,  and  in- 
consistent with  the  influence  of  a  historical  tradi- 
tion. The  details  of  the  life  of  Christ  were  still 
too  fresh  to  be  sought  for  only  in  fixed  records; 
and  even  where  memory  was  less  active,  long  habit 
ir.terposed  a  barrier  to  the  recognition  of  new 
Scriptures.  The  sense  of  the  infinite  depth  and 
paramount  authority  of  the  O.  T.  was  too  powerful 
even  among  Gentile  converts  to  require  or  to  admit 
of  the  immediate  addition  of  supplementary  books, 
liut  the  sense  of  the  peculiar  position  which  the 
Apostles  occupied,  as  tlie  original  uispired  teachers 
of  the  Christian  church,  was  already  making  itself 
felt  in  the  sub-apostolic  age ;  and  by  a  remai-kable 
agreement  Clement  {ad  Car.  i.  7,  47)  Polycarp  {ad 
Phil.  3),  Ignatius  {ad  Rom.  4)  and  Barnabas  (c.  1) 
draw  a  clear  line  between  themselves  and  their  pred- 
ecessors, from  whom  they  were  not  separated  bv 
any  lengthened  intervals  of  time.  As  the  need  for 
a  definite  standard  of  Christian  truth  became  more 
pressing,  so  was  the  character  of  those  in  whose 
writings  it  was  to  be  sought  more  distinctly  appre- 
hended. 

The  next  period  (120-170  a.  d.),  which  may  be 
fitly  termed  the  age  of  the  Apologists,  carries  the 
history  of  the  fonnation  of  the  Canon  one  step  fur- 
ther. The  facts  of  the  hfe  of  Christ  acquired  a 
fresh  importance  in  controversy  with  Jew  and  Gen- 
tile. The  oral  tradition,  which  still  remained  in 
the  former  age,  was  dying  away,  and  a  variety  of 
written  documents  claimed  to  occupy  its  place. 
Then  it  was  that  the  Canonical  Gospels  were  defi- 
nitely separated  from  the  mass  of  similar  narratives 
in  virtue  of  their  outward  claims,  which  had  re- 
mained, as  it  were,  in  abeyance  during  the  period 
of  tradition.  The  need  did  not  create,  but  recog- 
nized them.  Without  doubt  and  without  contro- 
versy, they  occupied  at  once  the  position  which 
they  have  always  retained  as  the  fourfold  Apostolic 
record  of  the  Saviour's  ministry.  Other  naiTatives 
remained  current  for  some  time,  which  were  either 
interpolated  forms  of  the  Canonical  books  ( The 
Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  &c.),  or  inde- 
pendent tnuJitions  {The  Gospel  according  to  the 
Egyptians^  <fcc.),  and  exercised  more  or  less  influ- 


»  The  exceptions  to  this  statement  which  occur  in 
the  Latin  versions  of  Polycarp  {ad  Phil.  c.  12  "  ut 
his  Scripturis  dictum  est,"  I's.  iv.  4 ;  Eph.  iv.  26),  and 
Barnabas  (c.  4  "sicut  scrlptum  est,"  Matt.  xx.  16), 
cannot  be  urged  against  the  uniform  practice  which  is 
observed  in  the  original  texts.  Some  of  the  most  re- 
markable Evangelic  citations  are  prefaced  by  [Kupios] 
flTrev,  not  Keyei,  which  seems  to  show  that  they  were 
derived  from  tradition  and  i-ot  from  a  written  naisra- 
ive  (Clem.  E/>.  13,  46). 

*  The  correctness  of  the  old  Latin  version  of  Barna- 
bas in  c.  4.  "sicut  scriptum  est,"  is  now  confirmed  by 
the  Codex  Sinaiticus,  which  reads  m?  yfypairraL,  This 
Is  interesting  as  perhaps  the  earliesi  example  which 
bas  come  down  to  us  of  an  express  quotation  of  a  book 
nt  the  N.  T.  as  Scripture.  A. 


CANON  369 

ence  upon  the  form  of  popular  quotations,  and  per- 
haps in  some  cases  upon  the  text  of  the  Canonical 
( iospels ;  but  where  the  question  of  authority  waa 
raised,  the  four  (jospels  were  ratified  by  universal 
consent.  The  testimony  of  Justin  Maktyr  (t  c. 
246  A.  i>.)  is  in  this  respect  most  important.* 
An  impartial  examination  of  his  Evangelic  refer- 
ences, il'  conducted  with  due  reference  to  his  general 
manner  of  quotation,  to  possible  variations  of  read- 
ing, and  to  the  nature  of  his  subject,  which  ex- 
cluded express  citations  from  Christian  books,  shows 
that  they  were  derived  certainly  in  the  main,  prob- 
ably exclusively,  from  our  Synoptic  Gospels,  and 
that  each  Gospel  is  distinctly  recognized  by  him 
{Dial.  c.  Tryph.  c.  103,  p.  331,  D,  iv  yh,p  roh 
aironvritJLOvevfixicnv  &  <p't)t>X  virh  t  uv  airo  a  t  6- 
\o)v  (Matthew,  John)  auToO  kolX  rwv  in  fi- 
ve is  napaKoAovdrjcrcivTccv  (Mark,  Luke) 
(Tiij/TeTax^at  •  •  •  Comp.  Dial.  c.  49  with  Matt, 
xvii.  13 ;  Dial.  c.  106  with  Mark  iii.  16,  17 ;  Dial. 
c.  105  with  Luke  xxiii.  46).  The  references  of 
Justin  to  St.  John  are  less  decided  (comp.  Apol.  i. 
61;  Dial.  [88,]  63,  123,  56,  &c.;  Otto,  in  lUgen's 
Ztitschrift,  u.  s.  w.  1841,  pp.  77  ft'.  1843,  pp.  34 
ff. ) ;  and  of  the  other  books  of  the  N.  T.  he  men- 
tions the  Apocalypse  only  by  name  {Dial.  c.  81), 
and  offers  some  coincidences  of  language  with  the 
Pauline  Epistles. 

The  evidence  of  Papias  (c.  140-150  A.  D.)  is 
nearly  contemporary  with  that  of  Justin,  but  goes 
back  to  a  still  earlier  generation  (6  irpecr/Surepoj 
i\iye).  In  spite  of  the  various  questions  which 
have  been  raised  as  to  the  interpretation  of  the 
fragments  of  his  "  Enarrations  "  preserved  by  Euse- 
bius  {H.  E.  iii.  39)  it  seems  on  every  account  most 
reasonable  to  conclude  that  Papias  was  acquamted 
with  our  present  Gospels  of  St.  Matthew  and  St. 
Mark,  the  former  of  which  he  connected  with  an 
earlier  Hebrew  original  {riptxi\vev<Ti):  and  probably 
also  with  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  {Frag.  xi.  liouth; 
comp.  Iren.  v.  sub  Jin.),  the  former  Epistles  of  St. 
John  and  St.  Peter  (Euseb.  //.  E.  iii.  24),  and  the 
Apocalypse  {Frag,  viii.).^ 

Meanwhile  the  Apostolic  writings  were  taken  by 
various  mystical  teachers  as  the  foundation  of 
strange  schemes  of  speculation,  which  are  popularly 
confounded  together  under  the  general  title  of 
Gnosticism,  whether  Gentile  or  Jewish  in  their 
origin.  In  the  earliest  fragments  of  Gnostic  writ- 
ers which  remain  there  are  traces  of  the  use  of  the 
Gospels  of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  John,  and  of  1 
Corinthians  {'Air6(pa(ris  ixeydXv  [Simon  M.]  ap. 
Hippol.  adv.  Hier.  vi.  16,  9,  13)  and  the  Apoca^ 
lypse  was  attributed  by  a  confusion  not  difficult  of 
explanation  to  Cerintlius  (Epiph.  Ilier.  li.  3).  In 
other  Gnostic  (Ophite)  writings  a  little  later  there 

6  •  The  date  246  is  doubtless  a  misprint  for  146  ; 
but  the  year  of  Justin's  death  is  uncertain.  Mr.  Hort, 
in  an  able  article  in  the  Journal  of  Class,  and  Sacred 
Philology  for  June  1856  (iii.  191),  assigns  it  to  a.  d. 
148 ;  most  scholars  have  placed  it  in  the  neighborhood 
of  A.  D.  165.  On  this  subject,  and  on  the  date  of  Jus 
tin's  writings,  see  Donaldson,  Hist,  of  C/iristian  Lit 
and  Doctrine,  ii.  73  f.,  82  ff.,  Lond.  1866.  A. 

c  A  fragment  of  Papias's  Commentary  on  the  Apoe 
alypse  is  preserved  in  the  Commentary  published  bj 
Cramer,  Cat.  in  Apoc.  p.  360,  which  is  not  noticed  ?  y 
Routh. 

*  Frag.  xl.  of  Routh  above  referred  to  has  D<set 
dhown  to  belong  to  another  Papias,  who  lived  in  th« 
eleventh  century.  See  J.  B.  Lightfoot,  St.  PaiWs  Ep 
to  the  Galatians,  2d  ed.,  1S66,  p.  265,  note.  A 


870 


C*NON 


are  references  to  St.  Matthew,  St.  Luke,  St.  John, 
Honians,  1,  2  Corinthians,  Galatians,  Kphesiaiis, 
/A'brews  (Hist,  of  N.  T.  Cancm,  pp.  313  ff.  [249 
ft'.,  2d  etl.]);  and  the  Clenienthie  HomiMes  contain 
tlear  coincidences  with  all  the  Gospels  {Horn.  xix. 
2i)  St.  Mark;  Horn.  xix.  22  St.  John).  It  is,  in- 
deed, in  the  fragments  of  a  Gnostic  writer,  Basil- 
ides  (c.  125  A.  D.),  that  the  writings  of  the  N.  T. 
are  found  quoted  for  the  first  time  in  the  same 
manner  as  those  of  the  0.  T.  (Basil,  ap.  Hipp.  adv. 
Urn:  p.  238,  ytypawrar,  240,  ^  'ypa<(>^,  &c.). 
[See,  however,  the  addition  to  note  a,  p.  369.]  A 
Gnostic,  Heracleon,  was  the  first  known  commenta- 
tor on  the  Christian  Scriptures.  And  the  history 
of  another  Gnostic,  Marcion,  furnishes  the  first 
distinct  evidence  of  a  Canon  of  the  N.  T. 

The  need  of  a  definite  Canon  must  have  made 
itself  felt  during  the  course  of  the  Gnostic  contro- 
versy. The  common  records  of  the  life  of  Christ 
may  be  supposed  to  have  been  first  fixed  in  the  dis- 
cussions with  external  adversaries.  The  standard 
of  Apostolic  teaching  was  determined  when  the 
(Jhurch  itself  was  rent  with  internal  divisions.  The 
<Janon  of  Maiuion  (c.  140  A.  u.)  contained  both 
elements,  a  Gosiiel  ("  The  Gospel  of  Christ ")  which 
was  a  mutilated  recension  of  St.  Luke,  and  an 
"  Ajwstle "  or  Apostolicon,  which  contained  ten 
Kpistles  of  St.  Paul  —  the  only  true  Apostle  in 
Marcion's  judgment  —  excluding  the  pastoral  Epis- 
tles, and  that  to  the  Hebrews  (Tert.  adv.  Afarc.  v. ; 
Epiph.  adt>.  Ilcei:  xlii.).  The  narrow  limits  of  this 
Canon  were  a  necessary  consequence  of  Marcion's 
belief  and  position,  but  it  oflfers  a  clear  witness  to 
the  fact  that  ApostoUc  wntint/s  were  thus  early  re- 
garded as  a  complete  original  rule  of  doctrine.  Nor 
is  there  any  evidence  to  show  that  he  regarded  the 
books  which  he  rejected  as  unauthentic.  The  con- 
duct of  other  heretical  teachers  who  professed  to 
admit  the  authority  of  all  the  Apostles  proves  the 
converse;  for  they  generally  defended  their  tenets 
by  forced  interpretations,  and  not  by  denying  the 
authority  of  the  common  records.  And  while  the 
first  traces  of  the  recognition  of  the  divme  inspira- 
tion and  collective  unity  of  the  Canon  comes  from 
them,  it  cannot  be  supposed,  without  inverting  the 
whole  history  of  Christianity,  that  they  gave  a 
model  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  did  not  them- 
selves simply  perpetuate  the  beUef  and  custom 
which  had  grown  up  within  it. 

The  close  of  this  period  of  the  history  of  the 
N.  T.  Canon  is  marked  by  the  existence  of  two 
important  testimonies  to  the  N.  T.  as  a  whole. 
Hitherto  the  evidence  has  been  in  the  main  frag- 
mentary and  occasional ;  but  the  Mukatorian 
(LvNON  in  the  West,  and  the  Peshito  in  the  I'^t, 
deal  with  the  collection  of  Christian  Scriptures  as 
Buch.  The  first  is  a  fragment,  apparently  trans- 
lated from  the  Greek,  and  yet  of  Koman  origin, 
mutilated  both  at  the  beginning  and  the  end,  and 
written,  from  internal  evidence,  about  170  A.  d. 
It  commences  with  a  clear  reference  to  St.  Mark's 
(jospel,  and  then  passes  on  to  St.  Luke  as  the  third, 
St.  John,  the  Acts,  thirteen  Epistles  of  St.  Paul. 
The  first  Epistle  of  St.  John  is  quoted  in  the  text; 
ind  then  afterwards  it  is  said  that  "  the  Epistle  of 
Jtide  and  two  Epistles  of  the  John  mentioned  above 


o  We  have  given  what  appears  to  be  the  meaning 
»f  the  corrupt  text  of  the  passage.  It  would  be  out 
tf  place  to  discuss  ali  the  disputed  points  here ;  comp. 
Hist,  of  N.  T.  Canon,  pp.  242,  [184,  2d  ed.]  ff.,  and 
IH  Nterunces  there  siven. 


CANON 

(superscripti :  or  "  which  bear  the  naine  of  JoLii," 
supersoiptve)  are  reckoned  among  the  Catholic 
[Epistles]  (MS.  Catholica.  i.  e.  Fxclesia?)."  "  W« 
receive  moreover  the  A/Hicalypses  of  John  and  Peter 
only,  which  [latter]  some  of  our  body  will  not  have 
read  in  the  Church."  «  Thus  the  catalogue  omiti 
of  the  books  received  at  present  the  Epistle  of 
James,  the  Epistle  to  the  Utbrtu-s,  and  2  Peter 
while  it  notices  the  partial  reception  of  the  Revela- 
tion of  Peter.  The  Canon  of  the  Peshito  forms  a 
remarkable  complement  to  this  catalogue.  It  in- 
cludes the  four  Gospels  and  the  Acts,  fourteen 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  1  John,  1  Peter,  and  James, 
omitting  Jude,  2  Peter,  2,  3  John,  and  the  Apoca- 
lypse ;  and  this  Canon  was  preserved  in  the  Syrian 
Churches  as  long  as  they  had  an  independent  litera- 
ture (Ebed  Jesu  t  1318  A.  d.  ap.  Asseni.  Bibl.  Or. 
iii.  pp.  3  ff.).  Up  to  this  point,  therefore,  2  J'eter 
is  the  only  book  of  the  N.  T.  which  is  not  recog- 
nized as  an  Apostolic  and  authoritative  writing; 
and  in  this  result  the  evidence  from  casual  quota- 
tions coincides  exactly  with  the  enumeration  in  tlie 
two  express  catalogues. 

2.  The  history  (f  the  Canon  of  the  N.  T.fnrm 
170  A.  D.  to  303  A.  D.  —  The  second  period  of  the 
history  of  the  Canon  is  marked  by  an  entire  change 
in  the  Uterary  character  of  the  Church.  Prom  the 
close  of  the  second  century  (Christian  writers  take 
the  foremost  place  intellectually  as  well  as  morally ; 
and  the  powerfid  influence  of  the  Alexandrine 
Church  widened  the  range  of  Catholic  thought,  and 
checked  the  spread  of  speculative  heresies.  I'rom 
the  first  the  common  elements  of  the  Koman  and 
Syrian  Canons,  noticed  in  the  last  section,  form  a 
Canon  of  acknowledged  books,  regarded  as  a  whole, 
authoritative  and  inspired,  and  coi  rdinate  with  the 
O.  T.  Each  of  tliese  points  is  proved  by  the  testi- 
mony of  contemporary  fathers  who  represent  the 
Churches  of  Asia  Minor,  Alexandria  and  North 
Africa.  Iken/eus,  who  was  cormected  by  direct 
succession  with  St.  John  (Euseb.  II.  E.  v.  20), 
speaks  of  the  Scriptures  as  a  whole,  without  dis- 
tinction of  the  Old  or  New  Testaments,  as  "  perfect, 
inasmuch  as  they  were  uttered  by  the  Word  of  God 
and  His  Spirit"  {Adv.  liar.  ii.  28,  2).  "There 
could  not  be,"  he  elsewhere  argues,  "  more  than 
four  Gospels  or  fewer"  {Adv.  Ilcer.  iii.  11,  8  ff.). 
Clement  of  Alexandiua,  again,  marks  "  the 
Apostle"  {6  aTr6ffro\os,  Strom,  vii.  3,  §  14;  some- 
times airSffToKoi)  as  a  collection  definite  as  "  the 
Gospel,"  and  combines  them  "  as  Scriptures  of  the 
Ix)rd  "  with  the  Law  and  the  Prophets  {Strom.  \i. 
11,  §  88)  as  "  ratified  by  the  authority  of  one 
Almighty  power"  {Strom,  iv.  1,  §  2).  TEunr'Lr- 
LiAN  notices  particularly  the  introduction  of  the 
word  Testament  for  the  earlier  word  Jnstrvment, 
as  applied  to  the  dispensation  and  the  record  {adv 
Marc.  iv.  1),  and  appeals  to  the  A'ew  Testament, 
as  made  up  of  the  "Gospels"  and  "Apostles" 
{Adv.  Prax.  15).  This  comprehensive  testimony 
extends  to  the  four  Gospels,  the  Acts,  1  Peter,  1 
John,  thirteen  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  and  the  Apoca- 
lypse ;  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  Apocalypse, 
no  one  of  these  books  was  ever  afterwards  rejected 
or  questioned  till  modem  times.'' 

But  this  important  agreement  as  to  the  principal 
contents  of  the  Canon  left  several  points  still  unde- 
cided.   The  East  and  West,  as  was  seen  in  the  last 


f>  The  Manichees  offer  no  real  exception  to  tb« 
truth  of  this  remark.  Comp.  Beiiusobre,  Hitt.  4i 
Manieh.,  I.  297  f. 


CANON 

KcUon,  severally  received  some  books  which  were 
Dot  universally  accepted.  So  far  the  error  lay  in 
defect ;  but  in  other  cases  apocryphal  or  unapostolic 
books  obtained  a  partial  sanction  or  a  popular  use, 
before  they  finally  passed  into  obUvion.  Both  these 
phenomena,  however,  were  limited  in  time  and 
range,  and  admit  of  explanation  from  the  internal 
character  of  the  books  in  question.  The  examina- 
tion of  the  claims  of  the  separate  writings  belongs 
to  speciiil  introductions;  but  the  subjoined  table 
(No.  111.)  will  give  a  general  idea  of  the  extent  aiid 
nature  of  the  historic  evidence  which  bears  upon 
them. 

This  table  might  be  much  extended  by  the  in- 
sertion of  isolated  testimonies  of  less  considerable 
writers.  Generally,  however,  it  may  be  said  that 
of  the  "  disputed  "  books  of  the  N.  T.,  the  Apoca^ 
lypse  was  universally  received,  with  the  single  ex- 
ception of  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  by  all  the 
writere  of  the  period;  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Ile- 
breu-s,  by  the  Churches  of  Alexandria,  Asia(?) 
and  Syria,  but  not  by  those  of  Africa  and  Rome. 
The  Epistles  of  St.  James  and  St.  Jitde,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  little  used,  and  the  Second  Ep. 
of  St.  Peter  was  barely  known. 

But  while  the  evidence  for  the  formation  of  the 
Canon  is  much  more  copious  during  this  period 
than  during  that  which  preceded,  it  is  essentially 
of  the  same  kind.  It  is  the  evidence  of  use  and 
not  of  inquiry.  The  Canon  was  fixed  in  ordinary 
practice,  and  doubts  were  resolved  by  custom  and 
not  by  criticism.  Old  feelings  and  beliefs  were  per- 
petuated by  a  living  tradition ;  and  if  this  habit  of 
mind  was  unfavorable  to  the  permanent  solution  of 
difficulties,  it  gives  fresh  force  to  the  claims  of  the 
acknowledged  books,  which  are  attested  by  the 
witness  of  every  division  of  the  Church  (Okigen, 
Cyi'IUAN,  Mktiiodius),  for  it  is  difficult  to  con- 
ceive how  such  unanimity  could  have  arisen  except 
from  the  original  weight  of  apostolical  authority. 
For  it  wiU  be  observed  that  the  evidence  in  favor 
of  the  acknowledged  books  as  a  whole  is  at  once 
clear  and  concordant  from  all  sides  as  soon  as  the 
Christian  literature  is  independent  and  considerable. 
The  Canon  preceded  the  hterature  and  was  not  de- 
termined by  it. 

.3.  Tlte  history  of  the  N.  T.  Canon  from  A.  D. 
303-397.  —  The  persecution  of  Diocletian  was  di- 
rected in  a  great  measure  against  the  Christian 
writings  (Lact.  Insiit.  v.  2;  de  Moi-t.  Persec.  16). 
The  influence  of  the  Scriptures  was  already  so  great 
and  so  notorious,  that  the  surest  method  of  destroy- 
ing the  faith  seemed  to  be  the  destruction  of  the 
records  on  which  it  was  supported.  The  plan  of 
the  emperor  was  in  part  successful.  Some  were 
found  who  obtained  protection  by  the  surrender  of 
the  sacred  books,  and  at  a  later  time  the  question 
of  the  readmission  of  these  "  traitors  "  {traditores), 


CANON 


371 


5<  The  enumeration  of  the  I^uline  Epistles  marks 
die  doubt  which  had  existed  as  to  the  Hebrews :  Epis- 
tolse  Pauli  Apoetoli  xiii.  ;  ejusdem  ad  Hebrseos  una. 
In  the  Council  of  Hippo  ( Can.  36)  the  phrdse  is  sim- 
ply "  xiT.  Epistles  of  St.  Paul."  Generally  it  may  be 
jbservetl  that  the  doubt  was  in  many,  if  not  in  most, 
eases  as  to  the  authorshipy  and  not  as  to  the  eanonicity 
•>f  the  It  tter.     Comp.  Hieron.  Ep.  ad  Dard.,  129,  §  8. 

i>  The  MSS.  of  the  Vulgate  ftom  the  sixth  century 
downwards  very  frequently  contain  the  apocryphal 
Epistle  to  the  Laodiceans  among  the  Pauline  Epistles, 
{enerally  after  the  Epistle  to  the  Coloasians,  but  also 
n  other  places,  without  any  mark  of  susjacion.  The 
«xt  in  CW  Harl.  (Brit.  Mus.)  28S3  (sec.  xi.)  in  which 


as  they  were  emphatically  called,  created  a  schism 
in  the  Church.  The  Donatists,  who  maintained 
the  sterner  judgment  on  their  crime,  may  be  re- 
garded as  maintaining  in  its  strictest  integrity  the 
popular  judgment  in  Africa  on  the  contents  of  the 
Canon  of  Scripture  which  was  the  occasion  of  the 
dissension ;  and  Augustine  allows  that  they  held  in 
common  with  the  Catholics  the  same  "  Canonical 
Scriptures,"  and  were  alike  "bound  by  the  author- 
ity of  both  Testaments"  (August,  c.  Cresc.  i.  31, 
57 ;  Ep.  129,  3).  The  only  doubt  which  can  b« 
raised  as  to  the  integrity  of  the  Donatist  Canon 
arises  from  the  uncertain  language  which  Augus- 
tine himself  uses  as  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
which  the  Donatists  may  also  have  countenanced. 
But,  however  this  may  have  been,  the  complete 
Canon  of  the  N.  T.,  as  commonly  received  at  pres- 
ent, was  ratified  at  the  third  Council  of  Car- 
thage (a.  d.  397),"  and  from  that  time  was  ac- 
cepted throughout  the  Latin  Church  (Jekome, 
Innocent.  Kufinus,  Philasthius),  though  oc- 
casional doubts  as  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
stLU  remained*  (Isid.  Hisp.  Procem.  §§  85-109). 

Meanwhile  the  Syrian  Churches,  faithful  to  the 
consarvative  spirit  of  the  East,  still  retained  the 
Canon  of  the  Peshito.  Chrysostoji  (t  407  A.  ».), 
Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  (t  429  a.  i>.),  and 
Theodoret,  who  represent  the  Church  of  Anti- 
och,  furnish  no  evidence  in  support  of  the  Epistles 
of  Jtule,  2  Peter,  2, 3  John,  or  the  Ajwca lypse.  Ju- 
NiLius,  in  his  account  of  the  public  teaching  at 
Nisibis,  places  the  Epistles  of  James,  Jude,  2, 
3  John,  2  Peter  in  a  second  class,  and  mentions 
the  doubts  which  existed  in  the  I^t  as  to  the 
Apocaltjpse.  And  though  Ephrem  Syrus  was 
acquainted  with  the  Apocalypse  ( Oj>p.  Syr.  ii.  p. 
332  c),  yet  his  genuine  Syrian  works  exhibit  no 
habitual  use  of  the  books  which  were  not  contained 
in  the  Syrian  Canon,  a  fact  which  must  throw  some 
discredit  upon  the  frequent  quotations  from  them 
which  occur  in  those  writings  which  are  only  pr»- 
sened  in  a  Greek  translation.^ 

The  Churches  of  Asia  Minor  seem  to  have  occu- 
pied a  mean  position  as  to  the  Canon  between  the 
East  and  West.  With  the  exception  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse, they  received  generally  all  the  books  of  the 
N.  T.  as  contained  in  the  African  Canon,  but  this 
is  definitely  exchided  from  the  Catalogue  of  Greg- 
ORY  of  Nazianzus  (tc.  389  A.  D.),  and  pro 
Dounced  "  spurious  "  (v<}fiov),  on  the  authority  of 
"  the  majority  "  (oi  irXeious),  in  that  of  Anphilo- 
CHius  (c.  380  A.  D.),  while  it  is  passed  over  in 
silence  in  the  Laodieene  Catalogue,  which,  even  if 
it  has  no  right  to  its  canonical  position,  yet  be- 
longs to  the  period  and  country  with  which  it  is 
commonly  connected.  The  same  Canon,  with  the 
same  omission  of  the  Apocalypse,  is  given  by  Cyrii. 
of  Jerusalem   (t  386  a.  d.);  though  Epipha- 


it  occurs  after  the  Apocalypse,  differs  in  several  respects 
from  any  of  Anger's  MSS.  Cwnp.  Anger,  Der  Laodict- 
ntrimef,  Leipz.  184S,  pp.  142  ff.  The  Greek  title  in  Q 
(not  F),  TT/jos  AaovSa»of(ras  apxerai,  is  apparently  only 
a  rendering  of  the  Latin  title  from  the  form  of  the 
name  (§■.  Laudjcenscs).  [The  text  of  this  Epistle,  ac- 
cording to  four  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum,  is  given 
by  Mr.  Westcott  in  his  History  of  the  Canon  of  th* 
y.  T.,  2d  ed.,  App.  E.] 

c  ♦  On  the  doubtful  genuineness  of  the  Grttk  writ- 
ings which  bear  the  name  of  Ephrem,  see  Tragtlles 
Textwd  Oiticism  of  the  N.  T.  (Home's  Introd.,  10th 
ed  vol.  iv.),  p.  387,  note,  and  Rcidigwr  in  Heiaog'i 
Rto^Etttykl  iv  87.  A 


372 


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^^=5 


^    •  «  4      dtc«j      A.      j» -r^  ^«^  Sit- -gg".  ™ 


I  SI 


CANO^ 

KltJS,  who  was  his  fellow-countryman  and  contem- 
porary, coiifinns  the  Western  Canon,  while  he  no- 
tices the  doubts  whieh  were  entertained  as  to  the 
Ajmcitlypse.  These  doubts  prevailed  in  the  Church 
3f  Constaiithiople,  and  the  Apo-;lyj)se  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  recognized  uiere  down  to  a  Lite 
period,  though  in  other  respects  the  Constantino- 
pulitan  Ciuion  was  complete  and  pure  (Nicepho- 
Bus,  Photius,  CEcumenius,  Tiieophylact, 
+  c.  1077  A.  u.). 

The  well-known  Festal  Letter  of  Athanasius 
(■f  373  A.  u.)  bears  witness  to  the  Alexandrine 
Canon.  This  contains  a  clear  and  positive  Ust  of 
tht  books  of  the  N.  T.  as  they  are  received  at  pres- 
ent ;  and  the  judgment  of  Athanasius  h  confirmed 
by  the  practice  of  his  successor  Cyril. 

One  important  Catalogue  yet  remains  to  be  men- 
tioned. After  noticing  in  separate  places  the  ori- 
gin »nd  use  of  the  Gospels  and  Epistles,  Euseuius 
gumj  up  in  a  famous  passage  the  results  of  his 
inqu'ry  into  the  evidence  on  the  Apostolic  books 
funu.*hed  by  the  writings  of  the  three  first  centu- 
ries H.  E.  iii.  25).  His  testimony  is  by  no  means 
free  from  difficulties,  nor  in  all  points  obviously 
consLitent,  but  his  last  statement  must  be  used  to 
fix  tFe  interpretation  of  the  former  and  more  cur- 
wy  flotices.  In  the  first  class  of  achnowledyed 
boob.  (d/xoKoyovfueua)  he  places  the  four  Grospels, 
the  i  pistles  of  St.  Paul  (i.  e.  Jbwteen,  H.  E.  iii. 
3),  1  John,  1  Peter,  and  (f)f  -ye  (payeiTj)  in  case  its 
avlluAticity  is  admitted  (such  seems  to  be  his  mean- 
ing), "iie  Apocalypse.  The  second  class  of  disputed 
book*.  {a.vTi\(y6fJieva)  he  subdivides  into  two  parts, 
the  f-  'st  consisting  of  such  as  were  generally  known 
and  .ecognized  {yviiipifxa  rols  iroWols),  including 
the  I'pistles  of  James,  Jude,  2  Peter,  2,  3  John  ; 
and  t.ae  second  of  those  which  he  pronounces  spu- 
rioui  [ySda),  that  is  which  were  either  unauthentic 
or  uiuipostolic,  as  the  Acts  of  Paul,  the  Shepherd, 
the  Apocalypse  of  Peter,  the  Apocalypse  of  John 
(if  n>t  a  work  of  the  Apostle),  and  according  to 
Bom«  the  Gospel  accordmg  to  the  Hebrews.  These 
two  (.reat  cLisses  contain  all  the  books  which  had 
recei  ed  ecclesiastical  sanction,  and  were  in  common 
distil  guished  from  a  third  class  of  heretical  fm-ger- 
ies  («-.  g.  the  Gospels  of  Thomas,  Teter,  Matthias, 
&c.). 

Ok.e  point  in  the  testimony  of  Eusebius  is  partic- 
ularJj-  deserving  of  notice.  The  evidence  in  favor 
of  t}:  i  apostolic  authority  of  2  Peter  which  can  be 
deriv  xl  from  the  existing  writings  of  the  first  three 
centi.ries  is  extremely  slender;  but  Eusebius,  who 
possvised  more  copious  materials,  describes  it  as 
"geieraUy  well  known;"  and  this  circumstance 
alon«  suggests  the  necessity  of  remembering  that 
the  ^jarly  Catalogues  rest  on  evidence  no  longer 
avail  ible  for  us.  In  other  respects  the  classification 
of  I  usebiu3  is  a  fair  summary  of  the  results  which 
folio  ,r  from  the  examination  of  the  extant  ante- 
Nioi  ae  Uterature. 

'I  le  evidence  of  later  writers  is  little  more  than 
the  repetition  or  combination  of  the  testhnonies 
idre-jiy  quoted.  An  examination  of  table  No.  IV., 
p.  3  r4,  which  includes  the  most  important  Ca^a- 
Vytes  of  the  writings  of  the  N.  T.,  vvill  conve-\  i 
ilea<-  summary  of  much  that  has  been  said,  aol 
up,,ly  the  most  important  omissions. 

At  the  era  of  the  Reformation  the  question  of 
the  N".  T.  Canon  became  again  a  subject  of  great 
tiio  gh  parflal  interest.  The  hasty  decree  of  the 
Do-«acil  of  Trent,  which  affirmed  the  authority  of 
ill   Ae  bwka  commonly  received,  called  out  the 


CANoir  873 

opposition  of  controversialists,  who  quoted  and  en 
forced  the  early  doubts.  Erasmus  with  chanM> 
teristic  moderation  denied  the  apostoUc  origin  of 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  2  Peter,  and  the  Apoc- 
alypse, but  left  their  canonical  authority  unques- 
tioned {Prcef.  ad  Antilegom.).  Luthek,  on  the 
other  hand,  with  bold  self-reliance,  created  a  purely 
subjective  standard  for  the  canonicity  of  the  Script- 
ures in  the  character  of  their  "teaching  of  Christ," 
and  while  he  placed  the  Gospel  and  first  Epistle  of 
St.  John,  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Honians, 
Galatians,  Ephesians,  and  the  first  Epistle  of  St. 
Peter,  in  the  first  rank  as  containing  the  "  kernel 
of  Christianity,"  he  set  aside  the  Epistle  to  the  lie- 
brews,  St.  Jude,  St.  James,  and  the  Apocalypse  at 
the  end  of  his  version,  and  spoke  of  them  and  the 
remaining  Antilegomena  with  varying  degrees  of 
disrespect,  though  he  did  not  separate  2  Peter  and 
2,  3  John  from  the  other  Epistles  (comp.  Landerer, 
Art.  Kanon  in  Herzog's  Encyklop.  p.  295  ff.). 
llie  doubts  which  Luther  rested  mainly  on  inter- 
nal evidence  were  variously  extended  by  some  of 
his  followers  (Melancthos,  Centur.  May  deb., 
FlaciuS,  Gerhard:  comp.  Reuss,  §  334);  and 
especially  with  a  polemical  aim  against  the  Romish 
Church  by  Chemnitz  {Exam.  Cone.  Trid.  i.  73). 
But  while  the  tendency  of  the  Lutheran  writers 
was  to  place  the  Antilegomena  on  a  lower  stage  of 
authority,  their  views  received  no  direct  sanction  in 
any  of  the  Lutheran  symbolic  books,  which  admit 
the  "  prophetic  and  apostohc  writings  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,"  as  a  whole,  without  further 
classification  or  detail.  The  doubts  as  to  the  An- 
tilegomena of  the  N.  T.  were  not  confined  to  the 
Lutherans.  Carlstadt,  who  was  originally  a 
friend  of  Luther  and  afterwards  professor  at  Zurich, 
endeavored  to  bring  back  the  question  to  a  critical 
discussion  of  evidence,  and  placed  the  Antilegomena 
in  a  third  class  "  on  account  of  the  controversy  as 
to  the  books,  or  rather  (ut  certius  loquar)  as  to 
their  authors  "  (De  Can.  Script,  pp.  410-12,  ed. 
Credn.).  Calvin,  while  he  denied  the  PauUne 
authorship  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  at 
least  questioned  the  authenticity  of  2  Peter,  did  not 
set  aside  their  canonicity  {Prcef.  ad  Ilebr. ;  ad 
2  Petr.);  and  he  notices  the  doubts  as  to  St.  James 
and  St.  Jude  only  to  dismiss  them. 

The  language  of  the  Articles  of  the  Church  of 
England  with  regard  to  the  N.  T.  is  remarkable. 
In  the  Articles  of  1552  no  list  of  the  books  of 
Scripture  is  given ;  but  in  the  Elizabethan  Articles 
(1562,  1571)  a  definition  of  Holy  Scripture  is 
given  as  "  the  Ciuiomcal  books  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testament,  oj"  whose  authority  was  never  any  doxtbl 
in  the  Church''''  (Art.  vi.).  This  definition  is  fol- 
lowed by  an  enumeration  of  the  books  of  the  O. 
T.  and  of  the  Apocrypha ;  and  then  it  is  said  sum- 
marily, without  a  detailed  catalogue,  "  all  the  books 
of  the  N.  T.,  as  they  are  commonly  received,  we 
do  receive  and  account  them  for  Canonical  (pro 
Canonicis  habemus)."  A  distinction  thus  remains 
between  the  "  Canonical "  books,  and  such  "  Ca- 
nonical books  as  have  never  been  doubted  in  the 
Church ; "  and  it  seems  impossible  to  avoid  the 
conclusion  that  the  framers  of  the  Articles  mtended 
to  leave  a  freedom  of  judgment  on  a  point  on  which 
the  greatest  of  the  continental  reformers,  and  even 
of  Romish  scholars  (Sixtus  Sen.  Biblioth.  S.  i.  1; 
Caiptan,  Prof,  ad  Epp.  ad  Hebr.,  Jac,  2,  3  John, 
Jud.)  were  divided  The  omission  cannot  have 
arisen  solely  from  the  fact  that  the  Article  in  ques  • 
tion  was  framed  with  reference  to  the  Church  of 


374 


CANON 


No.   rV.      THE  CHIEF  CATALOGUES  Ok'   THE   BOOKS   OF   TllE  NEW  TESTAMENT. 

Only  <*  disputed  "  books  are  noticed,  or  such  as  were  in  some  degree  recognized  as  authoritatire. 
Ttie  symbols  are  used  as  before. 


t.  CONCIIJAR  CaTAIvOGUES: 

[Laodicea] 

Carthage 

ApostoUc  (ConcU.  Quinisext.) 

J.  Oriental  Catalogues: 
(o)  Syria. 

The  Peshito  Version  .     .     . 

Junilius 

Juaiin.  Damasc 

Ebed  Jesu    .... 

(6)  Palestine. 

Eusebius 

CjtU  of  Jerus 

Epiphanius 

(c)  Alexandria. 

Origea 

Athanasius 

(ef)  Asia  Minor. 

Gregor.  Naz 

Amphilochius 

(e)  Constantinople. 

Chrysostoni 

Leontius 

Nicephorus 

tc  Occidental  Catalogues: 

(»)  Africa. 

Cod.  Clarom.    .     .         .     . 


Augustine 

(ft)  Italy. 

Can.  Mural 

Philastrius  ...... 

Jerome 

Rufinus  ....... 

Innocent 

[Cielasiiis] 

Cassiodorus  ( Vet.  Trant )    . 

Jc)  Spain. 
Isidore  of  SeviUe   .... 

Cod.  Baroc.  206    ...    . 


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•HI 


L.  c.  supr.'^ 
L.  c.  tupr. 
L.  c.  supr.^ 


L.  c.  supr. 


c.  mpr.' 
c.  su2}r. 


n.  E.  iii.  25.* 
L.  c.  tupr.6 
Adv.  Uxr.  bcxxi 
5. 

Ap.    Euseb.    n. 

E.  vi.  25. 
L.  c.  tupr.'^ 


L.  c.  supr. 
L.  c.  supr.^ 


Syncp.  S.  Sa-ipt 
torn.  vl.  p.  31< 

A.8 

L.  c.  supr. 
L.  c.  svpr 


*    Tischdf. 

Clarom. 
j     4G8  ff. 
L.  c.  ««//>?•. 


Cod 
P 


Hist.  N.  T.  Ca- 
non, p.  558  flf. 

//«!/■.  88  (AU. 
()0).i'J 

^t/Pfiu/.  Ep.53, 
§  8  (i.  p.  548. 
ed.  Migne). 

L.  c.  si/pr. 

L.  c.  svpr. 

L.  c.  S!yw. 

De  Inst.  div.  Lid 
14.J1 

De  Ord.  Libr.  >" 
Script,  init.'i 
Hody,  p.  649. 


CANON 

5Come,  with  which  the  Church  of  England  was 
agreed  on  the  N.  T.  Canon;  for  all  the  other  Prot- 
estant confessions  which  contain  any  list  of  books, 
give  a  list  of  the  books  of  the  New  as  well  as  of 
the  Old  Testament  ( Conf.  Belg.  4 ;  Conf.  Gall.  3 ; 
C(mf.  Fid.  1).  But  if  this  hcense  is  rightly  con- 
ceded by  the  Anglican  Articles,  the  great  writers 
of  the  Church  of  England  have  not  availed  them- 
selves of  it.  The  early  commentators  on  the  Ar- 
ticles take  little  (Burnet)  or  no  notice  (Beveridge) 
of  the  doubts  as  to  the  Antilegomena ;  and  the 
chief  controversialists  of  the  Reformation  accepted 
the  fuU  Canon  with  emphatic  avowal  (Whitaker, 
Disp.  on  Scripture,  cxiv.  105;  Fulke's  Defence  of 
Eng.  Trans,  p.  8 ;  Jewel,  Defence  of  Apol.  ii.  9, 1). 
'Hie  judgment  of  the  Greek  Church  in  the  case 
of  the  0.  T.  was  seen  to  be  little  more  than  a  re- 
flection of  the  opinions  of  the  West.  The  differ- 
ence between  the  Roman  and  Reformed  Churches 
on  the  N.  T.  was  less  marked;  and  the  two  con- 
flicting Greek  confessions  confirm  in  general  terms, 
without  any  distinct  enumeration  of  books,  the  popt- 
ular  Canon  of  the  N.  T.  (Cyr.  Luc.  Conf.  i.  42; 
Dosith.  Conftss.  i.  4G7).  The  confession  of  Me- 
TROPHANEs  gives  a  complete  Ust  of  the  books;  and 
compares  their  number  —  thirty-three  —  with  the 
years  of  the  Saviour's  life,  that  "  not  even  the  num- 
ber of  the  Sacred  books  might  be  devoid  of  a  di- 
vijie  mystery  "  (Metroph.  Critop.  Conf.  ii.  105,  Ed. 
Klmm.  et  Weissenb.).  At  present,  as  was  already 
the  case  at  tlie  close  of  the  17th  century  (I>eo  Al- 
latius,  ap.  Fabric.  Bibl.  Grcec.  v.  App.  p.  38),  the 
Antilegomena  are  reckoned  by  the  (ireek  Church 
as  equal  in  Canonical  authority  in  all  respects  with 
the  remaining  books  {Catechism,  1.  c.  supr.). 


CAXON 


376 


The  assaults  which  have  been  made,  es]«ciaU7 
during  the  present  century,  upon  the  authenticity 
of  the  separate  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments belong  to  the  special  articles.  The  general 
course  which  they  have  taken  is  simple  and  natural 
Semler  {Untersuch.  d.  Kan.  1771-5)  first  led  the 
way  towards  the  later  subjective  criticism,  though 
he  rightly  connected  the  formation  of  the  Canon 
with  the  formation  of  the  Catholic  Church,  but 
without  any  clear  recognition  of  the  providential 
power  which  wrought  in  both.  Next  followed  a 
series  of  special  essays  in  which  tlie  several  books 
were  discussed  individually  with  Uttle  regard  to  the 
place  which  they  occupy  in  the  whole  collection 
(Schleiermacher,  Bretschneider,  De  Wette,  &c.). 
At  last  an  ideal  view  of  the  early  history  of  Chris- 
tianity was  used  as  the  standard  by  which  the  books 
were  to  be  tried,  and  the  books  were  regarded  as 
results  of  typical  forms  of  doctrine  and  not  the 
sources  of  them  (F.  C.  Baur,  Schwegler,  Zeller). 
All  true  sense  of  historic  evidence  was  thus  lost. 
The  growth  of  the  Church  was  left  without  expla- 
nation, and  the  origuial  relations  and  organic  unity 
of  the  N.'  T.  were  disregarded. 

For  the  later  period  of  the  history  of  the  N.  T. 
Canon,  from  the  close  of  the  second  century,  tho 
great  work  of  Lardner  {Credibility  of  the  Gospel 
History,  Works,  i.-vi.  Ed.  Kippis,  1788)  furnishes 
ample  and  trustworthy  materials.  For  the  earlier 
period  his  criticism  is  necessarily  imperfect,  and 
requu'es  to  be  combined  with  the  results  of  later 
inquiries.  Kirchhofer's  collection  of  the  original 
passages  which  bear  on  the  history  of  the  Canon 
(  Quellensammlung,  u.  s.  w.,  Ziirich,  1844)  is  useful 
and    fairly   complete,    but    frequently   inaccurate. 


NOTES  ON  TABLE  NO.  IV. 


1  The  omission  of  the  Apocalypse  is  frequently  ex- 
plained by  the  expressed  object  of  the  Cutalogne,  as  a 
list  of  books  for  public  ecclesiastical  use  :  oara  Sei  jSt^- 
KCa  a.vayivioo'Kea-dai.,  compared  with  the  former  canon  : 
OTi  ov  6et  ISuoTiKoix;  i^a\|U.ovs  Kdyecrdai.  ev  TJj  iKK\ricrC<f, 
K.  T.  A..     Yet  compare  the  Catalogue  of  Uyril. 

2  The  Catalogue  adds  likemse  the  Apostolical  Con- 
stitutions (Siarayal  .  .  .  cv  oKTtu  j3i.(3Ai'ois,)  for  esoteric 
use.  When  the  Catalogue  was  confirmed  in  the  Quin- 
laextine  Council  (Can.  2),  the  Constitutions  were  ex- 
cluded on  the  ground  of  corruptions  ;  but  no  notice 
was  taken  of  the  Epistles  of  Clement,  both  of  which, 
as  is  well  known,  are  found  at  the  end  of  the  Cod. 
Alex.,  and  are  mentioned  in  the  index  before  the  gen- 
eral summary  of  books ;  which  agtun  is  followed  by 
the  titles  of  the  Apocryphal  Psalms  of  Solomon. 

8  He  adds  also  "  the  Apostolic  Canons,"  and  accord- 
ing to  one  MS.  the  two  Epistles  of  Clement. 

4  The  other  chief  passages  in  Eusebius  are,  H.  E. 
Ul.  3,  24 ;  ii.  23.  His  object  in  the  passage  quoted  is 
ivaKe^oKaiitia-aa-Bai.  ras  SrjXufleiVas  rr)?  Kaivfji  SiaflTJKjjs 
ypa(|>d;. 

5  The  list  concludes  with  the  words,  ra  6e  \oi7ra  nav- 
ra  efco  KeCcrdia  Iv  Sevreput  •  koX  o(ra  fxev  iv  eicKArjaia  ixrj 
tvayivuiiTKerai,  TaOra  fiijSe  Kara.  crauTbi'  avayiVcotrxe  ica- 
?ti>?  i^KOutras.   .   .   . 

6  At  the  end  of  the  list  Athanasius  says  (comp.  abo7»), 
yqicif  10UT01S  im^aXKeTiji,  |ur}5e  toutcoi/  a.(j>aipeC<Tdui  ti. 
T  Aitphiloch.  t.  c. : 

Ttves  Sd  (^acri  ttjv  nphs  'E)3patovs  v69ov, 
OVK  ev  Aeyoi/Tes"  yvTyjia.  yap  17  x<*P'?. 
tlev  Ti  KoL-rrou;  KaOoKiKiov  eTTL(TTo\ajv 
TIV6S  p.ev  eTTTo.  <l>a<riv,  oi  6e  Tpeis  (xovo? 
Xpwa-i^  Se\e(T8ai,  rqu  'laicio/Sou  ftCav, 
niav  Sf  Hirpov,  Ti)v  T  'liadvvov  piCav      ,   . 
Ttjr/  S'  ' XiTOKd\v<pi.v  Tr)V  'Itoavvov  7raAi» 
Ttves  nkv  eyKpLVOvcn.v.  oi  irKeiovi  Se  ye 
v60ov  Ae'youerii'.     OStos  ai/feuSeoraTos 
Kavitv  av  elr)  tS>v  deoTTvevoTiav  ypa<f>S>y  .   ,    , 


8  This  Canon  of  Chrysostom,  which  agrees  with  that 
of  the  Peshito,  is  fully  supported  by  the  casual  evi- 
dence of  the  quotations  which  occur  in  his  works. 
The  quotation  from  2  Peter,  which  is  found  in  Horn, 
in  Joanii.  34  (33),  torn.  viii.  p.  230  (ed.  Par.),  standi 
alone.  Suidas'  assertion  (s.  v.  'louaviTjs)  that  he  re- 
ceived "  the  Apocalypse  and  three  Epistles  of  St.  John  '• 
is  not  supported  by  any  other  evidence.  • 

9  Nicephorus  adds  to  the  disputed  books  "  the  Gos- 
pel according  to  the  Hebrews."  In  one  MS.  the  Apoe 
alypse  of  St.  John  is  placed  also  among  the  Apocry- 
phal books  (Credner,  a.  a.  0.  p.  122). 

10  This  Catalogue,  which  excludes  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  and  the  Aporalypse  (statutxun  est  nihil  aliud 
legi  in  ecclesia  debere  ciitholica  nisi  .  .  .  .  et  Paull 
tredecim  epistolas  et  septem  alias  .  .  .  .),  is  followed 
by  a  section  in  which  Philastrius  speaks  of  "  other 
[heretics]  who  assert  that  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is 
not  Paul's  "  (Ifer.  89).  And  in  another  place  {Har. 
60)  he  reckons  it  as  heresy  to  deny  the  authenticity 
of  the  Gospel  and  Apocalypse  of  St.  John.  The  differ 
ent  statements  seem  to  be  the  result  of  careless  com 
pilation. 

11  This  catalogue  is  described  as  "  secundum  antJ 
quam  translationem,"  and  stands  parallel  with  tho8« 
of  Jerome  and  Augustine.  The  enumeration  of  the 
Catholic  epistles  is  somewhat  ambiguous,  but  I  believe 
that  it  includes  only  three  epistles.  Epistote  Pe'rt 
ad  gentes,  Jacobi,  Johannis  ad  Parthos.  The  in.serti  n 
of  JudcB  after  gentes,  seems  to  have  been  a  typograph- 
ical error,  for  the  present  writer  has  not  found  th« 
reading  in  any  one  of  foo'*  M33.  which  he  has  exam- 
inea 

1*  In  another  place  (2)'  Eccles.  Offic.  i.  12)  Tsidora 
mentions  wltnout  condemning  the  doubts  which  ex- 
isted as  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  .^nmes,  2,  3  John, 
2  Peter,  but  not  as  to  Jade. 


376  CANOPY 

ITie  writings  of  F.  C.  Haur  and  his  followers  often 
•ontaiii  very  valuable  hints  as  to  the  characteristics 
oi  tlie  sevend  books  in  relation  to  later  teaching, 
however  perverse  their  conclusions  may  be.  In  op- 
position to  them  Thiersch  has  vindicated,  perhaps 
with  ail  excess  of  ze;il,  but  yet  in  the  main  rightly, 
the  position  of  the  Apostolic  writings  in  relation 
to  tlie  first  age  (  VeiKUch  zur  UersttUung,  u.  s.  tv., 
Kriiingen,  1845;  and  Ei-medei-uny,  u.  s.  w.,  Er- 
lang.  184G).  The  section  of  Reuss  on  the  subject 
(Die  Oesch.  d.  he'd.  ISdmften  N.  T.,  2tc  Aufl. 
Hraunschw.  1853  [4th  ed.  18G4]),  and  the  article 
of  I^nderer  (Herzog's  Encykhp.  s.  v.)  contain  val- 
uable summaries  of  the  evidence.  Other  references 
and  a  fuller  discussion  of  the  chief  points  are  given 
by  the  author  of  this  article  in  Tlit  IlisUrt-y  of  Uie 
Cuwm  o/tJie  N.  T.  (Cambr.  1855).     B.  1'.  W. 

*  Among  the  more  recent  writers  on  the  subject 
the  following  may  he  mentioned:  Kistlin  (of  the 
Tiibingen  school),  Die  psezulovytne  LUteralur  der 
ttltesten  Ku-che,  ein  Beitrag  zur  Gescli.  der  Bild- 
ung  des  Kanons,  in  Baur  and  Zeller's  Tlucl.  Jahrb. 
1851,  X.  149-'221;  Gaussen,  Le  canon  dis  Sninies 
Ventures,  etc.,  2  vol.  l^usanne,  1860,  translated 
and  abridged  by  Dr.  E.  N.  Kirk,  The  Canon  of 
llie  Holy  i-criptures  examined  in  the  Li(,htof  His- 
tory, Boston,  1862  (Amer.  Tract  Soc.);  Credner, 
Gesch.  des  Neutest.  Kanon,  herausg.  von  Dr.  G. 
Volkmar,  Berlin,  1860 ;  Bleek,  JJnl.  in  das  N.  T., 
Berlin,  1862,  pp.  631-678 ;  Hilgenfeld,  Der  Kanon 
und  die  Kriiik  des  N.  T.,  Halle,  1863 ;  Reuss, 
Histoire  dii  canon  des  Sainies  Eciitures  dans 
I'Eglise  chretienne,  2<^  ^d.,  Strasbom-g,  1864,  first 
puWished  in  the  Strasbourg  lievue  de  Theohgie, 
1860-63;  Westcott,  The  Bible  in  the  Church, 
I.^ndon,  1864,  18mo,  a  popular  work ;  and  a  second 
edition,  enlarged  and  revised,  of  his  Hislmy  of  the 
Cunim  of  tlie  N.  T.,  I.«ndon,  1866,  the  best  trea- 
tise on  the  subject  in  English.  Ser  further  the 
references  under  Gospels,  and  the  u^mea  of  other 
books  of  the  New  Testament.  A. 

CANOPY  (/cwvwTreToi':  corwpeum:  Jud.  x.  21, 
xiii.  y,  xvi.  19).  The  canopy  of  Holofemes  is  the 
oiily  one  mentioned,  although,  perhaps,  from  the 
"  pillars  "  of  the  litter  [Bku]  described  in  Cant.  iii. 
10,  it  may  be  argued  that  its  equipage  would  in- 
clude a  canopy.  It  probably  retained  the  mosquito 
nets  or  curtains  in  which  the  name  originated,  al- 
though its  description  (Jud.  x.  21)  betrays  luxury 
and  display  rather  than  such  simple  usefuhiess. 
Varro  (/".  li.  ii-  10,  8)  uses  qtus  in  conopeis  j'acent 
)f  languid  women,  very  much  as  i,vairav6fievos  .  .  . 
iv  T(f  Kwvwirdca  {I-  c.)  describes  the  position  of  a 
luxurious  general.  (For  further  cla.ssical  illustra- 
tion, see  Diet,  of  Ant.  art.  Conopkum.)  It  might 
tossibly  be  asked  why  Judith,  whose  business  was 
escape  without  delay,  should  have  taken  the  trouble 
to  pull  down  the  canopy  on  the  body  of  Holofemes  ? 
I'robably  it  was  an  instance  of  the  Hebrew  notion 
that  blood  should  be  instantly  covered  (comp.  2 
Sam.  XX.  12;  I.ev.  xvii.  13)  [Blood];  and  for 
this  puipose  the  light  bedding  of  Syria  was  inade- 
quate. [Bed.]  Tent  ftirniture  also  is  naturally 
lighter,  even  when  most  luxurious,  than  that  of  a 
palace ;  and  thus  a  woman's  hand  might  unfix  it 
from  the  pillars  without  much  diflSculty.    H.  II. 

CANTICLES  (D"'-i;*-^n  T'lr,  Song  of 
Bong.*,  i.  e.  the  most  beautiful  of  songs:   Jrrjua 

JffjjArwv'  Cnnticum  Canticorum),  entitled  in  the 
i.  y.  TiTE  SoNO  OF  Solomon.  Xo  Iwok  of  the 
)  T.  has  been  the  subject  of  more  varied  criticism, 


CANTICLES 

or  been  more  frequently  selected  for  separate  lraE» 
latioii  than  the  Song  of  Solomon.  It  may  be  cou- 
venient  to  consider  it  under  four  points  of  view :  I 
Author  and  date ;  II.  Fortn ;  UI.  Meaning ;  IV 

Canonicily. 

I.  Author  and  date.  —  By  the  Hebrew  title  it  it 
ascribed  to  Solomon ;  and  so  in  all  the  versions,  and 
by  the  majority  of  Jewish  and  Christian  writers, 
ancient  and  modern.  In  fact,  if  we  except  a  few 
of  the  Talmudical  writers  (Bava  Bathra,  li.  Moses 
Kimchi;  see  Gray's  Key),  who  assigned  it  to  the 
age  of  Hezekiah,  there  is  scarcely  a  dissentient  voice 
down  to  the  close  of  the  last  century.  More  recent 
criticism,  however,  has  called  in  question  this  deep- 
rooted  and  well  accredited  tradition.  Among  Eng- 
lish scholars  Kennicott,  among  German  Eichhoru 
and  Rosenmiiller,  regard  the  poem  as  belonging  to 
the  age  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (Kennicott,  Diss.  i. 
20-22;  Eichhom,  Einltitung  in  das  A.  T.,  Bd.  iii.  § 
647,  p.  531  ft'.,  2d  ed. ;  Rosenm.  Animadv.  in  Lmrth. 
Pralect.,  Schol.  in  V.  T.).  Kennicott  based  his 
opinion  upon  the  uniform  insertion  of  the  »,  in  all 

the  copies,  in  the  name  of  David  ("T"!"*).  Tlie 
name,  however,  occurs  only  once  (iv.  4);  and  the 
insertion  of  the  letter  in  this  solitary  instance  i« 
easily  accounted  for  by  a  supposed  error  in  trans- 
scription.  At  any  rate  the  insertion  of  the  *  would 
not  bring  the  Canticles  so  far  down  as  the  time  of 
Ezra ;  since  we  find  the  same  pecidiarity  in  Hos. 
iii.  5,  and  Am.  vi.  5  (Gesen.  Lex.  s.  v.).  The 
charge  of  Chaldaism  has  been  vigorously  pres.sed 
by  Rosenmiiller,  and  especially  by  Eichhom.  But 
Gesenius  {Heb.  Gr.  §  2)  assigns  the  book  to  the 
golden  age  of  Hebrew  literature,  and  traces  "  the 
few  solitary  Chaldaisms"  which  occur  in  the  writ- 
ings of  that  age  to  the  hands  of  Chaldee  copyists. 
Gesenius  has  moreover  suggested  an  important  dis- 
tinction between  Chaldaisms  and  dialectic  variations 
indigenous  to  N.  Palestine,  where  he  conjectures 
that  Judges  and  Canticles  were  composed.  The 
application  of  this  principle  is  sufficient  to  elimi- 
nate most  of  the  Chaldaisms  alleged  by  Eichhom 

(e.  ^r.  r?"  for  "^^*.^);  while  the  occurrence  of  sim- 
ilar forms  in  Phrenician  affords  an  indication  of 
other  intrusive  forces  beside  the  Aramaan  acting 
upon  the  Biblical  Hebrew.  Nor  is  the  suggestion 
of  Gesenius  that  the  book  wa.s  written  in  N.  Pal- 
estine, and  consequently  tinged  with  a  local  color- 
ing, inconsistent  with  the  opinion  which  places  it 
among  the  "one  thousand  and  five"  songs  of  Sol- 
omon (1  K.  iv.  32).  Comp.  1  K.  ix.  19  with  2 
Chr.  viii.  6,  where  the  buildings  of  I^ebanon  are 
decidedly  contrasted  with  those  of  Jerasalem,  and 
are  not  therefore  to  be  confounded  with  the  "  house 
of  the  forest  of  I^banon  "  (1  K.  vii.  2),  which  was 
probably  in  Jerusalem.  By  a  further  comparison 
of  these  passages  with  Robinson  {Bibl.  Res.  iii. 
441),  who  describes  remains  of  massive  buildings 
as  still  standing  on  l^banon,  it  will  appear  prob- 
able that  Solomon  had  at  least  a  hunting-seat  some- 
where on  the  slopes  of  that  mountain  (comp.  Cant, 
iv.  8).  In  such  a  retreat,  and  under  the  influence 
of  its  scenery  and  the  language  of  the  surrounding 
peasantry,  he  may  have  written  Canticles.  Artisti- 
cally this  would  have  been  in  keeping  with  the  gen- 
eral conditions  ot  pastoral  poetry.  In  our  owt 
language  such  compositions  are  not  unfrequently  ac- 
commodated to  rustic  ideas,  and  sometimes  to  pro- 
vincial dialects.  If,  moreover,  it  should  be  urgec 
that  Cbaldawms  arc  not  provincialismn,  it  may  U 


CANTICLES 

'vpliod  that  Solomon  could  scarcely  be  ignorant  of 
the  Arama;an  literature  of  his  own  time,  and  that 
he  may  have  consciously  used  it  for  the  purpose  of 
enrichment  (Gesen.  Utbr.  Or.  §§  2,  4). 

The  title,  though  it  is  possibly  too  flattering  tc 
have  come  from  the  hand  of  Solomon,  must  havt 
existed  in  the  copy  used  by  the  LXX.,  and  conse- 
quently can  lay  ckiim  to  a  respectable  antiquity 
The  moral  argument  put  forward  by  the  supporters 
of  the  most  recent  literal  interpretation,  and  based 
upon  the  improbability  of  Solomon's  criminating 
himself  (see  below),  is  not  very  conclusive.  His 
conduct  could  ea-sily  be  traced  to  a  spirit  of  gener- 
ous self-accusation;  and  at  any  rate  it  need  not  be 
exalted  above  the  standard  which  was  Ukely  to 
Hourish  in  the  atmosphere  of  a  court  such  as  his. 
t)n  the  whole  then  it  seems  unnecessary  to  depart 
from  the  plain  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  title. 

Supposing  the  date  fixed  to  the  reign  of  Solomon, 
great  ingenuity  has  been  employed  by  the  Kabbin- 
ical  and  some  Christian  writers,  iii  determining  at 
what  period  of  that  monarch's  life  the  poem  was 
written  (see  Pol.  Syn.  Pnef.  ad  Cant.).  The  point 
at  issue  seems  to  have  been  whether  Solomon  ever 
repented  after  his  fall.  If  he  did,  it  was  contended 
that  the  rijjcness  of  wisdom  exhibited  in  the  Song 
seemed  the  natural  growth  of  such  an  experience : 
if  he  did  not,  it  was  urged  that  no  other  than  a 
spiritually-minded  man  could  have  composed  such 
a  poem;  and  tliat  therefore  it  must  have  been 
written  while  Solomon  was  stiii  tlie  cherished  of 
God.  Then  again  it  was  a  moot  point  whether  the 
composition  was  the  product  of  Solomon's  matured 
wisdom,  or  the  fresh  outburst  of  his  warm  and 
passionate  youth ;  whether  in  fact  the  master  ele- 
ment of  the  poem  were  the  literal  form,  or  the 
allegorical  meaning.  The  question  resolves  itself 
into  one  of  interpretation,  and  must  be  determined 
by  reference  to  HI.  below. 

n.  Form.  —  This  question  is  not  determined  by 
the  Hebrew  title.  The  rendering  of  Z2''"1"'t£^n  ~l''t£^, 
mentioned  by  Simonis  {Lex.  Heb. ),  "  series  carmi- 
num "  (comp.  aeipa,  chain),  and  adopted  by 
Paulus,  Good,  and  other  commentators,  can  scarcely 
compete  with  Gesenius's,  "  Song  of  Songs,  i.  e.  the 
most    beautiful    of    songs "    (comp.    Ps.    xlv.    1, 

m"''!'*  I'^tJl'',  "a  delightful  song,"  Gesen.;  "  car- 
men jucundum,"  Rosenm. ;  comp.  also  Theocr. 
Idyl.  viii.  Trpi>(j<pi\h  fxiXoi)-  The  non-contmuity 
which  many  critics  attribute  to  the  poem  is  far 
from  being  a  modern  discovery.  This  is  sufficiently 
attested  by  the  Lat.  "  Cantica  canticorum,"  and 
the  Chaldee  paraphrase,  "  the  songs  and  hynms 
which  Solomon,  the  prophet,  the  king  of  Israel, 
uttered  in  the  spirit  of  prophecy  before  the  Lord." 
Ghislerius  (IGth  cent.)  considered  it  a  drama  in 
five  acts.  One  of  the  first  separate  translations 
published  in  England  is  entitled  "  The  Canticles, 
or  Balades  of  Solomon,  in  Englysh  metre,"  15-19; 
and  in  1596  appeared  Solomon's  Song  in  8  eclogues, 
by  J.  M.  [.lervase  Markham] ;  the  number  of 
eclogues  in  this  latter  production  being  the  same 
AS  that  of  the  Idyls  into  which  the  book  was  after- 
Wards  divided  by  Jahn.  Dovm  to  the  18th  cent 
however,  the  Canticles  were  generally  regarded  as 
lontinuous. 

Gregory  [of]  Nazianzus  calls  it  vvfxpMhv  Spa/xd 
te  Ka\  afff^a.  According  to  Patrick,  it  is  a  "  Pas- 
loriU  Eclogue,"  or  a  "  Dramatic  poem;  "  according 
fj  Lowth,   "an  epithalammm,  or  o-fiarvs  nup- 


CANTICLES  877 

ti.alis  of  a  pastoral  kind."  Michaelis  and  Rosen- 
miiller,  while  differing  as  to  its  interpretation,  agre* 
in  making  it  contiimous,  "  canuen  araatorium  '• 
(Mich.).  A  modified  continuity  was  suggested  by 
Bossuet,  who  divided  the  Song  into  7  parts,  or 
scenes  of  a  pastoral  drama,  corresponding  with  the 
7  days  of  tlie  Jewish  nuptial  ceremony  (Lowth, 
P reelect,  xxx.).  Bossuet  is  followed  by  Calmet, 
Percy,  WilUams,  and  Lowth;  but  his  division  is 
impugned  by  Taylor  {Fragm.  Calmet),  who  pro- 
poses one  of  6  days ;  and  considers  the  drama  to  be 
postrjmiptial,  not  ante-nuptial,  as  it  is  explained 
by  Bossuet.  The  entire  nuptial  theory  has  been 
severely  handled  by  J.  D.  Michaelis,  and  the  literal 
school  of  interpreters  in  general.  Michaelis  attacks 
the  first  day  of  Bossuet,  and  hivolves  in  its  destruc- 
tion the  remaining  six  {Not.  ad  Lowth.  Prcel.  xxxi.). 
It  should  be  observed  that  Lowth  does  not  com- 
promise himself  to  the  f»erfectly  dramatic  character 
of  the  poem.  He  makes  it  a  drama,  but  only  of 
the  minor  kind,  i.  e.  dramatic  as  a  dialogue^  and 
therefore  not  more  dramatic  than  an  Idyl  of  The- 
ocritus, or  a  Satire  of  Horace.  The  fact  is,  that 
he  was  imable  to  discover  a  plot;  and  evidently 
meant  a  good  deal  more  by  the  term  "  pastoral " 
than  by  the  term  "  drama."  Moreover,  it  seems 
clear,  that  if  the  only  dramatic  element  in  Cant, 
be  the  dialogue,  the  rich  pastoral  character  of  its 
scenery  and  allusions  renders  the  term  drama  less 
applicable  than  that  of  idyl.  Bossuet,  however, 
claims  it  as  a  regular  drama  with  all  the  proprieties 
of  the  classic  model.  Now  the  question  is  not  so 
much  whether  the  Canticles  make  up  a  drama,  or 
a  series  of  idyls,  as  which  of  these  two  Greek  names 
the  more  nearly  expresses  its  form.  And  if  with 
Lowth  we  recognize  a  chorus  completely  sympathetic 
and  assistant,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  we  can  avoid 
calling  the  poem  a  drama.  But  in  all  the  transla- 
tions of  the  allegcnical  school  which  are  based  upon 
the  dramatic  idea,  the  interference  of  the  chorus  ia 
so  infrequent  or  so  indefinite,  the  absence  of  any- 
thing like  a  dramatic  progress  and  development 
sufficient  to  enlist  the  sympathy  of  a  chorus  is  so 
evident,  that  the  strongly  marked  idyllic  scenery 
could  not  faU  to  outweigh  the  scarcely  perceptible 
elements  of  dramatic  intention.  Accorduigly  the 
idyllic  theory,  propounded  by  Sig.  Melesegenio, 
confirmed  by  the  use  of  a  similar  form  among  the 
Arabians,  under  the  name  of  "  Cassides  "  (Sir  W. 
Jones,  Poes.  As.  Comment,  iii.),  and  adopted  by 
Good,  became  for  a  time  the  favorite  hypothesis  of 
the  allegoi-ical  school.  After  Markham's  transla- 
tion, however  (see  above),  and  the  division  of  Ghisle- 
rius, we  cannot  consider  this  theory  as  originating 
either  with  the  learned  Italian  translator,  or,  as 
suggested  by  Mr.  Home,  with  Sir  W.  Jones. 

The  idyllic  form  seems  to  have  recommended 
itself  to  the  allegorical  school  of  translators  as  get- 
ting rid  of  that  dramatic  unity  and  plot  which 
their  system  of  interpretation  reduced  to  a  succes- 
sion of  events  without  any  culminating  issue.  In 
fact,  it  became  the  established  method  of  division 
both  with  literal  and  allegorical  transl.itors ;  e.  g. 
Herder,  Pye  Smith,  Kleuker,  Magnus ;  and  as  late 
as  1846  was  maintained  by  Dr.  Noyes  of  Harvard 
University,  an  ultra  hteralist.  But  the  majority 
of  recent  translators  belonging  to  the  literal  school 
have  adopted  the  theory  of  Jacobi,  originally  pro- 
posed in  1776,  and  since  developed  by  Umbreit, 
Ewald,  Meier,  &c.  Based  as  this  theory  is  npon 
the  dnmatic  evolut-on  of  a  simple  love-story,  it 
supplies  that  esaential  movement  and  interest,  the 


578  CANTICLES 

mnt  of  which  was  f«lt  by  Lowth ;  and  justified  the 
application  of  the  term  drama  to  a  conipositioil  of 
wliich  it  manifests  the  vital  principle  and  organic 
structure. 

liy  the  reactionary  allegorists,  of  whom  Rosen- 
miiller  may  be  considered  the  representative,  the 
Song  of  Solomon  has  either  been  made  absolutely 
continuous,  or  has  been  divided  with  reference  to 
its  spiritual  meaning,  rather  than  its  external  form 
(e.  y.  Hengstenberg,  and  Prof.  Burrowes). 

The  supjx)sition  that  the  Cant,  supplied  a  model 
to  Theocritus  seems  based  on  merely  verbal  coinci- 
dences, such  as  could  scarcely  fail  to  occur  between 
two  writers  of  pastoral  poetry  (comp.  Cant.  i.  9, 
vi.  10,  with  Theocr.  xviii.  30,  36;  Cant.  iv.  11  with 
'I'heocr.  xx.  26,  27 ;  Cant.  viii.  6,  7,  with  Theocr. 
xxiii.  23-26 ;  see  other  passages  in  Pol.  Syn. ; 
Lowth,  Fral. ;  Gray's  Key).  In  the  essential  mat- 
ters oi/onn  and  of  ethical  teaching,  the  resemblance 
does  not  exist. 

III.  Meaning.  —  The  schools  of  interpretation 
may  be  divided  into  three  :  —  the  mystical,  or 
typical ;  the  allegorical ;  and  the  literal. 

1.  The  mystical  interpretation  is  properly  an 
ofishoot  of  the  allegorical,  and  probably  owes  its 
origin  to  the  necessity  which  was  felt  of  supplying 
a  literal  basis  for  the  speculations  of  the  aliegorists. 
This  basis  is  either  the  marriage  of  Solomon  with 
Pharaoh's  daughter,  or  his  marriage  with  an  Israel- 
itish  woman,  the  Shularaite.  The  former  (taken 
together  with  Harmer's  variation)  was  the  favorite 
opinion  of  the  mystical  interpreters  to  the  end 
of  the  18th  century:  the  latter  has  obtained  since 
its  introduction  by  Good  (1803).  The  mystical 
interpretation  makes  its  first  appearance  in  Origen, 
who  wrote  a  voluminous  commentary  upon  the 
(Jaut.  Its  literal  basis,  minus  the  mystical  ap- 
plication, is  condemned  by  Theodoret  (a.  v.  420.) 
It  reappears  in  Abulpbaragius  (1226-1286),  and 
was  received  by  Grotius.  As  mvolving  a  literal 
basis,  it  was  vehemently  objected  to  by  Sanctius, 
Durham,  and  Calovius;  but  approved  of  and  sys- 
tematized by  Bossuet,  endorsed  by  Lowth,  and  used 
for  the  purpose  of  translation  by  Percy  and  Wil- 
liams. The  arguments  of  Calovius  prevented  its 
taking  root  in  Germany:  and  the  substitution  by 
Good  of  an  Israelitish  for  an  Egyj^tian  bride  has 
not  save<l  the  general  theory  from  the  n^lect  which 
was  inevitable  after  the  reactionary  movement  of 
the  19th  century  aliegorists. 

2.  Allegorical.  —  Notwithstanding  the  attempts 
which  have  been  made  to  discover  this  principle  of 
interpretation  in  the  LXX.  (Cant.  iv.  8);  Ecclus. 
(xlvii.  l-i-17) ;  Wisd.  (viii.  2);  and  Joseph,  (c. 
Apion.  i.  §  8);  it  is  impossible  to  trace  it  with  any 
sertainty  further  back  than  the  Talmud  (see  Gins- 
burg,  Jntrod.).  According  to  the  Talmud  the 
bbhced  is  taken  to  be  God,  the  loved  one,  or  bride, 
is  the  congregation  of  Israel.  This  general  relation 
is  expanded  into  more  particular  detail  by  the  Tar- 
gum,  or  Ciialdee  Paraphrase,  which  beats  the  Song 
jf  songs  as  an  allegorical  history  of  the  Jewish 
people  from  the  Exodus  to  the  coming  of  the  Mes- 
liah  and  the  builduig  of  the  third  temple.  In 
order  to  make  out  the  parallel,  recourse  was  had  to 
the  most  extraordinary  devices :  e.  g.  the  reduction 
of  words  to  their  numerical  value,  and  the  free  in- 
*eichanging  of  words  similar  to  each  other  in  sound. 
EJalvorate  as  it  was,  the  interpretation  of  the  Tar- 
^am  vfas  still  further  developed  by  the  mediasval 
Jews;  but  generally  constructed  upon  the  same 
iUegorical  hypothesis.    It  was  introduced  into  their 


CANTICLES 

litur^  cal  services ;  and  during  the  perseculiuu  of 
the  middle  ages,  its  consoluig  appeal  to  the  past 
and  future  glories  of  Israel  maintauied  it  as  the 
popular  exposition  of  a  national  poem.  It  woidd 
be  strange  if  so  universal  an  influence  as  that  of 
the  scholastic  philosophy  had  not  obtauied  an  ex- 
pression in  the  interpretation  of  the  Canticles.  Such 
an  expression  we  find  in  the  theory  of  Ibn  Caspi 
(1280-1340),  which  considers  the  book  as  repre- 
senting the  union  between  the  active  intellect  (in- 
tellectus  agens),  and  the  receptive  or  mateiial 
intellect  (intellectus  materialis).  A  new  school  of 
Jewish  intei-pretation  was  originated  by  Mendels- 
sohn (1729-1786);  which,  without  actually  denying 
the  existence  of  an  allegorical  meaning,  determined 
to  keep  it  in  abeyance,  and  meanwhile  to  devote 
itself  to  the  literal  interjiretation.  At  present  the 
most  learned  Kabbis,  following  Liiwisohn,  have 
abandoned  the  allegorical  interpretation  in  toto 
(Herxheimer,  1848;  Philippson,  1854). 

In  the  Christian  Church,  the  Talmudical  inter- 
pretation, imported  by  Origen,  was  all  but  univer- 
sally received.  It  was  impugned  by  Theodore  of 
Mopsuestia  (360-429),  but  continued  to  hold  its 
ground  as  the  orthodox  theory  till  the  revival  of 
letters;  wlien  it  was  called  ui  question  by  lij'asmus 
and  Grotius,  and  was  gradually  superseded  by  the 
typical  theory  of  Grotius,  Bossuet,  Lowth,  Ac. 
This,  however,  was  not  effected  without  a  severe 
struggle,  in  which  Sanctius,  Durham,  and  Calovius 
were  the  champions  of  the  allegorical  against  the 
typical  theory.  The  latter  seems  to  have  been 
mainly  identified  with  Grotius  (Pol.  Sgn.),  and  was 
stigmatized  by  Calovius  as  the  heresy  of  Theodore 
Mopsuest.,  condemned  at  the  2d  council  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  revived  by  the  Anabaptists.  In 
the  18th  century  the  allegorical  theory  was  reas- 
serted, and  reconstructed  by  Puflendorf  (1776)  and 
the  reactionary  aliegorists ;  the  majority  of  whom, 
however,  with  Rosenmiiller,  return  to  the  system 
of  the  Chaldee  Paraphrase. 

Some  of  the  more  remarkable  variations  of  the 
allegorical  school  ai-e :  —  (a. )  The  extension  of  the 
Chaldee  allegory  to  the  Christian  Church,  originally 
projected  by  Aponius  (7th  century),  and  more  fully 
wi-ought  out  by  De  Lyra  (1270-1340),  Brightnian 
(1600),  and  Cocceius  (1603-1699).  According  to 
De  Lyra,  chaps,  ii.-vii.  describe  the  history  of  the 
Israelites  from  the  Exodus  to  the  birth  of  Christ; 
chap.  vii.  ad  Jin.  the  history  of  the  Christian 
Church  to  Constantino.  Brightman  divides  tJie 
Cant,  into  a  history  of  the  Legal,  and  a  history  of 
the  Evangelical  Church ;  his  detail  is  highly  elabo- 
rate, e.  g.  in  Cant.  v.  8,  he  discovers  an  allusion  U 
Peter  Waldo  (1160),  and  in  verse  13  to  Rober: 
Trench  (1290).  {b.)  Luther's  theory  lunits  the 
allegorical  meaning  to  the  contemporaneous  history 
of  the  Jewish  people  under  Solomon,  (c.)  Accord- 
ing to  Ghislerius  and  Com.  a  Lapide  the  Bride  is 
the  Virgui  Mary,  (d)  Puffendorf  refers  the  spir- 
itual sense  to  the  circumstances  of  our  Saviour's 
death  and  burial. 

3.  The  literal  interpretation  seems  to  have  been 
connected  with  the  general  movement  of  Theodore 
Mopsuest.  (360-429)  and  his  followers,  in  op])08i- 
tion  to  the  extravagances  of  the  early  Christian  al- 
iegorists. Its  scheme  was  nuptial,  with  Pharaoh" 
daughter  as  the  bride.  That  it  was  by  many  re- 
garded as  the  only  admissible  interpretation  appearr 
from  Theodoret,  who  mentions  this  ojjinion  only  to 
condemn  it.  Borne  down  and  overwhehned  by  tht 
prolific  genius  of  mediaeval  allegory,  we  have  • 


CANTICLES 

glimpdiJ  of  it  ill  Abulpharagius  {via.  supr.);  and  in 
the  MS.  comoientary  (Bodl.  Oppeuh.  Coll.  No. 
623),  cited  by  Mr.  Ginsburg,  and  by  bim  refared 
coiyecturally  to  a  French  Jew  of  the  12th  or  13th 
cent.  This  Commentary  anticipates  more  recent 
criticism  by  interpreting  the  Song  as  celebratinrj 
the  huinlile  love  of  a  shepherd  and  shepherdess. 
The  extreme  literal  view  was  propomided  by  Cas- 
tellio  (1544),  who  called  the  Cant.  "  Colloquium 
Salomonis  cum  arnica  quadam  Sulamitha,"  and  re- 
jected it  from  the  Canon.  Following  out  this  idea, 
Whistori  (1723)  recognized  the  book  as  a  composi- 
tion of  Solomon ;  but  denounced  it  as  J'ooUsh,  las- 
civious, and  idolatrous.  Meanwhile  the  nuptial 
theory  was  adopted  by  Grotius  as  the  literal  basis 
of  a  secondary  and  spiritual  Intei-pretation ;  and, 
after  its  dramatical  development  by  Bossuet,  long 
continued  to  be  the  standard  scheme  of  the  mys- 
tical school.  In  1803  it  was  reconstructed  by 
Grood,  with  a  Jewish  instead  of  an  Egyptian  bride. 
The  purely  literal  theory,  opposed  on  the  one  hand 
to  the  allegorical  interpretation,  and  on  the  other 
to  CasteUio  and  Whiston,  owes  its  origin  to  Ger- 
many. Alichaelis  (1770)  regarded  the  Song  as  an 
exponent  of  wedded  love,  innocent  and  happy. 
But,  while  justifying  its  admission  into  the  Canon, 
he  is  betrayed  into  a  levity  of  remark  altogether  in- 
consistent with  the  supposition  that  the  book  is 
inspired  {Nut.  ad  Lowth.  Prml.).  From  this  time 
the  scholarship  of  Germany  was  mauily  enlisted  on 
the  side  of  the  literalists.  The  literal  bas:«  became 
thoroughly  dissociated  from  the  mystical  super- 
structure ;  and  all  that  remained  to  be  done  was  to 
elucidate  the  true  scheme  of  the  former.  The  most 
generally  received  interpretation  of  the  modem  lit- 
eralists is  that  which  was  originally  proposed  by 
Jacobi  (1771),  adopted  by  Herder,  Amnion,  Um- 
breit,  Ewald,  &c. ;  and  more  recently  by  Prof. 
Meier  of  Tiibingen  (1854),  and  in  England  by  Mr. 
Ginsburg,  in  his  very  excellent  translation  (1857). 
According  to  the  detailed  application  of  this  view, 
as  given  by  Mr.  Ginsburg,  the  Song  is  intended  to 
display  the  victory  of  kunible  and  constant  love 
over  the  temptations  of  wealth  and  royalty.  The 
tempter  is  Solomon;  the  object  of  his  seductive  en- 
deavors is  a  Shulamite  shepherdess,  who,  surrounded 
by  the  glories  of  the  court  and  the  fascinations  of 
unwonted  splendor,  pines  for  the  shepLerd-iover 
from  whom  she  has  been  involuntarily  separated. 

The  drama  is  divided  into  5  sections,  indicated 
by  the  thrice  repeated  formula  of  adjuration  (ii.  7, 
iii.  5,  viii.  4),  and  the  use  of  another  closing  sen- 
tence (v.  1). 

Section  1  (Ch.  i. — ii.  7):  scene  —  a  country  seat 
of  Solomon.  The  shepherdess  is  committed  to  the 
charge  of  the  court-ladies  ("  daughters  of  Jerusa- 
lem"), who  have  been  instructed  to  prepare  the 
way  for  the  royal  approach.  Solomon  luakes  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  win  her  affections. 

Sect.  2  (ii.  8 — iii.  5):  the  shepherdess  explains  to 
the  court-ladies  the  cruelty  of  her  brothers,  which 
bad  led  to  the  separation  between  herself  and  her 
«loved. 

Sect.  3  (iii.  6 — v.  1):  entry  of  the  royal  train 
into  Jerusalem.  The  shepherd  follows  his  betrothed 
■fito  the  city,  and  proposes  to  rescue  her.  Some 
of  her  court  companions  are  favorably  impressed  by 
Iter  constancy. 

Sect.  4  (v.  2 — viii.  4) :  the  shepherdess  tells  her 
dream,  and  still  further  engages  the  sympathies  of 
her  companions.  The  king's  flatteries  and  prom- 
ises are  uaavaillng. 


CANTICLES  879 

Sect.  5  (viii.  5-14):  the  conflict  is  over;  rirtu* 
and  truth  have  won  the  victory,  and  the  shep- 
herdess and  her  beloved  return  to  their  Lappy 
home;  visiting  on  the  way  the  tree  beneath  whose 
shade  they  first  plightetl  their  troth  (viii.  5).  Her 
brothers  re[)eat  the  promises  which  tliey  had  once 
made  conditionally  upon  her  virtuous  and  irre- 
proachable conduct. 

Such  is  a  brief  outline  of  the  scheme  most  re- 
cently projected  by  the  literalists.  It  must  not  I* 
supposed,  however,  that  the  supporters  of  the  a/Zr". 
gm-ical  interpretation  have  been  finally  driven  froD 
the  field.  Even  in  Germany  a  strong  band  of  re 
actionary  allegorists  have  maintained  their  ground 
including  such  names  as  Hug,  Kaiser,  Kosenmiil 
ler,  Ilahn,  and  Hengsteuberg.  On  the  whole,  theii 
tendency  is  to  return  to  the  Chaldee  Paraphrase, 
a  tendency  which  is  specially  marked  in  Kosenmiil- 
ler.  In  England  the  battle  of  the  literalists  ha? 
been  fought  by  Dr.  Pye  Smith  {Congreg.  Mag 
for  1837-38);  in  America  by  Prof.  Noyes,  who 
adopts  the  extreme  erotic  theory,  and  is  unwilling 
to  recognize  in  Cant,  any  moral  or  religious  de- 
sign. It  should  be  observed  that  such  a  sentiment 
as  this  of  Dr.  Noyes  is  utterly  alien  to  the  views 
of  Jacobi  and  his  followers,  who  conceive  the  rec- 
ommendation of  virtuous  love  and  constancy  to  be  a 
portion  of  the  very  highest  moral  teaching,  and  in 
no  way  unworthy  of  an  inspired  writer. 

The  allegorical  interpretation  has  been  defended 
in  America  by  Professors  Stuart  and  Burrowes. 
The  internal  arguments  adduced  by  the  allegorists 
ai'e  substantially  the  same  which  were  iii-ged  by 
Calovius  against  the  literal  basis  of  tlie  mystical  in- 
terpretation.    The  following  are  specimens: — 

(a.)  I'articulars  not  applicable  to  Solomon  (v. 
2):  {b.)  [KUticulars  not  applicable  to  the  wife  of 
Solomon  (i.  (!,  8;  v.  7;  vi.  13,  cf.  i.  6):  (c.)  Solo- 
mon  addressed  in  the  second  person  (viii.  12):  {d.) 
particulars  inconsistent  with  the  ordinary  condi- 
tions of  decent  love  (v.  2):  (c.)  date  20  years 
after  Solomon's  marriage  with  Pharaoh's  daughter 
(comp.  Cant.  v.  4,  and  1  K.  vi.  38).  It  will 
readily  be  obsen'ed  that  these  arguments  do  not  in 
any  way  afliect  the  literal  theory  of  Jacobi. 

For  externcd  arguments  the  allegorists  depend 
principally  upon  Jewish  tradition  and  the  analogy 
of  Oriented  poetry.  The  value  of  the  former,  as 
respects  a  composition  of  the  10th  cent.  u.  c,  is 
estimated  by  Mich.  {Not.  ad  Lowth.)  at  a  very  low 
rate.  For  the  latter,  it  is  usual  to  refer  to  such 
authors  as  Chardin,  Sir  W.  Jones,  Herbelot,  &c. 
(see  Rosenm.  Animad.).  Rosenmiiller  gives  a  song 
of  Hafiz,  with  a  paraphrase  by  a  Turkish  commen- 
tator, which  unfolds  the  spiritual  meaning.  For 
other  specimens  of  the  same  kind  see  Lane's  Egyp- 
tians. On  the  other  hand  the  objections  taken  by 
Dr.  Noyes  are  very  important  {Neio  Transl.).  It 
would  seem  that  there  is  one  essential  difference  be- 
tween the  Song  of  Solomon  and  the  allegorical 
compositions  of  the  poets  in  question.  In  the  lat- 
ter the  allegory  is  more  or  less  avowed ;  and  distinct 
reference  is  made  to  the  Supa-eme  Being:  in  the 
former  there  is  nothing  of  the  kind.  But  the  most 
important  conidderation  adduced  by  the  literalists 
is  the  fact  that  Lhe  Cant,  are  the  production  of  a 
different  country,  and  separated  from  the  songs  of 
the  Sufis  and  the  Hindoo  mystics  by  an  interval 
of  nearly  2000  years.  To  which  it  may  be  added 
that  the  Song  of  Solomon  sprmgs  out  of  a  religion 
wnich  nas  nothing  in  common  with  the  Pantheism 
o*  Persia  and  India.    In  short,  the  conditious  of 


3S0 


CANTICLES 


production  in  the  two  cases  are  utterly  dissicJkr. 
i  lilt  the  Uteralists  are  not  content  with  destroj'ing 
tills  analogy;  they  proceed  further  to  maintain  that 
illegories  do  not  generally  occur  in  the  sacred  writ- 
iiiirs  without  some  intimation  of  their  secondary 
meaning,  which  intimation  in  the  case  of  the  Cant, 
is  not  forthcoming.  They  argue  from  the  total 
silence  of  our  Lord  and  his  Apostles  respecting  this 
look,  not  indeed  that  it  is  uninspired,  but  that  it 
was  never  intended  to  bear  within  its  poetic  en- 
velope that  mystical  sense  which  would  have  ren- 
dfnii  it  a  perfect  treasury  of  reference  for  St.  Paul, 
when  unfolding  tlie  spiritual  rdation  between 
(  lirist  and  His  church  (see  2  Cor.  xi.  2;  Rom.  vii. 
4:  Eph.  V.  23-32).  Again,  it  is  urged  that  if 
tliis  poem  be  allegorically  spiritual,  then  its  spirit- 
ualism is  of  the  very  highest  order,  and  utterly  in- 
consistent with  the  opinion  which  assigns  it  to  Sol- 
omon. The  philosophy  of  Solomon,  as  given  in 
Keel.,  is  a  philosophy  of  indiflference,  apparently 
suggested  by  the  exhaustion  of  all  .sources  of  phys- 
ical enjoyment.  The  religion  of  Solomon  had  but 
little  practical  influence  on  his  life ;  if  he  wrote  the 
glowing  spiritualism  of  the  Cant,  when  a  young 
man,  bow  can  we  account  for  his  fearful  degener- 
acy? If  the  poem  was  the  production  of  his  old 
age,  bow  can  we  reconcile  it  with  tJie  last  fact  re- 
corded of  him  that  "  his  heart  was  not  ptrfect  with 
the  Lord,  his  God  ?  "  For  the  same  reason  it  is 
maintained  that  no  other  writer  would  haw  selected 
Solomon  as  a  symbol  of  the  Messiah.  The  exces- 
sively amative  character  of  some  passages  is  desig- 
nated as  almost  blasphemous  when  supjwsed  to  be 
addressed  by  Christ  to  his  church  (vii.  2,  3,  7,  8); 
ajid  the  fact  that  the  dramatis  jMirsorue  are  three, 
is  regarded  as  decidedly  subversive  of  the  allegor- 
ical theory. 

The  strongest  argument  on  the  side  of  the  alle- 
gorists  is  the  matrimonial  metaphor  so  frequently 
employed  in  the  Scriptures  to  describe  the  relation 
between  Jehovah  and  Israel  (Ex.  xxxiv.  16,  16; 
Num.  XV.  39;  Vs.  bcxiii.  27;  Jer.  iii.  1-11;  Ez. 
xvi.,  xxiii.,  &c.).  It  is  fully  stated  by  Prof.  Stuart 
(0.  T.  Canon).  On  tlie  other  hand  the  literalists 
deny  so  early  a  use  of  the  metaphor.  They  con- 
tend that  the  phrase  "  to  go  whoring  after  other 
gods "  describes  a  literal  fact;  and  that  even  the 
metaphor  as  used  by  the  prophets  who  lived  after 
Solomon  implies  a  wedded  relation,  and  therefore 
cannot  Ijc  compared  with  the  ante-nuptial  affection 
which  forms  the  subject  of  Cant. 

IV.  Canonicity.  —  It  has  already  been  observed 
'liat  the  lxK)k  was  rejected  from  the  Canon  by  Cas- 
.ellio  and  Whiston ;  but  in  no  case  has  its  rejection 
teen  defended  on  external  grounds.  It  is  found  in 
.be  LXX.,  and  in  the  translations  of  Aquila,  Sjm- 
.nachus,  and  Theodotion.  It  is  contained  in  the 
catalogue  given  in  the  Talmud,  and  in  the  cata- 
logue of  Melito;  and  in  sliort  we  have  the  same 
evidence  for  its  canonicity  as  that  which  is  com- 
monly adduced  for  the  canonicity  of  any  book  of 
the  0.  T. 

(In  addition  to  the  ordinary  sources,  reference  is 
ad\iged  to  Lowth,  Prcelect.  xxx.,  xxxi.,  together 
with  the  notes  of  Michaelis,  and  the  animadversions 
of  Rosenmiiller,  Oxon.  1821;  Harmer's  Outlines, 
tc,  lx)ndon,  2d  ed.  1775;  Transl.  with  notes  by 
Mason  Good,  Lond.  1803;  Cmyreg.  Mag.  for  1837 
»Hd  1838;  New  Transl.  of  Prop.,  EccL,  and  Cant. 
y  Prof.  Noyeg,  Boston,  1846  [2d  ed.  1867] ;  Com- 
untnry  on  Son;/,  &c.,  by  Prof.  Burrowes,  Phila- 
iilpJua.  1853  [2d  ed.  New  York,  1866] ;  Das  Ge- 


CANTICLES 

rcfiftfe  IMidied,  by  J.  T.  Jaoobi,  1771 ;  Saknum^i 
Lieder  der  Liebe,  &c.,  in  vol.  iii.  of  Heridjr's  worka 
Stuttgart  and  Tiibingen,  1852;  Das  llohdivd  Sal- 
onw's,  Ac,  by  Ewald,  Gcttingen,  1826 ;  Dtis  Iloht 
Lud  Salomonis  ausgeleyt  von  W.  Hengstenberg, 
Berlin,  1853 ;  Das  IMie  Lied,  &c.,  by  Enist  Meier, 
Tiibingen,  1854;  The  Song  of  Songs,  &c.,  by  C. 
D.  Ginsburg,  Lond.  1857;  the  last  mentioned  is 
specially  recommended  to  the  English  reader. ) 

T.  E.  B. 
*  Among  the  names  of  other  writers  on  Canticles 
should  be  mentioned  Renan  {Cantique  des  Cnn- 
tiques,  translating  and  treating  of  the  plan,  age, 
and  character  of  the  poem,  2d  ed.,  1861);  Ewald  in 
his  DicJiterd.  A.  B.  (ed.  1866-7);  Delit^sch  (1851) 
who  maiutaius  the  mystical  theory  (<las  Jtfysterium 
der  Ehe  ist  das  Mysteiium  des  Iloftenliedes),  ac- 
cording to  which  the  reader  has  the  deeper  spiritual 
sense  brought  near  to  him,  not  so  much  by  the  au- 
thor as  by  the  Spirit  that  guided  the  author;  Um- 
breit,  flohes  Lied  (in  Herzog's  Real-L'ncyk.  vi. 
206-220),  almost  a  treatise  by  itself,  and  occupied 
chiefly  with  a  critique  of  the  later  expositions ;  Bleek 
(Einl.  in  das  A.  T.  pp.  635-41)  who  finds  in  it 
not  so  much  the  hand  as  the  character  of  Solomon ; 
and  Rev.  W.  Houghton  (London,  1865),  a  Tran^ 
lation  and  ShoH  Explamitory  Notes:  the  Song 
viewed  as  secular,  and  the  theme  the  fidelity  of 
chaste  love,  constant  and  devoted.  Isaac  Tayloi 
{Spirit  of  Ifebreic  Poetry,  New  York,  1862)  has  a 
very  instructive  chapter  (ch.  x.)  on  this  Ixwk.  He 
supposes  Solomon  to  have  invented  the  characters 
and  incidents  which  form  the  ground-work  of  the 
poem,  and  not  to  have  drawii  them  from  his  own 
history.  He  does  not  admit  the  objections  to  its 
ethical  character  to  be  well  founded.  "  It  is  k 
divinely  inspired  myth,  conveying  the  deepest  and 
most  sacred  elements  of  the  spiritual  economy  in 
the  terms  and  under  the  forms  of  instinctive  human 
feeling  and  passion.  ...  It  has  justified  its  pres- 
ence in  the  Canon  by  the  undoubtedly  religious 
purposes  it  has  served,  in  givuig  animation,  and 
depth,  and  intensity,  and  warmest  tone  to  the  de- 
vout meditations  of  thousands  of  the  most  devout 
and  of  the  purest  minds."  The  symbolical  view  is 
ably  supported  by  Dr.  L.  Withuigton,  SoUmion'i 
Song,  Translated  and  Explained  (Boston,  1861). 
The  Song  represents  the  love  which  exists  between 
Christ  and  the  church  —  the  bride,  the  Iamb's  wife 
—  with  special  reference  to  the  conversion  of  the 
Gentiles,  when  a  more  sublime  and  spiritual  re- 
Ugion  should  prevail.  The  arguments  for  this  po- 
sition are  drawn  out  with  singular  acuteness  and 
power.  The  version  is  avowedly  free,  so  as  "to 
give  not  only  the  meaning,  but  to  preserve  the 
poetic  and  monil  shading,  and  thus  make  it  to  the 
reader  now  what  it  was  to  the  Hebrews."  It  ig 
seldom  that  so  many  remarks  profoundly  suggest- 
ive beyond  the  direct  scope  of  the  l)Ook,  and  so 
many  expressions  of  rare  beauty  are  found  in  the 
pages  of  a  Commentary.  Tlie  !:-anslation,  on  the 
whole,  is  less  highly  wrought  than  the  other  paixo. 
Among  the  more  recent  writers  who  adopt  the 
literal  theory,  besides  Bleek  and  Renan,  already 
referred  to,  may  be  mentioned  Heiligstedt  (1848 
in  Maurer's  Comm.  vol.  iv.),  Bittcher  (1849) 
Friedrich  (1855),  Hitzig  (1855,  Exeget.  Ilandl, 
xvi.),  Vaihinger  (1858),  Weissbach  (1858),  and 
Davidson  {Introd.  to  the  0.  T.,  1862,  ii.  389- 
421).  Ginsburg's  art.  Solomon's  Song  in  the  3< 
edition  of  Kitto's  Cyd.  of  Bibl.  Lit.  will  reja; 
perusal.  H. 


CAPERNAUM 

CAPER'NAUM  (Rec.  Test,  Ka-Kepvaoiti\ 
lachm.  [Tisch.  and  Treg.]  with  B  [D  Z  Sin.  etc.] 

Ka<^api  aou/i,  as  if  Qin^  "IDD,  »'  village  of  Na- 

:hum;"   Sjriac  Nitr.    \^(XkkJ   i.a^O,  Pesh. 

pQ.AAj   ^.a^;     Capka7-nai^:n),   a  name    with 

which  all  are  familiar  as  that  of  the  scene  of  many 
acts  and  incidents  in  the  life  of  Christ.  There  is 
no  mention  of  Capernaum  in  the  O.  T.  or  Apocry- 
pha, but  the  passage  Is.  ix.  1  (in  Hebrew,  viii.  23) 
is  applied  to  it  by  St.  Matthew.  The  word  Caphar 
in  the  name  perhaps  indicates  that  the  place  was 
of  late  foundation.     [Capiiak.] 

The  few  notices  of  its  situation  in  the  N.  T.  are 
not  sufficient  to  enable  us  to  determine  its  ejact 
position.  It  was  on  the  western  shoi-e  of  the  Sea 
of  Galilee  (t^v  irapaJdoKaaa-iav,  Matt.  iv.  13; 
comp.  John  vi.  24),  and  if  recent  discoveries  are  to 
be  trusted  (Cureton's  Nitrian  Rec.  John  vi.  17), 
was  of  sufficient  importance  to  give  to  that  Sea,  in 
whole  or  in  part,  the  name  of  the  "  lake  of  Caper- 
naum." (This  was  the  case  also  with  Tiberias,  at 
the  other  extremity  of  tlie  lake.  Comp.  John  vi. 
1,  "the  sea  of  Galilee  of  Tiberias.")  It  was  in 
the  "  land  of  Gennesaret "  (Matt.  xiv.  34,  compared 
with  John  vi.  17,  21,  24),  that  is,  the  rich,  busy 
plain  on  the  west  shore  of  the  lake,  which  we  know 
from  the  descriptions  of  Josephus  and  from  other 
sources  to  have  been  at  that  time  one  of  the  most 
prosperous  and  crowded  districts  in  all  Palestine. 
[Gennesaret.]  lieing  on  the  shore,  Cnijema- 
um  was  lower  than  Nazareth  and  Cana  of  Gal- 
ilee, from  which  the  road  to  it  was  one  of  descent 
(John  ii.  12;  Luke  iv.  31),  a  mode  of  speech  which 
would  apply  to  the  general  level  of  the  spot  even 
if  our  Ixird's  expression  "  exalted  unto  heaven  " 
{u\^u)Qi)ffri ,  Matt.  xi.  23)  had  any  reference  to  height 
of  jX)sition  in  the  town  itself  It  was  of  sufficient 
lize  to  be  always  called  a  "  city  "  \ir6\ts.  Matt.  ix. 
1;  Mark  i.  33);  had  its  own  synagc^e,  in  which 
our  I>ord  frequently  taught  (John  vi.  59 ;  Mark  i. 
21;  Luke  iv.  33,  38)  —  a  synagogue  buUt  by  the 
centurion  of  the  detachment  of  Roman  soldiers 
which  appears  to  have  been  quartered  in  the  place" 
(Luke  vii.  1,  comp.  8;  Matt.  viii.  8).  But  besides 
the  garrison  there  was  also  a  customs  station,  where 
the  dues  were  gathered  both  by  stationary  (JIatt. 
ix.  9;  Mark  ii.  14;  Luke  v.  27)  and  by  itinerant 
(Matt.  xvii.  24)  officers.  If  the  "  way  of  the  sea  " 
was  the  great  road  from  Damascus  to  the  south 
IRitter,  Jordan,  p.  271),  the  duties  may  have  been 
evied  not  only  on  the  fish  and  other  commerce  of 
ihe  lake,  but  on  the  caravans  of  merchandise  pass- 
vag  to  Galilee  and  Judjea. 

The  only  interest  attaching  to  Capernaum  is  as 
the  residence  of  our  Ix)rd  and  his  Apwstles,  the 
!ene  of  so  many  miracles  and  "gracious  words." 
\t  Nazareth  He  was  "brought  up,"  but  Caper- 
naum was  emphatically  his  "own  city;"  it  was 
when  He  returned  thither  that  He  is  said  to  have 
been  "at  home"  (Mark  ii.  1;  such  is  the  force  of 
iv  oiKif  —  A.  V.  "  in  the  house  " ).  Here  he  chose 
the  Evangelist  Matthew  or  Levi  (Matt.  ix.  9).  Tne 
brothers  Simon-Peter  and  Andrew  belonged  to  Ca- 
lemaum  (Mark  i.  29),  and  it  is  perhaps  allnv^bie 
to  imagine  that  it  was  on  the  sea-beach  below  tne 
town  (for,  doubtless,  like  true  orientab,  these  two 


CAPERNAUM 


381 


a  The  fact  of  a  Roman  having  bnilt  the  synagogue 
Mrtainiy  geems  some  argument  against  the  prosperity 
NT  the  town. 


fishermen  kept  close  to  home),  while  Jesiia  waa 
"walking"  there,  before  "great  multitudes"  had 
learned  to  "  gather  together  unto  Him,"  that  they 
heard  the  quiet  ca...  which  was  to  make  them  for- 
sake all  and  follow  Him  (Mark  i.  16, 17,  comp.  28). 
It  was  here  that  Christ  worked  the  miracle  on  the 
centurion's  servant  (Matt.  viii.  5;  Luke  vii.  1),  on 
Simon's  wife's  mother  (Matt.  viii.  14;  Mark  i.  30; 
Luke  iv.  38),  the  paralytic  (Matt.  vs..  1;  Mark  ii. 
1;  Luke  v.  18),  and  the  man  afflicted  with  an  un- 
clean devil  (Mark  i.  23;  Lukeiv.  33).  llie  son  of 
the  nobleman  (John  iv.  46)  was,  though  resident  at 
Cai)emaum,  healed  by  words  which  appear  to  have 
been  spoken  in  Cana  of  Galilee.  At  Capernaum 
occurred  the  incident  of  the  child  (Mark  ix.  3-3; 
Matt,  xviii.  1;  comp.  xvii.  24);  and  in  the  syna^ 
gogue  there  was  spoken  the  wonderful  discourse  of 
John  vi.  (see  verse  59). 

'ITie  doom  which  our  Lord  pronounced  against 
Capernaum  and  the  other  unbelieving  cities  of  the 
plain  of  Gennesaret  has  been  remarkably  fulfilled. 
In  the  present  day  no  ecclesiastical  tradition  esen 
ventures  to  fix  its  site;  and  the  contest  between 
the  rival  claims  of  the  two  most  probable  spots  is 
one  of  the  hottest,  and  at  the  same  time  the  mos*. 
hopeless,  in  sacred  topography.  Fortunately  noth- 
ing hangs  on  the  decision.  The  spots  in  dispute 
are  (1.)  Khan  Minijeh,  a  mound  of  ruins  which 
takes  its  name  from  an  old  klian  hard  by.  This 
Tiound  is  situated  close  upon  the  seashore  at  the 
northwestern  extremity  of  the  plain  (now  el-Ghu- 
wdr).  It  is  of  some  extent,  but  consisting  of  heaps 
only  with  no  visible  ruins.  These  are  south  of  the 
ruined  khan;  and  north  of  them,  close  to  the 
water-line  of  the  lake,  is  a  large  spring  surrounded 
by  vegetation  and  overshadowed  by  a  tig-tree  which 
gives  it  its  name — M«n  ct-Tin  (the  spring  of  the 
fig-tree).  Three  miles  south  is  another  lai^e  spring 
called  the  "  Round  Fountain,"  which  is  a  mile  and 
a  half  from  the  lake,  to  which  it  sends  a  consider- 
able stream  with  fish. 

2.  Three  miles  north  of  Khan  Minyeh  is  the 
othei"  claimant.  Tell  Hum,  —  ruins''  of  walls  and 
foundations  covering  a  space  of  "  half  a  mile  long 
by  a  quarter  wide,"  on  a  point  of  the  shore  pro- 
jecting into  the  lake  and  backed  by  a  very  gently 
rising  ground.  Rather  more  than  three  miles  fiu- 
ther  is  the  point  at  which  the  Jordan  enters  the 
north  of  the  lake. 

The  arguments  in  favor  of  Khan  Minyeh  will 
be  found  in  Robinson  ii.  403-4,  iii.  344-358). 
They  are  chiefly  founded  on  Josephus's  account  of 
his  visit  to  Cephamome,  which  Dr.  R.  would  iden- 
tify with  the  mounds  near  the  khan,  and  on  the 
testimonies  of  successive  travellers  from  Arculfus  to 
Quaresmius,  whose  notices  Dr.  R.  interprets  — 
often,  it  must  be  confessed,  not  without  difficulty 
—  in  reference  to  Khan  Minyeh.  The  fountain 
Caphamaum,  which  Josephus  elsewhere  mentions 
{B.  J.  iii.  10,  §  8)  in  a  very  emphatic  manner  iA  a 
chief  source  of  the  water  of  the  plain  of  Gennesa- 
ret and  as  abounding  with  fish,  Dr.  R.  believes  to 
be  the  ^Ain  et-Tin.  But  the  "  Round  Fountain  " 
certainly  answers  better  to  Josephus's  account  than 
a  spring  so  close  to  the  shore  and  so  near  one  end 
of  the  district  as  is  ^Ain  et-Tin.  The  claim  of 
Khan  Minyeh  is  also  strongly  opposed  by  a  later 
traveller  (Bonar,  pp.  437-41).  Still  this  makes 
notnmg  for  Tell  Hum. 

6  Vast  ruins  ...  no  ordinary  city  .  .  .  sit*  cf  s 
gnat  Wwn  (Bonar,  pp.  414,  41£]l 


882 


CAPEKNAUM 


The  argil  uicnts  in  favor  of  TtU  Hum  date  from 
ibout  1675.  They  are  urged  by  Dr.  Wilson.  The 
srincijial  one  is  the  name,  which  is  maintained  to 
)e  a  relic  of  the  Hebrew  original  —  Caphar  having 
»ivcn  place  to  Tell.  Dr.  AVilson  also  ranges  Jo- 
jephus  on  his  side  {Lamh  of  the  Bible,  ii.  139-149. 
See  also  Hitter,  Jordtin,  pp.  335-343,  who  supports 
fell  Hum).  Khan  Minyeh,  et-Tdbighah,  and 
Tell  Hum,  are  all,  without  doubt,  ancient  sites, 
'lut  the  conclusion  from  the  whole  of  the  evidence 
is  irresistible:  that  it  is  impossible  to  say  which  of 
them  represents  Capernaum,  which  Chorazin,  or 
which  IJethsaida.  Those  anxious  to  inqvtire  further 
into  this  subject  may  consult  the  originals,  as  given 
above.  For  the  best  general  description  and  re- 
production of  the  district,  see  Stanley,  (S.  ^  P. 
ch.  X.  G. 

*  The  later  travellers  in  Palestine  leave  the  ques- 
tion as  to  the  spot  on  which  Capernaum  stood 
hardly  less  perplexed  than  it  was  before.  "  The 
disputed  sites  of  the  cities  of  Gennesaret,"  says 
Dean  Stanley,  after  his  second  visit  to  the  East 
{Notices  of  i/jcalities,  etc.,  p.  105),  "must  still  re- 
main disputed."  Porter  (/{andbook  of  Syria,  ii. 
425)  accepts  Dr.  Robinson's  conclusion  in  favor  of 
Khan  Minyeh,  so  called  from  an  old  caravansarai 
near  a  heap  of  ruins,  on  the  northern  edge  of  Gen- 
nesaret. ^Ain  el-Till  is  only  another  name  for 
the  same  place,  derived  from  a  fig-tree  which  over- 
hangs a  fountain  in  the  neightwrhood.  Dr.  Thom- 
son {Laml  and  Book,  i.  5i2-b4S)  and  Mi  Dixon 
(IMy  Land,  ii.  173,  rx)ndon,  18G5)  decide  for  Tell 
Hum,  at  the  head  of  the  lake,  about  tliree  miles 
northeast  of  Khan  Minyeh.  The  claim  of  ^Ain 
Miulawarah,  or  the  Round  Fountain,  near  the 
south  end  of  the  plain  of  Gennesaret,  and  so 
named  from  being  "  enclosed  by  a  low  circular  wall 
of  mason-work,"  has  for  some  time  past  been  kept 
in  abeyance:  but  Mr.  Tristram  {Land  of  Israel, 
p.  442,  I>ondon,  1865)  has  Virought  it  forward  once 
more,  and  certainly  with  reasons  for  it  which  are 
not  without  weight,  lie  speaks  with  greater  au- 
thority on  some  branches  of  the  argument  from  his 
character  as  an  eminent  naturalist.  Josephus  states 
[B.  J.  iii.  10,  §  8)  that  tlie  fountain  of  Capernaum 
l)roduccd  the  KopaKivos,  a  fish  Uke  that  of  the  lake 
near  Alexandria.  Mr.  Tristram  now  maintains 
that  neither  of  the  places  except  the  Round  Foun- 
tain furnishes  this  mark  of  identification.  "  The 
remarkable  siluroid,  the  catfish  or  coracine  {KopuK?- 
t/os),  aliounds  to  a  remarkable  degree  in  the  Round 
Fountain  to  this  day.  .  .  .  We  obtained  specimens 
a  yard  long,  and  some  of  them  are  deposited  in  the 
Uritish  Museum.  The  loose,  sandy  bottom  of  this 
fountain  is  peculiarly  adapted  for  this  singular  fish, 
which  buries  itself  in  the  sediment,  leaving  only 
its  feelers  exposed.  .  .  .  Here,  in  the  clear  shallow 
water,  it  may,  when  disturbed,  be  at  once  detected, 
Bwimming  in  numbers  along  the  bottom.  .  .  .  But 
it  is  not  found  at  Mm  et-Tm,  where  the  fountain 
could  neither  supply  it  with  cover  nor  food;  nor 
could  we  discover  it  at  Vim  Taldghah  "  (the  nearest 
fountain  to  TeU  Hum,  though  distant  two  miles  to 
the  sijuthward),  "  where  the  water  is  hot  and  brack- 
ish." Mr.  Tristram  thinks  it  worth  while  to  men- 
tion that  fever  is  very  prevalent  at  this  day  at  ^Ain 
Mwlmmrah  (the  Round  fountain),  whereas  "the 
dry,  elevated,  rocky  ground  of  TeU  Hum  "  would  be 
comparatively  free  from  it.  "  Peter's  wife's  mother 
Ay  sick  of  a  fever"  at  Capernaum  (]Mark  i.  30). 
For  other  details  of  his  able  argument  the  reader 
a  referred  to  his  work  as  above.    The  Abb<5  Michon 


CAPHAR-SALAMA 

(Fie  cfe  Jemis,  i.  220-24,  Paris,  1866)  who  bai 
travelled  in  Palestine,  holds  in  like  manner  that  the 
Caphaniaum  of  Josephus  {B.  ./.  iii.  10,  §  8)  ii 
identical  with  the  Round  Fountain,  and  hence  that 
the  Capernaum  of  the  New  Testament  must  l>e 
found  at  that  place.  So  Norton,  Trans,  of  the 
Gosj)ek,  with  Notes,  ii.  55,  56.  On  the  other  hand 
the  English  explorers.  Captain  Wilson  and  his  as- 
sociates, are  rejjorted  to  have  found  indications 
which  point  to  TeU  Hum  as  the  disputed  site. 
They  regard  as  such  the  discovery  of  a  synagogue 
in  a  state  of  fine  presen'ation,  remarkable  for  its 
elegant  architecture,  and  telonging  in  all  probability 
to  an  age  earlier  than  that  of  Christ  {Athenirum, 
Feb.  24,  1866).  It  may  have  been  one  of  the  Gal- 
ilean synagogues  in  which  the  Saviour  himself 
taught  and  performed  some  of  his  mighty  works 
It  is  certain  that  such  a  discovery  shows  that  an 
important  town  must  once  have  existed  on  this 
spot;  but  this  of  itself  would  not  settle  the  ques- 
tion of  the  name  of  the  town.  Mr.  Tlirupp  (Journ. 
of  Class,  and  Saa:  Phihl.  ii.  290-308)  also  con- 
tends for  TeU  Hum  as  the  site  of  Ca]>ernaum ;  Dr. 
Tregelles  {ibid.  iii.  141-154)  presents  a  widely  differ- 
ent view,  placing  Capernaum  close  by  Bethsaida 
(Julias),  near  the  mouth  of  the  Upper  Jordan,  in 
the  Butihah,  which  (and  not  the  Ghuweii-)  he  re- 
gards as  the  plam  of  Gennesaret  described  by  Jose- 
phus. 

It  may  be  added  in  regard  to  Khan  Minyeh  that 
the  recent  excavations  of  the  English  exploring  ex- 
pedition (see  Athenaeum,  March  31,  1866)  havB 
brought  to  Ught  nothing  there  except  some  frag- 
ments of  "  masonry  and  pottery  of  comparativdy 
modern  date."  H. 

CA'PHAR  ("^^^,  from  a  root  signifjing  "to 
cover,"  Ges.  p.  707),  one  of  the  numerous  words 
employed  in  the  Bible  to  denote  a  village  or  col- 
lection of  dwellings  smaller  than  a  city  {Ir).  Mr. 
Stanley  proposes  to  render  it  by  "  hamlet "  {S.  <f 
P.  App.  §  85),  to  distinguish  its  occurrences  from 
those  of  Chawah,  Chatzer,  Benoteh,  and  other 
similar  words.  As  an  appellative  it  is  found  only 
three  times:  1  Chr.  xxvii.  25;  Cant.  vii.  11,  and  1 
Sam.  vi.  18  (in  the  last  the  pointing  being  diflfer- 

ent,  Copher,  "^5^)?  ^"t  'i  neither  is  there  any- 
thing to  enable  us  to  fix  any  special  force  to  the 
word. 

In  names  of  places  it  occurs  in  Chephar-Am- 
MONAL,  CuEPHiiJAH,  Capiiar-salama.  But  the 
number  of  places  compounded  therewith  mentioned 
in  the  Talmuds  shows  that  the  name  became  a 
much  commoner  one  at  a  time  subs«]uent  to  the 
BibUcal  history.  In  Arabic  Kefr  is  in  frequent 
use  (see  the  lists  in  the  Index  to  Robinson,  ii.  and 
iii.).  To  us  its  chief  interest  arises  from  its  form- 
ing a  part  of  the  name  Capeknal'm,  i.  e.  Caphar- 
nahum.  G. 

CATHAR-SAL'AMA  {XoupaptraKafii ; 
Alex.  Xap<paijaapana-  Capharsalarna),  a  place 
{Ktifir},  Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  10,  §  4)  at  wliich  a  battle 
was  fought  between  Judas  Maccabfeus  and  Nicai;ot 
(1  Mace.  vii.  31).  I'rom  the  fugitives  having  taKen 
refuge  in  the  "city  of  David,"  it  would  appear  ta 
have  been  near  Jerusalem.  Is  it  not  possible  that 
it  was  Siloam,  the  Arabic  name  of  which  in  Kefr- 
sehvdn  T  F^wald  places  it  north  of  Ramla  on  th« 
Samaritan  boundary  {Gesch.  iv.  368,  note),  but  n» 
certain  traces  of  it  seem  to  have  been  yet  found. 

G 


CAPHENATHA 

CAPHEN'ATHA  {Xa(pemed--  CapheMha),\ 
k  place  apparently  close  to  and  on  the  east  side  of 
Jenisalem,  which  was  repaired  by  Jonathan  Macca- 
Dffius  (1  INfacc.  xii.  37).  The  name  is  derived  by 
Lightfoot  from  Caphnioth,  the  Talmudic  word  for 
unripe  figs.  If  this  be  correct,  there  is  a  remark- 
al  le  correspondence  between  the  name  Caphenatha 
and  those  of  Bethany  (house  of  dates),  Bethphage 
(house  of  figs),  and  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  itself, 
on  which  the  three  were  situated  —  all  testifying  to 
the  ancient  fruitfulness  of  the  place.  G. 

CAPHI'RA  (Ko(^€Tpa;  [Vat.  Ueipa:,  Aid. 
Alex.  Karfxpa:]  Enocadies),  1  Esdr.  v.  19.     [Che- 

I'lIIKAH.J 

CAPH'TOR  (Tin23:  KaTriraSoKla  [ex- 
cept in   Jer.]:    Cnppado'cia) :   CAPH'TORIM 

(□"""irit^? :  [in  Gen.,]  ra<(>eopieifJi,  [Ales.]  Xa<p- 
fflopieiju;  [in  1  Chr.,  Rom.  Vat.  omit;  Alex.  Xa<p- 
opififj.;  Comp.  Aid.]  KapOoptei/x;  [in  Deut.  KaTT- 
iraSo/cesO  Capktm-im,  Cappadoces),  a  country 
thrice  mentioned  as  the  primitive  seat  of  the  Phi- 
listines (Deut.  ii.  2.3 ;  Jer.  xlvii.  4;  Am.  ix.  7),  who 
are  once  called  Caphtorim  (Deut.  ii.  2-3),  as  of  the 
same  race  as  the  Mizraite  people  of  that  name 
(Gen.  X.  14;  1  Chr.  i.  12).  The  position  of  the 
country,  since  it  was  peopled  by  Mizraites,  must  be 
supposed  to  be  in  Egypt  or  near  to  it  in  Africa,  for 
the  idea  of  the  southwest  of  Pdestine  is  excluded 
by  the  migration  of  the  Philistines.     In  Jer.  it  is 

spoken  of  as  "^'^^1'^^   ""S,  and  has  therefore  been 

supposed  to  be  an  island.  ''S,  however,  has  a 
wider  signification;  commonly  it  is  any  maritime 
land,  whether  coast  or  island,  as  hi  the  expression 

£^■^211  ^fS  (Gen.  x.  5),  by  which  the  northern 
coasts  and  the  islands  of  the  IMediterranean  seem 
to  be  intended,  the  former,  in  part  at  least,  being 
certainly  included.  It  must  be  remembered,  how- 
ever, that  the  Nile  is  spoken  of  as  a  sea  (C^)  by 
Nahum  in  the  description  of  No,  or  Thebes  (iii.  8). 
[Nt).]  It  is  also  possible  that  the  expression  in 
Jer.  merely  refers  to  the  maritime  position  of  the 
Philistines  (comp.  Ez.  xxv.  16),  and  that  Caphtor 
)b  here  poetically  used  for  Caphtorim. 

The  writer  (Kncyclojxedia  Biitannica,  8th  ed., 
Egypt,  p.  419)  has  proposed  to  recognize  Caphtor 
In  the  ancient  Egyptian  name  of  Coptos.  This 
name,  if  literally  transcribed,  is  written  in  the  hiero- 
glyphics Kebtu,  Kebta,  and  Keb-Her,  probably  pro- 
nounced Kubt,  Kabt,  and  Kebt-Hor  (Brugsch, 
Geotji:  Inschr.  Taf.  xxxviii.  no.  899,  900),  whence 

Coptic    KecjT,    KenTO,    Kenxou, 

K  HSTOJ,  Gr.  Kirrros,  Arab,  iaij*,  Kuft.  The 
siiuLlaiity  of  rame  is  so  great  that  it  alone  might 
satisfy  us,  but  the  correspondence  of  Pdyvirros,  as 

if  Ala  yyTTTOi,  to  "nnv5  ^^i  unless  ^S  refer  to 
the  I'hilistine  coast,  seems  conclusive.  We  must 
not  suppose,  however,  that  Caphtor  was  Coptos :  it 


CAPHTOR 


8SS 


a  The  conquest  of  the  Avim  does  not  seem  to  have 
oeen  compit'te  when  the  Israelites  entered  the  Prom- 
ised Land,  for  they  are  mentioned  after  the  "  Ave  lords 
»f  the  Philistines  "  in  Josh.  (xiii.  3).  The  expression 
rh«refore  in  Deut.  ii.  23,  "And  the  Avim  who  dwelt  in 

Wlaj^es  (t2^T*n2,  wrongly  made  a  proper  name  in 
0M  ▲.  v..  and  In  the  LXX.,  where  the  fern,  plural 


must  rather  be  compared  to  the  Coptite  nome,  prob- 
ably in  primitive  ages  of  greater  extent  than  undef 
the  Ptolemi&s,  for  the  nuniter  of  nomas  was  in  the 
course  of  time  greatly  increased.  The  Caphtorim 
stand  last  in  the  list  of  the  Mizraite  peoples  in  Gen. 
and  Chr.,  probably  as  dwellers  in  Upper  Egj^t,  the 
names  next  before  them  being  of  Egyptian,  and  the 
earliest  names  of  Libyan  peoples  [Egyit].  It  is 
not  necessary  to  discuss  other  identifications  that 
have  been  proposed.  The  chief  are  Cappadocia, 
Cyprus,  and  Crete,  of  which  the  last  alone,  from 
the  evident  connection  of  the  Philistines  with  Crete, 
would  have  any  probability  in  the  absence  of  more 
definite  evidence.  There  would,  however,  be  great 
difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  supposition  that  in  the 
earUest  times  a  nation  or  tribe  removed  from  an 
island  to  the  m?.inland. 

The  migration  of  the  Philistines  is  mentioned  or 
alluded  to  in  all  the  passages  speaking  of  Caphtor 
or  the  Caphtorim.  It  thus  appears  to  have  been 
an  event  of  great  importance,  and  this  supposition 
receives  support  from  the  statement  in  Amos.  In 
the  lists  of  Gen.  and  Chr.,  as  the  text  now  stands, 
the  Philistines  are  said  to  have  come  forth  from 
the  Casluhim  —  "  the  Casluhim,  whence  came  forth 
the  Philistines,  and  the  Caphtorim," — where  the 
Hebrew  forbids  us  to  suppose  that  the  Philistines 
and  Caphtorim  both  came  from  the  Casluhim. 
Here  there  seems  to  have  been  a  transposition,  for 
the  other  passages  are  as  explicit,  or  more  so,  and 
their  form  does  not  admit  of  this  explanation.  The 
period  of  the  migration  must  have  been  very  re- 
mote, since  the  Philistines  "  were  already  &stabUshed 
in  Palestine  in  Abraham's  time  (Gen.  xxi.  32,  34). 
The  evidence  of  the  Egyptian  monuments,  which 
is  indirect,  tends  to  the  same  conclusion,  but  takes* 
us  yet  further  back  in  time.  It  leads  us  to  suppose 
that  the  Philistines  and  kindred  nations  were  cog- 
nate to  the  Egyptians,  but  so  different  from  them 
in  manners  that  they  must  have  separated  before 
the  character  and  institutions  of  the  latter  had  at- 
tained that  development  in  which  they  continued 
throughout  the  period  to  which  their  monuments 
belong.  We  find  from  the  sculptures  of  Rameses 
in.  at  Medeenet  Haboo,  that  the  Egyptians  about 
1200  B.  c.  were  at  war  with  the  Philistines,  the 
Tok-karu,  and  the  Shayratana  of  the  Sea,  and  that 
other  Shayratana  ser\-ed  them  as  mercenaries.  The 
Hiilistines  and  Tok-karu  were  physically  cognate, 
and  had  the  same  distinctive  dress ;  the  Tok-karu 
and  ShajTatana  were  also  physically  cognate,  and 
fought  together  in  the  same  ships.  There  is  reason 
to  believe  that  the  Tok-karu  are  the  Carians,  and 
the  Shayratana  cannot  be  doubted  to  be  the  Chere- 
thim  of  the  Bible  and  the  earlier  Cretans  of  the 
Greeks,  inhabiting  Crete,  and  probably  the  coast  of 
Palestine  also  {Enc.  Brit.  art.  E(/ypt,  p.  462).  All 
bear  a  greater  resemblance  to  the  Egyptians  than 
does  any  other  group  of  foreign  peoples  represented 
in  their  sculptures.  This  evidence  points  therefore 
to  the  spread  of  a  seafaring  race  cognate  to  the 
Egyptians  at  a  very  remote  time.  Their  origin  is 
not  alone  spoken  of  in  the  record  of  the  migration 
of   the    Philistines,   but   in   the   tradition  of  the 

niT'n  has  become,  through  the  previous  ~hange> 

of!  to  ^,  'A(m8uJ9),  even  to  Azzah  (Gaza),  Caphtorim 
who  came  forth  from  Caphtor  destroyed  them  and  dwelt 
in  their  stead,"  may  mean  that  a  peurt  of  the  Avim 
alone  perished. 


331  CAPHTHOKlM 

Phoenicians  that  they  canie  from  the  Erjthrsean 
Sea  [Akaiua],  and  we  must  look  for  the  primeval 
jcjit  of  the  whole  i-aee  on  the  coasts  of  Arabia  and 
Africa,  where  aJJ  ancient  authorities  lead  us  mainly 
to  place  the  Cushites  and  tlie  Ethiopians.  [CusH.] 
The  ciifterence  of  the  Philistines  from  the  Egyptians 
in  dress  and  manners  is,  as  we  have  seen,  evident 
on  the  Eg3'ptian  monuments.  From  tlie  Bible  we 
learn  that  their  laws  and  religion  were  hkewise  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  Egypt,  and  we  may  therefore 
consider  our  previous  supposition  as  to  the  time  of 
the  separation  of  the  peoples  to  which  they  belong 
to  be  iTOsitively  true  in  their  particular  case.  It  is 
probable  that  they  left,  Caphtor  not  long  after  the 
first  arrival  of  the  Mizraite  tribes,  while  they  had 
not  yet  attained  that  attachment  to  the  soil  that 
afterwards  so  eminently  characterized  the  descend- 
ants of  those  which  formed  the  Egyptian  nation. 
The  words  of  the  prophet  Amos  seem  to  indicate  a 
deliverance  of  the  Philistines  from  bondage.    "  [Are] 

ye  not  as  children  of  Ethiopians  (D^^tt-lS)  unto 
me,  [0]  children  of  Israel?  hath  the  Lord  said. 
Have  not  I  caused  Israel  to  go  up  out  of  Uie  land 
of  Egypt,  and  the  Philistines  from  Caphtor,  and 
Aram  from  Kir?  "  (Am.  ix.  7).  The  mention  of 
the  Ethiopians  is  worthy  of  note:  here  they  are 
perhaps  spoken  of  as  a  degraded  people.  The  in- 
tention appears  to  be  to  show  that  Israel  was  not 
the  only  nation  which  had  been  providentially  led 
from  one  country  to  another  where  it  might  settle, 
and  the  interposition  would  seem  to  imply  oppres- 
sion preceding  the  migration.  It  may  be  remarked 
that  Manetho  speaks  of  a  revolt  and  return  to 
allegiance  of  the  Libyans,  probably  the  Lehabim, 
or  Lubim,  from  whose  name  Lib}'a,  Ac,  certainly 
came,  in  the  reign  of  the  first  king  of  the  third 
dynasty,  Necherophes  or  Necherochis,  in  the  earliest 
age  of  Egyptian  history,  b.  c.  cir.  2600  (Cory,  Anc. 
Frag.  2d  ed.  pp.  100,  101).  R.  S.  P. 

CAPHTHORIM  (D''"lhl?3  :  Vat.  omita; 
Alex.  XtK^opuifi.  ;  [Comp.  Aid.  Kadtdootelfi  :] 
Caj)htm-im).  1  Chr.  i.  12.    [Caphtor.] 

CAPH'TORIMS  (C'lhlS?:  of  Kainrd- 
SoKts-   Coppadoces).     Deut.  ii.  2.3.     [Caphtor.] 

CAPPADO'CIA  (Ka-irnaSoKla).  This  eastern 
district  of  Asia  Minor  is  interesting  in  reference  to 
New  Testament  history  only  from  the  mention  o^ 
its  Jewish  residents  among  the  hearers  of  St.  Peter's 
first  sermon  (Acts  ii.  9),  and  its  Christian  residents 
among  the  readers  of  St.  Peter's  first  Epistle  (1 
Pet.  i.  1).  The  Jewish  community  in  this  region, 
doubtless,  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Christian :  and 
the  former  may  probably  be  traced  to  the  first  in- 
troduction of  Jewish  colonists  into  Asia  Minor  by 
Seleucus  (Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  3,  §  4).  The  Roman 
period,  through  the  growth  of  large  cities  and  the 
construction  of  roads,  would  afford  increased  facili- 
ties for  the  spread  both  of  Judaism  and  Christianity, 
•t  should  be  observed  that  Cappadocia  was  easily 
approached  from  the  direction  of  Palestine  and 
Syria,  by  means  of  the  pass  called  the  Cilician 
Gates,  which  led  up  through  the  Taurus  from  the 
low  coast  of  Cilicia,  and  that  it  was  connected,  at 
least  under  the  later  Emperors,  by  good  roads  with 
the  district  beyond  the  Euphrates. 

The  range  of  Mount  Taurus  and  the  upper  course 
of  the  Euphrates  may  safely  be  mentioned,  in  gen- 
eral terms,  as  natural  Ixjundaries  of  Cappadocia  on 
the  south  and  east.  Its  geographical  limits  on  the 
vest  and  north  were  variable.     In  early  times  the 


CAPTAIN  OF  THE  GUARD 

name  reached  as  far  northwards  as  the  Euxiiie  Sea 
Tlie  region  of  Cappadocia,  viewed  in  this  extent, 
constituted  two  satrapies  under  the  Persians,  and 
afterwards  two  independent  monarchies.  One  was 
Cappadocia  on  the  Pontus,  the  other  Cappadocia 
near  the  Taurus.  Here  we  have  the  germ  of  the 
two  Roman  provinces  of  Pontus  and  Cappadocia. 
[PoNTUS.]  Several  of  the  monarchs  who  reigned 
in  Cappadocia  Proper  bore  the  name  of  Ariarathes. 
One  of  them  is  mentioned  in  1  Mace.  xv.  22.  The 
last  of  these  monarchs  was  called  Archelaua  (see 
Joseph.  Ant.  xvi.  4,  §  6).  He  was  treacherously 
treated  by  the  Emperor  Tiberius,  who  reduced  his 
kingdom  to  a  province  A.  D.  17.  This  is  the 
l)osition  in  which  the  coimtry  stood  during  the 
time  of  St.  Peter's  ajwstolic  work. 

Cappadocia  is  an  elevated  table-land  intersect«l 
by  mountain-chains.  It  seems  always  to  have  been 
deficient  in  wood ;  but  it  was  a  good  grain  country, 
and  it  was  particularly  famous  for  grazing.  Its 
Roman  metropolis,  aftenvards  both  the  birthplace 
and  episcopal  see  of  St.  Basil,  was  Csesarea  (now 
Kaisariyeh ),  formerly  Mazaca,  situated  near  Mount 
Argaeus,  the  highest  momitain  in  Asia  Minor. 
Some  of  its  other  cities  were  equaUy  celebrated  in 
ecclesiastical  history,  especially  Nyssa,  Nazianzus, 
Samosata  and  Tyana.  The  native  Cappadocians 
seem  originally  to  have  belonged  to  the  Syrian 
stock:  and  since  Ptolemy  (v.  6)  places  the  cities  of 
Iconium  and  Derbe  within  the  limits  of  this  region, 
we  may  possibly  obtain  from  this  circumstance  some 
light  on  "  the  speech  of  Lycaonia,"  Acts  xiv.  1 1. 
[Lycaonia.]  The  best  description  of  these  parts 
of  Asia  Minor  will  be  found  in  Hamilton's  /ffl- 
searches,  and  Texier's  Asie  Mineure.      J.  S.  II. 

CAPTAIN.  (1.)  As  a  purely  military  title, 
Captain  answers  to  "^tD  in  the  Hebrew  army,  and 
Xi^iapxos  {tribunus)  in  the  Roman.  [Army.] 
The  "captain  of  the  guard"  (o-TpaToireScfpxi^' 
in  Acts  xxviii.  16,  is  also  spoken  of  under  A  h.-m  y 

[p.  164].  (2.)  7"^^'P)  which  is  occasionally  ren- 
dered captain,  applies  sometimes  to  a  military  (Josh 
X.  24;  Judg.  xi.  6,  11;  Is.  xxii.  3;  Dan.  xi.  18), 
sometimes  to  a  civil  command  (e.  //.  Is.  i.  10,  iii. 
6):  its  radical  sense  is  division,  and  hence  decigiim 
without  reference  to  the  means  employed :  the  term 

illustrates  the  double  office  of  the  ^^W.  (3.)  The 
"  captain  of  the  temple "  (arpaTriybs  tov  iepov) 
mentioned  by  St.  Luke  (xxii.  4;  Acts  iv.  1,  v.  24) 
in  connection  with  the  priests,  was  not  a  military 
officer,  but  superintended  the  guard  of  priests  and 
I>evites,  who  kept  watch  by  night  in  the  Temple. 
The  office  appears  to  have  existed  from  an  early 
date;  the  "  priests  that  kept  the  door"  (2  K.  xii. 
9,  XXV.  18)  are  described  by  Josephus  {Ant.  x.  8,  § 
5)  as  rovs  <pv\daa'0VTa9  rh  iephy  riyffi6yas.  a 
notice  occurs  in  2  Mace.  iii.  4  of  a  irpoa-rdTTjs  rov 
Upov ;  this  officer  is  styled  arparriydi  by  Josephus 
{Ant.  XX.  6,  §  2;  5.  y.  vi.   5,  §  3);  and  in  the 

Mishna  {Middoth,  i.  §  2)  n^H  "IH  ^7"^,  "  the 
captain  of  the  mountain  of  the  Temple;  "  his  duty, 
as  described  in  the  place  last  quoted,  was  to  vis:' 
the  posts  during  the  night,  and  see  that  the  sentries 
were  doing  their  duty.  (4.)  The  term  hpxvy^^^ 
rendered  "'  captain  "  (Heb.  ii.  10),  has  no  reference 
whatever  to  a  military  office.  W.  L.  B. 

*  CAPTAIN  OF  THE  GUARD.  Tit!- 
of  the  officer  (A.  V.)  to  whose  custody  Paul  and 
other  prifloners  were  committed  at  Rome   (Acti 


t 


CAPTAIN  OF  THE  GUARD 

Kxviii.  16),  where  a  stricter  translation  would  be 
I^Vsetorian  prefect  or  commander  of  the  Praetorian 
camp.  See  Wieseler's  Clirotwl.  des  apos'ol.  Zdtall. 
p.  86.  Tiie  force  of  the  article  in  that  place  {rw 
(TTpaTOireSdpxil)  opens  an  interesting  question. 
The  command  of  the  praetorian  guard  was  originally 
divided  between  two  prefects,  but  during  the  reign 
of  Claudius,  Burrus  or  Hurrhus  Afranius,  a  distin- 
guished Roman  general,  was  appointed  sole  p-ce/'ec- 
tus  prcetorio,  and  retained  this  office  as  late  cer- 
tainly as  the  beginning  of  A.  v.  62.  On  his  death 
the  command  was  committed  again  to  two  prefects, 
as  it  had  been  at  first,  and  this  continued  to  be  the 
arrangement  until  a  late  period  of  the  empire.  The 
time  of  Paul's  arrival  at  Rome  could  not  have  been 
for  from  a.  d.  62,  as  admits  of  being  shown  by  an 
independent  calculation.  Wieseler  supposes  rqi 
(rrpaToireSdpx'r}  ^  refer  to  this  Burrus,  as  sole 
prefect  at  that  time,  and  he  urges  the  expression 
as  a  reason  for  assigning  the  apostle's  arrival  to  A. 
i>.  62,  or  the  year  preceding.  So  also  Anger,  De 
tempofum  in  Actis  Apost.  raiione,  p.  100,  and  I^w- 
in,  Fasti  Saci-i,  p.  325.  It  is  very  possible  that  this 
view  is  the  correct  one.  It  would  fiu-nish  a  striking 
coincidence  between  Luke's  narrative  and  the  his- 
tory of  the  times.  Yet,  in  speaking  of  (lie  prajtorian 
prefect,  the  writer  of  the  Acts  may  have  meant  the 
one  who  acted  in  this  particular  case,  the  one  who 
took  into  his  charge  the  prisoners  whom  the  cen- 
turion transferred  to  him,  whether  he  was  sole 
l)erfjct  or  had  a  colleague  with  him;  comp.  xxiv. 
2-3.  De  Wette  assents  to  Meyer  in  this  explanation 
of  the  article.  The  expression,  as  so  understood, 
does  not  affirm  that  there  was  but  one  prefect,  or 
deny  it. 

But  if  the  words  d  tKarSvTapxos  ■  ■  ■  r^  (rrpa- 
TOjreSdpxv  (Acts  xxviii.  16)  are  not  genuine,"  this 
question  concerning  ry  falls  away,  so  far  as  it 
depends  on  Luke's  autliority.  At  the  same  time 
the  words  (if  added  to  the  text)  express  what  was 
unquestionably  tnie,  according  to  the  Roman  usage 
(see  Plin.  Kpist.  x.  65);  but  of  course  we  have 
then  the  testimony  only  of  some  glossator  who  (if 
we  may  conjecture  a  motive),  knowing  what  the 
rule  was,  apprises  the  reader  of  its  observance  as  to 
the  other  prisoners,  because  he  would  represent  Paul 
m  being  "  sutlered  to  dwell  by  himself"  as  ex- 
empted from  the  rule,  or  if  at  first  subjected  to  the 


"  *  For  6  eicaToi'Topxo?  .  .  .  T<p  8i  llauAco  6;reTpd7r>), 
lActimanDj  TischenJorf,  and  TregeUes  read  simply 
tn-erpaTrr)  t<{>  IlaiiAw.  The  words  in  que.<<tion,  corro- 
tpoiiding  to  "  the  centurion  delivered  the  prisoners  to 
the  oaptain  of  the  guard,  but  "  of  the  A.  V.,  were  also 
r'-jected  as  a  gloss  by  Mill  and  Bengel,  and  marked  as 
vi'ry  doubtful  by  Griesbach.  Though  found  in  a  great 
majority  of  the  manuscripts,  they  are  wanting  in  all 
oi  the  oldest  and  best  class  which  contain  the  passage, 
namely,  the  Sinaitic,  Vatican,  Alexandrine,  and  a  very 
Taluable  St.  Petersburg  palimpsest  of  tlie  fifth  century  ; 
also  in  the  two  best  cursive  MSS.  (loti,  13),  another  very 
good  one  (40),  and  one  'or  two  more.  (The  MSS.  CDE 
are  unfortunately  mutilated  here. )  They  are  likewise 
ab«!cnt  from  the  oldest  and  best  of  the  ancient  ver- 
sions (Peshito  Syriac,  Coptic,  Vulgite,  Armenian,  and 
the  .Ethiopic  in  T.  P.  Piatt's  edition),  and  Chrysos- 
tom  ignores  them  both  in  his  text  and  commentary. 
The  earliest  witness  tor  them  appears  to  be  the  later 
Syriac  version,  as  revised  by  Thomas  of  llarkel  A.  d. 
816,  which  has  them  marked  with  an  asterisk,  indi- 
cating that  they  did  not  originally  belong  to  it.  (The 
^ItUiopic  of  the  Polyglott  is  here  ol  no  authority.) 
The  oldest  Greek  MS.  which  has  tiera  (L)  is  not  e.arlier 
thai-  ihe  middh  of  the  ninth  century  ;  the  oldest  Greek 


CAPTIVITIES  OF  THE  JEWS     885 

same  custody  (which  no  doubt  was  the  fact),  as  after- 
wards treated  with  special  indulgence.  —  "  Captain 
of  the  guard  "  in  Gen.  xxxix.  I,  xl.  3,  4,  &c.  prcb- 
fit)ly  should  be  "  captain  "or  "  officer  of  the  execu- 
tioners."    [Joseph;  Potipiiah.]  H. 

CAPTIVITIES  OF  THE  JEWS.  The 
bondage  of  Israel  in  I'>g}"pt,  and  their  subjugation 
at  different  times  by  the  Philistines  and  other  na- 
tions, are  sometimes  included  under  the  above  title; 
and  the  Jews  thpmselves,  perhaps  with  reference  to 
Daniel's  vision  (oh.  vii.),  reckon  their  national  cap- 
tivities as  four  —  the  Babylonian,  Median,  (.jrecian, 
and  Roman  (Eisenmenger,  Entdecktts  J  ml  tut  hum, 
voL  i.  p.  748).  But  the  present  article  is  confined 
to  the  forcible  dejwrtation  of  the  Jews  from  their 
native  land,  and  their  forcible  detention,  under  the 
Assyrian  or  Babylonian  kings. 

The  kingdom  of  Israel  was  invaded  by  three  or 
four  successive  kings  of  Assyria.  Pul  or  Sardana- 
palus,  according  to  liawlinson  ( Outline  of  Assyrian 
History,  p.  14,  but  compare  Rawl.  Herodotus,  vol. 
i.  p.  466),  imposed  a  tribute,  b.  c.  771  (or  762 
Rawl.)  upon  Menahem  (1  Chr.  v.  26,  and  2  K.  xv. 
19).  Tiglath-Pileser  carried  away  n.  c.  740  the 
trans-Jordanic  tribes  (1  Chr.  v.  26)  and  the  inhab- 
itants of  Galilee  (2  K.  xv.  29,  compare  Is.  ix.  1),  to 
Assyria.  Shalmaneser  twice  invaded  (2  K.  xvii.  3, 
5)  the  kingdom  which  remained  to  Hoshea.  took 
Samaria  n.  c.  721  after  a  siege  of  three  years,  and 
earned  Israel  away  nito  Assyria.  In  an  inscription 
interpreted  by  Rawlinson  (Henxlotus,  vol.  i.  p.  472), 
the  capture  of  Samaria  is  claimed  by  King  Sargon 
(Is.  XX.  1)  as  his  own  achievement.  The  cities  of 
Samaria  were  occupied  by  people  sent  from  Babylon, 
Cuthali,  Ava,  Hamath,  and  Sepharvaim:  and  Ilidali, 
Habor,  Hara,  and  the  river  of  Gozan  became  the 
seats  of  the  exiled  Israelites. 

Sennacherib  is.  C.  713  is  stated  (Rawl.  Outline, 
p.  24,  but  compare  Demetrius  ap.  Clem.  Alexand. 
Stromata,  i.  21,  incorrectly  quoted  as  confirming 
the  statement)  to  have  carried  hi  to  Assyria  200,(X)0 
captives  from  the  Jewish  cities  which  he  U)ok  (2  K. 
xviii.  13).  Nebucliadnezzar,  in  the  first  half  of  his 
reign,  li.  c.  006-562,  repeatedly  inraded  Judaea, 
besieged  Jerusalem,  carried  away  the  inhabitants  to 
Babylon,  and  destroyed  the  city  and  Temple.  Two 
distinct  deportations  are  mentioned  in  2  K.  xxiv. 
14  (includuig  10,000  persons)  and  xxv.  11.     One 

father  cited  for  them  ((Ecumenius)  flourished  at  the  end 
of  the  tenth.  This  concurrence  of  all  the  oldest  and 
most  independent  authorities  in  the  omission  of  words 
which  might  so  easily  creep  m  from  a  marginal  gloss, 
seems  irreconcibible  with  the  supposition  of  tlieir  gen- 
uineness. They  are,  however,  defended  by  Borne 
mann,  De  Wette,  Meyer,  and  Alford,  who  would  or. 
plain  their  omission  by  the  homaoteleutoti  in  cicaToi'- 
rapxos  .  .  .  OTparoTreS a p X T)  •  l^his  is  uusjitisfac- 
tory ,  (1 )  because  the  homczoteleuton  is  so  Imperfect  that 
it  was  not  likely  to  cause  any  error  ;  (2)  because  it  would 
only  occasion  the  loss  of  the  words  following  eKarov- 
TapxfK  ;  (3)  because  it  does  not  appear  how  or  why  it 
should  affect  alt  our  oldest  ami  best  authorities  (in- 
cluding the  versious  used  by  all  the  principal  churches) 
and  leave  hardly  a  trace  of  its  influence  on  the  great 
mass  of  modem  manuscripts.  Alford,  it  should  be 
noticed,  in  hia/oiirth  edition  (1861)  brackets  the  words 
as  doubtful.  The  critical  scholar  may  find  it  instruct- 
ive to  compare  other  examples  of  glos.siirial  additions 
in  the  Receiveu  Text  and  the  mass  of  Lite)  manu- 
scripts of  the  Acts,  in  opposition  to  the  most  ancient 
authorities  :  see  Acts  ii.  30,  31  ;  viil.  37  ;  xiii.  i2  •  xv. 
18,  24,  34  ;  xviii.  21 ;  x.\i.  8,  25  ;  xxiii-  9  ;  xxiv.  6-8 
22,  23,  26  ;  xxv.  16 ;  xxviii.  29,  etc.  * 


886    CAPTIVITIES  OF  THE  JEWS 

In  3  Chr.  xxxvi.  20.  Tliree  in  Jer.  Hi.  28,  29,  in- 
cludin<^  4000  persons,  and  one  in  Dan.  i.  3.  'Hie 
two  principcol  deportations  were,  (1 )  that  ■whicli  took 
place  It.  c.  598,  wiien  Jehoiacliin  with  all  the  i 
nobles,  soldiers,  and  artificers  were  carried  away; 
and  (2)  that  which  followed  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple  and  the  capture  of  Zedekiah  n.  c.  588.  The 
three  which  Jeremiah  mentions  may  have  been  the 
contributions  of  a  particular  class  or  district  to  the 
general  captivity ;  or  they  may  have  taken  place, 
under  the  orders  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  before  or  after 
the  two  principal  deportations.  The  captivity  of 
certain  selected  children,  i;.  c.  607,  mentioned  by 
Daniel,  who  was  one  of  them,  may  have  occurred 
when  Nebuchadnezzar  was  colleague  or  lieutenant 
of  his  father  Nabopolassar,  a  year  before  he  reigned 
alone.  The  70  years  of  captivity  predicted  by 
Jeremiah  (xxv.  12)  are  dated  by  Prideaux  from 
B.  c.  GOG  (see  Connection,  anno  600 ;  and  comp. 
Davison,  On  Prophecy,  I^ect.  vi.  pt.  1).  If  a  sym- 
bolical interpretation  were  required,  it  would  be 
more  difficult  to  regard  (with  Winer  and  Rosen- 
miiller)  these  70  years  as  an  indefinite  period  desig- 
nated arbitrarily  by  a  sacred  number,  than  to  be- 
lieve with  St.  Augustine  (Enarratio  in  Fs.  cxxvi. 
1)  that  they  are  a  symbol  of  "all  time."  The 
capti\ity  of  Ezekiel  dates  from  u.  c.  598,  when 
that  prophet,  like  Mordecai  the  uncle  of  Esther 
(ii.  0),  accompanied  Jehoiacliin. 

We  know  nothing,  except  by  inference  from  the 
lxK)k  of  Tobit,  of  the  religious  or  social  state  of  the 
Israelitish  exiles  in  Assyria.  Doubtless  the  con- 
stant policy  of  17  successive  kings  had  effectually 
estranged  the  people  from  that  religion  which  cen- 
tered in  the  Temple,  and  had  reduced  the  number 
of  faithful  men  below  the  7000  who  were  revealed 
for  the  consolation  of  Elijah  Some  priests  at  least 
were  among  them  (2  K.  xvii.  28),  though  it  is  not 
certain  tiiat  these  were  of  the  tribe  of  I-evi  (1  K. 
xii.  31).  The  people  had  been  nurtured  for  250 
years  in  idolatry  in  their  own  land,  where  they  de- 
parted not  (2  K.  xvii.  22)  from  the  sins  of  Jeroboam, 
notwithstanding  the  jiroximity  of  the  Temple,  ajid 
the  succession  of  inspired  prophets  (2  K.  xvii.  13) 
among  them.  Deprived  of  these  checks  on  their 
natui-al  inclinations  (2  K.  xvii.  15),  torn  from  their 
native  soil,  destitute  of  a  hereditary  king,  they 
prol)aI>ly  became  more  and  more  closely  iissimilatcd 
to  their  heathen  neighbors  in  Media.  And  when, 
after  the  lapse  of  more  than  a  century,  they  were 
joined  n.  v.  598  by  the  first  exiles  from  Jerusalem, 
very  few  families  probably  retained  sufficient  faith 
in  the  God  of  their  fathers  to  appreciate  and  follow 
the  instruction  of  Ezekiel.  But  whether  they  were 
many  or  few,  their  genealogies  were  probably  lost, 
a  fusion  of  them  with  the  Jews  took  place,  Israel 
ceasing  to  envy  Judah  (Is.  xi.  13);  and  Ezekiel 
may  have  seen  his  own  symbolical  prophecy  (xxxvii. 
15-19)  partly  fulfilled. 

The  captive  Jews  were  probably  prostrated  at 
first  by  their  great  calamity,  till  the  glorious  vision 
of  Ezekiel  in  the  5th  year  of  the  Captivity  revived 
and  reunited  them.  The  wishes  of  their  conqueror 
were  satisfied  when  he  had  displayed  his  power  by 
tnuisjiorting  them  into  another  land,  and  gratified 
his  pride  by  inscribing  on  the  walls  of  the  royal 
|iahce  his  victorious  progress  and  the  number  of  his 
captives.  He  could  r.ot  havedesignedtoincrea.se 
the  |X)pulation  of  Babylon,  for  he  sent  Babylonian 
Zionists  into  Samaria.  One  poUtical  end  certainly 
was  attained  —  the  more  easy  government  of  a 
people  separated  from  local  traditions  and  associ- 


OAPTIVITIES  OF  THE  .1  VAVa 

ations  (see  Gesenius  on  Is.  xxxvi.  16,  and  compiii 
Gen.  xlvii.  21).  It  was  also  a  great  advantage  tt 
the  Assyrian  king  to  remove  from  the  I^yptian 
border  of  his  empire  a  people  who  were  notorioiislj 
well-affected  towards  Egj'pt.  The  captives  were 
treated  not  as  slaves  but  as  colonists.  There  was 
nothing  to  hinder  a  Jew  from  rising  to  the  highest 
eminence  in  the  state  (Dan.  ii.  48),  or  holding  the 
most  confidential  office  near  the  person  of  the  king 
(Neh.  i.  11;  Tob.  i.  13,  22).  The  advice  of  Jere 
niiah  (xxix.  5,  Ac.)  was  generally  followed.  The 
exiles  increased  in  nimibers  and  in  wealth.  They 
observed  the  Mosaic  law  (Esth.  iii.  8;  lob.  xiv.  !•). 
They  kept  up  distinctions  of  rank  among  themsehre 
(Ez.  XX.  1).  And  though  the  assertion  in  the  Tal- 
mud be  unsupiwited  by  proof  that  they  assigned 
thus  early  to  one  of  their  countrymen  the  title  of 
Head  of  the  Captivity  (or,  captain  of  the  people,  2 
Esdr.  V.  10),  it  is  certain  that  they  at  least  pre- 
served their  genealogical  tables,  and  were  at  no  loss 
to  tell  who  was  the  rightful  heir  to  David's  throne. 
They  had  neither  place  nor  time  of  national  gather- 
ing, no  Temple;  and  they  offered  no  sacrifice.  But 
the  rite  of  circumcision  and  their  laws  respecting 
food,  (fee.  were  observed  ;  their  priests  were  with 
them  (Jer.  xxix.  1);  and  possibly  the  practice  of 
erecting  synagogues  in  every  city  (Acts  xv.  21)  was 
begun  by  the  Jews  in  the  Babylonian  captivity. 

'J"he  Captivity  is  not  without  contemporaneous 
literature.  In  the  apocryphal  book  of  Tobit, 
which  is  genendly  believed  to  be  a  mixture  of  po- 
etical fiction  with  historical  facts  recorded  by  a 
contemporary,  we  have  a  picture  of  the  inner  life 
of  a  family  of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali,  among  the 
captives  whom  Shalmaneser  brought  to  Nineveh. 
The  apocrj'phal  book  of  Baruch  seems,  in  Mr. 
Layard's  opinion,  to  have  been  written  by  one 
whose  eyes,  like  those  of  Ezekiel,  were  familiar 
with  the  gigantic  forms  of  Assyrian  sculpture. 
Several  of  the  l*.salms  appear  to  express  the  senti- 
ments of  Jews  who  were  either  partakers  or  wit- 
nesses of  the  .\ssyrian  captivity.  Ewald  assigns 
to  this  period  I's.  xfii.,  xliii.,  bcxxiv.,  x\'ii.,  xvi., 
xlix.,  xxii.,  xxv.,  xxxviii.,  Ixxxviii.,  xl.,  Ixix.,  cix.,  Ii., 
Ixxi.,  xxv.,  xxxiv.,  Ixxxii.,  xiv.,  cxx.,  cxxi.,  cxxiii., 
cxxx.,  cxxxi.  And  in  I's.  Ixxx.  we  scen>  to  have 
the  words  of  an  Israelite,  dwelling  perhaps  in  Ju- 
daea (2  Chr.  XV.  9,  xxxi.  6),  who  had  seen  the 
departure  of  his  countrymen  to  Assyria :  and  in  Vs. 
cxxxvii.  an  outpouring  of  the  first  intense  feelings 
of  a  Jewish  exile  in  Babylon.  But  it  is  from  the 
three  great  prophets,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Daniel, 
that  we  learn  most  of  the  condition  of  the  children 
of  the  captivity.  The  distant  warnings  of  Jere- 
miah, advising  and  cheering  them,  followed  thera 
into  Assyria.  Tlicre,  for  a  few  years,  they  had  nc 
prophetic  guide ;  till  suddenly  the  vision  of  I'-zekie 
at  Chebar  (in  the  immediate  vicinity  cif  Nineveh, 
according  to  Layard,  or,  according  to  others,  near 
Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates)  assured  them  that 
the  glory  which  filled  the  Temple  at  Jenisalem  was 
not  hopelessly  withdrawn  from  the  outcast  people 
of  God.  As  .lercmiah  warned  them  of  coming 
woe,  so  Ezekiel  taught  them  how  to  bear  that  which 
was  come  upon  them.  And  when  he  dm],  aHeT 
passing  at  lea-st  27  years  (Ez.  xxix.  17)  ui  captivily, 
Daniel  survived  even  beyond  the  Return;  and 
though  his  high  station  and  ascetic  life  piob.ibly 
secluded  him  from  frequent  familiar  intercom  se  with 
his  peojJe,  he  filled  the  place  of  chief  interprrter  of 
God's  will  to  Isniel,  and  gave  the  most  conspicroiw 
example  of  devotion  and  obedience  to  His  lavre. 


CAPTIVITIES   OF   THE  JEWS 

The  Babylonian  captivity  was  brought  to  a  close 

by  the  decree  (Ezr.  i.  2)  of  Cyrus  b.  c.  536,  and 

ihe  return  of  a  jjortion  of  the  nation  under  Shesh- 

bazzar  or  Zerubbabel  b  c.  535  Ezra  b.  c.  -158,  and 

Nehemiah  b.  c.  445.     The  number  who  retiu-ned 

upon  the  decree  of  b.   '".  536  (which  was  possibly 

framed  by  Daniel,  Milman,  Hist,  of  Jews,  ii.  8) 

was  42,360,  besides  servants.     Among  them  about 

30,000  are   specified  (compare  Ezr.  ii.  and  Neli. 

vii.)  as  belonging  to  the  tribes  of  Judah,  Benjamin, 

and  I>evi.     It  has  been  inferred  (Prideaux,  anno 

636)  that  the  remaining   12,000  belonged  to  the 

rtribes  of  Israel  (compare  Ezr.  vi.  17).     And  from 

the  fact  that  out  of  the  24  courses  of  priests  only 

I  4  returned  (ICzr.  ii.  36),  it  has  been  infen-ed  that 

■  the  whole  number  of  exiles  who  chose  to  continue 

j  in  Ass}Tia  was  about  six  times  the  number  of  those 

who  returned.     Those  who  remained  (Esth.  viii.  9, 

111),  and  kept  up  their  national  distinctions,  were 

[known  as  The  Dispersion  (John  vii.  35;  1  Pet.  i. 

Fl;  James  i.  1):  and,  in  course  of  time,  they  sen^ed 

K  great  puqwse  in  diffusing  a  knowledge  of  the 

true  God,  and  in  affording  a  point  for  the  com- 

Imencement  of  the  efforts  of  the  Evangelists  of  the 

[Christian  faith. 

Many  attempts  have  been  made  to  discover  the 
ften  tiibes  existing  as  a  distinct  community.  Jo- 
■icphus  (Ant.  xi.  5,  §  2)  believed  that  in  his  day 
they  dwelt  in  large  multitudes,  somewhere  beyond 
the  Euphrates,  in  Arsareth,  according  to  the  author 
[of  2  Esdr.  xiii.  45.  Rabbinical  traditions  and  fa- 
[■bles,  committed  to  writing  in  the  middle  ages,  assert 
the  same  fact  (Lightfoot,  Pfor.  flebr.  in  1  Cm:  xiv. 
Appendix),  with  many  marvellous  amplifications 
(Eisenmenger,  /'Jut.  .fuel.  vol.  ii.,  ch.  x. ;  Jahn,  He- 
bi'eio  Commonwealth,  App.  bk.  vi.^  The  imaghui- 
tion  of  Christian  writers  has  sought  them  in  the 
neighborhood  of  their  last  recorded  habitation: 
Jewish  features  have  been  traced  in  the  Aflghan 
tribes :  rumors  are  heard  to  this  day  of  a  Jewish 
colony  at  the  foot  of  the  Himalayas:  the  Black 
Jews  of  Malabar  claim  affinity  with  them :  elabo- 
rate attempts  have  been  made  to  identify  them  re- 
'  cently  with  the  Nestorians,  and  in  the  17th  cen- 
tury with  the  Indians  of  North  America.  But 
though  history  bears  no  witness  of  their  present 
distinct  existence,  it  enables  us  to  track  the  foot- 
steps of  the  departing  race  in  four  directions  after 
the  time  of  the  Captivity.  (1.)  Some  returned 
!ind  mixed  with  the  Jews  (Luke  ii.  36;  Phil.  iii.  5, 
&c.)  (2.)  Some  were  left  in  Samaria,  mingled  with 
the  Samaritans  (Ezr.  vi.  21;  John  iv.  12),  and 
became  bitter  enemies  of  the  Jews.  (3.)  Many 
remained  in  AssjTia,  and  mixing  with  the  Jews, 
formed  colonies  throughout  the  East,  and  were 
recognized  as  an  integral  part  of  the  Dispersion 
(see  Acts  ii.  9,  xxvi.  7 ;  Buchanan's  Christian  Re- 
searches, p.  212),  for  whom,  probably  ever  since 
the  days  of  Ezra,  that  plaintive  prayer,  the  tenth 
of  the  Shemoneh  Esre,  has  been  daily  offered, 
"  Sound  the  great  trumpet  for  our  deliverance,  lift 
up  a  banner  for  the  gathering  of  our  exiles,  and 
unite  us  all  together  from  the  four  ends  of  the 
sarth."  (4.)  Jtost,  probably,  apostatized  in  As- 
yria,  as  Prideaux  (anno  677)  supposes,  and  adopted 
the  usages  and  idolatry  of  the  nations  among  whom 
ftiey  were  planted,  and  became  wholly  swallowed  up 
n  them.     Dissertations  on  the  Ten  Tribes  have 


OARBLNCLE 


887 


«  From  mn,  '•tobum  "    Cf. 


•'■  1  Arabic  ^^tXiJ. 


l)een  written  by  Calmet,  Commentui-e  Ultevnl,  voL 
iii.  and  vi. ;  by  Witsius,  ^(jyj^tiaca;  and  by  J. 
D.  Michaelis. 

The  Captis'ity  was  a  period  of  change  in  the  ver 
nacular  language  of  the  Jews  (see  Neh.  viii.  8)  and 
in  the  national  character.  The  Jews  who  returned 
were  remarkably  free  from  the  old  sin  of  idolatry : 
a  great  spiritual  renovation,  in  accordance  with  the 
divine  promise  (Ez.  xxxvi.  24-28),  was  wrouglit  in 
them.  A  new  and  deep  feeling  of  reverence  for 
the  letter  of  the  law  and  for  the  person  of  Moses 
was  probably  a  result  of  the  religiofts  service  which 
was  performed  in  the  synagogues.  A  new  impulse 
of  commercial  enterprise  and  activity  was  implanted 
in  them,  and  developed  in  the  days  of  the  Disper- 
sion (see  James  iv.  13).  W.  T.  B. 

CARABA'SION  {'Vafiaalwy;  [Vat.  Kapa- 
fiaffeimv-,  /Vld.]  Alex.  Kapa^aalcov ■  Marinioth), 
a  corrupt  name  to  which  it  is  difficult  to  find  any- 
thing conesponding  in  the  Hebrew  text  (I  l"^lr. 
ix.  34). 

CARBUNCLE.  The  representative  in  the 
A.  V".  of  the  Hebrew  words  'ekdach  and  bdr-'kath 
or  barefketh. 

1.  'Ekdach  (rT^pM  :  xiQos  Kpv<TTa.KXov\  XlOos 
y\v(pris,  Sym.  Theod. ;  \.  TpTjirravtarfiov,  Aq. : 
(apides  scidpti)  occurs  only  in  Is.  liv.  12  in  the  de- 
scription of  the  beauties  of  the  new  Jerusalem: 
"  I  will  make  thy  windows  of  agates  and  thy  gates 
of  carbuncles  "  (comp.  Tob.  xiii.  16,  17,  and  Rev. 
xxi.  18-21) — "general  images,"  as  Lowth  {Note* 
on  Is.  1.  c.)  has  remarked,  "to  express  beauty, 
magnificence,  purity,  strength,  and  solidity,  agree- 
ably to  the  ideas  of  the  Eastern  nations."  The 
translators  of  the  A.  V.,  having  in  mind  the  ety- 
mology of  the  Hebrew  word,"  render  it  "  carbun- 
cle; "  but  as  many  precious  stones  have  the  quality 
of  "shining  like  fire,"  it  is  obvious  that  such  an 
interpretation  is  very  doubtful.  Symmachus,  re- 
ferring the  word  to  a  Chaldee  signification  of  the 
root,  namely,  "to  bore,"  understands  "sculptured 
stones,"  wlience  the  Vulg  Inpides  sculpt i  (see  Ro 
senm idler,  Schol.  ad  .Tes.  liv.  13).  Perhaps  the 
term  may  be  a  general  one  to  denote  any  briyht 
spai-kling  gem,  but  as  it  occurs  only  once,  without 
any  collateral  evidence  to  aid  us,  it  is  impossible  to 
determine  the  real  meaning  of  the  word. 

2.  BaHkath,  bdreketh  {rVl'Ti'Z,  Dp^a :  '' 
(TfjidpaySos,  Kepavvios,  Sym.  :  smaragdus),  the 
third  stone  in  tne  first  row  of  the  sacerdotal  breasts 
plate  (Ex.  xxviii.  17,  xxxix.  10),  also  one  of  tlie 
mineral  treasures  of  the  king  of  TjTe  (Ez.  xxviii. 
13).  Braun  {De  Vestit.  Sacerd.  Iltb.  p.  652, 
Amst.  1680)  supposes  with  much  probabiUty  that 
the  smaragdus  or  emerald  is  the  precious  stone  sig- 
nified. This  view  is  supported  by  the  LXX.  (which 
always  gives  {r/Lidpaydos  as  the  representative  of  the 
bai-'kaih),  the  Vulgate,  and  Josephus  {Ant.  iii.  7, 
§  5).  Pliny  (xxxvii.  5)  speaks  in  terms  of  tlie 
warmest  admiration  of  the  smaragdus,  and  enu- 
merates no  fewer  than  twelve  kinds,  but  it  is  prob- 
able some  of  them  are  malachites  or  glass.  It  is 
certain  that  the  smaragdus  which,  according  to 
Theophrastus  {Fr.  ii.  24,  ed.  Schneider),  vras  sent 
as  a  present  from  the  king  of  Babylon  into  Egyi)t, 

'■  axtundere  instituit  igneic  *x  igniario  "  (Freytag,  I^rx 
Arab.  8.  v.). 

''  From  p"]!!,  "to  send  forth  Ughtniuic."  "to 
flash  " 


388 


CARCAS 


iud  which,  as  F^yptian  chroniclers  nlate,  was  four 
:ubits  long  by  three  wide,  must  have  been  made  of 
ionie  other  material  than  emerald ;  but  (r/xdpaySos 
18  useil  by  Theophrastus  to  denote  the  emerald. 
'»  Tills  gem,"  he  says,  "  is  very  rare  and  of  a  small 
Bize  ...  It  has  some  peculiar  properties,  for  it 
renders  water  of  the  same  color  with  itself.  .  .  . 
It  soothes  the  eyes,  and  people  wear  seals  of  this 
stone  in  order  that  they  may  look  at  them."  "  Mr. 
King  {Antique  Gems,  p.  30)  is  of  opinion  that  the 
antaragdi  of  Pliny  may  be  confined  to  the  green 
ruby  and  the  true  emerald.  Braun  believes  that 
the  Greek  ff/LidpaySos,  fxapaybos  is  etymologically 
allie<l  to  the  Hebrew  term,  and  Kalisch  (l'2x.  xxviii. 
17)  is  inclined  to  this  opinion:  see  also  Gesenius, 

Jfeb.  et  Cli.  Lex.  s.  v.  inp"12.  Some,  however, 
believe  the  Greek  word  is  a  corruption  of  the  Sans- 
krit fmarakala,  and  that  both  the  gem  and  its 
name  were  imported  from  Bactria  into  Europe, 
while  others  hokl  that  the  Sanskrit  tenn  came  from 
the  West.  See  Mr.  King's  valuable  remarks  on 
the  Smaragdus,  "Antique  Gems,"  p.  .30-37. 

W.  H. 

CAR'CAS  (D3"?5  :  'ApKfcalos  [this  form 
belongs  to  Carshena,  ver.  14;  ©apajScis  or  -j8d; 
Alex.  0a3«C?  Conip.  Xapafidi-]  Chorchas),  tlie 
seventh  of  the  seven  "chamberlains  "  (>.  e.  eunuchs, 

Cp"'"1D)  of  king  Ahasuerus  (Esth.  i.  10).'  The 
name  has  been  compared  with  the  Sanskrit  knr- 
i«frt  =  severe  (see  Gesenius,  713). 

*  CAR'OHAMIS  {yLapnaixls-,  Alex.  KoA- 
Xa/ivs;  11  MSS.  KapxttM^y'  C'liarcamis),  a  city 
on  the  Euphrates  (1  Lsdr.  i.  23),  the  same  as  Car- 

CHEMISH.  A. 

CAR'CHEMISH  (rt^'-aS-)?  :  [in  Jer.,] 
Xap/xeis;  [Comp.  KooxaMs'J  Clarcamis).  The 
Scriptural  Carchemish  is  not,  as  has  generaHy  been 
supposed,  the  clas^eal  Circesium.  It  lay  very  much 
higher  up  the  P^uphrates,  occupying  nearly  the  site 
of  the  Liter  Maborj,  or  Hierapolis.  The  Assyrian 
inscriptions  show  it  to  have  been,  from  about  n.  C. 
1100  to  B.  c.  850,  a  chief  city  of  the  Hittitcs,  who 
were  masters  of  the  whole  of  Syria  fiom  the  bor- 
ders of  Damascus  to  the  Euphrates  at  Bir,  or  Bireh- 
jlk.  It  seems  to  have  commanded  the  ordinary 
passage  of  the  Euphrates  in  this  part  of  its  eourse, 
and  thus  in  the  contentions  between  Egypt  and 
Assyria  its  possession  was  of  primary  consequence 
(comp.  2  Chr.  xxxv.  20  with  Jer.  xlvi.  2).  [Add 
>».  X.  9.]  Carchemish  appears  to  have  lieen  tftken 
by  Pharaoh-Necho  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Me- 
giddo  (ah.  b.  c.  008),  and  retake^  by  Nebucha«l- 
nezzar  after  a  battle  three  years  later,  b.  g.  60& 
(.ler.  xlvi.  2).  The  word  Carchemish  would  mean 
"  the  fort  of  Chemosh,"  the  well-known  deity  of 
the  Moabites.  [In  the  A.  V.  2  Chr.  xxxv.  20  it 
is  written  Charciikmisii;  in  1  Esdi.  i.  23,  Cak- 
CHAMIS.]  G.  U. 

CARE'AH  {rn\l  [bald-heatf] :  K«^»;  Alex. 
KopTjs;  [Aid.  KapTje':]  Caree),  father  of  JohanjMi 
(2  K.  XXV.  23),  efaewhere  in  the  A.  V.  spelt  Ka- 
lULAn. 

CA'RIA  (Kapfa),  the  southern  part  ot  the  re- 
gion wbieb  in  the  N.  T.  is  ealled  Asia,  and  the 


"«  Th«  araaragdas  of  Cyprus,  however,  of  which 
fhoopbrast^u  speaks,  is  the  copper  emerald,  Chryso- 
wiini  wbieh  he  serins  hiius«lf  to  liave  suvpectad. 


CARMEL 

southwestern  part  of  the  peninsula  of  Asia  Mlaof 
In  the  Honian  times  the  name  of  Caria  was  prob- 
ably less  used  than  previously.  At  an  earher  pe- 
riod we  find  it  mentioned  as  a  separate  district  (1 
Mace.  XV.  23).  At  this  time  (b.  c.  139)  it  was  in 
the  enjoyment  of  the  privilege  of  freedom,  granted 
by  the  Homans.  A  little  before  it  had  been  as- 
signed by  them  to  Rhodes,  and  a  little  later  it  was 
iiicorfjorated  in  the  province  of  Asia.  I'rom  th« 
context  it  appears  tli.at  many  Jews  were  resident  in 
Caria.  The  cities  where  they  lived  were  probably 
llalicamassus  (»6.),  Cnidvis  {jh.  also  Acta  xxvii.  7). 
and  Miletus  (Acts  xx.  15-38).  Off  the  coast  of 
C:vria  were  the  islands  Patmos,  Cos,  RitoDKS. 

J.  S.  H. 

CARMAT^IANS  {Carmmii).  The  inhabit- 
ants of  Carmania,  a  province  of  Asia  on  the  north 
side  of  the  Persian  Gulf  (2  Esdr.  sv.  30).  They 
are  described  by  Strabo  (xv.  p.  727)  as  a  warlike 
race,  worsliipping  Ares  alone  of  all  the  gods,  to 
whom  they  sacrifice  an  ass.  Mone  of  them  mar- 
ried till  he  had  cut  off  the  head  of  an  enemy 
and  presented  it  to  the  king,  who  placed  it  on  hia 
palace,  having  first  cut  out  the  tongue,  which  was 
chopped  up  into  small  pieces  and  mixed  with  meat, 
and  in  this  condition,  after  being  tasted  by  the 
king,  was  given  to  the  warrior  who  brought  it,  and 
to  his  family  to  eat.  Nearchus  says  that  most  of 
the  customs  of  the  Carmanians,  and  their  language, 
were  Persian  and  Median.  Arrian  gives  the  same 
testimony  {Ind.  38),  adding  that  they  use<l  the 
same  order  of  battle  as  the  Persians.    W.  A.  W. 

CARTVIE  (Xapju/;  [Vat.]  Alex.  XapM'??  [AW- 
Kopju^:]  Carte),  1  VjhAt.  v.  25.     [Hakim.] 

CAR'MEL.  Nearly  always  with  the  definite 
article,  ^~}^  H,  »'.  e.  "  the  jiark,"  or  "  the  well- 
wooded  place"  [garden-land,  Eiirst].  1.  {6  Kdp- 
ft7)\oi.  Carmel  \_Carvielii»,  Chnrmel].    In  Kings, 

generally  "Mount  C,"  Z^  "'l''  ipos  rh  Kapfiif 
\iov:  in  the  Prophets,  "Carmel.")  A  mountain 
which  forms  one  of  the  most  striking  and  charac- 
teristic features  of  the  country  of  Palestine.  As 
if  to  accentuate  more  distinctly  the  bay  which  forms 
the  one  indentation  in  the  coast,  this  noble  ridge, 
the  only  headland  of  lower  and  central  Palestine, 
forms  its  southern  boundary,  running  out  with  a 
bold  bluff  promontory  all  but  into  the  very  waves 
of  the  Mediterranean.  From  this  point  it  stretches 
in  a  nearly  straight  line,  bearing  about  S.  S.  E., 
for  a  Kttfc  more  than  twdve  miles,  when  it  termi- 
nates suddenly  by  a  h\nff  somewhat  corresponding 
to  its  western  end,  breaking  dovfii  abruptly  fnto  the 
hills  of  ,/enin  and  Samaria  which  form  at  that  part 
the  central  mass  of  the  country. 

Carmel  thus  stands  as  a  wall  between  the  mari- 
time plain  of  Sharon  on  the  south,  and  the  more 
inland  expanse  of  Esdraelon  on  the  north.  Toward* 
the  former  the  slopes  or  spurs,  by  which  the  central 
ridge  descends,  are  gradual;  but  on  the  north  side 
the  gradients  are  more  sudden,  in  many  places  de- 
scending abnost  by  precipices  to  the  Kishon,  which 
runs  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  in  a  direetion  gen- 
erally parallel  to  the  central  axis. 

I'he  structure  of  CJarmel  is  ui  the  main  the  Jura 
formation  («pper  oolite),  which  is  prevalent  in  the 
centre  of  Western  Palestine  —  a  soft  white  lime- 
stone, with  nodules  and  veins  of  flint.  As  usual  in 
limestone  formations  it  abounds  in  caves  ("  mow 
than  2000,"  Mislin,  iL  46),  ofteu  of  great  lengtk 


CARMEL 

uid  extremely  tortuous.  At  the  west  eud  are  fouud 
chalk  aiid  tertiary  breccia  formed  of  fnigments  of 
shalk  and  fiiiit  (Itussegger,  in  Kitter,  I'al.  p.  712). 
On  the  northeast  of  the  Mount,  beyond  the  Nuhr 
'd-Mukatta,  plutonic  rocks  appear,  breakiiii?  through 
the  deposited  strata  and  forming  the  beginning  of 
the  basalt  forniation  which  runs  through  the  Plain 
af  l<Lsdraelon  to  Tabor  and  the  Sea  of  Galilee  (Rit- 
ter,  712-13).  The  round  stones  known  by  the 
names  of  "  Lapides  Judaic! "  and  "Elijah's  melons," 
are  the  bodies  known  to  geologists  as  "  geodes." 
Their  exterior  is  chert  or  flint  of  a  lightish  brown 
color;  the  interior  hollow,  and  lined  w^ith  crystals 
of  quartz  or  chalcedony.  They  are  of  the  form, 
and  often  the  size,  of  the  large  water-melons  of  the 
east.  Fonnerly  they  were  easily  obtained,  but  are 
now  very  rarely  found  (Seetzen,  ii.  1.31—1:  Parkin- 
gon's  Organic  Remans,  i.  322,  451).  The  "ol- 
ives "  are  commoner.  They  are  the  fossil  spines  of 
«.  kind  of  echinus  (cidaris  ylandifera)  frequent  in 
these  strata,  and  in  size  and  shape  are  exactly  like 
the  fruit  (Parkinson,  iii.  45).  The  "apples  "  are 
probably  the  shells  of  the  cidaris  itself.  For  the 
legend  of  the  origin  of  these  "fruits,"  and  the 
position  of  the  "  field  "  or  "  garden  "  of  Elluah  in 
which  they  are  found,  see  Mislin,  ii.  64,  65." 

In  form  Carmel  is  a  tolerably  continuous  ridge, 
at  the  W.  end  about  600,*  and  the  E.  about  1600 
feet  above  the  sea.  The  highest  part  is  some  four 
miles  from  the  east  end,  at  the  village  of  Esjieh, 
which,  according  to  the  measurements  of  the  Eng- 
lish engineers,  is  1728  feet  above  the  sea.  In  ap- 
pearance Carmel  still  maintains  the  character  which 
fhere  is  no  reason  to  doubt  was  the  origin  of  its 
name.  It  is  still  clothed  with  the  same  "excel- 
lency "  of  "  wood,"  which  supplied  tlie  prophets  of 
Israel  and  Judah  alike  with  one  of  their  most 
favorite  illustrations  (Is.  xxxiii.  9;  Mic.  vii.  14). 
Modern  travellers  delight  to  describe  its  "rocky 
dells  with  deep  jungles  of  copse," — its  "shrub- 
beries thicker  than  any  others  in  central  Palestine  " 
(Stanley,  MS.),  —  its  "impenetrable  brushwood  of 
oaks  and  other  evergreens,  tenanted  in  the  wilder 
parts  by  a  profusion  of  game  and  wild  animals  " 
(Porter,  Handb.),  but  in  other  places  bright  with 
"  hollyhocks,  jasmine,  and  various  flowering  creep- 
ers" (Van  de  Velde).  "There  is  not  a  flower," 
lays  the  lastr-named  traveller,  "  that  I  have  seen  in 
Galilee,  or  on  the  plains  along  the  coast,  that  I  do 
not  find  here  on  Cannel  ....  still  the  fragrant, 
lovely  mountain  that  he  was  of  old"   (i.  317-18). 


o  The  legund  is  sometimes  told  of  Lazarus  (Seetzen, 
fliisen,  1854,  ii.  134). 

6  The  cupola  of  the  convent  is  560  ft.  above  the  sea 
(Admiralty  Chart,  1585).  For  the  general  form  of  the 
ridge,  see  the  section  on  Van  de  Velde's  new  map. 

c  *  "  The  Flora  of  Carmel,"  says  Schubert,  writing 
on  the  spot,  "  is  one  of  the  richest  and  most  diversified 
In  all  Palestine,  since  it  unites  the  products  of  the 
mountain  \vith  those  of  the  valley  and  the  seaKinast." 
He  enumerates  forty-seven  different  kinds  of  flowers 
found  there,  without  pretending  to  complete  the  list. 
"  A  botanist,"  he  remarks,  "  might  spend  a  year  there, 
ind  every  day  be  adding  new  specimens  to  his  collec- 
tion "  (Reise  in  das  Morgenlan/i,  iii.  212). 

Mr.  Tri.-;tKim,  who  wandered  at  leisure  ov;r  the  Car- 
mel range,  speaks  of  "  the  wonderful  profus'^n  of  flow- 
ering shrubs,  in  all  their  glory  "  (about  f^e  middle  of 
March),  as  the  grand  characteristic  of  th?  "excellency 
i>f  Carmel."  He  mentions  (giving  at  the  same  time 
Jie  botanical  names)  the  arbutus,  myrtle,  scented  bay, 
{uelder-rose,  a  swee(>sceufed  evergreen  like  the  laurus- 
iiiQS,  elder,  caroh-lree  or  locust,  wild-olive,  terebinth 


CARMJBL  889 

"  The  whole  mountain-side  was  dressed  with  blos- 
soms, and  flowering  shrubs,  and  fragrant  herbs  " 
(Martineau,  p.  539).<-' 

Carmel  fell  within  the  lot  of  the  tribe  of  Asher 
(Josh.  xii.  20),  which  was  extended  as  far  south  a8 
Dor  {TarUura),  probably  to  give  the  Asherites  a 
share  of  the  rich  corn-growing  plain  of  Shaiwi. 
The  king  of  "  Jokneam  of  Carmel "  was  one  of  the 
Canaanite  chiefs  who  fell  before  the  arms  of  Joshua 
(xii.  22).  These  are  the  earliest  notices  which  we 
lX)ssess  of  the  name.  There  is  not  in  them  a  hint 
of  any  sanctity  as  attaching  to  the  mount.  But 
taking  into  account  the  known  propensity  of  the 
early  inhabitants  of  Palestine  to  convert  "  high 
places  "  into  sanctuaries,  —  the  prominence  of  Car- 
mel, —  the  fact  that  an  altar  of  Jehovah  did  exist 
there  before  the  introduction  of  Baal  worship  into 
the  kingdom  (1  K.  xviii.  30),  —  Elijah's  choice  of 
the  place  for  the  assembly  of  the  people,  such  as- 
semblies being  commonly  held  at  holy  places,  — 
and  the  custom,  which  ap^jears  to  have  been  preva- 
lent, of  resorting  thither  on  new-moon  and  sabbath 
(2  K.  iv.  23),  —  taking  these  into  account,  there 
seem  to  be  gromids  for  believing  that  from  very 
early  times  it  was  considered  as  a  sacred  spot.  In 
later  times  we  know  that  its  reputation  was  not 
confined  to  Palestine.  Pythagoras  was  led  to  it  by 
that  reputation;  such  is  the  express  statement  of 
his  biographer  lamblichus,  who  himself  visited  the 
mountain;  Vespasian  too  came  thither  to  consult 
—  so  we  are  told  by  Tacitus,  with  that  mixture  of 
fact  and  fable  which  marks  all  the  heathen  notices 
of  Palestine  —  the  oracle  of  the  god,  whose  name 
was  the  same  as  that  of  the  mountain  itseh';  an  or- 
acle without  image  or  temple,  —  "  ara  tantum  et 
reverentia"  {Diet,  of  Geogr.  Carmelus). 

But  that  which  has  made  the  name  of  Carmel 
most  familiar  to  the  modern  world  is  its  intimate 
connection  with  the  history  of  the  two  great 
prophets  of  Israel  —  Elijah  and  Elisha.  The  fiery 
zeal  of  the  one,  the  healing  tenderness  of  the  other, 
are  both  inseparably  connected  in  our  minds  with 
this  mountain.  Here  Elijah  brought  back  Israel 
to  allegiance  to  Jehovah,  and  slew  the  prophets  of 
the  foreign  and  false  god ;  here  at  his  entreaty  were 
consumed  the  successive  "fifties"  of  the  royal 
guard;  but  here,  on  the  other  hand,  Elisha  re- 
ceived the  visit  of  the  bereaved  mother  whose  son 
he  was  soon  to  restore  to  her  arms  (2  K.  iv. 
25,  Ac.). 

The  first  of  these  three  events,  without  doubt, 


tree-broom,  Judas-tree  (one  mass  of  bunches  of  brill- 
iant red  laburnum-shaped  bloom),  hoary-leafed  haw- 
thorn, service-apple,  and  most  abundant  of  all,  the 
gtorax-tree,  "  one  sheet  of  pure  white  blossom,  rivallinj; 
the  orange  in  its  beauty  and  its  perfume ;  all  these  iu 
tlower  together  wafted  their  fragrance  in  yolumee 
through  the  air." 

"  Then  the  ground,  wherever  there  was  a  fragment 
of  open  space,  was  covered  with  tall  red  hollyhocks, 
pink  convolvulus,  valerians,  a  beautiful  large  red 
linum,  a  gladiolus,  a  gigantic  mottled  arum,  red  tu- 
lips, ranunculuses  (large  and  red),  pheasant's  eye,  ot 
eciless  varieties,  tufts  of  exquisite  cyclamen,  a  mass 
of  bloom  under  every  tree,  five  species  of  orchis,  —  the 
curious  Ophrys  atrala,  with  its  bee-like  lip,  another 
like  the  spider-orchis,  and  a  third  like  the  man-orchis ; 
while  four  species  of  Onosma,  and  especially  the  brill- 
iant yellow  Onosma  Syriacum,  hung  from  every  rock. 
It  was  the  garden  of  Eden  run  wild ;  yet  all  thi( 
beauty  scarcely  lasts  a  month  "  {Land  of  Israel,  pp 
496,  497,  2d  ed.).  U 


890 


CARMEL 


!xK>k  place  at  the  eastern  eud  of  the  ridge.  In  fact 
It  ii  dithcult  to  fiiid  another  site,  the  actual  name 
of  which  has  not  l)een  preserved,  in  whisli  every 
pLUticuhir  is  so  minutely  fulfilled  as  in  tliis.  The 
IraditioD  preserved  in  the  convent,  and  among  tlie 
Druses  of  the  neighboring  villages,  —  the  names  of 
the  places,  —  the  distance  bxtm  .lezreel,  —  the  na- 
ture of  the  locahty,  —  the  presence  of  the  never- 
fiilhig  spring,  —  all  are  in  its  favor.  It  is,  how 
ever,  remarkable  that  the  identification  has  been 
made  but  lately,  and  also  that  it  should  have  been 
made  by  two  travellers  almost  at  the  same  time 
—  lieut.  Van  de  Velde  in  1852,  and  Professor 
Stanley  hi  1853.  This  interesting  site  cannot  be 
better  described  than  in  the  words  of  the  latter 
traveller. 

"The  tradition  is  unusually  trustworthy;  it  is 
(Kjrhaps  the  only  case  in  Palestine  in  which  the 
recollection  of  an  alleged  event  has  been  actually 
retained  in  the  native  Arabic  nomenclature.  Many 
names  of  towns  have  l)een  so  preserved ;  but  here  is 
no  town,  only  a  shapeless  ruLn,  yet  the  spot  has 
a  name,  —  Kl-Makarraknh,  — '  the  Burning,'  or 
'  the  Sacrifice.'  The  Druses  come  here  from  a 
distance  to  jjerform  a  yearly  sacrifice ;  and,  though 
it  is  possible  this  practice  may  have  originated  the 
name,  it  is  more  probable  that  the  practice  itself 

arose  from  an  earlier  tradition But  be  the 

tradition  gootl  or  bad,  the  localities  adapt  them- 
selves to  the  event  in  almost  every  particular.  The 
summit  thus  marked  out  is  the  extreme  eastern 
point  of  the  range,  commanding  the  last  view  of 
the  sea  behind,  and  the  first  view  of  the  great  plain 
in  front.  .  .  .  There  on  the  highest  ridge  of  the 
mountain  may  well  have  stood,  on  its  sacred  '  high- 
place,'  the  altar  of  Jehovah  which  Jezebel  had  cast 
downi.  Close  beneath,  on  a  wide  upland  sweep, 
under  the  shade  of  ancient  olives,  and  round  a  well « 
of  water,  said  to  be  perennial,  and  which  may 
therefore  have  escaped  the  general  drought,  and 
have  been  able  to  furni.sh  water  for  the  trenches 
round  the  altar,  must  have  been  ranged  on  one 
side  the  king  and  people  with  tlie  850  prophets  of 
Baal  and  Astarte,  and  on  the  other  the  solitary  and 
commanding  figure  of  the  prophet  of  Jehovah. 
Full  before  tJiem  opened  the  whole  plain  of  Es- 
draelon ;  the  city  of  Jezreel,  with  Ahab's  palace  and 
Jezebel's  temple,  distinctly  visible;  in  the  nearer 
foreground,  inmiediately  under  the  base  of  the 
mountain,  was  cleai'ly  seen  the  winding  stream  of  the 
Kishon."  'i'o  this  may  be  added  that  a  knoU  is 
pouited  out  l)etween  the  ridge  and  the  plain,  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Tell  Kasls,'>  "the  hill  of  the 
Priests,"  and  that  the  modem  name  of  the  Kishon 
is  Nnhr  tl-Mukalla,  "  the  river  of  slaughter." 
■•  Tlie  closing  scene  still  remains.  I'rom  the 
slaughter  by  the  side  of  the  Kisiion  the  king  went 
up  to  the  glades  of  Carmel  to  join  in  the  sacrificial 
least.  And  li^lijah  too  ascended  to  the  '  top  of  the 
mountain,'  and  there  with  his  face  on  the  earth  re- 
mained rapt  in  jirayer,  while  his  servant  mounted 
to  the  highest  point  of  all,  whence  there  is  a  wide 
•lew  of  the  blue  reach  of  the  Mediterranean,  over 

the  western  shoulder  of  the  ridge Seven 

times  the  servant  climbed  and  looked,  and  seven 

o  Josepbus  distinctly  says  that  the  water  was  ob- 
tained from  the  nelgliboring  well :  on-b  t-^s  Kpijvrf; 
\Anl.  viil.  13,  §  5).  There  is  therefore  no  occasion 
tor  the  "  coincidence  "  discovered  by  Prof.  Blunt,  Und. 
Ctntuidenees  (II.  xxii.). 

fc  But  this  knoll  appears,  from  the  description  of 
♦wj  de  Telde  (i.  830),  ttnd  from   hi.s  new  map  (Dec. 


OARMEL 

times  there  was  nothing At  itet  oat  of  the 

far  horizon  there  rose  a  little  cloud,<^  and  it  gnm 
in  the  deepening  shades  of  evening  till  the  wbok 
sky  was  overcast,  and  the  foi-ests  of  Carmel  shook 
in  the  welcome  sound  of  the  mighty  winds,  whicli 
in  eastern  regions  precede  a  coming  tempest  "  {Si- 
nai if  Palestine,  353-6). 

There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  a  later  inci- 
dent in  the  life  of  the  same  great  prophet  took 
place  on  Carmel.  This  was  when  he  "  caused  fire 
to  come  down  from  heaven  "  and  consume  the  two 
"fifties"  of  the  guard  which  Ahaziali  had  de- 
spatched to  take  him  prisoner,  for  having  stopped 
his  messengers  to  Baal-zebub  the  god  of  Ekron  (2 
K.  i.  9-15).  [See  Elijah,  §  3.]  In  this  nar- 
rative our  Version,  as  is  too  frequently  the  ca.se, 
conceals  tlie  force  of  the  original  by  imperfect  trans- 
lation.    "A  hill"  (v.  9)  should  be  "the  mount" 

(~inn),  the  word  always  used  for  Carmel,  and,  in 

connection  with  Elijah,  for  Carmel  only,  with  the 
exception  of  Sinai,  which  of  course  cannot  be  in- 
tended here.  Josephus  {Ant.  vs..  2,  §  1),  with 
equal  fo»ce,  has  eir\  t^s  Kopv((>rjs  tov  opovs. 

The  tradition  ui  the  present  convent  is,  that 
Elijah  and  Ehsha  both  resided  on  the  mountain, 
and  a  cave  is  actuaUy  shown  under  the  high-altar 
of  the  church  as  that  of  Elijah.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  Scripture  to  sanction  such  a  statement  with 
regard  to  Elijah,  but  in  the  case  of  Ehsha,  the  tra- 
dition may  rest  on  l>etter  grounds.  After  the  as- 
cent of  Mijah,  Elisha  went  to  Mount  Carmel  (2  K. 
ii.  25),  though  only  for  a  time;  but  he  was  again 
there  at  the  Shunamniite's  visit  (iv.  25),  and  that 
at  a  time  when  no  festival,  no  "  new-moon  or  sab- 
bath "  (iv.  23),  required  his  presence.  (In  iv.  27, 
there  is  nearly  the  same  error  as  was  noticed  above 
in  reference  to  i.  9;  "the  hUl"  should  be  rendered 
"the  mount.") 

This  is  the  last  mention  of  Carmel  as  the  scene 
of  any  event  in  the  sacred  history.  Its  sanctity  no 
doubt  remained,  but  it  is  its  richness  and  its  prom- 
inence, —  "  Tabor  among  the  mountains ;  Carmel 
by  the  sea,"  — which  appear  to  have  taken  hold  of 
the  poets  of  the  nation,  both  of  Israel  and  Judah, 
and  their  references  to  it  are  frequent  and  charac- 
teristic (Cant.  vii.  5;  Is.  xxxv.  2,  xxxvii.  24;  Jer 
xlvi.  18, 1.  19;  Am.  i.  2,  ix.  3;  Mic.  vii.  14;  Nali. 
i.  4). 

Carmel  has  derived  its  modern  name  from  the 
great  prophet;  Mar  F.lyas  is  the  common  desig- 
nation, Kurmel  being  occasionally,  but  only  sel- 
dom, heard.  It  is  also  the  usual  name  of  the  cop- 
vent,  though  dedicated  "  in  honorem  BB.  Virginis 
Marise." 

Professor  Stanley  has  pointed  out  {S.  <f  P.  352) 
that  it  is  not  any  connection  with  IClijah  that  give« 
the  convent  its  interest  to  the  westeni  world,  but 
the  celebrated  order  of  the  Baiefooted  Carmelite 
Friars,  that  has  sprung  from  it,  and  carried  its 
name  into  Europe.  The  order  is  said  in  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  I^atin  Church  to  have  originated  with 
Elyah  himself  (St.  John  of  Jems,  quoted  in  MIslin, 
49),  but  the  convent  was  founded  by  St.  Louis, 
and  its  French  origin  is  still  shown  by  the  practice 


1858),  the  only  one  in  which  it  is  marked,  to  be  toe 
for  off. 

c  This  cloud  is  treated  in  the  formularies  of  th» 
Roman  Catholic  Church  as  a  type  of  the  Vlrgia 
Mary.  (See  Mislin,  il.  p.  45,  and  Brevitmuni  Rom 
July  16.) 


CARMEL 

jf  unfurling  the  French  flag  on  vario.is  occasions. 
Edward  I.  of  England  was  a  brother  of  the  order, 
Mid  one  of  its  most  famous  generals  was  Simon 
Stokes  of  Kent  (see  the  extracts  in  Wilson's  Lawh^ 
ii.  •24(j.  For  the  convent  and  the  singular  legends 
3onnecting  Mount  Carrael  with  the  Virgm  Mary 
and  our  Lord,  see  Mislin,  ii.  47-50).  By  Napo- 
leon it  was  used  as  a  hospital  duruig  the  siege  of 
Acre,  and  after  his  retreat  was  destroyed  by  the 
Arabs.  At  the  tune  of  Irby  and  Mangles's  visit 
(1817)  only  oue  friar  remained  there  (Irby,  60). 

G. 
*  It  is  instructive,  as  a  means  of  learnmg  the 
relative  position  of  places,  to  know  what  points  of 
geographical  interest  can  be  seen  from  such  watch- 
towers  of  the  Holy  Land.  The  best  posftion  for 
viewing  the  prospect  from  Carmel  is  that  furnished 
from  the  flat  roof  of  the  convent.  Standing  there, 
with  our  faces  toward  the  east,  the  attitude  of  the 
Hebrew  in  naming  the  points  of  the  compass,  we 
have  behind  us  "the  great  and  wide  sea,"  as  the 
Pualmist  calls  it  (civ.  25),  which  suggested  to  the 
sacred  writers  so  many  of  their  grandest  images  for 
setting  forth  an  idea  of  God's  power.  Before  us  lies 
an  extensive  reach  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  (.Jez- 
reel),  and  the  summits  of  Gilboa  and  the  lesser 
Uermon.  On  the  southeast  is  the  momitainous 
tract,  known  as  that  of  Ephraim  or  Samaria,  filled 
up  with  a  roIUng  sea  of  hiU-tops  to  an  indefinite 
extent.  Ix)oking  to  the  south,  along  the  coast,  at 
the  distance  of  ten  miles,  is  Athlit^  the  site  of  a 
tamous  castle  of  the  Crusaders,  one  of  the  last  foot- 
holds which  they  relinquished  to  the  Saracens.  A 
few  miles  beyond  there,  though  not  in  sight,  are 
the  ruins  of  Coesarea,  so  interesting  from  its  con- 
nection with  the  fortunes  of  the  great  apostle.  The 
line  of  vision  on  the  north  is  bounded  by  the  hills 
near  Nazareth  and  Saftd.  Indeed,  the  path  which 
leads  up  to  the  monastery  of  Carmel,  indented  in 
the  white  limestone,  is  distinctly  visible,  like  a  strip 
of  snow,  from  the  Wely  so  famous  for  its  view  of 
Esdnielon  behind  Nazareth.  It  would  be  easy,  so 
(kr  as  the  distance  is  concerned,  to  make  out  the 
position  of  ancient  Tyre,  now  Sur ;  but  the  projec- 
tion of  Rcis  el-Abiad,  the  White  Promontory,  hides 
it  from  view.  The  graceful  curve  of  the  bay  of 
Akka,  sweeping  from  that  city  (Accho  of  the  0.  T. 
and  Ptolemais  of  the  N.  T.)  to  the  head  of  Carmel, 
appears  from  here  to  great  advantage.  Glimpses  of 
the  Kishon  {el-Makalta)  as  its  waters  flash  under 
the  sun-light  mark,  at  points  here  and  there,  the 
course  of  that  stream  as  it  winds  its  way  from  the 
foot  of  Tabor  to  the  Mediterranean.  Directly  at 
the  base  of  the  mount  is  the  Uttle  sea-port  of  He  if  a, 
one  of  the  harbors  of  Asher,  but  actually  held  by 
the  Sidonians  (Judg.  i.  31).  A  rich  landscape  of 
olive-yards,  gardens  of  vegetables,  wheat-fields,  and 
a  few  pahns,  tills  up  the  narrow  margin  between 
the  sea  and  the  roots  of  the  mountain. 

For  a  description  of  the  scene  from  other  hands, 
lee  Lord  Nugent' s  Lands,  Classical  and  Sac-ed^ 
ii.  157;  Tristram's  Land  of  Israel,  p.  65;  P-ss- 
lensd's  Land  of  the  Gospel,  p.  150  fF;  and  Tischen  ■ 
iorf  8  Reise  in  den  Onent,  Li.  222-225.  H. 

2.  {XepiJ.4\  in  Josh.;  rh  Kapfj-v^ov  in  Sam.: 
Carmel  \_Carmelus].)  A  town  in  the  reountain- 
<U8  country  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  55),  familiar  to  us 
H  the  residence  of  Nabal  (1  Sam.  xxv.  2,  5,  7,  40), 
od  the  native  place  of  David's  favorite  wife,  "  Ab- 
».»*  the  Carmelitess  "  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  3;  1  Chr.  iii. 
\ ;.      This  was  doubtless  the  Carmel  at  which  Saul 


CARNAIM 


891 


set  up  a  "pla«.e"  (*T^,  i.e.  literally  a  "hand;" 
comp.  2  Sam.  xviii.  18,  "  Absalom's  place,"  wher« 
the  same  word  is  used)  after  his  victory  over  Am- 
alek  (1  Sam.  xv.  12).  And  this  Carmel,  and  not 
the  northern  mount,  must  have  been  the  spot  at 
which  king  Uzziah  had  his  vineyards  (2  Chr.  xxvi. 
10).  In  the  time  of  Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  waa 
the  seat  of  a  Roman  garrison  ( Onomasticon,  Car- 
melus).  The  place  appears  in  the  wars  of  the  Cru- 
sades, havmg  been  held  by  king  Amakich  against 
Salailin  in  1172.  The  ruins  of  the  town,  now 
Kurmul,  still  remain  at  ten  miles  below  Hebron  in 
a  slightly  S.  E.  direction,  close  to  those  of  Main 
(Maou),  Zif  (Ziph),  and  other  places  named  with 
Carmel  in  Josh.  xv.  55.  They  are  described  both 
by  Robinson  (i.  494-8)  and  by  Van  de  Velde  (ii. 
77-79),  and  appear  to  be  of  great  extent.  Con- 
spicuous among  them  is  a  castle  of  great  strength, 
in  the  walls  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen  the  large 
bevelled  masonry  characteristic  of  Jewish  buildings. 
There  is  also  a  very  fine  and  large  reservoir.  This 
is  mentioned  in  the  account  of  king  Amahich's 
occupation  of  the  place,  and  now  gives  the  castle 
its  name 'of  Kasr  el-Birkeh  (Van  de  Velde,  ii.  78). 

G. 

CAR'MELITE  (""btt")? :  Kapju^Atos,  Xap- 
^o5ot  [Vat.  FA.  -5at]  in  i  Chr.  xi.  37 ;  Alex.  Kap- 
fji\]\ini)s  in  2  Sam.  ii.  2,  Kapfirj^i  in  1  Chr.  xi. 
37:  Carmeli,  de  Carmelo,  Carmelites).  A  native 
of  Carmel  in  the  mountams  of  Judah.  The  term 
is  apphed-  to  Nabal  (1  Sam.  xxx.  5 ;  2  Sam.  ii.  2, 
iii.  3)  and  to  Hczrai,  or  Hezro,  one  of  David's 
guard  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  35;  1  Chr.  xi.  37).  In  2 
Sam.  iii.  3  the  LXX.  [Kap/ii^Aia]  must  have  read 

n"'bn~l3,  "  CarmeUtess."  W.  A.  W. 

CAR'MELITESS  (n'-bT?-]?  :  KapixiiKios, 
Kap/i^Aia:  Carmeli,  Carmelitis).  A  woman  of 
Carmel  in  Judah :  used  only  of  Abigail,  the  favorite 
wife  of  David  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  3;  1  Chr.  iii.  1).  In 
the  former  passage  both  LXX.  and  Vulg.  appear  to 

have  read  "*  PP"??,  "  CarmeUte."       W.  A.  W. 

CAR'MI  C'P"!?  [a  vine-dresser,  Ges. ;  a  dis- 
tinguished one,  Fiirst]  :  Xapfii  [Vat.  -/tet]  :  Char- 
mi).  1.  A  man  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  father  of 
Achan,  the  "  troubler  of  Israel"  (Josh.  vii.  1,  18; 
1  Chr.  ii.  7),  according  to  the  first  two  passages 
the  son  of  Zabdi  or  Zimri.  [Zabdi.]  In  1  Chr. 
iv.  1  the  name  is  given  as  that  of  a  "  son  of  .Ju 
dah;  "  but  the  same  person  is  probably  intended; 
because  (1)  no  son  of  Judah  of  that  name  is  else- 
where mentioned;  and  (2)  because,  out  of  the  five 
names  who  in  this  passage  are  said  to  be  "sons  " 
of  Judah,  none  but  Pharez  are  strictly  in  that  rela^ 
tion  to  him.  Hezron  is  the  2d  generation,  Hur 
the  4th,  and  Shobal  the  6th. 

2.  [Alex.  Xapfiei  in  Num. ;  Vulg.  Carmi  in  1 
Chr.]     The  4th  son  of  Reuben,  progenitor  of  the 

family  of  the  Carmites  C'P"!l?n)  (Gen.  xlvi. 
9;  Ex.  vi.  14;  Num.  xxvi.  6;  1  Chr.  v.  3).     G. 

CAR'MITES,  THE  C'a"??)!:  &  Xapfili 
[Vat.  0  Xapfifi:]  CharmiUB).  A  branch  of  the 
tribe  of  Reuben,  descended  from  Carmi  2  (Num. 
xxvi.  6). 

CARNA'IM  {Kapvaiu;  Alex.  KapveiV,  [Sin. 
in  1  Mace.  v.  26,  KapvatS:]  Carnaim),  a  large  and 
fortified  city  in  the  country  east  of  ^Jordan  —  "  the 
land  of  Galaad;"    containing  a  "temple"   (rk 


892 


CAKNION 


rifupos  if  K.)-  It  was  ht-sieged  and  taken  by 
Tudas  Maccabaeus  (1  Mace.  v.  20,  43,  44).  Under 
the  name  of  Cahmun  (rb  Kapviov)  the  same 
:)ccun-eiice  is  related  in  2  ^lacc.  xii.  21,  20,  the 
temple  l>eiiig  called  the  Atakgati;i<>x  (t^  'Arttp- 
•yoTstoj/).  This  enables  us  to  identify  it  witli 
Asiiti;i{otii-Kai{>'aim.  G. 

CARN'ION.       [CAR.NAIM.] 

CARPENTER.  [Handicraft.] 
CAR'PUS  (Kopiros  [J'l'uil,  or  wrist],  on  the 
accentuation,  see  Winer's  (jrammar,  6th  ed.  p.  49), 
a  Christian  at  Troas,  with  whom  St.  Paul  states 
that  he  left  a  cluak  [and  also  his  books  and  certain 
parchments]  (2  Tim.  iv.  13);  on  which  of  his 
journeys  it  is  uncertain,  but  probably  in  passing 
through  Asia  Minor  after  his  fij-st  captivity,  for  the 
last  time  before  his  martyrdom  at  Home.  Accord- 
ing to  llippolytus.  Carpus  was  bishop  of  Berytus 
in  Thrace,  called  Btn-lma  in  the  Synopsis  de  Vita 
et  Mm-te  Pruphetaruiii,  which  passes  under  the 
name  of  Dorotheus  of  Tyre.  H.  A. 

CARRIAGE.  This  word  occurs  only  six  times 
in  the  text  of  the  A.  V.,  and  it  may  be  useful  to 
remind  the  reader  that  in  none  of  these  does  it  bear 
its  modern  sense,  but  signifies  what  Me  now  call 
"  baggage."     The  Hebrew  words  so  rendered  are 

three.  1.  ''/S,  c'/e,  generally  translated  "stuff" 
or  "vessels."  It  is  like  the  Greek  word  a-Kivos', 
and  in  its  numerous  applications  perhaps  answers 
most  nearly  to  tlie  EngUsh  word  "  things."  This 
word,  renderal  "  carriage,"  occure  in  1  Sam.  xvii. 
22  —  "  David  left  his  '  baggage '  in  the  hands  of 
the  keeper  of  the  'baggage:'  "  also  Is.  x.  28  — 
"  At  Michmash  he  hath  left  his  '  baggage.'  " 

2.  n^^32,  Cebtiddli,  "  heavy  matters,"  Judg. 
xviii.  21  only,  though  perhaps  the  word  may  bear 
a  signification  of  "  preciousness,"  which  is  some- 
times atlaclie<l  to  the  root,  and  may  allude  to  the 
newly  acquired  treasures  of  the  Danites  (LXX. 
Alex.  t))i/  KT7itrtu  tV  (vSol^ov)- 

3.  The  wortl  rendered  "  carriages "  in  Is.  xlvi. 
1  should,  it  would  apjiear  (Ges.  Hits.  917  b; 
Jesaia,  ii.  101),  be  "your  burdens." 

4.  In  the  N.  T.,  Acts  xxi.  15,  "  we  took  up  our 
carriages  "  is  the  rendering  of  fwiaKevaffcifiei/oi, 
and  here  also  the  meaning  is  simply  "  baggage " 
(Jer.  prccparuti)." 

5.  But  ui  the  margin  of  1  Sam.  xvii.  20,  and 
xxvi.  5,  7  —  and  there  only  —  "  carriage  "  is  em- 
ployed in  the  sense  of  a  wagon  or  cart ;  the  "  place 
of  the  carriage"  answering  to  "trench"  in  the 

text.    ITie  Hebrew  word  is     53?tt,  from  nt3!lV, 
T  :   -  '  TT-:' 

a  wagon,  and  the  allusion  is  to  the  circle  of  wagons 
which  surrounded  the  encampment  (Ges.  Thes. 
}89). 

For  carriages  in  the  modern  sense,  see  Cart  ; 
Chariot.  G. 

CAR'SHENA  (S3r?""13  :  LXX.  omits  ; 
\rather,  'ApwetraTos;  FA.i  kpKaraos't  Comp.  Kop- 
\(vi(]  Clinrsena),  one  of  the  seven  princes  (^"^ti?) 
if  Persia  and  Media  who  "  saw  the  king's  face,  and 


a  •  The  incident  rbferred  to  in  Acts  xxi.  15  (see 
Ao.  4  nbovo)  shows  trie  presence  of  an  e.ve-witness. 
What  Paul  and  his  tmvelling  companions  did  wiu<  to 
placo  ttieir  biggage,  iu  piirt  perhaps  the  alms  which 
they  were  carrying  up  to  .lerusalem  (Acts  xxiv.  17), 
M  tlieir  beasta  of  burden.    The  loading  and  unloading 


CART 

sat  the  first  in  the  kingdom'*  of  y)>wueiu8  (Erth 
i.  14).  A  similar  name,  Carslen,  is  found  ic 
modem  Persian.  For  other  derivations  from  th« 
ancient  dialects  of  Persia,  see  Geseuius,  717. 

CART  ('"^^^1''. :  fi^a^a:  plauslnnn;  also  ren- 
dered "  wagon,"  Gen.  xlv.  19,  27;  Num.  vii.  3,  7 
8:  from  bj^,  roll,  Ges.  p.  989),  a  vehicle  drawn 
by  cattle  (2  Sam.  vi.  6),  to  be  distinguished  from 
tlie  chariot  drawn  by  horses.  [Chajsiot.]  Cartj 
and  wagons  were  eitiier  open  or  covered  (Num.  vii. 
3),  and  were  used  for  conveyance  of  persons  (Gen. 
xlv.  19),  burdens  (1  Sam.  vi.  7,  8),  or  produce 
(Am.  ii.  13).  As  there  are  no  roads  in  Syria  and 
Palestine  and  the  neighboring  countries,  wheel- 
carriages  for  any  purpose  except  conveyance  of 
agricultural  produce  are  all  but  unknown  ;  and 
though  modem  u.s;ige  has  introduced  Kuroi)ean  car- 
riages drawn  by  horses  into  I'-gypt,  they  were  un  • 
known  there  also  in  times  comparatively  recent. 
(Stanley,  S.  <f  /'.  135;  Porter,  Damascus,  i.  339; 
Lynch,  Nnrrntke,  75,  84;  Niebuhr,  Voynr/e,  i.  123; 
I^yard,  JVin.  ii.  75;  Mrs.  Poole,  Knylisliiimnan  in 
I'^'JW^i  2d  series,  77.)  The  only  cart  used  in  Wes- 
tern Asia  has  two  wheels  of  soUd  wood  (Olearius, 
7'»m-c4-,  418;  SirR.  [K.]  Porter,  Travels,  ii.  533). 
For  the  machine  used  for  threshing  in  Egypt  and 
Syria,  see  Tiikkshing.  But  in  the  monuments 
of  ancient  Egypt  representations  are  found  of  cart» 


i^ptisn  cart  with  two  wheels.     (Wilkinson.) 


with  two  wheels,  having  four  or  six  spokes,  used 
for  carrying  produce,  and  of  one  used  for  religious 
purposes  having  four  wheels  with  eight  spokes.     A 


Egyptian  cart  with' four  wheels.     (Wilkinson.) 

bas-relief  at  Nineveh  represents  a  cart  having  two 
wheels  with  eight  8i>okes,  drawn  by  oxen,  conveying 
female  captives ;  and  others  represent  carts  cap- 
tured from  enemies  with   captives,  and  also  some 

of  the  camels  or  mulex  forms  ever  an  important  iten 
in  Kaxtern  travelling.  It  is  a  circuniftanre  that  vrouli 
interest  the  author  of  the  narrative  &»  one  of  (he  party 
but  otherwine  seems  incntioned  wit»  out  any  motive 
Luke,  who  wrote  the  Acts,  wha  wim  the  npostle  oi 
this  journey  (ijiiets,  Actf  xx.  6,  xx:.  }   ind  16).     H- 


CARVING 

oaed  in  carrying  timber  and  other  articles  (I^yard, 
Nin.  ii.  39G,  A'in.  t/  Bab.  l-U,  447,  583,  M<m.  of 
Bub.  pt.  ii.  pis.  12,  17).  I'our-wlieeled  carriages 
are  said  by  I'liny  {N.  II.  vii.  W)  to  liave  lieeii  in- 
vented by  tlie  I'lirygians  (Williinsou,  Anc.  l-'jypl. 
Abridgm.  i.  384,  385;  ii.  39,  47).     Tlie  carts  useil 


CA.SLUHIM 


a9rf 


Assyrian  cart  drawn  by  oxen.    (Layard,  il.  396.) 

in  India  for  conveying  goods,  called  Suggar  or 
Hackeri,  have  two  wheels,  in  the  former  case  of 
solid  wood,  in  the  latter  with  spokes.  They  are 
drawn  by  oxen  harnessed  to  a  pc!e  (Capper,  India, 
pp.  346,  352).  H.  W.  P. 


Modem  Indian  cart 

CARVING.    (1.)  ni"'b|7^,   carved  work  hi 

relief,  irom  ^^_'^i  cm-ve;  in  pi.  rm7^(7tt,  carved 

figures.    (2.)  ^ll'.*"'~'"7^    from     ^'"!?'~'i     carve  = 

Xapd<r(rM-  (3-)  '^iT.'^^  >  participle  in  Pual  of  (n"^r~ 

not  used)  '^^'7'  cut,  delineate  :  engraved,  or  carved 

(imrk),  1  K.  vi.  35.  (4.)  ?7'^~i^5  carved  work,  from 

'^"'^i  open,  applied  to  wood,  1  K.  vii.  36;  to 
gems,  Ex.  xxviii.  9,  36 ;  2  Chr.  ii.  7,  14 ;  to  stone, 
Zech.  iii.  9:  'y\v<pi),  y\vij.fia,  iyKoXairrSp'-  ccdt- 
iurn. 

The  arts  of  carving  and  engraving  were  n  uch  in 
request  in  the  construction  both  of  the  Tabernacle 
and  the  Temple  (Ex.  xxxi.  2,  5,  xxxv.  33 ;  1  K.  vi. 
18,  35;  Ps.  Ixxiv.  6),  as  well  as  in  the  ornamenta- 
tion of  the  priestly  dresses  (Ex.  xxviii.  9-36 ;  Zech. 
iii.  9;  2  Chr.  ii.  7,  14).  In  Solomon's  time  Huram 
the  Phoenician  had  the  chief  care  of  this  as  of  the 
larger  architectural  works.  H.  W.  P. 

CASEMENT.     [Lattice.]       W.  .\    W. 

CASIPH'IA  CS^^D|  \xchite,2s  said  of  snowy 
0-.fvuntaiiis,  Fiirst]  :  ivkpyv^iwrovro-nov,  [Comp. 
<      Ko(70te'    rov   t6tou  :]  in    Chusphvv   loco),   a 


place  of  uncertain  site  on  the  road  between  Babylon 
and  ./erusalem  (Ezr.  viii.  17).  Neither  the  Caspiae 
Pyla;  nor  the  city  Kaswin,  witli  which  some  writers 
have  attempted  to  identify  it,  are  situated  upon 
this  route.     (Gasen.  Tlits.  703.) 

*  Fiirst  has  a  long  note  in  his  I^exicon  on  thia 
enigmatical  word.  He  supposes  it  to  denote  "  the 
snowy-mountainous  Caucasian  region."  It  is  not 
said  that  Ezra  himself  came  to  this  place  on  his 
journey  from  Babylonia  to  .Jerusalem;  but  only 
that  the  river  Ahava  (Ez.  viii.  15),  from  the  banks 
of  wliich  he  sent  messengers  to  the  Jewish  exiles  in 
Casiphia,  lay  on  his  route.  This  stream  (mentioned 
only  in  ICzra)  may  have  been  in  the  extreme  north 
of  Bal)yl()iiia;  and  the  caravan  in  this  instance, 
taking  a  more  nortliern  track  than  usual,  may  have 
passed  .so  near  this  point  as  to  render  it  practicable 
while  they  halted  there,  to  send  the  messengers  to 
Casi[)hia  and  await  their  return.  Kitto  suggests 
on  Ahava  (Cycl.  if  Bibl.  Lit.,  3d  ed.)  that  in  this 
instance  a  more  circuitous  route  may  have  been  a 
safer  one  for  the  wayfarers,  and  was  chosen  on  that 
account.  Fiirst,  guided  by  an  ancient  Jewish  tra- 
dition, would  identify  the  "  large  country "  (Is. 
xxii.  18)  to  which  Shebna,  the  tre;isurer  of  Hezekiah, 
was  to  be  driven,  with  this  same  Caspiana  or 
Casiphia.  H. 

CAS'LEU  {XafffKfv-  Casleu),  1  Mace.  i.  54, 
iv.  52,  59  ;  2  Mace.  i.  9,  18,  x.  5.  [Chislku: 
Months.] 

CAS'LUHIM  (C^nbp"^  :  Xacr,xwvLiin;  [in 
1  Chr.,  I\om.  Vat.  omit,  Alex.  Comp.  XacrXwvtelfji'] 
Ciiasluim,  [C'lfilaiiii]),  a  Mizraite  [people  or  tribe 
(Cien.  X.  14;  1  Chr.  i.  12).  In  both  passages  in 
which  this  word  occurs,  it  would  appear,  as  the 
text  now  stands,  as  if  the  Philistines  came  forth 
from  the  Casluhim,  and  not  from  the  Caphtorim, 
as  is  elsewhere  expressly  stated :  here  therefore  there 
would  seem  to  be  a  trans]X)sition  [Capiitou].  The 
only  clew  we  have  as  yet  to  the  position  of  the 
Casluhim  is  their  place  in  the  list  of  the  sons  of 
Mizraim  between  tlie  I'athrusimand  the  Caphtorim, 
whence  it  is  probable  that  they  were  seated  in  Upper 
Egypt  [Pathkos;  Caphtok].     The  LXX.  seem 

to  identify  Ihem  with  the  L"*3ippn  of  Ps.  Ixviii. 

31  (A.  V.  "  princes  "),  which  some,  though  not  the 
LXX.  in  that  place,  take  to  be  a  proper  name,  and 
compare  with  the  native  civil  name  of  Hermopolis 
Magna.  This  would  place  the  Casluhim  in  the 
Heptanomis  [IIash.'manxim].  Bochart(/'7(/r/t(/,  iv. 
3 1 )  suggests  the  identity  of  the  Ca-sluhim  and  the 
Colchians,  who  are  said  to  have  been  an  Egyptiaa 
colony  (Herod,  ii.  104;  Diod.  Sic.  i.  28),  but  this 
story  and  the  similarity  of  name  (Ges.  77/es.  s.  v. )  do 
not  seem  suiiicient  to  render  the  supposition  a  prob- 
able one.  Gesenius,  however,  gives  it  his  support 
{Thes.  1.  c).  Forster  conjectures  the  Casluhim  to 
be  the  inhabitants  of  Cassiotis,  the  tract  in  which 
is  the  slight  elevation  called  ISIount  Casius  {/'-pp. 
ad  Michaelis,  p.  16  if.).  Bunsen  assumes  this  to 
be  proved  {Bibelirerk,  p.  26).  There  is,  however, 
a  8"-ious  difficulty  in  the  way  of  this  supposition  — 
the  nature  of  the  ground,  a  low  littoral  tract  of  rock, 
covered  with  shifting  and  even  quick  sand,  like  the 
neighboring  "  Serbonian  bog,"  and  which  we  can- 
not suppose  ever  to  have  supported  much  animal  or 
vegetable  life,  far  less  a  whole  people  or  tribe. 

R.  S.  P. 

•  On  the  name  Dietrich  says  (Ges.  Thlrr  u 
Chald.  Handio.,   6te   Aufl.^  •    "  The  Grwk  nanw 


394 


CASPHON 


KSXxot  ^'"^  have  arisen  out  of  the  old  Kasliwh-ini, 
not  the  re\erse:  for  no  sure  example  of  the  inser- 
tion of  an  s  can  he  adduced  in  tlie  Semitic  lan- 
guages." H. 

CAST  HON  {Xa(r<p(iv;  Alex.  Kaaipwd  ICns- 
bo)i]),  1  Mace.  V.  36.     Casphok.] 

CASTHOR  {Xa(T<p(ip;  [Alex.  Ka(r<pup;  Sin. 
Kaff<pa>'-]  C'dspliw),  one  of  the  fortified  cities  in  the 
'land  of  Gahuid"  (1  Mace.  v.  2tj),  in  which  the 
Jews  took  refuge  from  tlie  Ammonites  under  Tim- 
otheus  (comp.  ver.  G),  and  which  with  other  cities 
was  taken  by  Juda.s  Maccaba^us  (v.  36).  In  the 
latter  passage  the  name  is  given  as  Casphon,  and 
in  2  Mace.  xii.  13  as  Casimss,  if  indeed  the  same 
place  is  referred  to,  which  is  not  quite  clear  (see 
Kwald,  iv.  359,  note).  G. 

CAS'PIS  {Kdamv;  [Alex.  Kacrvfivi]  Cas- 
nhin),  a  strong  fortified  city  —  whether  ea.st  or  west 
of  Jordan  is  not  plain  —  having  near  it  a  lake 
(X/yUj/Tj)  two  stadia  in  l>readth.  It  was  taken  by 
Judas  MaccabiEus  with  great  slaughter  (2  Mace, 
xii.  13,  IG).  The  parallel  history  of  the  1st  Book 
of  Maccabees  mentions  a  city  named  Casphor  or 
Casphon,  with  which  Caspis  maybe  identical  — 
but  the  naiTatives  differ  materially.  G. 

CAS'SIA.  The  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of 
the  Hebrew  words  kidddli  and  ketzVoth. 

1.  Ki/klali  (rfTTp :  ipis'.  cadn,  siacte)  occutb 
in  Ex.  XXX.  24,  as  one  of  the  ingredicjits  in  the 
composition  of  the  "  oil  of  holy  ointment;  "  and  in 
Ez.  xxvii.  19,  where  "bright  iron,  cassia,  and 
calamus"  are  mentioned  as  articles  of  merchandise 
brought  by  Dan  and  J  a  van  to  the  market  of  Tyre. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  A.  V.  is  correct  in 
the  translation  of  the  Hebrew  word,  though  there 
is  considerable  variety  of  reading  in  the  old  versions. 
The  LXX.  and  Josephus  {Ant.  iii.  8,  §  3)  have 
his,  i.  e.  some  species  of  Jl<t</,  perhaps  the  Iris 
florentinri,  which  has  an  aromatic  root-stock.  Sym- 
machus  and  the  Vulg.  (in  Ez.  I.  c.)  read  stncte, 
"  licpiid  myrrh."  The  Arabic  versions  of  Saadias 
and  I'jpenius  conjecture  costtis,  which  Dr.  Koyle 
(Kitto's  Cyc.  art.  '  Ketzioth  ')  identifies  with  Auck- 
Imidia  Costus,  to  which  he  refers  not  the  kkkidh, 
but  the  ketzVolh  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  (see  l)e- 
low).  'Ilie  Chaldee  and  Syriac,  with  most  of  the 
Kuropean  versions,  understand  cassia  by  kiddah: 
they  are  followed  by  (Jesenius,  Simonis,  Fiirst,  Lee, 
and  all  the  lexicographers.  The  accounts  of  cassia 
as  given  l)y  ancient  authors  are  confused;  and  the 
investigation  of  the  subject  is  a  difficult  one.  It  is 
dear  that  the  Latin  writers  by  the  term  casia  un- 
derstood both  the  OrientiU  product  now  under  con- 
sideration, as  well  as  some  low  sweet  herbaceous 
plant,  perhaps  the  Daphne  r/nidium,  Tinn.  (see  V6e, 
Hove  de  l'ir(/ile,  p.  32,  and  Du  MoUn,  Flor.  Poet. 
Ancienne,  277):  but  the  Greek  word,  which  is  first 
jsed  by  Heioilotus  (ii.  86),  who  says  (iii.  110)  the 

I  s  ^         a  ^ 

n  From  "TTi^  :  Arab.  tXs,  or  (Xi,  "  to  cleaye," 
'  to  tear  lengthwise  ;  "  so  called  from  the  splitting  of 
•iB  bark. 

b  The  country  of  the  MosylH  was  in  the  Cinnamo- 
nophora  rcgio,  and  not  far  from  Aromata  Emporium, 
md  the  author  of  the  I'eriplus  particularizes  cas.sia 
amongst  the  exports  of  the  same  coast  (Tcnnent,  Ceylon, 

600,  note).  As  to  ^1*S!2,  see  Bochart,  Geo^.  Sac. 
p.  1.  lib.  il.  (  21,  and  Rosenmiiller,  Schol.  ad  Ez.  1.  c., 
who,  howen.r,  identify  it  with  Sanaa,  in  Arabia. 


CASSIA 

Arabians  procured  it  from  a  sluillow  lake  ii   thej 
country,  is  limited  to  the  Eastern  product.     Dios-  _„ 

corides  mentions  several  kuids  of  cassia,  and  sayt  wk 
they  are  produced  m  Spicy  Arabia  (i.  12).  One  fl 
kind  is  known  by  the  name  of  mosyletis,  or  accord- 
ing to  Galen  {De  Tlieiiac.  ad  Pis.  p.  108),  of 
mosyllvs,  from  the  ancient  city  and  promontorj 
jNIosyllon,  on  the  coast  of  Africa  and  the  sea  of 
Babel  Mandeb,  not  far  from  the  modem  Cape 
Guardafui  (Sprengel,  Anrwt.  ad  Dioscoi:  i.  12). 
Will  not  this  throw  some  light  on  Ez.  xxvii.  19. 
where  it  will  be  observed  that,  instead  of  the  ren- 
dering "  going  to  and  fro  "  in  the  text  of  the  A.  V., 
the  margin  has  Mtuznl  f  »  Dan  and  Javan  and 
Meuzal  traded  in  thy  markets  with  cassia,  calamus.'" 
&c.  The  cassia  would  be  brought  from  India  to 
Meuzal,  and  from  thence  exported  to  Tyre  and  other 
countries  under  the  name  of  Metizalitis,  or  Meuzal 
cassia.'' 

Dioscorides  speaks  of  another  kind  of  cassia  called 
Kitto,  which  has  been  supposed  by  some  to  be  sub- 
stantially the  same  as  the  Hebrew  word  Kidddli.  to 
which  it  certainly  bears  a  strong  resemblance.  If 
the  words  are  identical,  they  must  denote  cassia 
of  different  qualities,  for  the  kitt^)  of  Dioscorides 
was  very  inferior,  while  we  cannot  doubt  that  the 
cassia  used  in  the  composition  of  the  holy  ointment 
would  be  of  the  best  kind. 

Cassia  is  not  produced  by  any  trees  which  are 
now  found  growing  in  Arabia.  It  is  probable  there- 
fore that  the  Greek  authors  were  mistaken  on  this 
subject,  and  that  they  occasionally  have  regarded 
products  imjx)rted  into  Arabia,  and  thence  ex[X)rted 
northwards  to  other  countries,  as  the  natural  pro- 
ductions of  that  country.  The  cassia-bark  of  com- 
merce is  yielded  by  various  kinds  of  Cinnamumum, 
which  grow  in  dificrent  parts  of  India,  and  is  not 
the  product  of  only  one  species  of  tree.  Cinnii- 
momum  malabatJnicum  of  S.  India  supplies  nmch 
of  the  cassia-bark  of  commerce.  Dr.  Hooker  says 
that  cassia  is  an  inferior  cinnamon  m  one  sense, 
though,  as  it  never  comes  from  the  same  species  as 
the  true  cinnamon,  the  statement  is  ambiguous. 

2.  KetzVoth  (n*."'*'"  ■":  Kaala-  wsw),  only  in 
Ps.  xlv.  8,  "  All  tliy  garments  smell  of  mjirh,  aloes, 
and  cassia."  This  word  is  generally  supposed  to 
be  another  term  for  cassia:  the  old  \ersions  are  in 
favor  of  this  interpretation,  as  well  as  the  etymology 
of  the  Hebrew  word.  The  Arabic  reads  S(dicha, 
which,  from  its  description  by  Abul  Eadli  and 
Avicenna  (Celsius,  llierob.  ii.  364-5),  evidently 
denotes  some  cassia-yielding  tree.  Dr.  Royle  sug- 
gests (seealjove)  that  ketzVoth  is  identical  in  mean- 
ing and  in  form  with  the  Arabic  Ivoth,  koost,  oi 
[Syriac]  kooshtn.e  whence  is  probably  derived  the 
costus  of  the  (>reeks  and  Romans.  Dioscorides 
(i.  15)  enumerates  three  kinds  of  costus,  an  Arabi.an., 
Indian,  and  Syrian  sort :  the  first  two  are  b'' 
Sprengel  refen-ed  to  Costus  arabicus,  Linn.  {Zir, 


c  From  the  root  37Vp,  Arab.   mJoJs.  ''  ^  'op  off, 
"  to  scrape,"  "  to  peel." 

'^  &£CLaJLuw7   from   the  root    ^«JLu<,  'I'traxii 

quasi  cortex  detractus. 
0    0  » 
«    Y\  IV  •*   costus,  i.  e.  radicis  aromaticse  Indica  • 
Aiabicir  species,  Kam.  Ej.     See  Vreytag 


CASTLE 

-ibcracete).  The  koost  of  India,  called  by  Euro- 
»eaii3  Jndian  ori-is,  is  the  root  of  what  Royle  has 
lamed  Aucklaiidia  costus.  There  is  no  reason, 
However,  why  we  should  abandon  the  explanation 
ti  the  old  versions,  and  depart  from  the  satisfactory 
etymological  evidence  aiibrded  by  the  Hebrew  term 
to  the  doubtful  question  of  identity  between  it  and 
the  Arabic  koost.  W.  H. 

CASTLE.     [Fortifications.] 
CAS'TOR  AND  POL'LUX,  the  Dioscuri 
{Ai6(rKovpoi,  Acts  xxviii.  11 ).    For  tne  mythology 
of  these  two  heroes,  the  twm-sons  of  Jupiter  and 
Leda,  we  must  refer  to  the  Diet,  of  Biog.  and 
Mythol.     We  have  here  to  do  with  them  only  so 
far   as   they  were  connected  with   seafaring   Ufe. 
They  wore  regarded  as  the  tutelary  divinities  {Qeol 
'wrrtprs)  oi  sailors.     They  appeared  in  heaven  as 
'  e  constellation  of  Gemini.     Immediately  on  ship- 
■ard  they  were  recognized  in  the  phosphoric  Ughts, 
" "ed  by  modern  Italian  sailors  the  fires  of  St. 
'Imo,  which  play  about  the  masts  and  the  sails 
"  In  magna  tempestate  apparent  quasi  stellae  velo 
sidentes :  adjuvari  se  tunc  periclitantes  existimant 
'oliucis  et  Castoris  numine,"  Senec.  Nat.  Q,u<est.  i. 
comp.  Plin.  ii.  37).     Hence  the  frequent  allu- 
sions of  Roman  poets  to  these  divinities  in  con- 
nection with  navigation  (see  especially  Hor.  Carm. 
i.  3.  2,  "fratres  Helense,  lucida  sidera,"  and  iv.  8. 
91).     As  the  ship  mentioned  here  by  St.  Luke  was 
from  Alexandria,  it  may  be  worth  while  to  notice 
that  Castor  and  Pollux  were  specially  honored  in 
the  neighboring  district  of  Cyrenaica  {ScJwl.  Find. 
2"yth.  V.  6).     In  Catull.  iv.  27,  we  have  distinct 
Mention  of  a  boat  dedicated  to  them.     See  also 
bcviii.  65.     In  art  these  divinities  were  sometimes 
represented  simply  as  stars  hovering  over  a  ship, 
but  more  frequently,  as  young  men  on  horseback 
with  conical  caps,  and  stars  above  them  (see  the 
coins  of  Rhegium,  a  city  of  Bruttii,  at  which  St. 


Silver  coin  of  Bruttii.  Obv. :  Heads  of  Castor  and 
Pollux  to  right.  Rev. :  Castor  and  Pollux  mounted, 
advancing  to  right.     In  the  exergue  BPETTION. 

^aul  touched  on  the  voyage  in  question,  ver.  13). 
ouch  figures  were  probably  painted  or  sculptured 
at  the  bow  of  the  ship  (hence  ■jrapicrrj^u.oi/;  see  Diet, 
of  Antiq.  art.  Tnsigne).  This  custom  was  very 
frequent  in  ancient  shipbuilding.  Herodotus  says 
(iii.  37)  that  ^he  Phoenicians  used  to  place  the  fig- 
ures of  deities  at  the  bow  of  their  vessels.  Virgil 
{jEn.  X.  209)  and  Ovid  {Trist.  i.  10.  2)  supply  us 
with  illustrations  of  the  practice;  and  Cyril  of 
Alexandria  (Cramer's  Catena,  ad  1.  c.)  says  that 
such  was  always  the  Alexandrian  method  of  oma- 
naentinsr  each  side  of  the  prow.     [Ship.] 

J.  S.  H. 


«  The  word  Catta  occurs  once  only  in  classical  Latin, 
Jaraely,  in  Martial,  Epig.  xiii.  69  ;  but  that  some  bird 
k  intended  is  beyond  a  doubt.  The  ancient  Gre-3ks 
>nd  Romans  do  not  appear  to  have  kept  dompstic  cats. 
(Ve  have  sought  in  vain  for  the  slighteiit  allusion  to 
P>it»  domestieiis  in  classical  aurAiors. 


CATERPILLAR  396 

CATS  (ol  aXhovpoi-  catta")  occurs  only  in 
Baruch  vi.  22  [Epist.  of  Jer.  22],  in  the  passage 
which  sets  forth  the  vanity  of  the  Babylonish  idols: 
"  Upon  their  bodies  and  heads  sit  bats,  swallows, 
and  birds,  and  the  cats  also."  The  Greek  ai\ov 
pos,  as  used  by  Aristotle,  has  more  particular  ref- 
erence to  the  wild  cat  (Felis  catus,  &c.).  Herod- 
otus, in  the  well-known  passage  (ii.  66)  which  treats 
of  the  cats  of  Egypt,  uses  aiXovpos  to  denote  the 
domestic  animal;  similarly  Cicero  {Tusc.  v.  27. 
78)  employs  felis;  but  both  Greek  and  Latin 
words  are  usecl  to  denote  other  animals,  apparently 
some  kinds  of  marten  (Martes).  The  context  of 
the  passage  in  Baruch  appears  to  point  to  the  do- 
mesticated animal.  Perhaps  the  people  of  Babylon 
originally  procured  the  cat  from  Egypt. 

The  domestic  cat  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  is 
supposed  by  some  t«  be  identical  with  the  Felis 
maniculata,  Riippell,  of  Nubia,  and  with  our  own 
domestic  animal,  but  there  is  considerable  doubt 
on  this  matter.  The  Egyptians,  it  is  well  known, 
paid  an  absurd  reverence  to  the  eat ;  it  accompanied 
them  in  their  fowling  expeditions ;  it  was  deemed 
a  capital  offense  to  kill  one;  when  a  cat  died, it  was 


Felis  maniaclata. 

embalmed  and  buried  at  Bubastis,  the  city  sacred 
to  the  moon,  of  which  divinity  the  cat  was  reckoned 
a  symbol  (Herod,  ii.  66;  Wilkinson,  Ane.  Egypt,  i. 
246,  Lond.  1854;  Jablonski,  Panth.^gijpt.  ii.  66, 
Ac;  Diod.  Sic.  i.  83).  It  is  generally  believed 
that  the  cat  was  employed  by  the  ancient  Egyp- 
tians as  a  retriever  to  bring  them  the  game  they 
killed  in  their  fowling  expeditions ;  we  cannot  credit 
anything  of  the  kind :  that  the  cat,  as  a  great  fa- 
vorite, was  allowed  to  accompany  the  fowler,  is 
beyond  dispute,  but  it  was  doubtless  for  the  sake 
of  a  share  in  the  booty,  and  not  for  the  benefit  of 
the  fowler.  Without  laying  much  stress  on  the 
want  of  sufficient  sagacity  for  retrieving  purposes, 
we  cannot  believe  that  the  cat  could  ever  have  been 
trained  to  go  into  the  water,  to  which  it  has  a  very 
strong  aversion.*  See  the  wood-cuts  in  Wilkinson, 
where  the  fowler  is  in  a  boat  accompanied  by  his 

cat.  As  to  Q*'"'.^'',  which  Bochart  takes  to  mean 
loild  cols,  see  Beast.  The  cat  belongs  to  the 
family  FelidcB,  order  Carnivora. 

CATERPILLAR.      The    representative   in 
the  A.  V.  of  the  Hebrew  words  chdsU  and  yelek. 

1.  Chdsil  (7'^Dn:   d/cp/s,  fipovxos,  ipwlfiri: 


6  Even  to  a  proverb  :  — 
"  Catus  amat  places,  sed  non  vult  tinfjere  plantam.'' 
■'  liCtting  I  dare  not  wait  upon  I  would, 

Uke  the  poor  cat  i'  the  adage."  —  Shaksp.  lHaclttk 
i.  7. 

See  Trench's  Lessons  trt  Proverla,  p.  149. 


896 


CATHUA 


rubigo,  bfuchiia,  mi-ugo).  The  Hebrew  word  octare 
to  1  K.  viii.  37;  2  Chr.  vi.  28;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  46;  Is. 
xxxiii.  4 ;  Joel  i.  4.  It  is  evident  from  the  incon- 
listency  of  the  two  most  important  old  versions  in 
their  renderings  of  this  word,  that  nothing  is  to  be 
learnt  from  them.  Bochart  has  endeavored  to  show 
that  there  are  nine  or  ten  Hebrew  names  to  denote 
different  species  of  locusts;  it  has  been  shown 
[I>ocust]  that  this  caimot  really  be  the  case,  that 
the  destructive  kinds  of  locust  which  at  times  visit 
the  Bible  lands  must  be  limited  to  two  or  three 
species,  the  most  desti-uctive  being  the  Acridium 
ptreginnum  and  the  (EdipocL,  migratoHa ;  conse- 
quently some  of  these  names  must  stand  either  for 
different  conditions  in  the  life  of  the  locust,  or  they 
may  be  synonyms,  or  else  they  may  denote  other 
iiisect  devourers.  The  term  now  under  notice 
seems  to  be  applied  to  a  locust,  perhaps  in  its  larva 
state.  Tlie  indefinite  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  may 
well,  we  think,  be  retained  to  express  the  Chdsil,  or 
Mie  consumer. 


2.   Ydek.     [See  Loccst,  8.] 


W.  H. 


CATHU'A  (Koflouci;  [Vat.  Koua:]  Canna), 
1  I'idr.  V.  30.  Apparently  answers  to  Giddel  in 
Hebrew  text.  [Fritzsclie  {Exeg.  Ilandb.  in  loc.) 
makes  reSSovp  the  representative  of  Giddel,  and 
finds  no  Hebrew  correspondent  of  Kadovd.     A.] 

CATTLE.     [Bull.] 

CAULS  (a^p^3l?7:  ifiTvASKia  :  torques). 
T\ie  margin  of  the  A.  V.  gives  "  net-works."  The 
Old  English  word  "  caul "  denoted  a  netted  cap 
worn  by  women.  Compare  Chaucer  ( iViif'  of 
BcUhea  Tale,  C  T.  1.  0599): 

"  Let  se,  which  is  the  proudest  of  hem  alle, 
That  werith  on  a  coverchief  or  a  calle." 

The  Hebrew  word  xlwlnsini  thus  rendered  in  Is.  iii. 
18,  is,  like  many  others  which  occur  in  the  same 
passage,  the  subject  of  much  dispute.  It  occurs 
but  once,  and  its  root  is  not  elsewhere  found  in 
Hebrew.      The  Rabbinical  commaitators  connect 

-t  with  V?T»  ^''i^^^'s,  rendered  "embroider"  in 
Ex.  xxviii.  39,  but  properly  "  to  work  in  squares, 
make  checker-work."  So  Kimchi  {Lex.  s.  v.)  ex- 
plains shSf/min  as  "  the  name  of  garments  wrought 
In  checker-work."  I{ashi  says  they  are  "  a  kind  of 
net-work  to  adorn  the  head."  Abarbanel  is  more 
full :  he  describes  them  as  "  head-dresses,  miide  of 
silk  or  gold  thread,  with  which  the  women  bound 
their  heads  about,  and  they  were  of  checker- work." 
The  word  occurs  again  in  the  Mishna  (Celim, 
xxviii.  10),  but  nothing  can  possibly  be  inferred 
from  the  passage  itself,  and  the  explanations  of  the 
commentators  do  not  throw  much  light  upon  it. 
It  there  appears  to  be  used  as  part  of  a  net-work 
won-  as  a  head-dress  by  women.  Bartenora  says  it 
was  ''  a  figure  which  they  made  upon  the  net-work 
V  ornament,  standing  in  front  of  it  and  going 
roimd  ftum  one  ear  to  the  other."  Beyond  the 
•act  that  the  sheMsim  were  head-dresses  or  oma- 
ntents  of  the  liead-firess  of  Hebrew  ladies,  nothing 
■«ii  M  -aid  to  be  known  about  them. 

Schrteder  {De  Vest.  Mul.,  cap.  ii.)  conjectured 
that  they  were  medallions  worn  on  the  necklace, 

icd  identified  $liStAdm  with  the  Anb  SLuwuC*^; 

ihomamh,  the  diminutive  of  yff  »  "■   shams,  the 
■n,  wt>ich  is  applied  to  denote  the  Biu-ehaped 


CAVE 

omaaents  irom  by  Arab  ..omen  alout  their  Dflcka 
But  to  this  Gesenius  very  properly  objects  (Je».  i 
209),  as  well  as  to  the  explanation  of  Jahn  {Archaol 
i.  2,  139),  who  renders  the  word  "gauze  veib." 

The  Versions  give  but  Uttle  assistance.  Th« 
LXX.  render  ifiir\6Kia,  "  plaited  work,"  to  which 
Koavftfiovs,  "  fringes,"  appears  to  have  been  added 
originally  as  a  gloss,  and  afterwards  to  have  crept 
into  the  text.  Aquila  has  rfKafiwvas,  "belts." 
The  Targura  merely  adopts  the  Hebrew  word  with- 
out translating  it,  and  the  Syriac  and  Arabic 
vaguely  render  it  "  their  ornaments." 

W.  A.  W. 

*  CAUSEY  (French  chaussie),  a  raised  or 
paved  way  (Hvp^S),  in  1  Chr.  xxvi.  16,  18,  and 
Prov.  XV.  19  {margin),  in  the  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  but 
afterwards  changed  to  causeway,  a  corruption  for 
catisey.  "  Causeicrr^,"  however,  is  found  in  the 
margin  of  Is.  vii.  3  in  A.  V.  ed.  1611.  See  Wor- 
cester's and  Webster's  Dictionaries,  and  Eastwootl 
and  Wright's  BUde  Word-Book,  p.  90.  H. 

*  CAUSEWAY.     [Causey.] 

CAVE  (nn^D  :  cnrriKcuoV.  spelunca ;  in  A. 
V.  Is.  ii.  19,  hole  ;  [Is.  xxxii.  14 ;]  Jer.  vii.  1 1,  den  ; 
Josh.  xiii.  4,  literatim,  Afearah  ;  Maara,  Vulg.). 
I.  The  chalky  limestone  of  which  the  rocks  of 
Syria  and  Palestine  chiefly  consist  presents,  as  is 
the  case  in  all  limestone  formations,  a  vast  number 
of  caverns  and  natural  fissures,  many  of  which  have 
also  been  artificially  enlarged  and  adapted  to  various 
purposes  both  of  shelter  and  defense.  (Page,  Text- 
Book  of  Geology,  p.  141 ;  Kitto,  Phys.  Geogr.  of 
Pal.  p.  72. )  This  circumstance  has  also  given  oc- 
casion to  the  use  of  so  large  a  number  of  words  ns 
are  employed  in  the  Scriptures  to  denote  caves, 
holes,  and  fissures,  some  of  them  giving  names  to 
the  towns  and  places  in  their  neighborhood.  Out 
of  them,  besides  No  I.,  may  be  selected  the  follow- 
ing:— 

II.  "l^n  or  '^'^1  (Ges.  p.  458),  a  hole  ;  usu- 
ally rp(t>y\rf,  and  caverna.  From  this  come  («. 
"•"^n,  dweller  in  caves,  the  name  of  the  Horites  of 
Mount  Seir,  Wady  Ghoeyer,  expelled  by  the  Edom- 
ites,  probably  aDuded  to  by  Job,  a  Trogbdyte  race 
spoken  of  by  Strabo.  (Gen.  xiv.  6,  xsxvi.  21; 
Deut.  ii.  12;  Job  xxx.  6;  Strab.  i.  p.  42,  x\i.  pp. 
775-776;  Burckhardt,  Syria,  p.  410;  Kobinson,  ii. 
69, 157 ;  Stanley,  S.  cf  P.  §§  68-71.)    [Hokites.] 

(*•)  I'^'l'??  ^«<^  of  caverns  (Ez.  xlvii.  16,  18; 
Burckhardt,  Syria,  pp.  110,  286):  Avpcwlris, 
LXX.:  ^wran,  Vulg.     [Hauran.]     (c.)   "n"^? 

]^"^r',  house  of  caverns,  the  two  towns  of  Beth- 
horon  (Josh.  xn.  3,  5).  [Beth-horon.]  {d.) 
CS^n,  tioo  caverns,  the  town  Hraonaim  (Is.  xt 

5).       [HORONAIM.] 

III.  C^lin,  placet  of  refuge  in  rocks  (Ges.  p 
445)  for  Wrds,  Cant.  ii.  14:  aKtin):  foramina 
[Jer.  xlix.  16,  rpvij.a\tal:  cavemce;]  Obad.  3 
eiral'.  scissura:  A.  V.  clefts. 

rV.  rrnn^p  :  rpvixa\ia:  antrwn:  A.  V.  den 
a  ravine  through  which  water  flows  (Ges.  p.  858) 
Judg.  vi.  2. 

The  caves  of  Syria  and  Palestine  are  still  used 
either  occasionally  or  permanently,  as  habitation* 
as  at  Andb,  near  SzaU,  Kamotb-Gikad  (Bucking 


CAVE 

feam,  Travels  in  Syria,  p.  62).  The  shepherds  near 
Hebron  leave  their  villages  iii  the  summer  to  dwell 
In  caves  and  ruins,  in  order  to  be  nearer  to  their 
Bocks  and  fields  (Kobinson,  i.  212).  Almost  all  the 
habitations  at  Om-keis,  Gadara,  are  caves  (Burck- 
hardt,  p.  273).  An  extensive  system  of  caves  exists 
at  Beit  Jibrin,  Eleutheropolis,  in  Judah,  which  has 
gerved  for  residence  or  concealment,  though  now 
disused  (Robinson,  ii.  53);  and  another  between 
Bethlehem  and  Hebron  (Irby  and  Mangles,  p.  103). 

The  most  remarkable  caves  noticed  in  Scripture 
are: — 1.  That  in  which  Lot  dwelt  after  the  de- 
struction of  Sodom  (Gen.  xix.  30).  2.  The  cave 
of  Machpelah  (xxiii.  17).  3.  Cave  of  Makkedah 
(Josh.  X.  16).  4.  Cave  of  Adullam  (1  Sam.  xxii. 
1).  5.  Cave  of  En-gedi  (xxiv.  3).  6.  Obadiah's 
cave  (1  K.  xviii.  4).  7.  Elijah's  cave  in  Horeb 
(xix.  9).  8,  9.  The  rock  sepulchres  of  Lazarus, 
and  of  our  Lord  (John  xi.  38;  Matt,  xxvii.  60). 
Some  of  these  may  be  identified,  and  to  others  ap- 
proximate, if  not  absolutely  identical,  sites  may  be 
assigned.  Thus  the  existing  caverns  near  the  S.  E. 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea  serve  fuUy  to  justify  the  men- 
tion of  a  cave  as  the  place  of  Lot's  retirement;  as 
those  on  the  W.  side  agree  both  in  situation  and 
in  name  with  the  caves  of  En-gedi  (Lynch,  Narra- 
tive, p.  234 ;  Robinson,  i.  500 ;  Stanley,  p.  296 ).  The 
cave  of  Machpelah  undoubtedly  lies  beneath  the 
mosque  at  Hebron  (liobinson,  ii.  79 ;  Stanley,  p.  149 ; 
Benj.  of  Tudela,  Early  Trav.  p.  86).  The  cave  of 
,  Makkedah  can  hardly  be  the  one  to  which  tradition 

s  assigned  the  name  (Irby  and  Mangles,  p.  93); 
for  though  it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  the 
cave  was  close  to  the  town  of  IMakkedah,  yet  the 
situation  of  the  great  caverns  both  at  Beit  Jibrin 
and  at  Deir  Dubban  in  neither  case  agrees  with 
that  of  Makkedah  as  given  by  Eusebius,  eight  miles 
from  Eleutheropolis  (Reland,  p.  885;  Robinson,  ii. 
23,  53;  Stanley,  p.  211).  The  site  assigned  by  the 
same  ancient  authority  to  Adullam,  10  m.  E.  of 
Eleutheropolis,  agrees  as  little  with  that  of  the  cave 
beheved  by  tradition  to  have  been  David's  hiding- 
place,  namely,  in  the  Wady  Khureitun  at  the  S.  E. 
of  Bethlehem,  which  in  some  respects  agrees  with 
the  Scripture  narrative  better  than  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Deir  Dubban,  assigned  to  it  by  Mr.  Stan- 
ley. (See  1  Sam.  xx.  6,  and  particularly  xxii.  3, 
4;  Joseph.  Ant.  vL  12,  §  3;  Reland,  p.  549;  Irby 
and  Mangles,  p.  103;  liobinson,  i.  482;  Stanley, 
p.  259.)     [See  Odollam.] 

The  cave  in  which  Obadiah  concealed  the  proph- 
ets cannot  now  be  identified,  but  it  was  probably 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  country,  in  which  abun- 
dant instances  of  caves  fit  for  such  a  purpose  might 
be  pointed  out. 

The  sites  of  the  cave  of  Elijah,  as  well  as  of  the 
"cleft"  of  Moses  on  Mount  Horeb  (Ex.  xxxiii.  22) 
are  also  obviously  indeterminate ;  for  though  tradi- 
tion has  not  only  assigned  a  place  for  the  former 
on  Jebel  Musa,  and  consecrated  the  spot  by  a 
chapel,  there  are  caves  on  the  competing  summit 
of  Serbal,  to  one  or  other  of  which  it  might  with 
equal  probability  be  transferred.  (Stanley,  p.  49 ; 
Robinson,  i.  103;  Burckhardt,  p.  608.) 

Besides  these  special  caves  there  is  frequent  men- 
lion  in  0.  T.  of  caves  as  places  of  refuge.  Thus 
the  Israelites  are  said  to  have  taken  refuge  from  the 
Philistmes  in  "holes"  (1  Sam.  xiv.  11):  to  whia' 
the  name  of  the  scene  of  Jonathan's  conflict,  Mukh- 
nds  (Michmash),  sufficiently  answers.  (Stanley, 
•,.  204;  Rob.  i.  440;  Irby,  p.  89.)  So  also  in  the 
Vme  of  Gideon  they  had  taken  refuge  from  the  ilid- 


OAYE  897 

ianites  in  dens  and  cavas  and  strongholai.,  iach  $m 
abound  in  the  mountain  region  of  Manasseh. 
(Judges  vi.  2;  Stanley,  p.  341.) 

Not  only  have  the  caves  of  Palestine  afforded 
refuge  from  enemies,  but  during  the  earthquakes 
also,  by  which  the  country  has  been  so  often  vis- 
ited, the  inhabitants  have  found  ui  them  a  safe 
retreat.  This  was  the  case  in  the  great  convulsion 
of  1837,  when  Sa/ed  was  destroyed;  and  to  this 
mode  of  retreat  the  prophet  Isaiah  probably  alludes 
(Is.  ii.  10,  19,  21;  Robinson,  ii.  422;  Stanlej', 
p.  151). 

But  Adullam  is  not  the  only  cave,  nor  were  its 
tenants  the  only  instances  of  banditti  making  the 
caves  of  Palestine  their  accustomed  hamit.  Jose- 
phus  (Ant.  xiv.  15,  §  5)  relates  the  manner  in 
which,  by  order  of  Herod,  a  cave  occupied  by  rob- 
bers, or  rather  insurgents,  was  attacked  by  soldiers 
let  down  from  above  in  chests  and  baskets,  from 
wliich  they  dragged  forth  the  inmates  with  hooks, 
and  killed  or  thrust  them  down  the  precipices ;  or, 
setting  fire  to  their  stores  of  fuel,  destroyed  them 
by  suffocation.  These  caves  are  said  to  have  been 
in  Galilee,,  not  far  from  Sepphoris ;  and  are  prob- 
ably the  same  as  those  which  Josephus  himself,  in 
providing  for  the  defense  of  Gahlee,  fortified  near 
Gennesaret,  which  elsewhere  he  calls  the  caves  of 
Arbela  {B.  J.  i.  16,  §  2-4,  ii.  20,  §  6,  Vit.  §  37). 
Bacchides,  the  general  of  Demetrius,  in  his  expedi- 
tion against  Judsea,  encamped  at  Messaloth,  near 
Arbela,  and  reduced  to  submission  the  occupants 
of  the  caves  (Ant.  xii.  11,   §  1;  1  Mace.  ix.  2). 

Messaloth  is  probably  ."TlvD^,  steps,  or  terraces 
(comp.  2  Chr.  ix.  11;  Ges.p.  957).  The  Messaloth 
of  the  book  of  Maccabees  and  the  robber-caves  of 
Arbela  are  thus  probably  identical,  and  are  the 
same  as  the  fortified  cavern  near  Afedjdel  (Mag- 
dala),  called  Kalaat  Ibn  Maan,  or  Pigeon's  Castle, 
mentioned  by  several  travellers.  They  are  said  by 
Burckhardt  to  be  capable  of  containing  600  men. 
(lieland,  pp.  358,  575 ;  Burckhardt,  Syna,  p.  331 ; 
Irby  and  Mangles,  p.  91;  Lightfoot,  Cent.  Chwogr. 
ii.  231 ;  Robinson,  ii.  398 ;  Raumer,  p.  108 :  comp 
also  Ho8.  X.  14.)     [Beth-Akbel.] 

Josephus  also  speaks  of  the  robber  mhabitants 
of  Trachonitis,  who  Uved  in  large  caverns,  present- 
ing no  prominence  above  ground,  but  widely  ex- 
tended below  {Ant.  xv.  10,  §  1).  These  banditti 
annoyed  much  the  trade  with  Damascus,  but  were 
put  down  by  Herod.  Strabo  alludes  very  distinctly 
to  this  in  his  description  of  Trachonitis.  and  de- 
scribes one  of  the  caverns  as  capable  of  holding 
4000  men  (Strabo,  xvi.  p.  756;  Raumer,  p.  68; 
Jolliffe,  Travels  in  Pal.  i.  197). 

Lastly,  it  was  the  caves  which  lie  beneath  and 
around  so  many  of  the  Jewish  cities  that  formed 
the  last  hiding-places  of  the  Jewish  leaders  in  the 
war  with  the  Romans.  Josephus  himself  relates 
the  story  of  his  o\vn  concealment  in  the  cavas  cf 
Jotapata;  and  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  Jt/bn 
of  Gischala,  Simon,  and  many  other  Jews  end  jav- 
ored  to  conceal  themselves  in  the  caverns  beneath 
the  city ;  whilst  in  some  of  them  great  sjwil  and 
vast  numbers  of  dead  bodies  were  found  of  those 
who  had  perished  during  the  siege  by  hunger  or 
from  wounds  (Joseph.  B.  J.  iii.  8,  §  1,  vi.  9,  §  4). 

The  rock  dwellings  and  temples  of  Petra  are  de- 
scribed in  a  separate  article. 

Natural  cavities  in  the  rock  were  and  are  fre- 
quently used  as  cistenis  for  water,  and  as  places  of 
imprisonment  (Is.  xxiv.  22;  Ez^  txzii.  23;  Zecb 


898 


CEDAR 


Ix.  11)  [Cistern;  Prison]  ;  also  as  stalls  for  horses 
and  for  granaries  (Irby  and  Mangles,  p.  140).  No 
use,  however,  of  rock  caverns  more  strikingly  con- 
nects the  modem  usages  of  Palestine  and  tlie  a^lja- 
cent  regions  with  their  ancient  history  than  the 
employment  of  them  as  burial-places.  The  rocky 
soil  of  80  large  a  portion  of  the  Holy  Land  almost 
forbiils  interment,  excepting  in  cavities  eitlier  nat- 
ural or  hewn  from  the  rock.  The  dwelling  of  the 
demoniac  among  the  tombs  is  thus  explained  by 
the  rock  caverns  abounding  near  the  Sea  of  Galilee 
(JoUiffe,  i.  36).  Accordingly  numerous  sites  are 
iliown  in  Palestine  and  adjacent  lands  of  (so-called) 
sepulchres  of  saints  and  hetoes  of  Old  and  New 
Test.,  venerated  both  by  Christians  and  Moham- 
medans {Early  Travels,  p.  36;  Stanley,  p.  148). 
Among  these  may  be  mentioned  the  cave  of  Mach- 
pelah,  the  tomb  of  Aaron  on  Mount  Hor,  of  Joseph, 
and  of  Kachel,  as  those  for  which  every  probability 
of  identity  in  site  at  least  may  be  claimed  (Irby 
and  Mangles,  p.  134;  Robinson,  i.  218,  219,  ii.  275- 
287).  More  questionable  are  the  sites  of  the  tombs 
of  Elisha,  Obadiah,  and  John  the  Baptist,  at  Sa- 
maria; of  Habakkuk  at  Jehatha  (Gabatha),  Micah 
WQ&T  Keiln,  and, of  Deborah,  Rebekah's  nurse,  at 
Bethel  (Stanley,  pp.  143,  149;  Reland,  pp.  772,  698, 
981 ;  Rob.  ii.  304).  The  questions  so  much  debated 
relating  to  the  tombs  in  and  near  Jerusalem  and 
Bethany  will  be  found  treated  under  those  heads. 
But  whatever  value  may  belong  to  the  coimection 
of  the  names  of  judges,  kings,  or  prophets,  with 
the  very  remarkable  rock-tombs  neai'  Jerusalem, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  tliat  the  caves  bearing  these 
names  are  sepulchral  caverns  enlarged  and  embel- 
lished by  art.  Tlie  sides  of  the  valley  of  Jeliosh- 
aphat  arc  studded  with  caves,  many  of  which  are 
inhabited  by  Arab  families.  (Sandys,  p.  188 ;  Maun- 
drell,  p.  446;  Robinson,  i.  241,  349,  364;  Bartlett, 
Walks  about  Jerusalem,  p.  117).  It  is  no  doubt  the 
vast  number  of  caves  throughout  the  country,  to- 
gether with,  perliaps,  as  Maundrell  remarks  the 
taste  for  hermit  life  which  prevailed  in  the  5th  and 
6th  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  which  has  placed 
the  sites  of  so  many  important  events  in  caves  and 
grottoes ;  c.  //.  the  birth  of  the  Virgin,  the  Annun- 
ciation, the  Salutation,  the  l)irth  of  the  Baptist  and 
of  our  I^rd,  the  scene  of  the  Agony,  of  St.  Peter's 
denial,  the  composition  of  the  Apostles'  Creed,  the 
Transfiguration  (Shaw,  pt.  ii.  c.  1;  Maundrell,  £. 
T.  p.  479):  and  the  like  causes  have  created  a  tra- 
ditionary cave-site  for  the  altar  of  Elyali  on  Mount 
Carmel,  and  peopled  its  sides,  as  well  as  those  of 
Mount  Tabor,  with  hermit  inhabitants.  (1  K. 
xviii.  19 ;  Irby  and  Mangles,  p.  60 ;  Reland,  p.  329 ; 
tViner,  s.  v.  Cai-mel ;  Am.  ix.  3;  Sir  J.  Maunde- 
>ille,  Travels,  p.  31;  Sandys,  p.  203;  Maundrell, 
/;.  T.  p.  478;  Jahn,  Arch.  Bibl.  p.  9;  Stanley,  p. 
;{53;  Kitto,P/?^s.  Geogr.  pp.  30,31;  Van  %mont, 
Travels,  ii.  5-7.)  H.  W.  P. 

CEDAR  (T^S:  KtSpos:  cedrm:  from  f^S, 

loot  of  W"1S,  coiled  or  compressed,  Gesen.  p.  148). 
The  terra  is  expressive  of  a  mighty  and  deeply 
rootetl  tree,  and  is  usually  understood  to  apply  here 
to  one  of  the  coniferous  kind,  but  not  always  to 
Ihat  which  is  commonly  known  as  the  Cedar  of 
l^banon. 
llie  conditions  to  be  fidfilled  in  order  to  answer 

a  The  difference  between  the  Lebanon  cedar  and 
ibe  Deodiira  consistg  chiefly  in  the  cones,  which  in 
lie  latter  grow  in  pain>,  and  upon  stallca  ;  the  leaves 


CEDAR 

all  the  descriptions  in  the  Bible  of  a  cedar-trae  an 
that  it  should  be  tall  (Is.  ii.  13),  spreading  (Ez. 
xxxi.  3),  abundant  (1  K.  v.  6,  10),  fit  for  beams, 
pillars,  and  boards  (1  K.  vi.  10,  15,  vii.  2),  masts 
of  ships  (Ez.  xxvii.  5),  and  for  carved  work  as 
images  (Is.  xliv.  14).  To  these  may  be  added  qual 
ities  ascribed  to  cedar-wood  by  j)rofane  writers 
Pliny  speaks  of  the  cedar  of  Crete,  Africa,  and 
Syria  as  being  most  est«en)ed  and  imperishable. 
The  same  quality  is  ascribed  also  to  juniiHjr.  In 
Egypt  and  Syria  ships  were  built  of  cedar,  and  in 
Cyprus  a  tree  was  cut  down  120  feet  long  and  pro- 
portionately thick.  The  durability  of  cedar  was 
proved,  he  says,  by  the  duration  of  the  cedar  roof 
of  the  temple  of  Diana  at  ICphesus,  which  had  lasted 
400  years.  At  Utica  the  l)eams,  made  of  Nimiid- 
ian  cedar,  of  a  temple  of  ApfjUo  had  lasted  1170 
years !  Vitru\'ius  speaks  of  the  antiseptic  proper- 
ties of  the  oil  of  cedar  and  also  of  juniper  (Plin. 
//.  N.  xiii.  5,  xvi.  40;  Vitruv.  ii.  9;  Joseph.  Ant. 
viii.  5,  §  2;  Sandys,  Travels,  pp.  166,  167). 

Not  only  was  cedar  timber  used  by  David  and 
Solomon  in  their  buildings  (2  Sam.  v.  11;  1  K.  v. 
6,  vi.  15,  vii.  2),  but  also  in  the  second  Temple 
rebuilt  under  Zerubbabel,  the  timl)er  employed  was 
cedar  from  Lebanon  (Ezr.  iii.  7;  1  I'^dr.  iv.  48,  v. 
55).  Cedar  is  also  said  by  Joseph  us  to  have  Ijeen 
used  by  Herod  in  the  roof  of  his  temple  (B.  J.  v. 
5,  §  2).  The  roof  of  the  Rotunda  of  the  Church 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem  is  said  to  have 
been  of  cedar,  and  that  of  the  Church  of  the  Vir- 
gin at  Bethlehem  to  have  been  of  cedar  or  cypress. 
(Williams,  Holy  City,  ii.  202;  Quaresmius,  /Juc. 
Terr.  Sanct.yi.  12;  Per.  p.  2;  Tobler,  Bethlehem, 
pp.  110,  112.) 

Now  in  some  important  respects  no  tree  but  the 
cedar  {Plnus  cedrus),  or  its  almost  equivalent,  tl>e 
Pinus  Deodara,"  can  answer  the  above  conditions. 
The  chanicteristics  of  these  two  trees,  of  which 
great  numbers  are  found  from  Mount  Taurus  to  tie 
Himalayas,  are  so  often  interchanged  that  they  are 
scarcely  to  l)e  distinguished  the  one  from  the  other. 
No  tree  is  at  once  so  lofty,  spreading,  and  umbra- 
geous, and  the  wood  of  the  Deodara  at  least  is  ex- 
tremely dural)le.  The  difficulties  which  are  found 
in  reconciling  the  ancient  descri])tions  with  the 
modem  specimens  of  cedar  wood  lie,  (1)  in  the  fit- 
ness of  cedar  trees  for  masts  of  ships  (Ez.  xxvii.  5); 
(2)  still  more  in  the  very  general  agreement  as  to 
the  inferior  quality  of  the  timber,  which  is  usually 
described  as  less  valualile  than  the  worst  sorts  of 
deal.  Of  authorities  quoted  by  Dr.  Royle  in  his 
article  on  the  subject  in  Dr.  Kitto's  Cyclopa;dia  (art. 
Eres),  two  only  ascribe  sen'ijeable  qualities  to  the 
cedar-wood,  whether  grown  in  I-ngland  or  in  speci- 
mens brought  from  the  ancient  cedar  grove  on  Mount 
Lebanon.  Accordingly,  Celsius  in  his  /lierohotan  ■ 
icon  has  endeavored  to  prove  that  Ity  the  cedar  of 
Scripture  is  meant  the  Pinus  sylveslris  or  Scotch 
fir,  and  that  by  "fir"  is  intended  the  cyi)re8S. 
Others  have  supposed  that  the  Sandarac  tree,  the 
citms  of  Pliny,  Calliti'is  guadiivalris,  or  Thuja 
articulata,  represents  the  cedar,  llie  timber  of 
this  tree  is  extremely  hard  and  durable;  the  roof 
of  the  mosque  of  Cordova,  built  in  the  9th  century, 
is  constructed  of  it,  which  was  formerly  supjxwed 
from  the  Spanish  name  alerce  to  have  been  mode 
of  larch  (Cook,  Sketches  in  Spain,  p.  5,  and  note 


also  are  longer  and  more  distinctly  3-8ided.    The 
of  both  is  extremely  resinous. 


CEUAK 

F«rcug8on,  Ilmullj.  of  Arch  \.  456).  Besides  these 
trees,  the  Cephalonian  pine,  the  common  yew,  Taxus 
baccatn,  and  the  jumper  cedar,  Cedrus  bacci/ern,  or 
oxycclrus,  each  of  them  possesses  qualities  which 
answer  to  some  at  least  of  those  ascribed  to  the 
cedar.  The  opinion  of  Celsius  is  founded  in  great 
measure  on  the  use  by  the  Arjl)s  and  Arabic  writers 
of  the  word  \A.  "rz,  evidently  the  equivalent  of 
T^!"\  evez,  to  express  the  oedar  of  Ubanon,  and 
also'  at  Aleppo  the  Pinus  syhi-strh,  which  is  abun- 
dant both  near  tliat  city  and  on  Lebanon.  A  sim- 
ilar argument  will  apply  also  to  the  T/raju  articulata 
uf  Mount  Atlas,  which  is  called  by  the  Arabs  el- 
arz,  a  name  wiiich  led  to  the  mistake  as  to  the  ma- 
larial of  the  Cordova  roof  firom  its  similarity  to 
tlie  Spanish  alerce  (Niebuhr,  Bescr.  de  VArnhk, 
p.  131,  &c.,  and  Questions,  xc.  p.  169,  Ac;  Pliny, 
//    A',  xiii.   11,  15;    Kitto,  i;res,    Thuja;  Hay, 


CEDAR 


899 


I/e^i.  Barb.  c.  iv.  49 ;  Gesen.  p.   148,  who  rqeeU 
the  opinion  of  Celsius;  Winer,  s.  v.). 

It  may  be  observed,  (1.)  That  unsuccessfid  exper- 
iments on  English-grown  cedar,  or  on  wood  derived 
from  the  trees  of  the  ancient  cedar  grove  of  Let)a,- 
non,  do  not  as  yet  invaUdate  all  claim  of  the  cedar, 
whether  Lebanon  or  Deodara  cedar,  to  share  in  the 
qualities  anciently  ascribed  to  it.  Besides  the  trees 
which  belong  to  the  one  grove  known  bj  the  name 
of  "the  Cedars,"  groves  and  green  woods  of  cetlar 
are  found  hi  other  parts  of  the  range  (Buckuigham, 
Tracels  nmowj  Arabs,  p.  468;  J-Jng.  Cycl.  8.  v. 
t^yria;  liobmson,  iii.  593;  Burckhardt,  Syria,  p. 
19 ;  Loudon,  Arboretum,  vol.  iv.  pp.  2406,  2407 ; 
Celsius,  Hierobotanicon,  i.  89 ;  Belon,  Obs.  de  Ar- 
bm-Wus  conlferis,  ii.  162,  165,  166).  (2.)  That  it 
has  been  akeady  shown  that  tlie  Deodara  cedai 
certainly  possesoes  in  a  remarkable  degree  the  proiv 
erty  of  durability,  said  to  be  wanting  hi  the  Leb- 


»non  cedar.  But  (3.)  The  remains  of  wood  used 
b  the  Nineveh  palaces  were  supposed  by  Layard  to 
1)6  cedar,  a  supposition  confirmed  by  the  inscrip- 
tions, which  show  that  the  Assyrian  kings  imported 
cedar  from  l^banon.  This  wood  is  now  pro\ed  by 
microscopic  examination  to  be  yew  (Layard,  .V.  aiid 
B.  pp.  356,  357;   Loudon,  u.  s.  p.  2431). 

In  speaking,  therefore,  of  cedar  of  b;banoii  used 
in  building  tor  beams,  pillars,  or  ceiUng  boards,  it 
is  probable  that  tlie  wood  of  more  than  one  tree 
was  employed,  but  uiiuer  the  one  name  of  cedar, 
Vid  that  "the  trees  which  furnished  the  material 
vere,  besides  the  Pinus  cedrus,  the  Ctdrus  Dtoda- 1, 
he  yew,  ( Taxus  baccata),  and  also  the  Scotci  pine 
( Pinu^  sylvestris).  The  Sandarac  tree  ( Thuja  artic- 
ulata) is  said  by  Van  Egmoni  {TraveLs,  i\.  280)  to 
tave  been  found  on  I^banon,  but  no  huit  of  im- 
portation of  foreign  timber  is  anywhere  given  in 
Scripture,  or  by  Josephus,  whilst  each  of  the  above- 
aamed  trees  grows  there  in  greater  or  less  abun- 


Oe  Hrs  of  LAanon.     (Prom  a  Phot»grapli-) 

kiel;  and  it  may  be  added,  that  the  I^X.  reader 
"masts"  in  that  passage  by  iffrohs  iKarivom, 
iivule  of  fir,  or  like  fr. 

But  tiiere  is  another  use  of  cedar- wood  men 
tioned  in  Scripture,  namely,  in  purification  (f^v 
xiv.  4;  Num.  xix.  6).  The  term  cedar  is  applied 
by  PUiiy  to  the  lesser  cedar,  oxycedrus,  a  Phoenician 
juniper,  which  is  still  common  on  the  Lebanon, 
and  whose  wood  is  aromatic.  The  wood  or  fruit 
of  this  tree  was  anciently  burnt  by  way  of  per- 
fume, especially  at  funerals  (PUn.  H.  N.  xiii.  1,  5; 
Ov.  Fast.  ii.  558;  Hom.  Od.  v.  60).  The  ti-ee  is 
common  in  Egypt  an('  Nubia,  and  also  in  Arabia, 
in  the  Wady  Mousa,  where  the  greater  cedar  is  noi 
found.  It  "is  obviouj'y  likely  that  the  use  of  the 
more  common  tree  should  be  enjohied  whUe  the 
people  were  still  in  the  wilderness,  rather  than  of 
the  uncommon  (Shaw,  Travels,  p.  464;  Burck- 
hardt,  Si/ria,  p.  430;  KusseU,  Nid/h,  p.  425). 
The  cTOve  of  trees  knowTi  as  the  Cedars  of  Leb- 


i«.ce      rnKX^K:;  h    e'^^^^^^^^^^  of  about  400  trees,  standing  am. 

S^ii  of  the  8hip-^l  mentioned  by  Eze-  j  alone  in  .  depression  of  the  mountam  wuh  no  tn«. 


400 


CEDAK 


near,  about  6400  feet  above  the  sea,  and  3000  be- 
ow  the  sun  unit.  About  11  or  12  are  very  large 
Kud  old,  25  large,  50  of  nuddle  size,  and  more  than 
300  younger  and  smaller  ones."  The  older  trees 
have  each  sevenil  trunks  and  spread  themselves 
widely  round,  but  most  of  the  others  are  of  cone- 
like form  and  do  not  send  out  wide  lateral  brancnes.* 
In  1550  there  were  28  old  trees,  in  1739  Pococke 
counted  15,  but  the  number  of  trunks  makes  the 
operation  of  counting  uncei'tain.  They  are  re 
garded  with  much  reverence  by  the  native  inhab- 
itants as  living  records  of  Solomon's  power,  and 
the  Maronite  patriai-ch  was  formerly  accustomed  to 
celebrate  there  the  festival  of  the  Transfiguration 
at  an  altar  of  rough  stones.  Within  the  last  10 
years  a  chai)el  lias  been  erected  (Kobiuson,  iii.  5!)0, 
'591;  Staidey,  «.  cf  P.  p.  140).  H.  W.  P. 

There  can,  we  think,  be  little  doubt  that  the  He- 
brew word  erez  (^"^S),  invariably  rendered  "cedar" 
by  the  A.  V.,  does  stand  for  that  tree  in  most  of 
the  passages  where  the  word  occurs.     'ITie  erez,  or 
"  firmly  rooted  and  strong  tree,"  from  an  Arabic 
root  which  has  this  signification,c  is  particularly  the 
name  of  the  cedar  of  Ixbanon   {Ctdrus  Libani); 
but  that  the  word  is  used  in  a  wider  sense  to  denote 
other  trees  of  the   Conijerce,  is  clear  from  some 
Scriptural  pass^^es  where  it  occurs.     For  instance, 
the  "  cedar  wood "  mentioned  in  Lev.  xiv.  6  can 
hardly  be  the  woo<l  of  the  Lebanon  cedars,  seeing 
that  the  Ctdrus  Libani  could  never  have  grown  in 
the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  where  the  Israelites  were  at 
the  time  the  law  for  the  cleaning  of  the  leper  was 
given;  nor  in  Lgypt,  whence  they  had  departed. 
"Cedars,"  says  Ur.   Hooker,  "are  found  on  the 
mountains  of  Algeria,  on  the  whole  range  of  Tau- 
rus, and  in  the  Kedislia  valley  of  I^banon :  they 
have  also  been  observed  by  l'llirent)erg  in  forests  of 
oak  between  Bsherre  and   Bshinnate."     There  is 
another  passage  (Ez.  xxvii.  5)  where  the  Tyrians 
are  said  to  have  made  use  of  "  cedars  of  Lebanon  " 
for  masts  of  shifxs,  in  which  perliaps  erez  denotes 
some  fir;    in  all  probability,  as  Dr.  Hooker  con- 
jectures,  the   Piiim   /Idle/n-nsis,  which   grows   in 
l^banon,  and  is  better  fitted  for  furnishing  ship- 
inasts  tlian  the  wood  of  the  Ceditis  Libani.     With 
regard  to  the  objection  that  has  been  made  to  the 
wood  of  the  Ctdrus  LilMtui  —  (see  Dr.  Lindley's 
remark  in  the  Gardtntr's    Chron.   i.  699,  "the 
worthless  though  magnificent  cedar  of  Mount  I^b- 
anou  " )  —  that  its  inferior  quality  could  never  have 
allowed  it  to  fonn   the    "cedar  pillars,"   Ac.   of 
Solomon's  temple,  it  may  lie  obsened  that  this  in- 
feriority applies  only  to  EngKsli  grown  trees,  and 
not  to  Lebanon  sijecimens.     At  the  same  time  it 
must  be  admitte<l  that,  though  the  wood  is  of  close 
grain,  it  h;is  no  particular  quality  to  recommend  it 
'or  building  purposes;  it  was  probably,  therefore, 
jot  very  extensively  used  in  the  construction  of  the 
Temple. 

The  Ccdrus  Libctni,  IHnua  JlalepensU,  and  Jm- 


ft  CD  AT* 

mpervs  excelsa,  were  ,  robably  all  includes!  luidei 
the  term  erez ;  though  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
by  this  name  is  more  especially  denoted  the  cedar  of 
Lebanon,  as  being  hot'  ii,ox>]v  the  firmest  and 
grandest  of  the  conifers. 

The  Pinus  syktstris  is  by  old  writers  often  men- 
tioned as  one  of  the  pmes  of  Lebanon;  but  Dr 
Hooker  says  he  has  little  doubt  that  the  /'.  Half 
pensig  must  be  tlie  tr.-e  meant,  for  the  P.  sylrestrit 
("  Scotch  fir")  is  not  found  in  l^banon  or  Syria. 

The  claim  of  the  Deodar  to  represent  a  Bible 
Conifer  may  be  dismissed  at  once.  Deodars  are 
not  found  nearer  to  the  Lebanon  than  within  a  dis-  ' 
tance  of  several  hundred  miles.  As  to  the  "  cedar 
wood  "  used  in  purifications,  it  is  probahle  that  ono 
of  the  smaller  junipers  is  intended  (./.  subinaf), 
for  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  Juniperus  exctlaa. 
exists  at  all  in  Arabia.     [Junu'ER.] 

Dr.  Hooker  has  favored  us  w;ith  the  ftUowing 
valuable  conmumication  relative  to  the  true  cedars 
(rf  l^banon:  "As  far  as  is  at  present  known,  tlie 
cetlar  of  Lebanon  is  confined  in  Syria  to  one  valley 
of  the  l^banon  range,  namely,  that  of  the  Kedisha 
river,  which  flows  from  near  the  highest  point  of 
the  range  westward  to  the  Mediterranean,  and 
enters  the  sea  at  the  port  of  Tripoli.  The  grove 
is  at  the  very  upper  part  of  the  valley,  about  15 
mUes  from  the  sea,  GOOO  feet  above  that  level,  and 
their  position  is  moreover  above  that  of  all  other 
arboreous  vegetation.  The  valley  here  is  very  broad, 
open,  and  shallow,  and  the  grove  forms  a  mere 
speck  on  its  flat  floor.  The  mountains  rise  above 
them  on  the  N.  E.  and  S.  in  steep  stony  slop&s, 
without  precipices,  gorges,  ravines,  or  any  other 
picturesque  features  wliatever.  Nothing  can  be 
more  dreary  than  the  whole  surrounding  landscape. 
To  the  W.  the  scenery  abruptly  changes,  tlie  valley 
suddenly  contracts  to  a  gorge,  and  becomes  a  rocky 
ravine  of  the  most  picturesque  description,  with  vil- 
lages, groves,  and  convents  perched  on  its  flaiks, 
base,  and  summits,  recalling  Switzerland  vividy 
and  accurately.  At  the  time  of  my  visit  (Octob*  \, 
1800)  the  flanks  of  the  valley  about  the  cedars  wei ) 
perfectly  arid,  and  of  a  pale  yelbw  red ;  and  the 
view  of  this  great  red  area,  perhaps  two  or  three 
miles  across,  with  the  minute  tmtch  of  cedar  grove, 
seen  from  above  and  at  a  distance  of  ten  miles  or 
so,  was  most  singular.  I  can  give  jou  no  idea  of 
what  a  speck  the  grove  is  in  the  yawning  hollow. 
I  have  said  the  floor  of  the  valley  is  flat  and  broad; 
but,  on  nearer  insi)ection,  the  cedars  are  found  to 
be  confined  to  a  small  i>ortion  of  a  range  of  low 
stony  hills  of  roimded  outlines,  and  perhaps  60  t« 
100  feet  above  the  plain,  which  sweep  across  the 
valley.  These  hills  are,  I  believe,  old  moraines,  de- 
posited by  glaciers  that  once  debouche<l  on  to  the 
plain  from  the  surrounding  tops  of  Lebanon.  I 
have  many  reasons  for  believing  this,  as  also  for 
supposing  that  their  formation  dates  from  the  glacial 
epoch.  The  restriction  of  the  cedars  to  these  mo- 
raines is  absolute,  and  not  without  anak)gy  in  re- 


a  « Mr.  Jessup  (see  addilaon  to  this  article)  says 
that  the  largest  of  those  "  is  forty-eight  feet  in  clrcum- 
fereace,  and  the  ruuiainiog  eleven  vary  from  twenty  to 
ihirty  feet"  (Hoars  at  Home  for  March,  18G7;  iv 
408).  A. 

6  *  Dr.  Thomson  (//i»rf  and  Book,  i.  297)  remarks 
on  a  8trik\ii({  peculiarity  in  the  shape  of  thfa  tree, 
which  1b  illustrated  by  the  engraving  hero  given.  He 
mys :  "  The  brunches  are  thrown  out  horiitontally  fh)m 
the  pareut  trunk.  These,  again,  part  into  limbs  which 
piwervt  ttte  same  liorixoDtal  direction,  and  so  oa  down 


to  the  nunut«sst  twigs,  and  even  the  arrangement  of 
the  clustered  leaves  has  the  sauie  genanl  teudency. 
Climb  into  one,  and  you  are  d«lighted  with  a  8ucce» 
siou  of  verdiint  doors  spread  around  the  trunk,  and 
gradually  narrowing  as  jou  ascend.  The  beautiful 
cones  seem  to  stand  upon,  or  rise  out  of  this  greei 
flooring."  A. 

c  From  the  unused  root  T"S,  »•  V-  Arab.  v»|,  con 
traxit,  coUtgit  .firmamtif'm  w.     tieMn.  Tkta  ».  i 


I 


CEDAR 

^ixi  to  other  coniferous  trees  in  Swiss  and  Hima- 
layan valleys." 

Dr.  Hooker  draws  attention  to  the  unfortunate 
disregard  shown  will:  wpect  to  the  seedlings  an- 
nually produced  irom  he  old  cedar-trees  in  Leb- 
anon. It  is  a  remarkable  but  lamentable  fact  that 
no  trees  are  seen  much  les.s  than  50  years  old ! 
The  browsing  goats  and  the  drought  destroy  all  the 
young  seedlings;  and  it  is  a  sad  pity  that  no  means 
are  adopted  to  encourage  their  growth,  which  might 
easily  be  done  by  fencing  and  watering." 

\V.  H. 

*  It  has  been  popularly  supposed  and  often  as- 
serted (even  by  Stanley,  -S.  cf  P.  p.  140,  3d  ed.) 
that  the  IVslierreh  grove  above  deserited  was  the 
only  remaining  representative  of  the  ancient  "cedars 
of  Lebanon,"  though  Seetzen  found  cedars  to  the 
number  of  several  thousands  at  Etniib,  north  of 
Khden,  and  s|)eaks  of  two  other  groves  which  he 
did  not  [jersonally  visit  (Uob.  Lat.tr  Bill.  Res.  iii. 
593).  IClirenberg  also  in  182-3  found  the  cedar 
growing  abundantly  on  those  parts  of  the  Lebanon 
range  which  lie  north  of  the  road  between  Ba'aJbek 
and  Tripoli  (Hob.  ibid.).  More  i-ecently,  other 
large  groves  were  descril)ed  by  lierggren  and  the 
botanist  Bov^  (Hitter,  Erdk.  xvii.  638).  But  we  are 
indebted  for  the  fullest  inlbrmation  on  this  sulject 
to  the  Hev.  Henry  H.  Jessup,  an  American  mis- 
sionary in  Syria,  who  h;i8  visited  and  described  no 
less  than  "  eleven  distinct  (/mves  of  cedars  in 
Mount  I^banon,  two  of  them  of  great  size  and 
numbering  thousands  of  trees.  Five  of  these 
groves  are  in  Northern  and  six  in  Southern  Leb- 
anon, and  their  situation  and  relative  altitude  above 
the  sea,"  Mr.  Jessup  remarks,  "are  such  as  to  in- 
dicate that  at  some  time  in  the  past,  the  whole 
I^ebanon  range,  at  an  average  height  of  from  3000 
to  7000  feet  above  the  sea,  was  covered  with  forests 
of  this  imperial  tree."  (See  his  article  on  the 
"Cedar  Forests  in  Mount  Lebanon"  in  Hours  at 
Home  for  March  and  April,  1867 ;  iv.  405  ff.,  499 
fF.) 

Of  the  groves  in  Northern  Lebanon  the  most 
remarkable,  besides  the  famous  B'sherreh  grove,  is 
one  at  el-Ha<lith,  first  visited  by  Mr.  Jessup  in 
1856,  in  wiiich,  as  he  says,  "  the  trees  are  literally 
Innumenible,  extending  for  a  mile  along  the  range, 
and  containing  cedai-s  enough  to  build  a  city  of 
temples"  {//ours  nt  //nine,  iv.  409).  Mr.  Tris- 
tram visited  the  same  place  in  1864,  and  describes 
the  largest  of  the  trees  as  "  fifteen  or  eighteen  feet 
in  circumference,"  but  he  found  "  none  that  ap- 
proached the  patriarchs  of  the  grove  either  in  size 
or  magnificence"  {Land  of  /srael,  p.  634,  2d  ed.). 

In  Soiitliern  Lebanon  there  was  a  forest  of  cedars 
a  few  years  ago  near  Ain  Zehalteh,  containing 
"more  tiian  10,000  ti-ees,  many  of  them  of  im- 
mense size;  "  but  "  the  Vandal  of  a  Sheik,"  as  Mr. 
Tristram  calls  liini,  "  sold  them  to  a  native  specu- 
lator, who  cut  them  down  for  pitch."  The  stumps, 
however,  remain,  and  luxuriant  young  plants  are 
springing  up  on  every  side.  Mr.  Jessup  visited  the 
place,  and  measured  one  stump  "  nearly  15  feet  in 
diameter"  {I/ours  at  /Iimie,  iv.  499).  Among  the 
more  remarkable  groves  now  flourishing  in  South- 
ern Lebanon  is  one  near  Maasir,  "not  inferior  in 
interest  to  the  '  Cedars  of  the  Lord  ■  themselves." 

a  See  Dr.  Hooker's  paper  "  On  the  Cedars  of  I<eba- 
non,  Taurus,  &c."  in  tUe  Nat  Hisl.  Review,  No.  v 
p.  11. 

•  Dean  Stanley  has  a  beautmil  paragraph  (fouu Jed 

26 


CEILING 


401 


It  contains  alx)ut  300  trees,  the  largest  measuring 
over  30  feet  in  circumference.  "  Perhaps  20  <  f 
them,'*  sa}'s  Mr.  Jessup,  "will  measure  from  20  lo 
25  feet  in  circumference,  and  almost  all  of  thein 
are  large  and  venerable  in  appearance.  There  is 
not  an  insignifieant  tree  in  tlie  grove."  Near  el- 
Baruk  there  is  a  much  larger  grove  or  rather  forest, 
contaijiing  thousands  of  trees.  They  cover  an  area 
of  nearly  one  hundred  acres  along  the  mountain 
side,  and  up  and  down  a  gradually  sloping  ravine. 
.  .  .  The  largest  of  the  trees  measure  in  girth 
about  20  feet,  and  they  vary  in  size  down  to  a  foot 
in  diameter."  Below  this,  at  about  fifteen  minutes' 
ride,  lies  the  nortlieastern  grove  of  el-Baruk,  on 
the  southern  side  of  a  deep  ravine,  containing 
about  200  noble  trees,  the  largest  24  feet  in  circum- 
ference. 

Mr.  .lessup  in  his  visits  to  these  groves  was  ac- 
companied by  Dr.  Post,  an  experienced  botanist, 
who  pronounces  the  trees  to  be  the  genuine  J'iniu 
cedrus.  A. 

CE'DRON  (^  KeSpcij/;  Alex.  [1  Mace.  xv. 
39,  KaxSpov;  41,]  Kehpoi:  [1  Mace.  xv.  39,  41,J 
Gedor  [bdt  Cedron,  ed.  1590,  as  in  xn.  9]).  1. 
A  place  fortified  by  Cendeba!us  under  the  orders  of 
king  Antiochus  (Sidetes),  as  a  station  from  which 
to  command  the  roads  of  Judaea  (1  Mace.  xv.  39, 
41,  xvi.  9).  It  was  not  far  from  Jamnia  (Jabne), 
or  from  Azotus  (Ashdod),  and  had  a  winter-torrent 
or  wady  {xei/xapbous),  on  the  eastward  of  it,  which 
the  army  of  the  !\Iaccabees  ha-l  to  cross  before  Cen- 
debseus  could  be  attacked  (x\'.  5).  These  condi- 
tions are  well  fulfilled  in  the  modern  place  Katra 
or  Kutrali,  which  lies  on  the  maritime  plain  below 
the  river  Rubin,  and  three  miles  sok'..  .west  of  Akir 
(Ekron).  Schwarz  (p.  119)  gives  'iie  modem  name 
as  Kadn'in,  but  this  wants  confirmation.  Ewald 
{Gesch.  iv.  390,  note)  suggests  Tell  el-Turvtus,  five 
or  six  miles  further  south. 

2.  In  this  form  is  given  in  the  N.  T.  ths  name 

of  the  brook  Kidron  i)^!^  bnT  =  "the  blacl> 
torrent"). in  the  ravine  below  the  eastern  wall  of 
Jerusalem  (John  xviii.  1,  only).  Beyond  it  was 
the  garden  of  Gethsemane.  Lachmann,  with  AD 
[AS  A,  not  D,  see  below],  has  x^ifxappovs  rou 
KiSpii>v\  but  the  Kec.  Text  with  B  [CL  and  most 
of  the  uncials]  has  riiiv  KeSpcov,  i.  e.  "  the  brook 
of  the  cedars  "  (so  too  the  LXX.  in  2  Sam.  xv.  23). 
Other  MSS.  [as  Sin.  D]  have  the  name  even  so 
far  corrupted  as  tov  mSpov,  cedri,  and  tuv  S4y- 
Spcov.  In  English  the  name  is  often  erroneously 
read  (like  (Cephas,  Cenchrese,  Chuza,  &c.)  with  a 
soft  C ;  but  it  is  unnecessary  to  point  out  that  it 
has  no  connection  with  "  Cedar."     [Kidkon.] 

G. 

CEI'LAN  (KiXdf,  [Aid.  K€i\dv:']  Ciaso). 
Sons  of  Ceilan  andAzetas,  according  to  1  Esdr.  v. 
15,  retumal  with  Zorobabel  from  Babylon.  There 
are  no  names  corresponding  to  these  in  the  lists  of 
Ezra  or  Nehemiah. 

CEILING  (*(^"=5p,  from  'rO :  4Koi\o<rrde- 
ixr)(re,  1  K.  vi.  9 ;  to  cover  witfi  rajlers,  Gesen.  p. 
695;  Schleusner,  Lex.  V.  T.  KoiXoar.,  or  r^pr- 
(Ez.  xli.  16),  a  plank).  The  descriptions  of  Script- 
on  a  visit  to  the  cedars)  in  which  he  brings  together 
in  a  striking  picture  all  the  Scripture  allusions  to  tbU 
celebrated  forest  {Notices  jf  Localities,  p.  2118  fl.). 

B 


402 


CEILING 


■re  (1  K.  vi.  9,  15,  vii.  3;  2  Chr.  iu.  5,  9,  Jer. 
rxii.  14;  Hag.  i.  4),  and  of  Joaephus  (Ant.  vUi.  3, 
§§  2-9,  XV.  11,  §  5),  show  that  the  ceilings  of  the 
Temple  and  the  palaces  of  the  Jewish  kings  were 
formed  of  cedar  planks  applied  to  the  beams  or 
joints  crossing  from  wall  to  wall,  probably  with 
sunk  panels  ((parudfiara),  edged  and  crnaniented 
with  gold,  and  carved  with  incised  or  other  patterns 
(Badu^vKois  y\v<}>ais),  sometimes  painted  (Jer. 
Kxii.  14). 

It  is  probable  that  both  Egyptian  and  Assyrian 
models  were,  in  this  as  in  otlier  brancljes  of  archi- 
tectural construction,  followed  before  the  Homan 
|)eriod.  [Auchitectukk.]  The  construction  and 
designs  of  Assyrian  ceilings  in  the  more  inijwrtant 
"juildirigs  can  only  be  conjecturetl  (Layard,  Ahi- 
iveh,  ii.  205,  289),  but  the  pro{K)rtions  in  the  walls 
themselves  answer  in  a  great  degree  to  tliose  men- 
tioned in  Scripture  {Niii.  ami  B(ib.  p.  G42;  I*Vr- 
gusson,  Ilandb'Mjk  uj  Architecture,  i.  201).  llx- 
amples,  however,  ai-e  extant  of  Kgyptian  ceilings  in 
stucco  painted  with  devices  of  a  date  much  earlier 
than  that  of  Solomon's  Temple.  C)f  these  devices 
the  principal  are  the  guilloche,  the  chevron,  and 
tlie  scroll.  Some  are  painted  in  blue  with  stars, 
and  others  bear  representations  of  birds  and  other 
emblems  (Wilkinson,  Ajic.  Kyypt.  ii.  290).  The 
excessive  use  of  vermilion  and  other  glaring  colors  in 
lioman  house-painting,  of  which  Vitruvius  at  a  later 
date  complains  (vii.  5),  may  have  lieen  introduced 
from  Egypt,  whence  also  came  in  all  probability  tlie 
taste  for  vermilion  [tainting  shown  in  Jehoiakim's 
palace  (.Jer.  xxii.  14;  Am.  iii.  15;  Wilkinson,  i. 
19).  See  al.so  the  descriptions  given  by  Athena'us 
(v.  p.  19(j)  of  the  tent  of  I'toleniy  I'hiladelphus,  and 
the  sliip  of  I'hilopafcor  {Ih.  p.  200),  and  of  the  so- 
called  sepulchres  of  the  kings  of  Syria  near  Tyre 
(Ha.S8elquist.  p.  165). 

The  panel  work  in  ceilmgs,  which  has  been  de- 
«cribe<I,  is  found  in  Oriental  and  North  African 
dwellings  of  late  and  modern  times.  Shaw  de- 
•cribes  the  ceilings  of  Moorish  houses  in  Barbary 
u  of  wainscot,  either  "  very  artfully  painted,  or 


Panelled  ceiling  from  house  in  Cairo.     (Lane,  Modem 
Egypt  ians.) 

else  thrown  into  a  variety  of  panels,  with  gilded 
mouldings  and  scrolls  of  the  Koran  intermixed  " 
{TraveU,  p.  208).  Mr.  Porter  describes  the  ceil- 
.ngsof  houses  at  Damascus  as  delicately  painted, 
and  in  the  more  ancient  houses  with  "  arabesques 
enoonii)awing  panels  of  blue,  on  which  are  inscribed 
verses  and  chapters  of  the  Koran  in  Arabic.  Also 
»  tomb  at  Palmyra,  with  a  stone  ceiling  l)eautifully 
panelled  iiid  painted  (Damascus,  i.  34,  37,  57,  00, 
232:  cf  IVnit.  vi.  9;  also  line's  Mod.  lu/ypt.  i. 
37,  38).  Many  of  the  rooms  in  the  Palace  of  the 
Moors  at  the  Alhambra  were  ceiled  and  ornamented 
drith  the  riclicst  geometrical  [tatterns.  These  still 
Koiain.  and  restoratioiiii  of  them  may  be  seen  at 


CENCHREV 

the  Alhambra  Court  of  the  Crystid  Pa.  ace.  Tin 
ancient  Egyptians  used  colored  tiles  in  their  build- 
ings (Athen.  v.  206;  Wilkinson,  ii.  287).      Th« 


Panelled  ceiling  from  house  iu  Oairo.     (Lane,  AloJan 
Egyptians.) 

like  taste  is  observed  by  Chardin  to  have  prevailed 
in  Persia,  and  lie  mentions  beautiful  specimens  of 
mosaic,  arabesque,  and  inlaid  wood-work  in  ceilings 
at  Ispahan,  at  Koom  in  the  mosque  of  I'atima,  and 
at  Ardevil.  These  ceilings  were  con.structed  on 
the  ground  and  hoisted  to  their  position  by  ma- 
chinery (Chardin,  Voynije,  ii.  434,  iv.  126,  vii. 
387,  vui.  40,  plate  39;  Olearius,  p.  241). 

H.  W.  P. 

*  CELLARS.  [JoAsii,  Xo.  7.] 
CELOSYR'IA.  [C<ELi:.svHi.\.] 
CEN'CHRBA  (accurately  CEN'CHRE^, 

K67/cp«a/:  [Ceac// )■«]),  the  e;istern  harbor  of  Cor- 
inth (t.  e.  its  harbor  on  the  Saronic  Gulf)  and  the 
enqwrium  of  its  trade  witli  the  Asiatic  shores  of 
the  Mediterranean,  as  Ixjclia'um  {Lutruki)  on  the 
Corinthian  Gulf  connected  it  with  Italy  and  the 
west.  A  line  of  walls  extended  from  the  citadel 
of  Corinth  to  Lechwum,  and  thus  the  pass  of  ( 'en- 
chreffi  was  of  peculL-u-  military  importance  in  refer- 
ence to  the  approach  along  the  Isthmus  from 
Northern  Greece  to  the  Morea.     [CoiiiNTii.] 

St.  Paul  sailwl  from  Cenchrea;  (Acts  xnii.  18) 
on  his  return  to  Syria  from  his  second  missionary 
journey;  and  when  he  wrote  his  epistle  to  the 
Romans  in  the  course  of  the  third  journey,  an  or- 
ganized church  seems  to  have  been  formed  here 
(l{om.  xvi.  1.  See  Pvkeiuc).  The  first  bishop  of 
this  church  is  said  (Ajx)st.  Const,  vii.  40)  to- have 
been  named  Lucius,  and  to  have  been  ap[X)inted  by 
St.  Paul. 

The  distance  of  Cenchrese  from  Corinth  was  70 
stadia  or  al)Out  nine  miles.  Pausanias  (ii.  3)  de- 
scril)es  the  roatl  as  having  tombs  and  a  grove  of 
cypresses  by  the  wayside.  TTie  mod(!ni  village  of 
Kikries  retains  the  ancient  name,  which  is  conjec- 
tured by  Dr.  Sibthorpe  to  be  derived  from  the  mil- 
let (KtyKpi),  which  still  grows  there  (Walpole'i 
Travels,  p.  41).  Some  traces  of  the  moles  of  tha 
port  are  still  visible  (see  I>eake's  Morea,  iii.  pp. 
233-235).  The  following  coin  exhibits  the  port 
exactly  as  it  is  descril>ed  by  Pausanias,  with  a  tem- 
ple at  the  extremity  of  each  mole,  and  a  statue  of 
Neptune  on  a  rock  l)etween  them.  J.  S.  II. 

*  KfKxpifi  's  the  vtdgar  form,  but  in  modern 
Greek  the  educated  still  write  Keyxptai  (Hangal>e8 
TO  'EKK-qviKd,  ii-  318).  It  is  situated  near  tht 
mouth  of  a  little  river  which  liears  the  same  nam«, 
as  does  also  tlie  ba.y  (Ko\7r6s)  into  which  the  riv« 


CENDEBEUS 

•?U![>tie»!.  It  is  a  little  south  of  Knlamaki,  the 
easl-ern  station  of  the  steamers,  and  therefore  under 
the  traveller's  eye  who  crosses  tlie  isthmus.  When 
Paul  was  there  he  saw  the  place  fiUl  of  the  monu- 


CENSUS 


4oa 


Oolouial  Coin  of  Corinth.  On  the  obverse  the  head 
of  Antoninus  I'ius ;  on  the  rererse  the  port  of  Cen- 
ohreiB,  with  0.  L.  I.  c,  that  is,  colonia  lavs  ivlu 

OORINTHOS. 

ments  of  idolatry.  On  the  road  thither  from  Cor- 
inth lie  passed  a  temple  and  statue  of  Minerva. 
In  the  harhor  itself  was  a  shrine,  and  a  figure  of 
Aphrodite  in  marble,  a  brazen  image  of  Neptune 
holding  a  trident  in  one  hand  and  a  dolphin  in  the 
other,  and  temples  of  Asclepius  and  Isis.  The 
(ireek  mythology  made  Cenchrius,  a  son  of  Ne]> 
tuiie,  founder  of  Cenchreaj,  but  in  that  may  only 
have  ennobled  some  trivial  name  ah-eady  in  use 
(Kangabes,  as  above).  H. 

CENDEBE'US  (accurately  CENDEB^'- 
US,  Kf vZi^aios;  [Sin.  in  1  Mace.  xvi.  1,  8,  Ae- 
fiaLos,  Aai^eos-  Ceiultbaius]),  a  general  left  by 
Antiochus  VII.  in  command  of  the  sea-board  of 
Palestine  (1  Mace.  xv.  38  ff.)  after  the  defeat  of 
Tryphon,  b.  c.  1.38.  He  fortified  Kedron  and 
harassed  the  Jews  for  some  time,  but  was  after- 
wards defeated  by  Judas  and  .John,  the  sons  of  Si- 
mon Maccabajus,  witli  great  loss  (1  JNIacc.  xvi.  1- 
10).     [Antiochus  VII.]  B.  F.  W. 

CENSER  (f  ri'^P  and  n"1*.:r:a  :  in  LXX. 
"iiostly  -Kvpeiov,  but  also  QviffKy)  and  Bvixiari)piov' 
ihiiribuliim).      The  former  of  the  Hebrew  words 

(from  nijin,  io  seize  m-  lay  hold  of,  especially  of 
fire)  seenis  used  generally  for  any  instrument  to 
seize  or  hold  burning  coals,  or  to  receive  ashes,  &c., 
such  as  the  appendages  of  the  brazen  altar  and 
golden  candlestick  mentioned  in  Ex.  xxv.  38, 
xxxvii.  23,  in  which  senses  it  seems  rendered  by 
the  LXX.  by  iirapvCTpis,  fnapv(TT7ip,  or  perhaps 
inr6Q€fxa.-  It,  however,  generally  bears  the  limited 
meaning  which  pro])erly  belongs  to  the  second  word, 
ibund  only  in  the  later  books  (e.  g.  2  Chr.  xxvi.  It) ; 

F.z.  vi'i.  11),  (der.  ^"[^"p,  incense),  that,  namely, 
■)f  a  bHiail  poiJable  vessel  of  metal  fitted  to  receive 
buriiino  ?oal»  from  the  altar,  and  on  which  the  in- 
cense for  bLTiiing  was  sprinkled  by  the  priest  to 
whose  office  this  exclusively  belonged,  who  bore  it 
in  his  hand,  and  with  whose  personal  share  in  the 
moat  solemn  ritual  duties  it  was  thus  in  close  and 
rivid  connection  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  18;  Luke  i.  9). 
rhus  "  Korah  and  his  company  "  were  biddei    to 


«  Oesenius  s.  v.  n^n^  seems  to  prefer  the  ?en- 
«ral  meaning  of  a  fire-shovel  in  this  passage  ;  but,  rrom 
Num.  xvi.  17,  it  was  probably  the  same  fashion  of 
'Jting  as  that  used  by  Aaron  ic  the  priestly  function. 
<or,  a^  the  rebellion  was  evidently  a  deliberately  con- 
■•rted  movement,  is  there  any  difficulty  in  suppf"(ing 
tM  amount  of  preparation  suggested  in  the  text. 

*  The  word  for  censer  here  is  At^ai/oiTos,  from   -he 


take  "  censers,''  with  which  in  emulation  of  Aaron 
and  his  sous  they  had  perhaps  iirovide<l  tliemselves  <" 
(conip.  liz.  viii.  11);  and  Closes  telLs  Aaron  to  take 
"  tilt  censer  "  (not  o  as  in  A.  V.),  i.  e.  that  of  tht 
sanctuary,  or  that  of  the  high-priest,  to  stay  thu 
plague  by  atonement.  The  only  distinct  precepts 
regarding  the  use  of  the  censer  are  found  in  Num. 
iv.  14,  where  among  the  vessels  of  the  golden  alta. , 
i.  e.  of  incense,  "censers"  are  reckoned;  and  in 
Lev.  xvi.  12,  where  we  find  that  the  liigh-priest 
was  to  carry  it  (here  also  it  is  "  i/ie  "  not  " '/  cen- 
ser" that  he  is  ordered  to  "take")  into  the  most 
holy  place  witliin  the  vail,  where  the  "incense" 
was  to  be  "  put  on  the  fire,"  i.  e.  on  the  coals  in 
the  censer,  "before  the  Lord."  This  must  have 
been  on  the  Day  of  Atonement,  for  then  only  was 
that  place  entered.  Solomon  prepared  "  censers  of 
pure  gold  "  as  jmrt  of  tiie  .s;inie  furniture  (IK.  vii. 
50;  2  ('hr.  iv.  22).  Possibly  their  general  use  may 
be  explainetl  by  the  imagery  of  Kev.  viii.  3,  4,''  and 
may  have  been  to  take  up  coals  from  the  brazen 
altar,  and  convey  the  incense  while  burning  to  the 
"  golden  altar,"  or  "altar  of  incense,"  on  which  it 
was  to  >be  offered  morning  and  evening  (Lx.  xxx. 
7,  8).  So  Uzziah,  when  he  was  intending  "to 
burn  incense  upon  the  altar  of  incense,"  took  "  a 
censer  in  his  hand"  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  IG,  19).  The 
Mishna  (Jomn,  iv.  4)  mentions  a  silver  censer 
which  had  a  handle,  and  was  fetched  from  some 
chamber  where  such  utensils  were  kept  (ib.  v. 
1,  and  Bartenora's  comment);  and  was  used  to 
father  tlie  coals  from  the  altar,  which  were  then 
transferred  to  a  golden  cen.ser.  On  tlie  great  Day 
of  Atonement,  however,  a  golden  one  of  finer  stand- 
ard (TdiniJ,  V.  5)  was  u.sed  throughout.  The 
word  OufMiariipiov,  rendered  "censer"  in  Heb.  ix. 
4,  probably  means  the  "  altar  of  incense."  <'  [Al- 
TAH.]  (In  Ugolini,  vol.  xi.  a  copious  collection  of 
authorities  on  the  subject  will  be  found;  Sonne- 
schmid  ile  Thym.  Sanct.  is  referred  to  by  Winer 
s.  V.  Rauchfass.)  H.  H. 

CENSUS    ("T'Sr,    or    ^"^"^    nurtihermg 

combined  with  lustration,  from  "^r?)  survey  in  or- 
der topurye,  Gesen.  1120:  LXX.  dp(0/x(Js;  N.  T., 
a.Koypa(p'{)'  diimmeratio,  descriptlo).  I.  Moses 
laid  down  the  law  (Kx.  xxx.  12,  13)  that  whenever 
the  people  were  numbered,  an  oflfering  of  ^  a  shekel 
should  be  made  by  every  man  above  20  years 
of  age  by  way  of  atonement  or  propitiation.  A 
previous  law  had  also  ordered  that  the  firstborn  of 
man  and  of  beast  should  be  set  apart,  as  well  as 
the  first  fruits  of  agricultural  produce;  the  fii-st  to 
be  redeemed,  and  the  rest  with  one  exception 
oflfered  to  God  (Ex.  xiii.  12,  13,  xxii.  20).  The 
idea  of  lustration  in  connection  with  numbering 
predominated  also  in  the  Roman  census  {Diet,  of 
Antiq.  s.  v.  Lustrum),  and  among  Mohammedan 
nations  at  the  present  day  a  prejudice  exists  against 
numbering  their  possessions,  especially  the  fruits  of 
the  field  (Hay,  Western  Barbary,  p.  15;  Crichton, 
Arabia,  ii.  180;  see  also  Lane,  Mod.  Egypt,  ii.  72, 

Ai/3acos  of  Matt.  ii.  11  ;  in  Rev.  v.  8,  </>t<£AT)  is  used 
apparently  to  mean  the  same  vessel. 

c  This  word  undeniably  bears  this  sense  in  Joeeph. 
Ant.  iii.  8,  §  3,  who  gives  it  similarly  the  epithe* 
Xpvcrovv ;  as  also  in  Philo,  De  Vit.  Mos.  p.  66S,  ed. 
Paris.  It  thus  becomes  =  Sucriao-T^piov  Svn-ianaTO?, 
the  expression  5r  the  same  thing  in  iiXX.,  Ex.  xxx- 
1,  but  its  simpler  meaning  is  merelj  that  of  an  "in- 
strument for  the  Ovfiiaixa  (incense),"  and  thus  oithet 
censer,  or  incense  altar.     See  also  1  Mace.  1.  21,  22 


i04 


CENSUS 


rS).     The  iustances  of  numl)ering  reootded  in  the 
D.  T   are  as  follows : 

1.  Under  the  express  direction  of  God  (Es. 
uxviii.  20),  in  the  3d  or  4th  month  after  the  Ex- 
odus, (luring  the  encampment  at  Sinai,  chiefly  for 
Uie  purpose  of  raising  money  for  the  Tabernacle. 
The  numl)ers  then  taken  amounted  to  G03,5o0 
men,  which  may  be  presumed  to  express  with 
greater  precision  the  round  numbers  of  600,000 
who  are  said  to  have  left  Egypt  at  first  (Ex.  xii. 
37). 

2.  Again,  in  the  2d  month  of  the  2d  year  after 
the  Exodus  (Num.  i.  2,  3).  This  census  was  taken 
for  a  double  purpose,  {a. )  to  a.scertain  the  nuraVjer 
of  fighting  men  from  the  age  of  20  to  50  (Joseph. 
Ani.  iii.  12,  §  4).  The  total  number  on  this  occa- 
sion, exclusive  of  the  Levites,  amounted  at  this  time 
also  to  003,550  (Num.  ii.  32),  Josephus  says  603,- 
650;  each  trite  was  numbered,  and  placed  under  a 
Bpecial  leader,  the  head  of  the  tril)e.  (6.)  To  as- 
certain the  amount  of  tlie  redemption  offering  due 
on  account  of  all  the  first-lwrn  both  of  persons  and 
cattle.  Accordingly  the  numbers  were  taken  of  all 
tlie  first-bom  male  peisons  of  the  whole  nation  above 
one  month  old,  including  all  of  the  tribe  of  Levi 
of  the  same  age.  The  I^evites,  whose  numbers 
amounted  to  22,000,  were  taken  in  Ueu  of  the  first- 
boni  males  of  the  rest  of  Israel,  whose  numbers 
were  22,273,  and  for  the  surplus  of  273  a  money 
payment  of  1365  shekels,  or  6  shekels  each,  was 
made  to  Aaron,  and  his  sons  (Num.  iii.  39,  51). 
If  the  numbers  in  our  present  copies,  from  which 
.-hose  given  by  .Josephus  do  not  materially  differ, 
be  correct,  it  seems  likely  that  these  two  number- 
ings  were  in  fact  one,  but  applied  to  different  pur- 
poses. We  can  hardly  otherwise  account  for  the 
identity  of  numbers  even  within  the  few  months 
of  interval  (Calmet  on  Num.  i.  Pictorial  Bible, 
ibid.).  It  may  be  remarked  that  the  system  of 
appointing  head  men  in  each  tribe  as  leaders,  as 
well  as  the  care  taken  in  preserving  the  pedigrees 
of  the  families  corresjwnds  with  the  practice  of  the 
Arab  tribes  at  the  present  day  (Crichton,  Ai'obia, 
ii.  185,  180;  Niebuhr,  Di:scr.  dt  I'Arabie,  14; 
Buckingham,  And  Tribes,  88;  Jahn,  Ilist.  Book 
ii.  8,  11;  Malcolm,  Sketches  of  Persia,  xiv.  157, 
169). 

3.  Another  numbering  took  place  38  years  after- 
wards, previous  to  the  entrance  into  Canaan,  when 
the  total  number,  excepting  the  I>evites,  amounted 
JO  601,730  males,  showing  a  decrease  of  1,870.  All 
tribes  presented  an  increase  except  the  following: 
Reul)en,  [showing  a  decrease]  of  2,770;  Simeon, 
37,100;  Gad,  5,150;  Ephraim  and  Naphtali,  8,000 
each.  The  tribe  of  Levi  had  increased  by  727 
(Num.  xxvi.).  The  great  diminution  which  took 
place  in  the  tribe  of  Simeon  may  probably  be  as- 
signed to  the  plague  consequent  on  the  misconduct 
of  Zimri  (Calmet,  on  Num.  xxv.  9).  On  the  other 
hand,  the  chief  instances  of  increase  are  found  in 
»Iana.sseh,  of  20,500;  Beryamin,  10,200;  Asher, 
-1,900,  and  Issachar,  9,900.  None  were  numbered 
it  this  census  who  had  been  above  20  years  of  age 
at  the  previous  one  in  the  2d  year,  excepting  Caleb 
and  .Joshua  (Num.  xxvi.  6.3-65). 

4.  'I'he  next  formal  numbering  of  the  whole 
people  was  in  the  reign  of  David,  who  in  a  moment 
of  presumption,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  Joab,  gave 
orders  to  number  the  people  without  requiring  the 
statutable  offering  of  J  a  shekel.  The  men  of  Israel 
*l)ove  20  years  of  age  -vere  800,000,  and  of  Judah 
M)&.000,  total  1,300,000     The  book  of  Chron.  gives 


CENSUS 

the  numbers  of  Israel  1,100,000,  and  of  Judah 
470,000,  total  1,570,000;  but  informs  us  that  Lerj 
and  Benjamin  were  not  numbered  (1  Chr.  xxi.  6, 
xxvii.  24).  Josephus  gives  the  numbers  of  Israel 
and  Judah  respectively  900,000  and  400,000  (2 
Sam.  xxiv.  1,  9,  and  Calmet,  ad  luc. ;  1  Chr.  xxi 
1,  5,  xxvii.  24;  Joseph.  Ant.  vii.  13,  §  1.) 

5.  The  census  of  l)avid  was  completed  by  Solo 
mon,  by  causing  the  foreigners  and  remnants  of 
the  conquered  nations  resident  within  Palestine  to 
be  numbered.  Their  number  amounted  to  153,- 
600,  and  they  were  emploj-ed  in  forced  labor  on 
his  great  architectural  works  (Josh  ix.  27;  1  K.  v. 
15,  ix.  20,  21;  1  Chr.  xxii.  2;  2  Chr.  ii.  17,  18). 

Between  this  time  and  the  Captivity,  mention  in 
made  of  the  numbei-s  of  armies  under  successive 
kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,  from  which  may  be 
gathered  with  more  or  less  probability,  and  with 
due  consideration  of  the  circumstances  of  the  times 
as  influencing  the  numbers  of  the  levies,  estimates 
of  the  population  at  the  various  times  mentioned. 

6.  Kehoboam  (b.  c.  97.5-9.58)  collected  from 
Judah  and  Beryamin  180,000  men  to  fight  against 
Jeroboam  (1  K.  xii.  21). 

7.  Abijam  (958-955),  with  400,000  men,  madt 
war  on  Jeroboam  with  800,000,  of  whom  50U,00U 
were  slain  (2  Chr.  xiii.  3,  17). 

8.  Asa  (955-914)  had  an  army  of  300,000  men 
from  Judah,  and  280,000  (Josephus  says  250,000) 
from  Benjamin,  with  which  he  defeated  Zerah  the 
Ethiopian,  with  an  army  of  1,000,000  (2  Chr.  xiv. 
8,  9;  Joseph.  Ant.  viii.  12,  §  1). 

9.  Jehoshaphat  (914-891),  besides  men  in  gar- 
risons, had  under  arms  1,160,000  men,  including 
perhaps  subject  foreigners  (2  Chr.  xvii.  14-19; 
Jahn,  Hist.  v.  37). 

10.  Amaziah  (838-811)  had  from  Judah  and 
Benjamin  300,000,  besides  100,000  mercenaries 
from  Israel  (2  (Jhr.  xxv.  5,  6). 

11.  Uzziah  (811-759)  could  bring  into  the  field 
307,500  men  (307,000,  Josephus),  well  anned,  under 
2600  officers  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  11-15;  Joseph.  Ant.  ix. 
10,  §  3). 

Besides  these  more  general  statements,  we  have 
other  and  partial  notices  of  numbers  indicating 
population.  Thus,  {a.)  Gideon  from  4  tribes  col- 
lected 32,000  men  (Judg.  vi.  35,  vii.  3).  {b.) 
Jephthah  put  to  death  42,000  Ephraimites  (Judg. 
xii.  6).  The  numbers  of  Ephraim  300  years  before 
were  32,500  (Num.  xxvi.  37).  {c.)  Of  IJeiijamin 
25,000  were  slain  at  the  battle  of  Gibeah,  by  which 
slaughter,  and  that  of  the  inhabitants  of  its  cities, 
the  tribe  was  reduced  to  600  men.  Its  numbers 
in  the  wilderness  were  45,600  (Num.  xxvi.  41; 
Judg.  XX.  35,  46).  (f/.)  The  number  of  thooe  who 
joined  David  after  Saul's  death,  liesides  the  tril>e 
of  Issachar,  was  340,922  (1  Chr.  xii.  23-38).  {e.)  At 
the  time  when  .Jehoshaphat  could  muster  1,160,000 
men,  Ahab  in  Israel  could  only  bring  7000  against 
the  SjTians  (1  K.  xx.  15).  (/.)  The  numbers  car- 
ried captive  to  Babylon  b.  c.  599  from  Judah,  are 
said  (2  K.  xxiv.  14,  16)  to  have  been  from  8000  to 
10,000,  by  Jeremiah  4600  (Jer.  Iii.  30). 

12.  The  number  of  those  who  returned  with 
Zerubbabel  in  the  first  caravan  is  reckoned  at  42,- 
360  (Ezr.  ii.  64);  but  of  these  perhaps  12,542 
belonged  to  other  tribes  than  Judah  and  Benjamin 
It  is  thus  that  the  difference  l)etween  the  tota, 
(ver.  64)  and  the  several  details  is  to  t>^  aecouiit«d 
for.  The  purpose  of  this  census,  which  does  not 
materially  differ  from  the  statement  in  Nehomiak 
(Neh.  vii.),  was  to  settle  with  reference  to  the  year 


CENSUS 

M  Jubilee  the  inheritances  in  the  Holy  f-aiid,  which 
iiad  been  disturbed  by  the  Captivity,  and  also  to 
ascertain  the  family  genealo<:;ies,  and  ensure,  as  far 
fts  possible,  the  purity  of  the  Jewish  race  (Ezr.  ii. 
59,  X.  2,  8,  18,  44;  Lev.  xxv.  10;. 

In  the  second  caravan,  b.  c.  458,  the  number 
was  1,496.  Women  and  children  are  in  neither 
case  included  (Ezr.  viii.  1-14). 

It  yias  probably  for  kindred  objects  that  the 
pedigrees  and  eimmerations  which  occupy  the  first 
!)  cliapters  of  the  1st  book  of  Ciironicl&s  were  either 
composed  before  the  Captivity,  or  compiled  after- 
wards irom  existing  records  by  lizra  and  others  (1 
(Jhr.  jv.  38,  32,  39.  v.  9,  vi.  57,  81,  vii.  28,  ix.  2). 
In  the  course  of  these  we  meet  with  notices  of  the 
numbers  of  the  tribes,  but  at  what  periods  is  uncer- 
tain. Thus  Iteuben,  Gad,  and  half  the  tribe  of 
Manasseh  are  set  down  at  44,760  (,v.  18),  Issachar 
at  37,000  (vii.  5),  IJenjamin  59,4,34  (vu.  7,  9,  li;, 
Asher  26,000  (vii.  40).  Besides  there  are  to  be 
reckoned  priests,  Levites,  and  residents  at  Jerusalem 
from  the  tribes  of  Benjamin,  Ephraim,  and  Manasseh 
(ix.  3).  ^ 

Throughout  all  these  accounts  two  points  are 
clear.  1.  That  great  pains  were  taken  to  ascertain 
and  register  the  numbers  of  the  Jewish  people  at 
various  times  for  tlie  reasons  mentioned  above.  2. 
That  the  numbers  given  in  some  cases  can  with 
difficult^  be  reconciled  with  other  numbers  of  no 
very  distant  date,  as  well  as  with  the  presumed 
capacity  of  the  country  for  supporting  population. 
Thus  the  entire  male  population  ai)0ve  20  years  of 
age,  excepting  Levi  and  Benjamin,  at  David's  cen- 
sus, is  given  as  1,300,000  or  1,570,000  (2  Sam. 
xxiv.  1  ;  1  Chr.  xxi.),  strangers  153,600,  total 
1,453,600  or  1,723,000.  These  numbers  (the  ex- 
cepted tribes  being  borne  in  mind)  represent  a 
population  of  not  less  than  4  times  this  amount,  or 
at  least  5,814,000,  of  whom  not  less  than  2,000,000 
belonged  to  Judah  alone  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  9).  About 
AOO  ye;irs  after  Jehoshaphat  was  able  to  gather  from 
Judah  and  Benjamin  (including  subject  foreigners) 
an  army  of  1,160,000  besides  garrisons,  represent- 
ing a  population  of  4,640,000.  Fifty  years  later, 
Amaziah  could  ordy  raise  300,000  from  the  same 
S  tribes,  and  27  years  after  this,  Uzziah  had  307,- 
SOO  men  and  2,600  officers.  Whether  the  number 
of  the  foreigners  subject  to  Jehoshaphat  constitutes 
the  difference  at  these  periods  must  remain  uncer- 
tain. 

To  compare  these  estimates  with  the  probable 
capacity  of  the  country,  the  whole  area  of  Palestine, 
including  the  trans-Jordanic  tribes,  so  far  as  it  is 
possible  to  ascertain  their  limits,  may  be  set  down 
|s  not  exceeding  11,000  square  miles;  Judah  and 
Benjamin  at  3,135,  and  GaUlee  at  930  sq.  miles. 
The  population,  making  allowance  for  the  excepted 
tribes,  would  thus  be  not  less  than  530  to  the 
•quare  mile.  Now  the  population  of  Belgium  in 
\850  was  4,426,202,  or  at  the  rate  of  388  to  the 
iq.  mile,  the  area  being  about  11,400  sq.  miles. 
'^Tie  area  of  the  kingdom  of  Saxony  is  5,752  sq. 
miles,  and  its  population  in  1852  was  1,987,832,  or 
an  average  of  345^,  but  in  some  districts  500,  to 
the  sq.  mile.  The  counties  of  Yorkshire,  West- 
moreland (the  least  populous  county  in  England), 
ind  Lancashire,  whose  united  area  is  8,042  sq. 
miles,  contained  in  1852  a  population  of  3,850,215, 
V  rather  more  than  445  to  the  sq.  mile;  whL'?  the 
tounty  of  Lancashire  alone  gave  1,064  persons,  the 
W^'est  Riding  of  Yorkshire  496,  and  Warwickshire 
>39  to  the  sq.  mile.     The  island  of  Barbadoes  con- 


CENSUS 


406 


tains  about  166  sq.  miles,  and  in  18!iO  contained 
a  population  of  145,000,  or  873  to  the  sq.  mila 
The  iM>pulation  of  Malta  in  1849  was  115,864,  oi 
1,182  to  the  sq.  mile.  The  two  last  instances,  tliere- 
fore,  alone  supply  an  average  superior  to  tha 
ascribed  to  Palestine  in  the  time  of  Uavid,  wiiile 
the  average  of  Judah  and  licnjamin  in  the  time  of 
.lehoshaphat,  would  seem,  with  the  exception  men- 
tioned above,  to  give  1,480  to  tlie  sq.  mile,  a  popula- 
tion exceeded  only,'  in  l^igland,  by  the  county  of 
.Middlesex  (6,683),  and  approached  by  that  of  Lau- 
cashii-e  (1,004). 

But  while,  on  the  one  hand,  great  doubt  rests  on 
the  genuineness  of  numerical  expressions  in  O.  T. 
it  must  be  considered  on  the  other,  that  the  read- 
ings on  which  our  version  is  founded  give,  with 
trifling  variations,  the  same  results  as  tliose  pre- 
sented by  the  LXX.  and  by  Josephus  (Jahn,  v.  36; 
Winer,  Zahlen ;  Glasse,  Phil.  Sucr.  de  caussis  cor- 
ruptionis,  i.  §  23,  vol.  ii.  p.  189). 

In  the  list  of  cities  occupied  by  the  tribe  of  Judah, 
including  Simeon,  are  found  123  "with  their  vil- 
lages," and  by  Benjamin  26.  Of  one  city,  Ai, 
situate  in  Benjamin,  which  like  many,  if  not  all  the 
others,  was  walled,  we  know  that  the  iwpulation, 
probably  exclusive  of  childri«,  was  12,000,  whilst 
of  Gibeon  it  is  said  that  it  was  larger  than  Ai 
(Josh.  viii.  25,  29,  x.  2,  xv.  21-62,  xviii.  21-28, 
xix.  1-9).  If  these  "cities"  may  be  taken  as 
samples  of  the  rest,  it  is  clear  that  Southern  Pales- 
tine, at  least,  was  very  populous  before  the  entrance 
of  the  people  of  Israel. 

But  Josephus,  in  his  accounts  (1)  of  the  popula- 
tion of  Galilee  in  his  own  time,  and  (2)  of  the 
numbers  congregated  at  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of 
the  Passover,  shows  a  large  population  inhabiting 
Palestine.  He  says  there  were  many  cities  in 
Galilee,  besides  villages,  of  which  the  least,  whether 
cities  or  villages  is  not  quite  certain,  had  not  less 
than  15,000  inhabitants  («.  ./.  iii.  3,  §  2,  4;  corap. 
Tac.  Hiiit.  V.  8).  After  the  defeat  of  Cestius,  a.  d. 
66,  before  the  formal  outbreak  of  the  war,  a  census 
taken  at  Jerusalem  by  the  priests,  of  the  numbers 
assembled  there  for  the  Passover,  founded  on  the 
number  of  lambs  sacrificed,  compared  with  the  prob- 
able number  of  pei-sons  partaking,  gave  2,700,000 
persons,  besides  foreigners  and  those  who  were  ex- 
cluded by  ceremonial  defilement  (see  Tac.  Hist.  v. 
12).  In  the  siege  itself  1,100,000  perished,  and 
during  the  war  97,000  were  made  captives.  Besides 
these  many  deserted  to  the  Romans,  and  were  dis- 
missed by  them  {B.  J.  vi.  8,  9,  3).  These  numbers, 
on  any  supposition  of  foreign  influx  (dix6(pv\ov  dAA.' 
ouK  eTTtxiipioy)  imply  a  large  native  population; 
and  63  years  later,  in  the  insurrection  of  Barcho- 
chebas,  Dion  Cassius  says  that  50  fortified  towns 
and  980  villages  were  destroyed,  and  580,000  per- 
sons were  slain  in  war,  besides  a  countless  multitude 
who  perished  by  famine,  fire,  and  disease,  so  that 
Palestine  became  almost  depopulated  (Dion  Cas» 
Ixix.  14). 

Lastly,  there  are  abundant  traces  throughout  the 
whole  of  Palestine  of  a  much  higher  rate  of  fertility 
in  former  as  compared  with  present  times,  a  fertility 
remarked  by  profane  writers,  and  of  which  the 
present  neglected  state  of  cultivation  affords  no  test. 
This,  combined  with  the  positive  divine  promises  of 
populousness,  increases  the  probability  of  at  least 
approximate  correctness  in  the  foregoing  estiniatet 
of  population  (Tac.  Hiat.  r.  6;  Amm.  Marc,  xiv 
8;  Joseph.  B.  J.  iii.  3;  St.  Jerome  on  Ezek.  xx. 
and  Rabbinical  authorities  in  Reland,  c.  xxvi. ;  Sbaw 


106 


CENTURION 


Traveh,  ii.  pt  2,  c.  1,  pp.  336,  340,  and  275 ;  Has- 
Idquist,  Trnvets,  pp.  120,  127,  130;  Stanley,  S.  </• 
Pal.  pp.  120,  374;  Kitto,  Pliys.  Geogr.  p.  33; 
Raumer,  P<tlastinn,  pp.  8,  80,  83,  App.  is.  Comp. 
Gen.  xiii.  16,  xxii.  17;  Num.  xxiii.  10;  1  K.  iv. 
80;  Acts  xii.  20). 

II.  In  N.  T.,  St.  Luke,  in  his  account  of  the 
«« taxiiijj,"  says  a  decree  went  out  from  Augustus 
avoypa<l>f(Tdai  iratrav  t^v  olKovfxfvriv  auTij  ri  diro- 
ypa<pii  Ttpdortf  iytvero  fiye/jLOvevovros  rrjs  2vpias 
Kvprivlov,  and  iu  the  Acts  alludes  to  a  disturliance 
raised  by  Judas  of  Galilee  in  the  days  of  the 
"  taxing"  (Luke  ii.  1;  Acts  v.  37). 

The  Koman  census  under  the  Republic  consisted, 
80  far  as  the  present  purpose  is  concerned,  in  an 
enrolment  of  persons  and  property  by  tribes  and 
households.  Every  paterfamihas  was  required  to 
appear  before  the  Censors,  and  give  his  own  name 
and  his  father's;  if  nwrried,  that  of  his  wife,  and 
the  number  and  ages  of  his  children :  after  this  an 
account  and  valuation  of  his  property,  on  which  a 
tax  was  then  imposed.  By  the  lists  thus  obtained 
every  man's  position  in  the  state  was  regulated. 
After  these  duties  had  been  performed,  a  lustrum, 
or  solemn  purification  of  the  people  followed,  but 
not  always  immediately  (Diet,  of  Antiq.  arts.  Cen- 
sus,  Lmtrum ;  Dionys.  iv.  1.5,  22 ;  Cic.  de  Legg. 
iii.  3;  Dig.  oO,  tit.  15;  Cod.  11,  tit.  48;  Clinton, 
Font.  Hell.  iii.  p.  457,  c.  10). 

The  census  was  taken,  more  or  less  regularly,  in 
the  provinces,  under  the  Kepulilie,  by  provincial 
censors,  and  the  tribute  regulated  at  their  discretion 
(Cic.  VeiT.  ii.  lib.  ii.  53,  56 ),  but  no  complete  census 
was  made  before  the  time  of  Augustus,  who  carried 
out  3  general  mspections  of  this  kind,  namely, 
(1)  n.  c.  28;  (2)  n.  c.  8;  (3)  a.  d.  14;  and  a 
partial  one,  A.  T).  4.  The  reason  of  the  partial  ex- 
tent of  this  last  was  that  he  feared  disturbances  out 
of  Italy,  and  also  that  he  might  not  appear  as  an 
exactor.  Of  the  returns  made,  Augustus  himself 
kept  an  accurate  account  (brtvinj-ium),  like  a  private 
man  of  his  projxirty  (Dion  Cass.  liv.  35,  Iv.  13; 
Suet.  Aug.  27,  101;  Tac.  Ann.  i.  11;  Tab.  AncjT. 
ap.  Tac.  ii.  188,  IJnesti). 

A  special  assessment  of  Gaul  under  commissioners 
lent  for  the  purpose  is  mentioned  in  the  time  of 
Tiberius  (Tac.  Ann.  i.  31,  ii.  6  ;  Liv.  Jip.  134, 
13G). 

The  difficulties  which  arise  in  the  passage  firom 
St.  Luke  are  discussed  under  Cyiucnius. 

H.  W.  P. 

CENTURION.  [As  a  military  titJe,  see 
Army,  p.  164.] 

*  It  is  worth  notice  that  all  the  centurions  men- 
tioned in  the  N.  T.  of  whom  we  learn  any  thing 
beyond  the  strict  line  of  their  office,  appear  in  a 
avorable  light.  To  the  one  of  whom  we  read  in 
Matt.  viii.  5  ff.  the  Jews  bore  testimony  that  "  he 
x)ved  their  nation  and  had  built  them  a  synagogue." 
His  faith  and  humility  were  so  great  that  when 
Christ  proposed  to  come  and  heal  his  servant,  he 
^lied,  "  lx)rd,  I  am  not  worthy  that  thou  shouldest 
Mme  under  my  roof;  but  speak  the  word  only  and 
ny  servant  shall  be  healed."  He  had  been  bom 
»  heathen,  but  Christ  declared  of  him,  "  I  have 
»ot  found  so  great  faith,  no,  not  in  Israel."  ■  The 
lenturion  who  was  on  guard  at  the  time  of  the  cruci- 
fixion, saw  the  portentous  character  of  the  events 
which  accompanied  the  Saviour's  death  (Mark 
<v.  39;  Luke  xxiii.  47),  acknowledged  the  right- 
.1iln«M  of  his  claims,  »nd  confessed,  "  Truly  this 


CHAFF 

man  was  the  Son  of  God."  The  name  of  Conneliui 
(Acts  X.  1  ff.)  marks  a  distinct  period  in  the  history 
of  the  church.  liefore  he  had  any  knowledge  of 
the  Gospel  he  had  renounced  idolatry  and  bwom* 
a  worshipper  of  Jehovah  {evae^Tjs)-  He  "  feared 
God  with  all  his  house,"  alxjunded  in  alms-giving, 
and  had  a  "  good  repute  among  all  the  nation  of 
the  Jews."  His  prajers  for  light  and  guidance 
were  heard  and  answered.  By  a  remarkable  ad- 
justment of  visions  and  providences  he  was  at  length 
honored  as  the  first  Gentile  convert  who  was  re- 
ceived into  the  cliurch  under  such  circumstances  as 
to  settle  the  question  of  the  imiversality  of  Christ's 
religion  and  its  independence  of  the  rites  of  Judaism. 
It  is  not  certain  tliat  Julius,  Paul's  keeper  on  the 
journey  to  Rome  (Acts  xxvii.  1  ff.),  became  a 
Christian ;  but  he  is  described  as  a  model  of  cour- 
tesy and  kindness,  and,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the 
ascendency  which  the  apostle  gained  over  him 
during  the  voyage,  was  capable  of  appreciating  the 
noble  character  and  rare  endowments  of  his  pris- 
oner. H. 

CE'PHAS  [Kv<pas].     [Peter.] 

CEaiAS  (Kripds:  Carve),  1  Esdr.  v.  29. 
[Ke  kos.] 

*  CE'SAR,  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  etc.    [C^ar.] 

*  CESARE'A,  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  etc.    [Chs- 

AREA.] 

CE'TAB  {K7\T<i.^:  Cetha),  1  Esdr.  v.  30. 
There  is  no  name  corresponding  with  this  in  th« 
lists  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiali. 

CHATBRIS  CAjSpfs,  [Xa/Spfj ;  Vat.  Sin.] 
Alex.  Xafipeis-  Vulg.  omits  [exc.  Jud.  viii.  10  (9) 
Chabri] ),  the  son  of  Gothonid  (6  tov  T.  ),  one  of 
the  three  "rulers"  {&pxovrts),  or  "ancients" 
iirpfafivTfpoi)  of  Bethulia,  in  the  time  of  Judith 
(Jud.  vi.  15,  viii.  10,  x.  6). 

CHA'DIAS.  "  They  of  Chadias  (ol  XaSiaaal 
[Alex.  OvxaSiaacu;  Aid.  ol  XaSias]),  and  Am- 
midioi,"  according  to  1  Esdr.  v.  20,  returned  from 
Babylon  with  Zorobabel.  There  are  no  correspond- 
ing names  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

*  Fritzsche  (/ixeg.  Ilandb.  in  loc.)  identifies 
Chadias  with  Kedesh,  Josh.  xv.  23.  A. 

*  CH.^'REAS,  the  proper  orthography  for 
Chereas,  2  Mace.  x.  32,  37.  A. 

CHAFF  {VV:r,  Vb,  "15^:  Chald.  ^^27- 
Xyovs,6.xvpov.  stipida,  pulvis,  favilla),  TheHeb. 
words  rendered  chaff  m.  A.  V.  do  not  seem  to  have 

precisely  the  same  meaning:  ttE7P:=rfry  grass, 
hay;  and  occurs  twice  only  in  0.  T.,  namely.  Is.  v. 

24,  xxxiii.  11.  The  root  V'  V'  P  is  not  used.  Proh-" 
ably  the  Sanskrit  kakgch=:kay,  is  the  same  wore 
(Bopp,  Ghss.  p.  41). 

y^T^  or  yf2  is  chaff  separated  by  winnowing 
from  the  grain  —  the  husk  of  the  wheat.  The  car 
rying  away  of  chaff  by  the  wind  is  an  ordinary 
Scriptural  image  of  the  destruction  of  the  wicked, 
and  of  their  powerlessness  to  resist  God's  judgment* 
(Is.  xvii.  13;  Hos.  xiii.  3;  Zeph.  ii.  2  [Job  xxi 
18 ;  Ps.  1.  4,  XXXV.  5 ;  Is.  xxix.  5] ).     The  root  ot 

the  word  is  V  ''^i  to  press  out,  (u  of  milk ;  whenct 
its  second  meaning,  to  separate. 

1'2I^  is  rendered  straw  in  Ex.  v.  7,  10,  11,  Ac., 
and  stubble  in  Job  xxi.  18.  In  Ex.  v.  12,  we  read 
^^J[nv  12'|2,  tiMbble  for  straw  {  so  that  it  is  nol 


CHAIJ. 

Ibe  same  as  stubble.  It  means  str<t«  «ut  into  short 
portions,  in  which  state  it  was  mixed  with  tlie  mud 
'>{  which  bricks  were  made  to  give  it  consistency. 
In  1  K.  iv.  28,  mention  is  made  of  a  mixed  fodder 

For  horses  and  camels  of  barley  and  "]  2^],  such  as 
the  Arabs  call  tibn  to  this  day.  The  derivation  of 
the  word  is  doubtful.    Gesenius  was  of  opinion  that 

^^r)  was  for  n J^in,  from  root  HiTl,  to  build, 
in  reference  to  edifices  of  bricks  made  with  straw. 
Roediger  prefers  to  connect  it  with  ]"'3,  which 
properly  implies  a  separation  and  division  of  parts, 
and  is  thence  transferred  to  the  mental  power  of 

discernment ;  so  that  ]  2F\  signifies  properly  any- 
thing cut  into  small  parts  (Ges.  Thes.  1492). 

The  Chaldaic  word  ~1'127  occurs  but  once,  in  Dan. 
ii.  35.     It  is  connected  with  the  Syr.   j*r\  ^ 

*nd  Arab.  \  I  aX^  i-  e.  a  straw  or  small  bit  of  chaff 

flying  into  and  injuring  the  eye.  W.  D. 

CHAIN.     Chains  were  used,  (1)  as  badges  of 
office;  (2)  for  ornament;  (3)  for  coiifijiing  prisoners. 

(1.)  The  gold  chain  ("T"'— j)  placed  about  Joseph's 
neck  (Gen.  xli.  42),  and  that  promised  to  Daniel 
(Dan.  V.  7,  named  Tf^^^Sn),  are  instances  of  the 
first  use.  In  Egypt  it  was  one  of  the  insifjnia  of  a 
judge,  who  wore  aji  image  of  truth  attached  to  it 
(Wilkinson's  Anc,  Egypt,  ii.  26);  it  was  also  worn 
by  the  prime  minister.  In  Persia  it  was  considered 
not  only  ;w  a  mark  of  royal  favor  (Xen.  Anab.  i.  2, 
§  27),  but  a  token  of  investiture  (Dan.  I.  c. ;  Morier's 
Second  Journey,  p.  93).  In  Ez.  xvi.  11,  the  chain 
is  mentioned  as  the  symbol  of  sovereignty.  (2.) 
Chains  for  ornamental  purposes  were  worn  by  men 
as  well  as  women  in  many  countries  both  of  Kurope 
and  Asia  (Wilkinson,  iii.  375),  and  probably  this 
was  the  case  among  the  Hebrews  (Prov.  i.  9).   The 

necklace  ('^"5>')  consisted  of  pearls,  corals,  &c., 
threaded  on  a  string;  the  beads  were  called 
D'^T-lin,  from  T  "yn,  to  perforate  (Cant.  i.  10, 
A.  V.  "  chains,"  where  "  of  gold  "  are  interpolated). 
Besides  the  necklace,  other  chains  were  worn  (Jud. 
I.  4)  hanging  down  as  far  as  the  waist,  or  even 
lower.     Some  were  adorned  with  pieces  of  metal, 

shaped  in  the  form  of  the  moon,  named  CJ"intt7 
{lxi)vi<rKoi,  l-XX. ;  lunuke,  Vulg. ;  round  tires  like 
the  i)wo?i,  A.  V".;  Is.  iii.  18);  a  similar  ornament, 
the  liildl,  still  exists  in  Egypt  (Lane's  Modern 
Egyptians,  App.  A.).  The  Midianites  adorned  the 
Xecks  of  their  camels  with  it  (Judg.  viii.  21,  26); 
.he  .Arabs  still  use  a  siinilai-  ornament  (Wellsted,  i. 
001).     To  other   chains   were   suspended   various 

trinkets  —  as  scent-bottles,  tV^SH  "^J^2  {tablets 
or  housvs  nf  the  soul,  A.  V.,  Is.  iii.  20),  and  mir- 
rors, □\2''^"2  (Is.  iii.  23).  Step-chains,  nhl^r; 
[tinkling  ornaments,  ,1.  V.),  were  attached  to  the 
Uikle-rings,  which  shortened  the  step  and  produced 
k  mincmg  gait  (Is.  iii.  16,  18).     (3.)  The  means 


CHALCEDONY 


407 


o  "  Our  calcedony  being  often  opalescent  — i.  e.  hay- 
»■£  something  of  Pliny's  "  Carbunculorum  ignes  "  in 
t  -  got  confounded  with  the  Carchedonius  or  Punic 
Virbuiicle  of  a  pale  color,  and  this  again  with  hia  green 
Ihkieedonius.     Kapxr)86vt.o9  and  KoiAxii$oi"o«  are  oon- 


adoptcl  for  confining  prisoners  among  the  Jexm 
were  fetters  similar  to  our  hand-cufl&  C^i^U'R? 
(lit.  tii'o  brasses,  as  though  made  in  halves),  fast>- 
ened  on  the  wrists  and  ankles,  and  attached  to  ea  i.-h 
other  by  a  chain  (Judg.  xvi.  21;  2  Sam.  iii.  34, 
2  K.  XXV.  7;  Jer.  xxxix.  7).  Among  the  Romans, 
the  prisoner  was  hand-cuffed  to  one,  and  occasionally 
to  two  guards  —  the  hand-cuff  on  the  one  being 
attached  to  that  on  the  other  by  a  chain  (Acts  xii. 
6,  7,  xxi.  33  [xxviii.  16,  20;  Eph.  vi.  20;  2  Tim.  i. 
10];  Diet,  of  Ant.,  art.  Catena).  W.  L.  Ii. 

*  The  "chains"  (A.  V.)  with  which  the  Gtul- 
arene  maniac  was  bound  (Mark  v.  3,  4)  were  ap 
parently  ropes  or  withes,  whicli  he  pulled  apart  in 
his  phrensy  (Siecnraa-dat),  while  he  crushed  or 
shivered  to  pieces  the  iron  fetters  {(TvvTeTpl<p6ai)- 
See  Fetters.  H. 

CHALCEDONY  ixa\Kr]SSi/ :  chakedonius), 
only  in  liev.  xxi.  19,  where  it  is  mentioned  as  bein^ 
the  stone  which  garnished  the  third  foundation  of 
the  heavenly  Jerusalem.  The  name  is  applied  in 
modem  mineralogy  to  one  of  the  varieties  of  agate : 
specimens  of  this  sub-species  of  quartz,  when  of  a 
pearly  or  wax -like  lustre  and  of  great  translucency, 
are  known  by  the  name  of  chalcedony,  sometimei' 
popularly  called  "  white  canielian."  "  There  Is  also 
a  stalactitic  form  found  occasionally  in  cavities. 
There  can,  however,  be  little  doubt  that  the  stone 
to  which  Theophrastus  {De  Lnpid.  §  25)  refers,  as 
being  found  in  the  island  opposite  Chalcedon  and 
used  as  a  solder,  must  have  been  the  green  trans- 
parent carbonate  of  copper,  or  our  copper  emerald. 
It  is  by  no  means  easy  to  determine  the  mineral 
indicated  by  Phny  {N.  II.  xxxvii.  5);  the  white 
agate  is  mentioned  by  him  {N.  H.  xxxvii.  10)  as 
one  of  the  numerous  varieties  of  Achates  (Agate), 
under  the  names  Cerachates  and  Leucnchates.  Tlie 
Chalcedonim  was  so  called  from  Chalcedon,  and 
was  obtained  from  the  copper-mines  there.  It  was  a 
small  stone  and  of  no  great  value ;  it  is  described 
by  Pliny  as  resembling  the  green  and  blue  tints 
which  are  seen  on  a  peacock's  tail,  or  on  a  pigeon's 
neck.  Mr.  King  (Antique-  Gems,  p.  8)  says  it  was 
a  kind  of  inferior  emerald,  as  PUny  imderstood  it. 

W.  H 

*  Thomson  {Land  and  Book,  i.  437)  speaks 
of  this  mineral  as  not  uncommon  in  Syria.  In  one 
of  the  valleys  of  Galilee  (3^  hours  on  the  way  from 
Safed  to  Acre)  "  are  beautiful  geodes  of  chalcedony, 
which  I  have  spent  days,  first  and  last,  in  gathering 
In  the  spring  of  1838  I  sent  four  donkey-loads  tn 
BeirOt,  and  from  there  they  have  been  dispersed  by 
friends  to  almost  every  part  of  the  world.  Some 
five  years  ago  I  discovered  a  new  locality  of  it  ex- 
tending from  Jisr  Kuraone,  below  Mushgarah,  quite 
up  to  the  south  end  of  the  Buk'ah,  at  Jub  Jennin. 
The  whole  country  there  for  many  mUes  is  literally 
covered  with  these  geodes,  from  the  size  of  a  walnut 
to  that  of  a  large  melon.  I  have  discovered  jasper 
and  agate  in  great  variety  and  very  beautiful,  along 
the  southern  and  eastern  base  of  Mount  Casius,  and 
in  a  few  otlier  places.  Of  the  twelve  manner  of 
stones  in  the  breast-plate  of  the  high-priest  (Ex. 
xxviii.  17-20)  there  are  native  to  this  country  the 
jasper,  the  agate,  the  beryl,  and  the  sardius.     If 

tinually  Interchanged  in  M3  Marbodua  already  under- 
stood it  of  our  Calcedony  as  shown  by  his  "  Pal 
loasque  Chalcedonius  tguii  'labet  efflt^ii.-n."  —  C.  W 
King. 


408 


CHALC(.)L 


the  sapphire  is  the  lapis  lazuli,  it  is  also  met  with 
In  certain  j^rts  of  Syria." 

It  is  surprising  to  notice  witli  wliat  familiarity 
the  sacred  writers  refer  to  the  names  and  qualities 
of  precious  stones.  This  is  specially  true  of  John  in 
the  Ajjocal^'pse  (xxi.  18-21),  who  exhibits  a  knowl- 
edge of  such  matters  which  an  expert  only  in  this 
species  of  learning  among  us  would  \ye  expected  to 
possess.  IJnt  in  the  East,  where  such  stones  abound 
and  are  applied  to  so  many  uses,  persons  of  the 
most  ordinary  intelligence  in  other  respects  show 
themselves  almost  the  equals  of  artisans  and 
scholars.  "  I  venture  to  say  "  (says  the  writer  just 
quoted),  "that  this  doniicy-ljoy  coming  to  meet 
us  could  confound  nine-tenths  of  IJilde-readers  in 
America  by  his  familiar  acquaintance  with  the 
names,  appearance,  and  relative  value  of  the  precious 
stones  mentioned  in  the  \\'ord  of  God.  We  need 
not  be  suri)rised,  therefore,  at  the  constant  mention 
of  them  by  plain  and  unlettered  prophets  and 
apostles.  John  was  not  a  scholar  nor  a  lapidary, 
»nd  yet  he  is  perfectly  at  liome  among  precious 
atones,  and  without  effort  gives  a  list  which  has 
puzzled  and  does  still  puzzle  our  wisest  scholars 
even  to  understand,  nor  are  they  yet  agreed  in 
regard  to  them.  In  our  translation,  and  in  every 
other  with  wliich  I  am  acquainted,  the  same  Hebrew 
word  is  made  to  stand  for  entirely  different  gems, 
and  lexicograpliers,  commentators,  and  critics  are 
equally  uncertain."  H. 

CHAL'COL,  I  K.  iv.  31.  [Calcou.] 
CHALDE'A,  more  correctly  CHALD.^'A 
(D*"^ti73  :  r)  XoKSala'  ChaUasa)  is  properly  only 
the  most  southern  portion  of  liabytonia.  It  is  used, 
however,  in  our  version,  for  the  Hebrew  ethnic  ap- 
pellative C'fisdtm  {or  "  Chaldaans  " ),  under  which 
term  the  inhai)itaiits  of  the  entire  country  are 
designated ;  and  it  will  therefore  here  be  taken  in 
this  extended  sense.  Tlie  origin  of  the  term  is 
very  doubtful.      Cnsdim  has  been  derived  by  some 

from  Chesed  (l!^!-7")»  the  son  of  Nahor  (Gen.  xxii. 
22) ;  but  if  Ur  was  already  a  city  "  of  the  Casdim  " 
before  Abraham  quitted  it  (Gen.  xi.  28),  the  name 
of  <  asdim  cannot  possibly  have  l^een  derived  from 
his  nephew.  On  the  other  hand  tlie  term  Chaldaea 
has  been  connected  with  the  city  Kalwudha  (Chil- 
raad  of  Ezekiel,  xxvii.  2'-i).  This  is  possibly  correct. 
At  any  rate,  in  searching  for  an  etymology  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  Kaldi  or  Kcddai,  not  Casdim, 
ts  the  native  form. 

1.  Exttnt  and  boundaries.  —  The  tiiict  of  country 
viewed  in  Scripture  as  the  land  of  the  Chaldteans 
is  that  vast  alluvial  plain  which  has  been  formed 
by  the  deposits  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigiis  — 
at  least  so  far  as  it  lies  to  the  west  of  the  latter 
rtream.  The  country  to  the  east  is  Ii^lam  or 
Susiana;  but  tlie  entire  tract  between  the  rivers, 
as  well  as  the  low  country  on  the  Arabian  side  of 
the  ICuphrates,  which  is  cidtivable  by  irrigation 
from  that  stream,  must  \k  considered  as  comprised 
within  the  Chaldaea  of  which  Nebuchadnezzar  was 
ling.  This  extraordinary  flat,  unbroken  except  by 
the  works  of  man,  extends,  in  a  direction  nearly 
X.  W.  and  S.  E.,  a  distance  of  400  miles  along  the 
jourse  of  tlie  rivers,  and  is  on  the  average  alwut 
100  miles  in  width.  A  line  drawn  from  Hit  on 
klie  Euphrates  to  Tekrit  on  the  Tigris,  may  be  con- 
lidered  to  mark  its  northern  limits;  the  eastern 
boundary  is  the  'Hgris  itself;  uie  uoutiiem  the 
CorviaQ  Gulf;  on  the  west  its  lioundary  is  some- 


CHALDEA 

what  ill-defined,  and  in  fact  would  vary  accordiii| 
to  the  degree  of  skill  and  industry  devoted  to  th« 
regulation  of  the  waters  and  the  extension  of  worki 
for  iiTigation.  In  the  most  flourishing  times  of 
the  Chaldajan  empire  the  water  seems  to  have  been 
brought  to  the  extreme  limit  of  the  alluvium,  a 
canal  having  been  cut  along  the  edge  of  the  ter- 
tiary formation  on  the  Arabian  side  tliroughout  its 
entire  extent,  running  at  an  average  distance  from 
the  Euphrates  of  alK^ut  30  miles. 

2.  Gtiitral  c/diriicter  of  the  country.  —  The 
general  aspect  of  the  country  is  thus  described  by 
a  modern  traveller,  who  well  contrasts  its  condition 
now  with  the  appearance  which  it  must  have  pre- 
sented in  ancient  times.  "  In  former  days,"  he 
says,  "  the  vast  plains  of  Babylon  were  nourished 
by  a  complicated  system  of  can.tls  and  water-courses, 
which  spread  over  the  surface  of  the  country  like  a 
net-work.  The  wants  of  a  Iteming  population  were 
supplied  by  a  rich  soil,  not  Itss  Iwuiitiful  than  that 
on  the  banks  of  the  Egyjjtian  Nile.  Like  islands 
rising  from  a  golden  sea  of  waving  corn,  stood 
frequent  gro\es  of  palm-trees  and  pleasant  gardens, 
affording  to  tiie  idler  or  traveller  their  grat<?ful  and 
highly-valued  shade.  Crowds  of  passengers  hurried 
along  the  dusty  roMls  to  and  from  the  busy  city. 
The  land  was  rich  in  corn  and  wine.  How  changed 
is  the  aspect  of  that  region  at '  the  present  day ! 
Ivong  lines  of  mounds,  it  is  true,  mark  the  courses 
of  those  main  arteries  which  formerly  diffused  life 
and  vegetation  along  their  banks,  but  their  chan- 
nels arc  now  bereft  of  moisture  and  choked  with 
drifted  sand  ;  the  smaller  offshoots  are  wholly 
effaced.  '  A  drought  is  upon  her  waters,'  says  the 
prophet,  '  and  they  sh:ill  be  dried  up ! '  AU  that 
remains  of  that  ancient  civilization  —  that  'glory 
of  kingdoms,'  —  '  the  prai.se  of  the  whole  earth,'  — 
is  recognizable  in  the  numerous  mouldering  heaps 
of  brick  and  rubbish  which  overspread  the  surface 
of  the  plain.  Instead  of  the  luxurious  fields,  the 
groves  and  gardens,  nothing  now  meets  the  ej'e  but 
an  arid  waste  —  the  dense  population  of  fonner 
times  is  vanished,  and  no  man  dwells  there." 
(Ix)ftus's  ChnUcea,  pp.  14,  15.)  The  cause  of  the 
change  is  to  be  found  in  the  neglect  of  man. 
"  There  is  no  physical  reason,"  the  same  writer 
observes,  "  why  Babylonia  should  not  be  as  beauti- 
ful and  as  thickly  inhaiiited  as  in  days  of  yore;  a 
little  care  and  lal)or  bestowed  on  the  ancient  canals 
would  again  restore  the  fertility  and  population 
which  it  originally  possessed."  The  prosperity  and 
fertility  of  the  country  depend  entirely  on  the  reg- 
ulation of  the  waters.  Carefully  and  properly  ap- 
plied and  husbanded,  they  are  sufficient  to  make 
the  entire  plain  a  garden.  Left  to  themselves,  they 
desert  the  river  courses  to  accumulate  in  lakes  and 
marshes,  leaving  large  districts  waterless,  and  others 
most  scantily  supplied,  while  they  overwhelm  tracts 
formerly  under  cultivation,  which  become  covered 
with  a  forest  of  reetls,  and  during  the  summer  heats 
breed  a  pestilential  miasma.  This  is  the  present 
condition  of  the  greater  part  of  Babylonia  under 
Turkish  rule;  the  evil  is  said  to  be  advancing;  and 
the  whole  country  threatens  to  become  within  a 
short  time  either  marsh  or  desert. 

3.  Divieiinis.  —  In  a  country  so  uniform  and  so 
devoid  of  natural  features  as  this,  political  dirisions 
could  be  only  accidental  or  arbitrary.  Eew  are 
found  of  any  im[X)rtance.  The  true  Clialdcea.  at 
has  been  already  noticed,  is  always  in  the  geog- 
raphers a  distinct  region,  being  the  most  southera 
portion  of  Babylonia,  lying  chiefly  (if  not  solely)  oi 


CHALDEA 

fre  nght  bank  of  the  Euphrates  (Strab.  xvi.  1.  §  6 ; 
Ptol.  V.  20).  Babylonia  above  this  is  separiitef) 
Into  two  districts,  called  resjiectively  Amordnciti  and 
AuranilU.  The  former  is  tlie  name  of  the  central 
territory  round  Babylon  itseif ;  the  latter  is  applied 
to  the  regions  towards  the  north,  where  Babylonia 
borders  on  Assyria  (I'tol.  v.  20). 

4.  C'dles.  —  Babylonia  was  celebrated  at  all 
times  for  the  number  and  antiquity  of  its  cities. 
"  Babel,  and  Erech,  and  Accad,  and  Calneh  in  the 
land  of  Shinar,"  are  the  first  towns  mentioned  in 
Scripture  (Gen.  x.  10).  The  "  vast  number  of  great 
cities  "  which  the  country  possessed,  was  noted  by 
Herodotus  (i.  178),  and  the  whole  region  is  in  fact 
studded  with  huge  mounds,  each  mound  marking 
beyond  a  doubt  the  site  of  a  considerable  town. 
The  most  important  of  those  which  have  been 
identified  are  Borsippa  {Birs-Nimrwl),  Sippara  or 
Sepharvaim  (Mosuib),  Cutha  (Ibi-ahim),  Calneh 
{Nljfer),  Erech  (  Wai-ka),  Ur  {Mugheir),  Chilmad 
(Kalwadlin),  I^rancha  (Senkereh),  Is  (Hit),  Du- 
raba  (Akkcz-kuf) ;  but  besides  these  there  were  a 
multitude  of  others,  the  sites  of  which  have  not 
been  determined,  as  the  Accad  of  Genesis  (x.  10); 
the  Teredon  of  Abydenus  (Fr.  8);  Asbl,  Ruhesi, 
Sue.,  towns  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions.  Two  of 
these  places  —  Ur  and  Borsippa  —  are  particularly 
noticed  in  the  following  article  [Ciialukans].  Of 
the  rest  Erech,  Larancha,  and  Cahieh,  were  in 
early  times  of  the  most  consequence ;  while  Cutha, 
Sippara,  and  Teredon  attained  their  celebrity  at  a 
comparatively  recent  epoch. 

5.  Canals.  —  One  of  the  most  remarkable  feat- 
ures of  ancient  Babylonia  was,  as  has  been  already 
observed,  its  net-work  of  canals.  A  more  particular 
iiccount  will  now  be  given  of  the  chief  of  these. 
Three  principal  canals  carried  off  the  waters  of  the 
Euphrates  towards  the  Tigris  above  Babylon. 
These  were,  (1.)  The  original  "Royal  River,"  or 
Ar-Malchn  of  Berosus,  which  left  the  Euphrates  at 
Perisabor  or  Anbar,  and  followed  the  line  of  the 
modem  Snkhicyeh  canal,  passing  by  Akkerkuf, 
and  entering  the  Tigris  a  little  below  Baghdad; 
(2.)  The  Nahr  Mnicha  of  the  Arabs,  which 
branched  off  at  Ridldvaniyeh,  and  ran  across  to  the 
site  of  Seleucia;  and  (3.)  The  Nahr  Kuthn,  which 
starting  from  the  liuphrates  about  12  miles  above 
.Mosaib,  passed  through  Cutha,  and  fell  into  the 
Tigris  20  miles  below  the  site  of  Seleucia.  On  the 
other  side  of  the  stream,  a  large  canal,  perhaps  the 
most  imiwrta.nt  of  all,  lea^•ing  the  Euphrates  at 
Hit,  where  the  alluvial  plain  commences,  skirted 
the  deposit  on  the  west  along  its  entire  extent,  and 
fell  into  the  Persian  Gulf  at  the  head  of  the  Rubinn 
creek,  about  20  miles  west  of  the  Shat-el-Arab ; 
while  a  second  main  artery  (the  Pallacopas  of  Ar- 
rian)  branched  from  the  Euphrates  nearly  at  Mo- 
idib,  and  ran  into  a  great  lake  in  the  neighborhood 
Df  Borsijjpa,  wlience  the  lands  to  the  southwest  of 
Babylon  were  irrigated.  From  these  and  other 
similar  channels,  numerous  branches  were  carried 
Dut,  from  which  further  cross  cuts  were  made,  until 
at  length  every  field  was  duly  supplied  with  the 
precious  fluid. 

6.  Sea  of  Nefljef,  ChaMaan  marshes,  <fc  — 
DhaldiBa  contains  one  natural  fe<iture  deserving  of 
fpecial  description  —  the  "  great  inland  freshwater 
tpa  of  Ncr/Jef"  (Loftus,  p.  45).  This  sheet  of 
rat«r,  which  does  not  owe  its  origin  to  the  inunda- 
aons,  but  is  a  permanent  lake  of  considerable 
tepth,  surrounded  by  cliffs  of  a  reddish  sandstone 
a  placss  40  feet  high,  extends  in  a  south-easterly 


CHALDEANS 


409 


direction  a  distance  of  40  miles,  from  about  lat.  31° 
53',  long.  44°,  to  lat.  31°  20',  long.  44°  35'.  Ita 
greatest  width  is  35  miles.  It  lies  thus  on  th« 
right  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  from  which  it  is  dis- 
tant (at  the  nearest  pouit)  about  20  miles,  and  re- 
ceives from  it  a  certain  quantity  of  water  at  the 
time  of  the  inundation,  which  flows  through  it, 
and  is  carried  back  to  the  Euphrates  at  Saynava, 
by  a  natural  river  course  known  as  the  Shat-eU 
Alclian.  Above  and  below  the  Sea  of  Nedjef, 
from  the  Birs-Nimrud  to  Kufa,  and  from  the 
south-eastern  extremity  of  the  Sea  to  Samava,  ex- 
tend the  famous  Chaldit-in  marshes  (Strab.  xvi.  1, 
§  12;  Arrian,  Kxp.  Al.  vii.  22),  where  Alexander 
was  nearly  lost,  but  these  are  entirely  distinct  from 
the  sea  itself,  depending  on  the  state  of  the  Ilbidi- 
yeh  canal,  and  disappearing  altogether  when  that  is 
efTectually  closed. 

7.  Productlims.  —  The  extraordinary  fertility  of 
the  Chaldffian  soil  has  been  noticed  by  various 
writers.  It  is  said  to  l>e  the  only  country  in  the 
world  where  wheat  grows  wild.  Berosus  noticed 
this  production  {Fr.  1,  §  2),  and  also  the  sponta- 
neous growth  of  barley,  sesame,  ochrys,  paln\s,  ap- 
ples, and  many  kinds  of  shelled  fruit.  Herodotus 
declared  (i.  193)  that  grain  commonly  returned 
200-fold  to  the  sower,  and  occasionally  300-fold. 
Strabo  made  nearly  the  same  a.ssertion  (xvi.  1, 
§  14);  and  Pliny  said  (//.  N.  xviii.  17),  that  tlie 
wheat  was  cut  twice,  and  afterwards  was  good  keep 
for  beasts.  The  palm  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the 
principal  objects  of  cultivation.  According  to 
Strabo  it  furnished  the  natives  with  bread,  wine, 
vinegar,  honey,  porridge,  and  ropes;  with  a  fuel 
equal  to  charcoal,  and  with  a  means  of  fattening 
cattle  and  sheep.  A  Persian  poem  celebrated  ita 
360  uses  (Strab.  xvi.  1,  14).  Herodotus  says  (i. 
193)  that  the  whole  of  the  flat  country  was  planted 
with  palius,  and  Ammianus  Marcellinus  (xxiv.  3) 
observes  that  from  the  point  reached  by  Julian's 
army  to  the  shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf  was  one 
continuous  forest  of  verdure.  At  present  palms 
are  almost  confined  to  the  vicinity  of  the  rivers,  and 
even  there  do  not  grow  thickly,  except  about  the 
villages  on  their  banks.  The  soil  is  rich,  but  there 
is  little  cultivation,  the  inhabitants  subsisting 
chiefly  upon  dates.  IMore  than  half  the  country  i» 
left  dry  and  waste  from  the  want  of  a  projier  sys- 
tem of  irrigation ;  while  the  remaining  half  is  to  a 
great  extent  covered  with  marshes,  owing  to  the 
same  neglect.  Thus  it  is  at  once  true  that  "  the 
sea  has  come  up  upon  Babylon  and  she  is  covered 
with  the  waves  thereof"  (Jer.  li.  42);  that  she  is 
made  "  a  possession  for  the  bittern,  and  pools  of 
water"  (Is.  xiv.  23);  and  also  that  "a  drought  is 
upon  her  waters,  and  they  are  dried  up"  (Jer.  1. 
38),  that  she  is  "  wholly  desolate  "  —  "  the  hinder- 
most  of  the  nations,  a  wilderness,  a  dry  land,  and 
a  desert"  {ib.  12,  13).  (See  Loftus's  Chaklcea 
ami  Susiana;  I^yard's  Nineveh  and  Bab.  chs. 
xxi.-xxiv. ;  Rawlinson's  Herodotus,  vol.  i.  Essay 
ix. ';  and  Mr.  Taylor's  Paj)er  in  the  Journal  of  tlie 
Asiatic  Society,  vol.  xv.  [Also: — Rawlinson, 
five  Great  Monarchies  of  the  Ancient  Heathen 
Workl,  voi.  i.  Lond.  1862;  and  Oppert.  Histoire 
des  emjnres  de  Chaldee  et  d^Assyrie  d'apr'es  le» 
monuments,  Versailles,  1866  (from  the  Annates  d^ 
philos.  "hreiienue,  1865).    A.]).  G.  R. 

CHALDE'ANS,  or  CHAL'DEES 
(2'*'ltt''j^  :  XaXSaroi:  ChaUad),  appear  in  Script. 
ore  until  the  time  of  the  Captivity,  as  the  pei>pj« 


410 


CHALDEANS 


9f  the  x)untry  which  has  Babylon  for  its  capital, ' 

and  which  is  itself  termed  SLhiar  ("13732.')  ;  but 
la  the  book  of  Daniel,  while  this  meaning  is  still 
foimd  (v.  30,  and  ix.  1),  a  new  sense  shows  itself. 
The  Cbaldaians  are  classed  with  the  magicians  and 
Mtronomers;  and  evidently  form  a  sort  of  priest 
class,  who  have  a  peculiar  "tongue"  and  "learn- 
ing "  (ii.  4),  and  are  consulted  by  the  king  on  re- 
ligious sutyects.  The  same  variety  appears  in  pro- 
fane writers.  Berosus,  the  native  historian,  himself 
»  Chalda'an  iu  the  narrower  sense  (Tatian,  Or. 
cuiv.  Gr.  58),  uses  the  term  only  in  the  wider; 
while  Herodotus,  Diodorus,  Sti-aix),  and  the  later 
writers  almost  universally  employ  it  to  signify  a 
sect  or  portion  of  the  people,  whom  they  regard 
either  as  priests  or  as  philosophers.  With  this 
view,  however,  is  joined  another,  which  but  ill  har- 
monizes with  it;  namely,  that  the  Chaldreans  are 
the  inhabitants  of  a  particular  part  of  Babylonia, 
viz.,  the  country  bordering  on  the  Persian  Gulf  and 
on  Arabia  (Strab.  xvi.  1,  §  G;  I'tol.  v.  20).  By 
help  of  the  inscriptions  recently  discovered  in  the 
country,  these  discrepancies  and  apparent  contra- 
dictions are  explicable. 

It  appears  that  the  Chaldieans  (Kdldai  or  Kahli) 
were  in  the  earliest  times  merely  one  out  of  the 
many  Cushite  tribes  inhabiting  the  great  alluvial 
plain  known  afterwards  as  Chaldsea  or  Babylonia. 
Their  special  seat  was  probably  that  southern  j)or- 
tion  of  the  coimtry  which  is  found  to  have  so  late 
retained  the  name  of  Chaldaja.  Here  was  Ur  "  of 
the  Chaldees,"  the  modern  Mughtir,  which  lies 
south  of  the  Euphrates,  near  its  junction  with  the 
Shat-d-Hie.  Hence  would  readily  come  those 
"three  bands  of  Chaldaeans "  who  were  instru- 
ments, simultaneously  with  the  Snbceans,  in  the 
affliction  of  .Job  (.Job.  i.  15-17).  In  process  of 
time,  as  the  Knldi  grew  in  jwwer,  their  name  grad- 
ually prevailed  over  that  of  the  other  tribes  inhabit- 
ing the  countiy ;  and  by  the  era  of  the  Jewish  Cap- 
tivity it  had  begun  to  Ijc  used  generally  for  all  the 
inhabitants  of  Babylonia.  We  may  suspect  that 
when  the  name  is  applied  by  Berosus  to  the  dyna.s- 
ties  which  preceded  the  Assyrian,  it  is  by  way  of 
prolepsis.  The  dynasty  of  Nabopolassar,  however, 
was  (it  is  probable)  really  Chaldaean,  and  this 
greatly  hel{)ed  to  establish  the  wider  use  of  the  ap- 
pellation. It  had  thus  come  by  this  time  to  have 
two  senses,  both  ethnic :  in  the  one  it  was  the  spe-. 
cial  appellative  of  a  particular  race  to  whom  it  had 
belonged  from  the  remotest  times,  in  the  other  it 
iesigiiated  the  nation  at  large  in  which  this  race 
vas  predominant.  We  have  still  to  trace  its  trans- 
ference from  an  ethnic  to  a  mere  class  sense  —  from 
the  name  of  a  people  to  that  of  a  priest  caste  or 
sect  of  philosophers. 

It  has  l)een  observed  above  that  the  Knkli  proper 
were  a  Cnshite  race.  This  is  prove<l  by  the  re- 
mains of  their  language,  which  closely  resembles 
the  GaUfi  or  ancient  language  of  Ethiopia.  Now 
it  appears  by  the  inscriptions,  that  while  both  in 
.Vssyria  and  in  later  Babylonia  the  Semitic  type 
of  speech  prevailed  for  civil  purposes,  the  ancient 
(-ushite  dialect  was  retained,  as  a  learned  language, 
for  scientific  and  »eligiou8  literature.  This  is  no 
joubt  the  "  leaniing  "  and  the  "  tongue  "  to  which 
reference  is  made  in  the  book  of  Daniel  (i.  4).  It 
became  gradually  inaccessible  to  the  great  mass  of 
he  people,  who  were  Semitized,  by  means  (chiefly) 
>f  Assyrian  influence.  But  it  was  the  Chaldroan 
enroing,  in  the  old  Cbaldiean  or  Cushite  language. 


CHALK  STONES 

Hence  all  who  studied  it.  whatever  tlitr  ori^i  of 
race  were,  on  account  of  their  knowledge,  termed 
Chaldseans.  In  this  sense  Daniel  himself,  th« 
"master  of  the  Clialda;ans"  (Dan.  v.  11),  would 
no  doubt  have  been  reckoned  among  them ;  and  so 
we  find  Seleucus,  a  Greek,  called  a  Chaldaean  by 
Stralx)  (xvi.  1,  §  6).  It  may  be  doubted  whether 
the  Chaldaeans  at  any  time  were  all  priests,  though 
no  doubt  priests  were  requu-ed  to  be  Chaldseans. 
They  were  really  the  leanied  class,  who  by  thc^J 
acquaintance  with  the  language  of  science  had  ba- 
come  its  depositaries.  They  were  priests,  magi- 
cians, or  astronomers,  as  their  preference  for  one  or 
other  of  those  occupations  inclined  them ;  and  in 
ti)e  last  of  the  three  capacities  they  probably 
effected  discoveries  of  great  importance. 

According  to  Strabo,  who  well  distinguishes  (xvi. 
1,  §  G)  between  the  learned  Chaldroans  and  the 
mere  race  descended  from  the  ancient  KaUi,  which 
continued  to  predominate  in  the  country  bordering 
upon  Arabia  and  the  Gulf,  there  were  two  chief 
seats  of  Chaldaan  learning,  Borsippa,  and  Ur  or 
Orchoe.  To  these  we  may  add  from  Bliny  (//.  A'^. 
vi.  26)  two  others,  Babylon,  and  8ippara  or  Ss- 
pharvaim.  The  Chaldamns  (it  would  appear)  con- 
gregated into  bodies,  forming  what  we  may  perhaps 
call  universities,  and  pursuing  the  studies,  in  which 
they  engaged,  together.  They  probably  mixed  up 
to  some  extent  astrology  with  their  astronomy, 
even  in  the  earlier  times,  but  they  certamly  made 
great  ad\'a,nces  in  astronomical  science,  to  which 
their  serene  sky,  transparent  atmosphere,  and  r^- 
ular  horizon  specially  invite<l  them.  The  observa- 
tions, covering  a  space  of  190.'J  years,  which  Callis- 
thenes  sent  to  Aristotle  from  Babylon  (Simplic.  nd 
Arisi.  de  QbL  ii.  12.'J),  indicate  at  once  the  antiq- 
uity of  such  knowledge  in  the  country,  and  the  care 
with  which  it  had  been  i)reser\ed  by  the  learned 
class.  In  later  times  they  seem  certainly  to  have 
degenerated  into  mere  fortune-tellers  (Cic.  de  £Hv. 
I.  1;  Aul.  GeU.  i.  9;  Juv.  vi.  552,  x.  94,  &c.);  bu* 
this  reproach  is  not  justly  levelled  against  the  Chal- 
daeans of  the  empire,  and  indeed  it  was  but  par- 
tially deserved  so  late  as  the  reign  of  Augustus  {atx 
Strab.  xvi.  1,  §  6).  G.  R 


Costumes  of  the  Chalcteans.     (Rawlinson.     From  An 
cient  Monuments.) 

*  CH4LDEE    or    CHALDAIC    LAN 
GUAGE.     [Shkmitic  Languages,  §§  14-18. 

CHALDEES.     [Chaldeans.] 

*  CHALDEE  VERSIONS.     [Vkksios* 
Ancient  (Targum).] 

CHALK  STONES.     [Limb.] 


CHAMBER 
•  CHAMBER,  UPPER.     [Holsk.J 

CHAMBERLAIN  {oiKou6fj.os-  arcnrius). 
Flrastus,  "the  cli(iin/jtrlai7i"  of  the  city  of  Corinth, 
was  one  of  those  whose  sahitatious  to  the  Roman 
Christians  are  given  at  the  end  of  the  Ep.  addressed 
to  them  (Koni.  xvi.  23).  The  office  which  he  held 
was  ajiparently  that  of  public  treasurer  or  arcarius, 
Its  the  A'ulgate  renders  his  title.  These  arctn-ii 
were  inferior  nia<^istrates,  who  had  the  charge  of 
the  public  chest  {area  pu/jlicn),  and  were  under  the 
authority  of  the  senate.  They  kept  the  accounts 
of  the  public  revenues.  In  the  Glossary  of  Philox- 
onus  the  word  oiKoi'6fios  is  explained  6  dwl  ttjs 
Sri/xoffias  rpairf^is,  and  in  the  Pandects  the  term 
arcarius  is  applied  to  any  one  who  attends  to  pub- 
lic or  private  money.  It  is,  as  Grotius  remai'ks, 
one  of  those  words  which  have  been  transferred 
from  the  house  to  the  state.  In  old  glosses  quoted 
by  Suicer  {Thesaur.)  we  find  a7'cn?"i«s  explained 
by  uTrodeKTrjs  xpuco",  and  in  accordance  with  this 
the  translators  of  the  Geneva  Version  have  placed 
'•  receiver  "  in  the  margin.  Enismus  interpreted 
the  word  qiuestor  (Braiii.  St.  Ambrose  thought 
that  the  office  of  the  ceconomus  pruicipally  con- 
sisted in  regulating  the  prices  of  tlie  mai-kets,  and 
hence  PanciroUus  was  erroneously  led  to  interpret 
the  term  of  the  sedile.  Theophylact  rendered  it 
&  SioiKTiTrts,  0  Trpoj/OTjT^js  tt)s  ir6\ea)S  Kopivdou, 
and  is  followed  by  Heza,  who  gives  procuralw. 

In  an  inscription  in  the  M(irm.  Oxon.  (p.  85, 
ed.  1732)  we  find  NeiAo;  olKnv6p.w  'Am'as;  and  in 
another,  mention  is  made  of  JMiletus,  who  was 
oeconomus  of  Smyrna  (Ins.  xxx.  20;  see  Prideaux's 
note,  p.  477).  Another  in  Gruter  (p.  mxci.  7,  ed. 
Scaliger,  1616)  contains  the  name  of  "  Secundus 
Arkarius  Keipublicaj  Amerinorum ;  "  but  the  one 
which  bears  most  upon  our  point  is  given  by  Orel- 
Uus  (No.  2821),  and  mentions  the  ^^  arcarius  pro- 
vinciae  Achaiae." 

For  further  uiformation  see  Reinesius,  Syntar/m. 
Inscr.  p.  431;  I>a  Cerda,  Advers.  Sacr.  cap.  56; 
lilsner,  Obs.  Sacr.  ii.  68 ;  and  a  note  by  Keinesius 
10  the  Marmora  Oxoniensia,  p.  515,  ed.  1732. 

Our  translators  had  good  reason  for  rendering 
aiKOv6p.os  by  '•  chamberlain."  In  Stow's  Survtij 
\)f  London  (b.  v.  p.  162,  ed.  Strype)  it  is  said  of 
the  Chamberlain  of  the  city  of  London:  "Mis 
office  may  be  termed  a  publick  treasury,  collecting 
the  customs,  monies,  and  yearly  revenues,  and  all 
other  payments  belonging  to  the  corporation  of  the 
city." 

The  office  held  by  Blastus,  "  the  king's  chamber- 
liun  {rhv  errl  tov  koitwvos  rod  ;8a(r(A6£os),"  was 
entirely  different  from  that  above  mentioned  (Acts 
xii.  20).  It  was  a  post  of  honor  which  involved 
great  intimacy  and  influence  with  the  king.  The 
margin  of  our  version  gives  "  that  was  over  the 
king's  bed-chamber,"  the  office  thus  corresponding 
to  that  of  the  prafectus  cvhiculo  (Suet.  Dom.  16). 

For  Chamheulain  as  used  in  the  0.  T.,  see 
EuNUCir,  ad  Jin.  W.  A.  W. 

CHAMELEON  C?'"^,  coach:  xa^uaiAewi/ : 
thaimeleon).  The  Hebrew  word  which  signifies 
"strength"  occurs  in  the  sense  of  some  kind  of 
Unclean  animal  in  I^v.  xi.  30;  the  A.  V.  follows 
»he  LXX.  and  Vulg.  Various  other  interpreta- 
ions  of  the  word  have  been  given,  for  which  see 
Bochart  {Hieroz.  \\.  W^).  It  is  not. possible  to 
some  to  any  satisfactory  conclusion  on  the  subject 
if  the  identity  of  this  word ;  Hochart  accepts  the 
i.rabic  reading  Df  tl-ioarlo,  i.  e.  the  lizard,  known 


CHAMOIS  411 

by  t'le  name  of  the  "  Monitor  of  th;  Nile  "  {Mom 
lor  Niluticus,  (irey),  a  large  stroi  g  rejjtile  common 
in  Egypt  and  other  jiarts  of  Africa.  Arabian  writ- 
era  haAe  recorded  many  wonderful  things  of  thiii 
creature,  and  speak  especially  of  its  power  in  fight- 
ing with  snakes,  and  with  the  d(d>b,  a  closely  allied 
species  [Toutoisk].  No  doubt  much  they  relate 
is  fabulous,  and  it  seems  that  there  is  some  confu- 
sion between  the  dabb  «  ( Urorwstix  spinipes)  and 
the  crocodile,  whose  eggs  the  "  Nilotic  Monitor  " 
devours.  Forskal  {Descr.  Anim.  p.  13)  speaks  of 
this  last-named  lizard  under  the  Arabic  name  of 
IF«r((n.  See  also  Hasselquist  {Trav.  p.  221). 
The  Hebrew  root  of  coach  has  reference  to 
strength,  and  as  the  Arabic  verb,  of  almost  siniJiir 
form,  means  "  to  conquer  any  one  in  fighting." 
Bochai-t  has  been  led  to  identify  the  lizard  nan\pd 
above  with  the  Ileb.  coach.  It  is  needless  to  add 
how  far  from  conclusive  is  the  evidence  which  sup- 
ports this  interpretation.  W.  H. 

CHAMOIS  i^t^"!!,,  zemer :  /cayuTjAoiriipSaAis : 
camelopitrdalus).  In  the  list  of  animals  allowed 
for  food  (Dent.  xiv.  5)  mention  is  made  of  the 
ztmer;  tfie  LXX.,  Vulg.,  and  some  other  versions, 
give  "camelopard"  or  "giraffe"  as  the  rendering 
of  this  term ;  it  is  improbable  that  this  animal  is 
intended,  for  although  it  might  have  been  known 
to  the  ancient  Jews  from  specimens  brought  into 
I'^gypt  as  tributes  to  the  Pharaohs  from  Ethiopia, 
where  tlie  giraffe  is  found,  it  is  in  the  highest  degree 
improbable  that  it  should  ever  have  been  named  as 
an  article  of  food  in  the  Levitical  law,  the  animals 
mentioned  therein  being  doubtless  all  of  them  such 
as  were  well  known  and  readily  procured.  The 
"chamois"  of  the  A.  V.  can  hardly  be  allowed  to 
represent  the  zemer ;  for  although,  as  Col.  H. 
Smith  asserts,  this  antelope  is  still  found  in  Central 
Asia,  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  has  ever  been  seen 
in  Palestine  or  the  Lebanon.  The  etymology 
poHits  to  some  "springing"  or  "leaping"  animal, 
a  definition  which  would  suit  any  of  the  AnltUtpea 


Aoudad  Sheep. 

j  D"  Capreat,  &c.  Col.  H.  Smith  (in  Kitto's  Cj/c 
lar'.  Zemni-)  suggests  that  some  mountain  sheep  \s 
\  intended,  and   figures  the    Kebsch    {Anvtnotragiu 

I  "  Se<!  some  interesting  observations  on  the  Oniii.,  by 
I  Mr.  Tristram,  in  ZoCi.  Proc.  for  1859 


il2 


CHAMPIAN 


Tragtlapliv$),  a  wild  sheep  not  uncommon,  he 
wys,  in  the  IVfokattam  rocks  near  Cairo,  and  found 
also  in  Sinai;  it  is  not  improliable  tliat  this  is  tlie 
animal  denoted,  for  the  names  of  the  otiic-r  rumi- 
nants mentioned  in  the  catalogue  of  beasts  allowed 
for  food,  are,  for  the  most  part,  identifiable  with 
other  wild  animals  of  the  Bible  lands,  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Ktbsch  or  Aoud<ul  was 
known  to  the  Israelites ;  a-rain,  Col.  Smith's  sug- 
gestion has  partly  the  sanction  of  the  Syriac  ver- 
sion, which  reads  as  tlie  equivalent  of  the  Heb. 
word,  "a  mountain  goat,"  the  Aoudad,  although 
really  a  sheep,  l«ing  in  general  form  more  like  a 
goat.  This  animal  occurs  not  unfrequcntly  figured 
on  the  monuments  of  Egypt;  it  is  a  native  of  N. 
Africa,  and  an  iidiabitant  of  high  and  inaccessible 

W.  H. 


*  CHAMPIAN,  CHAMPION,  old  forms 
for  chniiipai(jn  in  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  Ez.  xxxvii.  2, 
marg.,  and  Deut.  xi.  30.  ,  A. 

CHATS' AAN  {Kavaiv)i  the  manner  in  which 
the  word  Canaan  is  spelt  in  the  A.  V.  of  the 
Apocrypha  and  N.  T.  (comp.  Charran  for  Haran, 
&c.)  Jud.  V.  3,  9, 10;  Bar.  iii.  22;  Sus.  56;  1  Mace. 
ix.  37;  Acts  vii.  11,  xiii.  19. 

CHA'NAANITE  for  Canaanite,  Jud.  v.  16. 
[Also  1  Esdr.  viii.  69.] 

*  CHANEL-BONE,  Job  xxxi.  22,  margin 
of  A.  V.  An  old  term  for  the  collar-bone  or  clav- 
icle, also  written  "  cartel  bone."  See  I'laatwood 
and  Wright's  Bible  Word-Book,  p.  94.  A. 

CHANNUNE'US  {Xavowaios:  Chor^anoB- 
««),  1  l^sdr.  viii.  48.  This  answers  to  Merari,  if  to 
anything,  in  the  parallel  list  of  Ezra  (viii.  19). 

*  CHA'NOCH,  Gen.  iv.  17,  marg.  A  form 
of  Enoch,  more  nearly  representing  the  Hebrew. 

A. 

*  CHAPEL  occurs  in  Am.  vii.  13  as  the  trans- 
lation of  ti'"5J7P  (Sept.  ayiaa-fxa,  and  Vulg.  sanc- 
iificaiio  regis),  i.  e.  sanctuary  or  place  of  worship, 
and  is  applied  tliere  not  to  any  single  shrine  or 
temple,  but  Itethel  itself,  which  in  the  time  of  Jer- 
oboam II.  was  crowded  with  altars  (Am.  iii.  14) 
which  that  king  had  erected  to  Baal.  The  render- 
ing is  as  old  certainly  as  the  Bishops'  Bible,  and 
perhaps  arose  from  an  idea  that  the  king  had  a 
private  place  of  worship  at  Bethel.  The  term 
''chajjel"  is  also  applied  in  the  A.  V.  to  places 
for  idol-worship  {fi^wKua,  rtfieytf)  1  Mace.  i.  47 ; 
2  Mace.  X.  2,  xi.  3.  H. 

CHAPITER.  (1.)  nngb,  in  pi.  n'^'in*"^, 

Trom  "10^?  to  surround:    iriOefia '•   capitellum. 

.2  )  n^.';*,  from  nC'^,  to  draw  out  (Ges.  912- 
il4):  0.1  K«pa\al'  ca/nln.  The  upper  member  of 
a  pillar  —  the  same  word  which  is  now  in  use  ui 
the  slightly  different  form  of  "  capital;  "  also  possi- 
bly a  roll  moulding  at  the  top  of  a  building  or  work 
of  art,  as  in  the  case  (a)  of  the  pillai-s  of  the  Tab- 
ernacle and  Temple,  and  of  the  two  pillars  called 
especially  Jachin  and  Boaz;  and  (b)  of  the  lavers 
belonging  to  the  Temple  (I'jc.  xxxxiii.  17 ;  1  K.  vii. 
17,  31,  38).  As  to  the  form  and  dimensions  of 
the  fonner,  see  Tabernacle,  Temfle,   lioAZ, 

uid  of  the  latter,  Layer.  (3.)  The  word  T  S"', 
rcnh  =  head,  is  also  occasionally  rendered  "  Chap- 
ter," as  ill  the  description  of  the  Tabernacle,  Ex. 


CHARCUS 

xxxvi.  38,  xxxviii.  17,  19,  28;  but  b  the  account 
of  the  temple  it  is  translated  "top,"  as  1  K.  viL 
IG,  &c.  H.  W.  P. 

CHARAATH'ALAR  (Xapaa0a\du;  Ala 
Xapa  ada\ap-  CarmeUuia  et  Jarttli),  1  Esdr.  v 
36.  Tlie  names  "("herub,  Addan,  and  Immer," 
in  the  lists  of  l-jira  and  Nehemiah,  are  liere  changed 
to  "  Charaathalar 'Iciiding  them,  and  Aalar." 

CHAR'ACA  {(h  rhv  XdpaKa  ( V  Xipa^) : 
[w]  Charac(t),  a  place  mentioned  only  in  2  Mace, 
xii.  17,  and  there  so  obscurely  that  nothing  can  be 
certainly  inferred  as  to  its  position.  It  was  on  the 
east  of  Jordan,  being  inhabited  by  the  Jews  call»^l 
"  Tubieni,"  or  of  "Tobie"  [Ton],  who  were  in 
Gilejul  (comp.  1  Mace.  v.  9,  13);  and  it  was  760 
stadia  from  the  city  Caspin ;  but  where  the  latter 
place  was  situated,  or  in  which  direction  Charax 
was  with  regard  to  it,  there  is  no  clew.  Ewald  (iv, 
3.")9,  note )  plaees  it  to  the  extreme  east,  and  identi- 
fies it  with  Kaphon.  The  only  name  now  known 
on  the  east  of  Jordan  which  recalls  Charax  is  Kend; 
the  ancient  Kir-Moab,  on  the  S.  E.  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  whicli  in  post-biblical  times  was  called  Xapdn- 
fiuPa,  and  Maifiovxdpa^  (see  the  quotations  in 
Reland,  705).  The  Sjxiac  Peshito  has  l-S^-O^ 
Carca,  which  suggests  Karkok  (Judg.  viii.  10). 

G. 

CHAR'ASHIM,  THE  VALLEY  OP 
(CtC^'T'  ^"''"2)  "ravine  of  craftsmen;"  'AveaS- 
Zaip  [Vat.  -ftp] ;  Alex.  T7)(Tpa(rfiiJ.,  Sri  TiKTOva 
?l(rav\  [Comp.  rrjx«pa<''^M "J  """'«  nrtificum),  a 
place  mentioned  twice ;  —  1  Chr.  iv.  14,  as  having 
been  founded  or  settled  by  Joab,  a  man  of  the  tribe 
of  Judah  and  family  of  Othniel;  and  Neh.  xi.  35, 
as  being  reinhabited  by  Benjamites  after  the  Cap- 
tivity. In  this  [the  latter]  passage  it  is  rendered 
"valley  of  craftsmen"  [Alex,  yyj  Apaa-L//.].  Its 
mention  by  Nehemiah  with  Ix)d  (Lydcfa),  Neballat, 
etc.,  fixes  its  position  as  in  the  swelling  grouna  at 
the  back  of  the  plain  of  Sharon,  east  of  Jaffa.  The 
Talmud  (as  quoted  by  Schwarz,  p.  135)  reports  the 
valley  of  Charasliim  to  consist  of  ]jod  and  Ono, 
which  lay  therein.  Whether  .Joab  the  son  of  Se- 
raiah  is  the  same  person  as  the  son  of  Zeruiah  will 
be  best  examined  under  the  name  Joab.         G. 

*  Dr.  Robinson  argues  that  the  valldy  (S*") 
of  Charashim  may  have  been  a  side  valley  opening 
into  the  plain  of  Bdl  Nuba  near  Lod  (Lydda), 
which  latter  he  supposes  to  be  the  plain  or  valley 

(n^rS)  of  Ono  (Neh.  xi.  35),  and  a  different  one 
therefore,  from  that  of  Lod  and  Ono.  See  his 
Phys.  Geogr.  p.  113.  H. 

CHAR'CHAMIS  (Xo/wcojuvy;  Alex.  ViaXxo. 
fivs:  C/iarcamis),  1  Esdr.  i.  25.    [Carchkmish.J 

*  The  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  and  apparently  in  most 
aditions,  if  not  all,  reads  Cahchamis.  A. 

CHAR'CHEMISH  (tt  "'ttS-l?  :  LXX.  [in 
most  MSS.]  omits;  IComp.  Xapxafiels-]  Charcn- 
mk),  2  Chr.  xxxv.  20.     [Carchemish.  | 

CHAR'CUS  {Bapxov4\  [Vat.  M.  Bapxow. 
H.  Baxous;  Aid.  XapKovs-}  Barcus),  1  I'idr.  v, 
32.  Corrupted  from  Bakkos,  the  corresponding 
name  in  the  parallel  lists  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  — 

possibly  by  a  change  of  Z  into  3.  But  it  does  no/ 
appear  whence  the  translators  of  the  A.  V.  gol 
their  reading  of  the  name.     [Evidently  from  tbi 


ildine   edition.] 
'  Chareus." 


CHAREA 

In   tlie   edition  ti  1611   it  Is 


CHAREA  (Xapf'a;  [Vat.  omits:]  Caree),  1 
Esdr.  V.  32.     [Haksha.] 

CHARGER  (1.  nnyp,  from  a  root  signify- 
ing hoUowness:  rpi^Mov,  kotuAtj:  acetabulum. 
2.  '^'-Tl^S  :  if/vKrfjp  ■  phinla ;  only  found  Ezr.  i. 
!)),  a  shallow  vessel  for  receiving  water  or  blood, 
also  for  presenting  offerings  of  fine  flour  with  oil 
(Num.  vii.  79;  Ges.  Thes.  22).  The  "chargers" 
mentioned  in  Numbers  are  said  to  have  been  of 

silver,  and  to  have  weighed  each   130  shekels,  or 

^^  l\b  oz.  (Hussey,  Anc.  Weights,  c.  ix.  p.  190). 
^^B:     2.  The  daughter  of  Herodias  brought  the  head 
of  St.  John   IJaptist  "  in  a  charger,"   fVl  vivaiti 
(Matt.  xiv.  8  [11;  Mark  vi.  2.5,  28];  probably  a 
trencher  or  platter,  as  Horn.  Od.  i.  141:  — 

SaiTpbs  Se  KpeiCiV  jriVawas  napedy)Kev  aeCpan 
wavToiuiv. 

Comp.  [TTiVoJiLuke  xi.  39,  A.  V.  "  platter,"  and] 
Luke  i.  63,  TrtvoKiStov,  a  writing-tablet.     [Ba.si.n.] 

11.  W.  P. 

•  The  English  "charger"  as  "that  on  which 
anything  is  kid,  a  dish,"  comes  from  the  French 
charger,  and  the  old  English   charge,  i.   e.    "to 

load."  The  A.  V.  renders  H^^p  dish  in  Ex.  xxv. 
;%,  x'l^ii.  16,  and  Num.  iv.  7.  H. 

*  CHARGES.  "  Be  at  charges  with  them  " 
A.  V.  Acts  xxi.  24,  or  rather /o/-  them  "  {^aTriui)- 
tMV  i/r'  avToh),  means  "pay  the  expense  of  their 
Dfferinga."  A. 

CHARIOT.  (1.)  2'5-;,  from  3^"^,  to  ride: 
ipfjM :  curnis :  sometimes  including  the  horses  (2 
Sam.  viii.  4,  x.  18).    (2.)  2^D"1,  a  chariot  or  horse 

(Ps.  civ.  3).  (3.)  2^1^)  ™-  from  same  root  as 
(1),  a  chariot,  litter,  or  seat  (I^ev.  xv.  9,  Cant.  iii. 
9).  (4.)  raip-T^,  f.  (5.)  ^'^yi,  from  b;l7, 
roU  (Pa.  xlvi.  9,  0vpe6s:  Kutum).     (6.)  T^I^S', 

Cant.  iil.  9:  (popetoV-  ferculum.  |(7.)  n3?"li 
Ez.  xxvii.  20;  Ges.,  Rwald,  riding;  Vulg.,  ad  ge- 
tlendum.  (8.)  "J'^*"', Ez.  xxiii.  24,  a  difficult  word: 
Ges.,  ai-ms ;  Fiirat,  battle-axe ;  Hitzig,  by  alter- 
ing the  points,  and  etymological  conjecture,  rat- 
tling. A.]  (Between  1-4  no  difference  of  signifi- 
t!ation).  A  vehicle  used  either  for  warlike  or  peaceful 
pur{X)se3,  but  most  commonly  the  former.  Of  the 
latter  use  the  following  only  are  probable  instances : 
as  regards  the  .Tews,  1  K.  xviii.  44;  and  as  regards 
other  nation.s.  Gen.  xli.  4-3,  xlvi.  29;  2  K.  v.  9; 
-Vets  viii.  28. 

The  earliest  mention  of  chariots  in  Scripture  is 
in  Egypt,  where  .Joseph,  as  a  mark  of  distinction, 
was  placed  in  Pharaoh's  second  chariot  (Gen.  xli. 
43),  and  later  when  he  went  in  his  own  chariot  to 
meet  his  father  on  his  entrance  into  Egj^pt  from 
Canaan  (xlvi.  29).  In  the  funeral  procession  of 
Jacob  chariots  also  formed  a  part,  po£3ibly  by  way 
:rf  escort  or  as  a  guard  of  honor  (1.  9).  The  next 
mention  of  Elgyptian  chariots  is  for  a  warlike  pur- 
jose  (Ex.  xiv.  7).  In  this  point  of  view  chariots 
tmong  some  nations  of  antiquity,  as  elephants 
asnong  others,  may  ))e  regarded  as  filUng  the  place 
>f  heavy  artillery  in  modern  times,  so  that  the  mil- 
iary power  of  a  nation  might  be  estimated  by  the 


CHARIOT  413 

number  of  its  chariots.  Thus  Pharaoh  in  pursuing 
Israel  took  with  him  600  chariots.  The  Canaan 
itea  of  the  valleys  of  Palestine  were  enabled  to  resist 
the  Israelites  successfully  in  consequence  of  the 
number  of  their  chariots  of  iron,  i.  e.  perhajw 
armed  with  iron  scythes  (Ges.  «.  v. ;  .Josh.  xvii. 
18;  Judg.  i.  19).  Jabin,  king  of  Canaan,  had  900 
chariots  (Judg.  iv.  3).  The  Philistines  in  Saul's 
time  had  30,000,  a  number  which  seems  excessive 
(1  Sam.  xiii.  5;  but  comp.  LXX.  and  Jo.seph.  Ant. 
vi.  6,  §  1).  David  took  from  Hadadezer  king  of 
Zobah  1000  chariots  (2  Sam.  viii.  4),  and  from  the 
SjTians  a  little  later  700  (x.  18),  who  in  order  to 
recover  their  ground  collected  32,000  chan^ts  '1 
Chr.  xix.  7).  Up  to  this  time  the  Israelites  pos- 
sessed few  or  no  chariots,  partly  no  doubt  in  conae 
quence  of  the  theocratic  prohibition  against  multi- 
plying horses,  for  fear  of  intercourse  with  Kgypt, 
and  the  regal  despotism  implied  in  the  pos-ession 
of  them  (Deut.  xvii.  16;  1  Sam.  viii.  11,  12). 
But  to  some  extent  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  4),  and  iii 
a  much  greater  degree  Solomon,  broke  through  the 
prohibition  from  seeing  the  necessity  of  plf>"ing  his 
kingdom,  ,under  its  altered  c.rcum9tan.;e!»,  on  a 
footing  of  military  equality  or  superiority  towards 
other  nations.  He  raised,  therefore,  and  main- 
tauied  a  force  of  1400  chariots  (1  K.  x.  25)  b} 
taxation  on  certain  cities  agreeably  to  Eastern  cus- 
tom in  such  matters  (1  K.  Lx.  19,  x.  25;  Xen. 
Anab.  i.  4,  9).  Tlie  chariots  themselves  and  also 
the  horses  were  imported  chiefly  from  Egypt,  and 
the  cost  of  each  chariot  was  600  shekels  of  silver, 
and  of  each  horse  150  (1  K.  x.  29).  [Shekel..] 
From  this  time  chariots  were  regarded  as  among 
the  most  important  arms  of  war,  though  the  sup- 
plies of  them  and  of  horses  appear  to  have  been  • 
still  mainly  drawn  from  Egypt  (1  K.  xxii.  34 ;  2 
K.  ix.  16,  21,  xiii.  7,  14,  xviii.  24,  xxiii.  .30;  Is. 
xxxi.  1).  ITie  prophets  also  allude  frequently  to 
chariots  as  typical  of  power,  Pa.  xx.  7,  civ.  3;  Jer. 
li.  21;  Zech.  vi.  1. 

Chariots  also  of  other  nations  are  mentioned,  as 
of  Assyria  (2  K.  xix.  23;  Ez.  xxiii.  24),  Syria 
(2  Sam.  viii.  and  2  K.  vi.  14,  15),  Persia  (Is.  xxii. 
6),  and  lastly  Antiochus  Eupator  is  said  to  have 
had  300  chariots  armed  with  scythes  (2  JMacc. 
xiii.  2). 

In  tlie  N.  T.,  the  only  mention  made  of  a  chariot 
except  in  Rev.  ix.  9,  is  in  the  case  of  the  Ethiopian 
or  Abj'ssinian  eunuch  of  (^ueen  Candace,  who  is  do 
scribed  as  sitting  in  his  chariot  reading  (Acts  viii 
28,  29,  38). 

Jewish  chariots  were  no  doubt  imitated  from 
Egyptian  models,  if  not  actually  imported  from 
Egypt.  The  following  description  of  Egyptian 
chariots  is  taken  from  Sir  G.  Wilkinson.  They 
appear  to  have  come  into  use  not  earlier  than  the 
18th  dynasty  (b.  c.  1530).  The  war  chariot,  from 
which  the  chariot  used  in  jjeace  did  not  essentially 
differ,  was  extremely  simple  in  its  construction.  It 
consisted,  as  appears  both  from  Eg^irtian  paint- 
ings and  reliefs,  as  well  as  from  an  actual  speci- 
men preserved  at  IHorence,  of  a  nearly  semicircular 
wooden  frame  with  straightened  sides,  resting  poste- 
riorly on  the  axle-tree  of  a  pair  of  wheels,  and 
supporting  a  rail  of  wood  or  ivory  attached  to  the 
frame  by  leathern  thongs  and  one  wooden  upright 
in  from'  The  floor  of  the  car  was  made  of  rope 
net-worR,  intended  to  give  a  more  springy  footing 
to  the  occupants.  The  car  was  mounted  from  the 
back,  which  was  open,  and  the  sides  were  strength- 
ened and  ornamented  with  leatlier  and  metal  bind- 


114 


CHARIOT 


ing.  Attached  to  the  oflf  or  righl-haiid  side,  and 
crossino:  each  other  diagonally,  were  the  bow-case, 
and  inclining  backwards,  the  quiver  and  spear-case. 
If  two  jiersons  were  in  the  chariot,  a  second  bow- 
case  was  added.  The  wheels,  of  wiiich  there  were  2, 
had  6  spokes:  those  of  peace  chariots  had    ?ome- 


An  Egyptian  war-chariot,  ^Tith  bow-cases  and  complete  ftunitare. 
(Wilkinson.) 

times  4,  fastened  to  the  axle  by  a  linchpin  secured 
by  a  thong.  There  were  no  traces ;  but  tlie  horses, 
which  were  often  of  dittt;rent  colors,  wore  only  a 
breast-band  and  girths  which  were  attached  to  the 
saddle,  together  with  head  furniture  consisting  of 
cheek  pieces,  throat-lash,  head  stall  and  straps 
across  the  forehead  and  nose.  A  bearing-rein  was 
fastened  to  a  ring  or  liook  in  front  of  the  saddle, 
and  the  driving-reins  passed  through  other  rings 
on  each  side  of  both  horses.  From  the  central 
point  of  the  saddle  rose  a  short  stem  of  metal,  eud- 


CHARIOT 

ing  in  a  knob,  whether  lor  use  or  ment  ornament  i* 
not  certain.  The  driver  stood  on  the  ofF-side,  and 
in  discharging  his  arrow  hung  his  whip  from  the 
wrist.  In  some  instances  the  king  is  represented 
alone  in  his  chariot  with  the  reins  fastened  round 
his  body,  thus  using  his  weapons  with  his  hands 
at  Uberty.  Most  commonly  2  persoits, 
and  sometimes  3  rode  in  the  chariot,  c^ 
wliom  the  third  was  en)ployed  to  csury 
the  state  umbrella  (2  K.  ix.  20,  24;  IK. 
xxii.  34;  Acts  viii.  38).  A  second  chjiriot 
usually  accompanied  the  king  to  battle  to 
be  used  in  case  of  necessity  (2  Chr.  xxxv. 
34). 

On  peacealjle  occasions  the  Ei^yptian 
gentleman  sometimes  drove  alone  in  his 
chariot  attended  by  sen-ants  on  foot.  The 
horses  wore  housings  to  protect  them  from 
heat  and  insects.  For  royal  jjersonages 
and  women  of  rank  an  umbrella  was  car- 
ried by  a  bearer,  or  fixe-^  upright  in  the 
chariot.  Sometimes  nniles  were  driven  in- 
stead of  horses,  and  in  travelling  sometimes 
oxen,  but  for  travelling  purposes  the  sides 
of  the  chariot  api)ear  to  have  l)een  closed. 
One  instance  occurs  of  a  4-wheeled  car, 
which,  like  the  rerpaKvKKos  ifia^a  (Her- 
od, ii.  63),  was  used  for  religious  purposes. 
[Cakt.]  The  processes  of  manufacture 
of  chariots  and  harness  are  fidly  illustrated 
by  existing  sculptures,  in  which  also  are 
represented  the  ciiariots  used  by  neighl'or- 
ing  nations  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  Egypt,  i. 
308,  386;  ii.  75,  76,  2d  ed.). 

'I'he  earlier  Assyrian  war  chariot  and 
harness  did  not  differ  essentially  from  the 
Egyptian.     Two  or  three  persons  st-ood  in 
the  car,  but  the  driver  is  sometimes  rep- 
resented as   standing   on   the  near  side, 
whilst  a  third  warrior  in  the  chariot  held  a  shield 
to  protect  the   archer  in  discharging  his  arrow. 
The  car  appears  to  have  had  closed  sides.    The  war 
chariot  wiieels  had  6   spokes;  the  state  or  peace 
chariot  8  or  more,  and  a  third  person  in  state  pro- 
cessions carried  the  royal  umbrella.    A  third  horse, 
like  the  Greek  Trapi'iopos,  was  generally  attached 
(I^yard,  Nineveh,  ii.  350). 

In  later  times  the  third  horse  was  laid  aside,  the 
wheels  were  made  higher,  and  had  8  si)okes:  and 
the  fix>nt  of  the  car  to  which  the  quiver  wiis  n 


■gypHan  princes  In  their  chariot.     (WnkfaMon.) 


CHARIOT 

moved  from  its  former  side  p'-sition,  was  made 
quare  instead  of  round.  The  cars  were  more 
highly  ornamented,  panelled,  and  inlaid  with  val- 
uable woods  aiid  metab,  and  painted.  The  em- 
broidered hoiwmirs  m  which  in  earlier  times  the 


Assyrian  chariot. 


horses  were  clothed,  were  laid  aside,  and  plumes 
and  tassels  used  to  decorate  their  necks  and  fore- 
heads. (I,ayard,  Nineveh,  ii.  ;j53,  356;  Nineveh 
arid  Babylon,  pp.  341,  587,  G03,  C18:  Afon.  of 
Nin.  2d  series,  pi.  24;  Ez.  xxvii.  20.) 

The  Persian  art,  as  appears  from  thf  sculptures 
at  Persepolis,  and  also  at  Kouyunjik,  shows  great 
similarity  to  the  Assyrian ;  but  the  procession  rep- 
resented at  the  former  place  contains  a  chariot  or 
oar  with  wheels  of  12  spokes,  whUe  from  the  sculpt- 
ures at  the  latter,  it  appears  that  the  Elamites,  or 
i-'ersians,  besides  chariots  containing  2  persons 
which  were  sometimes  drawn  by  4  horses,  used  a 
kind  of  cart  drawn  by  a  single  mule  or  more,  con- 
sisting of  a  stage  on  high  wheels  capable  of  hold- 
ing 5  or  6  persens,  of  whom  the  driver  sat  on  a 
low  stool,  witli  his  legs  hanging  on  each  side  of  tlie 
pole.  (Xenoph.  Cyrop.  iv.  3,  1,  and  2,  §  22;  Is. 
xiii.  6;  Ez.  xxiii.  24;  Niebuhr.  Voyage,  ii.  105; 
Chardin,  Voijnge,  viii.  25",  pi.  lix.;  Layard,  Nin. 
and  iSa6.  pp.  447-449 ;  Oleariui,  Travels,  ^   302.) 


Assyrian  chariot. 

Chariots  armed  with  scythes  {apixara  Speiravrj- 
't^6pa,  Xen.  Anab.  i.  7,  §  lO;  may  perhaps  be  in- 
[■  tended  by  the  "chariots  of  iron"  of  the  Canaan- 
ites;  they  are  mentioned  as  part  of  the  equipment 
f  of  Antiochus  (2  Mace.  xiii.  2),  and  of  Uarius  (Diod. 
(Sic.  xvii.  53;  Appian.  Sip:  c.  32).  Xenophon 
,  mentions  a  Persian  chariot  with  4  poles  and  3  horses 
'f{Cyrop.  vi.  4). 

Among  the  parts  of  wheeled-carriages  mentioned 

fin  A.  V.  are,  (1.)  the  Wheels,  C"'3~iS:  d^oyes'- 

■vta;  also  □"'•.  272  :  rpcxoi-  rvtoR.    (2.)  Spokes," 


"»  *  The  writer  has  here  followed  the  erroneous  ren- 
|[;Mrtng  of  the  A.  V.  ia  1  K.  vii.  .33.  According  to  the 
'  kwt  lazicograpbers  and  commentators  the  spolcts  are 


CIIEBAR  41E 

Cl/f  n :  rrM.    (3.)  Naves,"  C''22  [or  n^2a] 

Tnodioli.    (4.)  Felloes,"  C^f/'^^n  :   yuroi'    apsidet 

(5.)   Axles,  m"l^  :    ^e^pts-    axt^.      To  put  the 

horses  to  the  carriage,  "ID.** :  ^Oi,ai-  jungere;  tmA 

once  (Mic.  i.  13),  CH^. 

The  Persian  custom  of  sacrificing  horses  to  the 
Sun  (Xen.  Cyroj).  viii.  3,  12),  seems  to  have  led 
to  offerings  of  chariots  and  horses  for  the  same 
object  among  tlie  Jewish  monarchs  who  feU  into 
idolatry  {Ez.  viii.  IG ;  2  K.  xxiii.  11;  P.  della 
Valle,  XV.  ii.  255;  Winer,   IVagen).     H.  W.  P. 

*  CHARMER,  Deut.  xviu.  11;  Ps.  Iviu.  5; 
Is.  xix.  3.  See  Divination,  §§  5, 10;  Enchant- 
ments, §§  3,  5;    SeKPKNT-CH ARMING.  A. 

CHAR'MIS  {Xapfils;  [Vat.  Sin.  Xc+f^f.s;] 
Alex.  Xa\fj.ets:  Charmi),  son  of  Melchiel,  one  of 
the  three  "ancients"  (irpea-fivrepoi),  or  "mlers" 
i&pXovTes)  of  Bethulia  (Jud.  vi.  15,  viii.  10,  x. 
6). 

CHAR'RAN  {Xap^du:   Charan),  Acts  vu.  2, 

4.        [HAlt,\.N.] 

CHASE.     [HuNTmo.] 

CHAS'EBA  (Xacre/3ct  :  Caseba),  a  name 
among  the  list  of  the  "  Sen'ants  of  the  Temple  " 
(1  Esdr.  v.  31),  which  has  nothing  corresponding 
to  it  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  and  is  probably  a 
mere  corruption  of  that  succeeding  it  —  Gazeisa. 

*  CHA'VAH,  Gen.  iii.  20,  marg.  A  fonn  oi 
Eve.  more  nearly  representing  the  Hebrew.    A. 

*  CHAWS,  an  old  form  for  jaws,  Ez.  xxix.  4 
and  xxxviii.  4,  in  A.  V.  ed.  1611  and  other  early 
editions.  A. 

CHETBAR  ("123  :  Xofidp;  [Vat.  M.  Ez.  x 
22,  Xopa^--]  Chobar),  a  river  in  the  "land  of  the 
Chaldsans  "  (Ez.  i.  3),  on  the  banks  of  which  some 
of  the  Jews  were  located  at  the  time  of  the  Cajitiv- 
ity,  and  where  Ezekiel  saw  his  earlier  visions  (Vjz.. 
i.  1,  iii.  15,  23,  &c.).     It  is  commonly  regardetl  as 

identical  with  the  Habor  ("ni2n),  or  river  of  Go 
zan,  to  which  some  portion  of  the  Israelites  were  re- 
moved by  the  Assyrians  (2  K.  x\ii.  6).  But  this 
is  a  mere  conjecture,  resting  wholly  upon  the  sim- 
ilarity of  name ;  which  after  aU  is  not  very  clos^ 
It  is  perhaps  better  to  suppose  the  two  streams  dis- 
tinct, more  especially  if  we  regard  the  Habor  as 
the  ancient  'A$6p^as  (modern  Khabour),  which  fell 
into  the  Euphrates  at  Circesium ;  for  in  the  Old  Tes- 
tament the  name  of  Chaldaea  is  never  extended  so  fai 
northwards.  The  Chebar  of  Ezekiel  must  be  looked 
for  in  Babylonia.    It  is  a  name  which  might  properly 

have  been  given  to  any  great  stream  (comp.  "^I?^, 
gre((i).  Perhaps  the  view,  which  finds  some  sup- 
port in  Pliny  {H.  N.  vi.  26),  and  is  adopted  by 
Bocliart  (Phaleg,  i.  8)  and  CeUarius  (Geograph. 
c.  '2-2},  that  the  Chebar  of  Ezekiel  is  the  Nahr 
Malcha  or  Royal  Canal  of  Nebuchadnezzar  —  the 
greatest  of  all  the  cuttings  in  Mesopotamia  —  may 
be  regarded  as  best  deserving  acceptance.  In  tha; 
case  we  may  suppose  the  Jewish  captives  to  Lave 
been  employed  in  the  excavation  of  the  channel. 


denoted  by  C^PtS^P,  the  naves  by  D^"1t^n,*nd  tht 
feUoes  by  D"^22.  A 


no 


CHEBEL 


That  Chaldtea,  not  upper  Mesopotamia,  was  the 
jcene  of  ISzekiel's  preaching,  is  indicated  by  the 
tmditioQ  which  places  his  tonil)  at  Keffil  (I^flus's 
Chaldma,  p.  35).  G.  11. 

CHE'BEL  (^?n),  one  of  the  singular  topo- 
graphical terms  in  which  the  ancient  Hebrew  lan- 
guage abounded,  and  which  give  so  much  force  and 
precision  to  its  records.  The  ordinary  meaning  of 
the  word  Chebel  is  a  "rope"  or  "cord,"  and  in 
this  sense  it  frequently  occurs  both  literally  (as 
Josh.  ii.  15,  "cord;"  1  K.  xx.  31,  "rojjes;"  Is. 
xxxiii.  23,  '•  tacklings ;  "  Am.  vii.  17,  "Une")  and 
metaphorically  (as  Eccl.  xii.  6;  Is.  v.  18;  Hos.  xi. 
4).  From  this  it  has  passed  —  with  a  curious  cor- 
respondence to  our  own  modes  of  speech  —  to  de- 
note a  body  of  men,  a  "  band  "  (as  in  Ps.  cxix.  Gl). 
In  1  Sam.  x.  5,  10,  our  word  "string"  would  not 
be  inappropriate  to  clie  circumstances  —  a  "  string 
01  j)rophets  coming  down  from  the  high  place." 
Further  it  is  found  in  other  metaphorical  senses, 
arising  out  of  its  original  meaning  (as  Job  xviii. 
10;  Ps.  xviii  4;  Jer.  xiii.  21).  Prom  the  idea  of 
a  measuring-line  (Mic.  ii.  5),  it  has  come  to  mean 
a  "portion"  or  "allotment"  (as  1  Chr.  xvi.  18; 
Ps.  cv.  11;  Ez.  xlvii.  13).  It  is  the  word  used  in 
the  familiar  passage  "  the  lines  "  are  fallen  unto  me 
in  pleasant  places  "  (Ps.  xvi.  6).  But  in  its  topo- 
graphical sense,  a.s  meaning  a  "  tract "  or  "  dis- 
trict," we  find  it  always  attached  to  the  region  of 
Argob,  which  is  invariably  designated  by  this,  and  by 
no  otlier  term  (Deut.  iii.  4,  13,  14;  IK.  iv.  13).  It 
has  been  already  shown  how  exactly  applicable  it  is 
to  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  [Akgoh.]  But 
in  addition  to  the  observations  there  made,  the 
reader  should  be  referred  to  the  report  of  the  latest 
traveller  in  those  uiteresting  regions,  who  abun- 
dantly confirms  the  statements  of  his  predecessors 
as  to  the  abrupt  definiteness  of  the  boundary  of  the 
district.  (Mr.  C.  C  Graham,  in  Cambridye  Essnyn, 
1858.)  No  clew  is  afforded  us  to  the  reason  of  this 
definite  localization  of  the  term  ( "liebel ;  but  a  com- 
parison of  the  fact  that  Argob  was  taken  possession 
of  by  INIanasseh  —  a  part  of  the  great  tribe  of  Jo- 
seph—  with  the  use  of  this  word  by  that  tribe, 
»nd  by  Joshua  in  his  retort,  in  the  very  early  and 
characteristic  fragment.  Josh.  xvii.  5,  14  (A.  V. 
"portion"),  prompts  the  suggestion  that  it  may 
have  been  a  provincialism  in  use  amongst  that  large 
and  independent  part  of  Israel.  Should  this  be 
thought  untenable,  its  application  to  the  "rocky 
shore"  of  Argob  may  iie  illustrated  and  justified 
by  its  use  (Zeph.  ii.  5-7;  A.  V.  "coast")  for  the 
"  coast  line ' '  of  the  Mediterranean  along  Philistia. 
In  connection  with  the  sea-shore  it  is  also  employed 
in  Josh.  xix.  29. 

The  words  used  for  C/itbel  in  the  older  rersions 
are  o-Yofvitr/^a,  TrtplfAfTpov,  irfplx<»poy'  regio, 
funicmts.  [See  Akgob,  and  the  addition  to 
Bashan  in  Amer.  ed.]  G. 

CHEDORLAOIMER  (nn'^J^-^l^  :  Xo- 
So\Aoyofx.6p-  Chodorl<{hom<yf\  a  king. of  Elam,  in 
the  time  of  Abraham,  who  with  three  other  chiefs 
made  war  upon  the  kings  of  Sodom,  Gomorrah, 
Admah,  Zeboim,  and  Zoar,  and  reduced  them  to 
servitude.  For  twelve  years  he  retained  his  hold 
)ver  them ;  in  the  thirteenth  they  rebelled ;  in  the 


o  Tb«  use  of  the  word  In  this  sense  In  our  own 
Miomatie  expression  —  "  hard  lines  "  will  not  be  for- 
gotten. Other  correspondences  between  Chebd  as  ap- 
tlM  to  mtMun'tTKnt,  and  our  own  words  "  rod  "  voA 


OxiEESE 

nixt  year,  however,  he  and  his  allies  marched  npon 
their  country,  and  atler  defeating  many  neighbor- 
ing tribes,  encountered  the  five  kings  of  the  dIsue 
in  the  vale  of  Siddim.  He  completely  routed  tjiem 
slew  the  kings  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  and  car- 
ried away  much  spoil,  together  with  the  family  of 
Ixit.  Chedorlaomer  seems  to  have  perished  in  the 
rescue  which  was  effected  by  Abraham  upon  hear- 
ing of  the  captivity  of  his  nephew  (Gen.  xiv.  17). 
According  to  Gesenius  the  meaning  of  the  word 

may  be  "  handful  of  sheaves,  from  1i\(yS,  handful 

and  "'^Vy  sheaf;  "  but  this  is  unsatisfactory.  The 
name  of  a  king  is  found  upon  the  bricks  n-cently 
discovered  in  Chaldiea,  which  is  read  Kiulur-ma- 
pula.  This  man  has  been  supposed  to  be  identical 
with  Chedorlaomer,  and  the  opinion  is  confinned 
by  the  fact  that  he  is  further  distinguished  by  a 
title  which  may  be  translated  "  Kavager  of  the 
west."  "  As  however  one  type  alone  of  his  legends 
has  been  discovered,"  says  Gol.  Pawlinson,  "it  is 
impossible  to  pronounce  at  present  on  the  identifi- 
cation. The  second  element  in  the  name  "  Chedor- 
laomer "  Is  of  course  distinct  from  th.at  in  "  Kudur- 
mapula."  Its  substitution  m.iy  be  thus  accounted 
for.  In  the  names  of  Babjlonian  kings  the  latter 
[wrtion  is  often  dropped.  Thus  Hhiflmmieser  be- 
comes Shfilmnn  in  Hoshea;  Aferwhich-hal-adan^ 
becomes  Mardocevjpnl.  Ac.  Kwlur-mn/mln  might 
therefore  become  known  as  Kudur  simply.     The 

epithet  "el-Ahmar,"  -i  i  '*-  j' ' ,  which  means  the 

Red,  may  afterwards  have  been  added  to  the  name, 
and  may  have  been  corrupted  into  Laomer,  which, 
as  the  orthography  now  stands,  has  no  apparent 
meaning.  Kedar-il-Ahmar,  or  "  Kedar  the  Ked." 
is  in  fact  a  famous  hero  in  Arabian  tradition,  and 
his  history  bears  no  inconsiderable  resemblance  to  • 
the  Scripture  narrative  of  Chedor-laomer.  It  is 
also  very  [wssilile  that  the  second  element  in  the 
name  of  Chedor-laomer,  whatever  be  its  true  form, 
m.iy  be  a  Semitic  translation  of  the  original  Hamite 
term  mnpuhi."  "Chedorlaomer  may  have  been 
the  leader  of  certain  ininiigrant  Chaldaean  Islamites 
who  foundetl  the  great  Chaldnean  empire  of  Berosus 
in  the  early  part  of  the  20th  century  u.  c,  while 
Amraphel  and  Ariocli,  the  Hamite  kings  of  Sbmar 
and  I'ilasar,  who  fought  under  his  banner  in  the 
Syrian  war  as  8ul)ordinate  chiefs,  and  Tidal,  who 
led  a  contingent  of  Median  Scyths  belonging  to  the 
old  population,  may  have  been  the  local  governors 
who  had  submitted  to  his  power  wlien  he  invaded 
Chaldaa"  (Rawlinson's  Iff  roil.,  i.  43G,  440). 

S.  L. 
CHEESE  is  mentioned  only  three  times  in  the 
Bible,  and  on  each  occasion  under  a  difll;rent  name 

in  the  Hebrew:  (1)  r^l*Jl?,  from  ^^Ij  to  cvrdlt 
(Job  X.   10),  referred  to,  not  historically,  but  by 

way  of  illustration:  (2)  V"""7'  '^'"  V^^^  t« 
cut  (Tpv(pa\l5€s  rod  yd\aKTos,  LXX. ;  formeUcr 
cfisei,  Vulg.,  1  Sara.  xvii.  18);  the  Chaldee  and  « 

Syriac  give  "}^3^2  :  Hesychius  expldns  rpv<t>a\iits 

BarfiiifiaTcirovliira\ovrvpov'  (3)  "^L^y  n'^C" 

trom    nrt^*,    to  scrape   (2o</>ai6  Pouy,   LXX. 

"  chain,"  and  also  "  rood  "  as  applied  In  the  proTinetf 
and  colonies,  to  solid  measure  of  wood,  &o.,  ar*  ob 
vious. 


I 


CHELAL 


CHEMOSH 


417 


cheese  ofkine,  A.  V.  2  Sam.  xvii.  29:  the  Vul- 
gate, following  Theodotion's  rendering,  yaKaO-rivit 
fioiTxiipMi  gives  p'tnrjues  vitulos,  guided  iiy  the  posi- 
tion of  tlie  words  after  "  sheep  " :  the  Targum  and 
otlier  Jewish  authorities,  however,  identify  the  sub- 
stance with  those  mentioned  abo^•e).  It  is  difficult 
to  decide  how  far  these  terms  correspond  with  our 
notion  of  c/ieese  >  for  they  simply  express  various 
d^ees  of  coagulation.  It  may  be  observed  that 
iheese  is  not  at  the  present  day  common  among 
the  Bedouin  Arabs,  butter  being  decidedly  preferred ; 
but  there  is  a  substance,  closely  corresponding  to 
those  mentioned  in  1  Sam.  xvii.,  2  Sam.  xvii., 
consisting  of  coagulated  butter-milk,  which  is  dried 
Until  it  liecomes  quite  hard,  and  is  then  ground: 
the  Arabs  cat  it  mixed  with  butter  (Burckhardt, 
Xoten  on  (he  Bedouins,  i.  GO).  In  reference  to  this 
subject,  it  is  noticeable  that  the  ancients  seem  gen- 
erally to  have  used  either  butter  or  cheese,  but  not 
both :  thus  the  Greeks  had  in  reahty  but  one  ex- 
pression for  the  two,  for  ^ovTvpov=^  ^ovs,  rupSi, 
"cheese  of  kine:"  the  liomans  used  cheese  ex- 
clusively, while  all  nomad  tribes  preferred  butter. 
The  distinction  between  cheese  proper,  and  coagula- 
ted milk,  seems  to  be  referred  to  in  Pliny,  xi.  96. 

W  L.  B. 
CHE'LAL  (bb3  [perfection]:  Xa\^\  ; 
[Vat.  Nfxo")^'  Ne-  belonging  to  the  preceding 
word:]  CIkiIuI),  Ezr.  x.  30  [where  he  is  mentioned 
as  one  of  the  eight  sous  of  Pahath-Moab  who  had 
all  taken  "  strange  wives  "]. 

CHELCI'AS  (XeA/ci'ar:  JTeldas).  1.  Ancestor 
of  Baruch  (Bar.  i.  1). 

2.  Hilkiah  the  high-priest  in  the  time  of  Isaiah 
(Bar.  i.  7).  W.  A.  W. 

CHELCI'AS  (XeXKi'ay,  t.  e.  n>rj^r,  the 
portion  of  the  iMvd,  IlrLKiAU:  Helcins),  the  father 
of  Susanna  {Hid.  of  Sus.  2,  29,  63).  Tradition 
(Hippol.  171  Siisinn.  i.  6S9,  ed.  Migne)  represents 
him  as  the  brother  of  Jeremiah,  and  identical  with 
the  priest  who  found  the  copy  of  the  law  in  the 
time  of  Josiah  (2  K.  xxii.  8).  B.  F.  W. 

CHEL'LIANS,  THE  (Jud.  ii.  23).    [Chel- 

LUS.] 

CHEL'LUH  ("n^b?,  Keri,  im^D 
[strenf/fh,  Furst] :  XeX/cfa; '[Vat.  FA.  XekKeia; 
Aid.  Alex.  XeA.fa:]  Cheliiiu),  Ezr.  x.  35  [one  of 
the  sons  of  Bani,  who  had  foreign  wives]. 

CHEL'LVS  (XeWois;  [Sin.  Xeo-Xoi/i;  Vat.] 
Alex.  XeKovs-  Vulg.  omits),  named  amongst  the 
places  beyond  (/.  e.  on  the  west  of)  Jordan  to  which 
Nabuchodonosor  sent  his  summons  (Jud.  i.  9). 
Except  its  mention  with  "  Kades  "  there  is  no  clew 
to  its  situation.  Eeland  {Pal.  p.  717)  conjectures 
that  it  may  be  Chalutza,  TT^T^H,  a  place  which, 
imder  the  altered  form  of  Elusi,  was  well  known 
to  the  Roman  and  Greek  geographers.  AVith  this 
•grees  the  subsequent  mention  of  the  "  land  of  the 
Chellians"  (r^y  XeWai'wj/  [Vat.  J[.  Xo\5ai«j/; 
Sin.  Alex.  XsAecd;/],  terra  Ctllon),  "  by  the  wilder- 
ness," to  the  south  of  whom  were  the  children  of 
Ishmael  (Jud.  ii.  23).  G. 

*  Volkmar  {Elnl.  in  die  Apdkr.  I.  191)  adopts 
the  readmg  XoASoiwi',  which  is  supported  by  the 
Syriac.  x. 

CHETiOD  (Xf\«Fo,;\;  Alex.  Xe\eo«5;  [Sin. 
X«A.a(ou5;  -Md  XeX<{5:l  Vulg.  omits;.  "Many 
nations  of  the  sons  of  Chelod  "  were  among  those 
27 


who  obeyed  the  summons  of  Nabuchodonosor  to 
his  war  with  Arphaxad  (.Jud.  i.  C).  The  word  b 
apparently  corrupt.  Simonis  suggests  XaKw,  jjerh. 
Ctesiphon.     Ewald  conjectures  it  to  be  a  nickname 

for  the  SjTians,  "  sons  of  the  moles"  ^7^  (^GtMCh. 
iv.  543). 

*  A'olkmar  gives  the  same  interpretation,  only 
applying  the  term,  in  accordance  with  bis  theory  of 
the  book,  to  the  Roman  armies  as  a  Huhmizyrtiber- 
lleer,  famous  for  intrenchbig.  See  his  Einl.  in 
die  Apokr.  i.  31  f.,  153.  A. 

CHE'LUB  {2^'^  [bird-cage]).  1.  A  man 
among  the  descendants  of  J  udah,  described  [1  Chr. 
iv.  11]  as  the  brother  of  Shuah  and  the  father  of 
Mechir  [1  Chr.  iv.  11].  (In  the  LXX.  the  name 
is  given  as  Caleb,  XoAe/8,  the  father  of  Ascha;  the 
daughter  of  the  well-known  Caleb  was  Achsah; 
Vulg.  Caleb.) 

2.  ((5  XeAoi5y3;  [Vat.  Xo;3ou5:]  Cheluh).  Ezri 
the  son  of  Chelub  was  the  overseer  of  those  who 
"  did  the  work  of  the  field  for  tillage  of  the  ground," 
one  of  Davjd's  officers  (1  Chi-,  xxvii.  20). 

CHELU'BAI  [3  syl.]  ("n^bs  [keroi,., 
Fiirst]:  d  XaKffi;  [Vat.  M.  OxajSeA,  i.  e.  6  Xa- 
)36A:]  Calui/i),  the  son  of  Ilezron,  of  one  of  the 
chief  families  of  Judah.  The  name  occura  in  1 
Chr.  ii.  9  only,  and  from  a  comparison  of  this  pas- 
sage with  ii.  18  and  42,  it  would  appear  to  be  but 
another  form  of  the  name  Caleb.  It  is  worth 
noting  that,  while  in  this  passage  Jerahmeel  ia 
stated  to  be  a  brother  of  Chelubai,  it  appears  from 
1  Sam.  xxvii.  10  that  the  JerahmeeUtes  were  placed 
on  the  "  south  of  Judah,"  where  also  were  the  pos- 
sessions of  the  house  of  Caleb  (Judg.  i.  15;  1  Sam. 
XXV.  3,  XXX.  14).     In  the  Syriac  A'ers.  the  name  is 

u.  O .  T^m,  Sulci ;  probably  a  transcriber's  error  for 

^^^^,  Celubi  (Burruigton,  i.  209).  G. 

CHEM'ARIMS,  THE  (C^'niaSrT :  (in  3 
K.  xxiii.  5]  01  X(t}fiapift\  [Vat.]  Alex,  oi  Xcajxapfifi: 
aruspices,  ceditui).  Tliis  word  only  occurs  in  the 
text  of  the  A.  V.  in  Zeph.  i.  4.  In  2  K.  xxiii.  5 
it  is  rendered  "  idolatrous  priests,"  and  in  Hos.  x. 
5  "priests,"  and  in  both  cases  "chemarim"  ia 
given  in  the  margin.  So  far  as  regards  the  Hebrew 
usage  of  the  word  it  is  exclusively  applied  to  the 
priests  of  the  false  worship,  and  was  in  all  prob- 
abihty  a  term  of  foreign  origin.     In  Syriac  the 

word  J  i-^Q-Dj  cUnird,  is  found  without  the  same 
restriction  of  meaning,  being  used  ui  Judg.  xvii.  5, 
12,  of  the  priest  of  Micah,  while  in  Is.  Ixi.  6  it 
denotes  the  priests  of  the  true  God,  and  in  Heb.  ii 
17  is  applied  to  Christ  himself.  The  root  in  Syriac 
signifies  "  to  be  sad,"  and  hence  cumro  is  supposed 
to  denote  a  mournful,  ascetic  person,  and  hence  a 

priest  or  monk  (compare  Arab.  JkAjf,  abil,  and 
Syr.  )J-N^),  abila,  in  the  same  sense).  Kimcb' 
derived  it  from  a  root  signifying  "  to  be  black, ' 
because  the  idolatrous  priests  wT)re  black  garmenti; 
but  this  is  without  foundation.  [Idolatry,  II.] 
In  the  Peshito-SjTiac  of  Acts  xix.  35  the  feminine 
form  of  the  word  is  used  to  render  the  Greek 
vfa>K6pof.  "a  temple  keeper."  Compare  the  Vulg 
ceditui,  which  is  the  translation  of  ('hemarim  in 
two  passages.  Vf   A.  W. 

CHE'MOSH  (tC'iaS  [perh.  subduer.  (ie  .. 


118 


CHENAANAH 


fire,  knarth,  i.  e.  ffod  off  re,  Fiirst] :  Xa/xus ;  [yat. 
in  Judg.  A,u»s:]  Clmnivn),  the  national  deity  of 
the  Moaliites  (Num.  xxi.  2^;  Jcr.  xlviii.  7, 13,  46). 
lu  Judg.  xi.  24,  be  aliso  apiiears  as  the  god  of  the 
Anuuoiiites:  he  must  not,  liowever,  be  identified 
with  Mulech.  Solomon  introduced,  and  Josiah 
ibolished,  the  woi-shij)  of  Lhemosh  at  Jerusalem 
(1  K.  xi.  7;  2  K.  xxiii.  13).  With  regard  to  the 
meaning  of  the  name,  and  the  position  which 
Chemosh  held  in  mythology,  we  have  nothing  to 
record  beyond  doubtful  and  discordant  conjectures. 
Jerome  (C«Him.  in  Is.  xv.  2)  identifies  him  witli 
Baal-Peor;  otlieis  with  Hiuil-Zebub,  on  ctjinologi- 
cal  grounds;  othei*s,  as  Gesenius  ( 77(fs«ar.  C!)3), 
with  Mars,  or  the  god  of  war,  on  similar  grounds; 
and  others  (Iteyer  mI  ScUen,  p.  323)  with  Saturn, 
as  the  star  of  ill  omen,  (Jheniosii  having  been  wor- 
shipped, according  to  a  Jewish  tradition,  under  the 
form  of  a  bhick  star.  .leronie  (on  Is.  xv.)  notices 
Libon  as  the  chief  seat  of  his  worship. 

W.  L.  B. 

CHENA'ANAH  (H^piS:  Xavavd  [Vat. 
XavaaV,  Alex.  XafavaV-]  Clidwimi ;  according  to 
Geseu.  fern,  of  Ca.naa.n).  1.  Son  of  IJilhan,  son  of 
Jediael,  sou  of  IJenjamin,  head  of  a  Uenjaniite  house 
(I  Chr.  vii.  10),  probably  of  the  family  of  tlie 
Belaites.     [Bki.a.] 

2.  [XavaaV,  Vat.  M.  1  K.  xxii.  11,  XoMva; 
-  Alex.  Xavava,  Xavaav,  Xavaava  '•  C/uinaana.] 
Father,  or  ancestor,  of  ZedeHali,  the  false  prophet 
who  made  him  horns  of  iron,  and  encouraged  Ahab 
to  go  up  against  Kamotli-(Jilead,  and  smote  Jllicaiah 
on  the  cheek  (1  K.  xxii.  11,  24;  2  Chr.  xvili.  10, 
23).     lie  may  be  the  same  as  the  preceding. 

A.  C.  II. 

CHENATSri  C^a^S  [Jehavnh  apimnied  or 
roaJe]:  Xuvivi;  I'A*.  Alex.  Xavavi;  FAi.  Vat. 
omit  :J  et  Chawml),  one  of  the  Levitcs  who  assisle<l 
at  the  solenm  purification  of  tlie  peo]>le  under  Fzra 
(Nell.  ix.  4  only).     By  the  LXX.  the  word  Baiii 

("*J2)  precetling  is  read  as  if  meaning  "  sons  "  — 
"  sons  of  Chenani."  The  Vulgate  and  A.  V.  ad- 
hering to  the  M;vsoretic  pointing,  insert  "  and." 

CHENANI'AH  (^n^333  [as  above] :  Xw- 
vevla,  Xccvfyiasi  [Vat.  Kwvf via,  Xaiveveia',  Alex. 
KtDVfVia,  Xwyevias;  in  1  Chr.  xv.  27,  Alex.  Xtve- 
yias;  Vat.  Uxovias;  I'A.  Eiex<'»'«ayO  Vhonaiias), 
chief  of  the  Lcvites,  when  David  carried  the  ark  to 
Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xv.  22,  xxvi.  29).     In  1  Chr.  xv. 

27,  his  name  is  wiitten  n"*33!r. 
CHE'PHAR-HAAMMO'NAI  ("12? 

*5"1^??'7»  "  Hamlet  of  the  Ammonites ; "  Kapa<ph 
Koi  Kf(l>ipd  Kol  Movl  [Vat.  -(pu-  and  -j/f  j] ;  Alex. 
Ka<l>ripafxfiiv;  [Comp.  Ka.<papafifiuva:'i  Villa  Em- 
ona),  a  jji-ice  mentioned  among  the  towns  of  Ben- 
jamin (Josh,  xviii.  24).  No  trace  of  it  has  yet 
been  discovere<l,  but  in  its  name  is  doubtless  pre- 
lerved  the  memory  of  an  incursion  of  the  Ammonites 
up  the  long  nunnes  which  lead  from  the  Jordan 
valley  to  the  highlands  of  lienjamin.  G. 

CHEPHI'KAH  (nn^r;^p^  with  the  definite 
irticlc,  except  in  the  later  books,  —  "  the  hamlet:  " 
[Rom.]  Ke<pipd,  [etc.  ;  A'at.  K«p(ipa,  ^tipa, 
Viwptipa;  FA.  in  Neh.  Ka^ieipa;  Alex.]  Xe(p(ipa, 
[etc.:]  Capkira,  O'plinrn),  one  of  the  four  cities 
ti  the  Gibeonites  (Josh.  ix.  17),  and  named  afler- 
wdi  unong  the  towns  of  Benjamin,  with  Ramah, 


CHERITH 

Beeroth,  and  ISIizpeh  (xviii.  20).  Tht  vnen  o^ 
Chephirah  returneil  with  Zenibbabel  fron,  Babylon 
(Ezr.  ii.  2.j;  Neh.  vii.  2!().  The  Samaiitan  Ver- 
sion, at  Gen.  xiii.  3,  renders  llai  (Ai)  by  dphrak, 

rf^DD  :  but  this  c.-mnot  be  Chephirah  since  both 
Ai  and  it  are  mentioned  together  in  Josh.  ix.  (comp. 
3  witli  17),  and  in  the  lists  of  Fzra  .ind  Nehemiah 
ah'cady  quotetl.  And  indeed  Dr.  Kobinson  seems 
to  have  discovered  it  under  the  scarcely  altered 
name  of  Krjlr,  in  the  niountiiin-countrj  on  the 
western  confines  of  Benjamin,  about  2  miles  east 
of  Ydlo  (Ajalon)  (Bob.  iii.  140).     [CAriiia.\.] 

G. 

CHE'RAN  CJ'3'2  :  Xapfidv :  Charan),  ons 
of  the  sons  of  Dishon  (so  A.  V.,  but  Hebrew  is 
Dishan),  the  Ilorite  "duke"  (Gen.  xxxvi.  20;  1 
Chr.  i.  41).  No  name  coiTesiwnding  with  this 
has  yet  been  discovered  amongst  the  tribes  of 
i\j"abia. 

CHE'REAS  (Xa/p/aj;  [Alex.  Xtpfoj:]  ChtB- 
reas),  a  brother  of  Tnnotlieus,  the  leader  of  the 
Ammonites  .igainst  Judas  ]Maccaba;us  (I  Mace.  v. 
G),  who  held  Ga/ai-a  (.Jazar,  1  Mace.  v.  8),  where 
he  was  slain  on  the  capture  of  the  fortress  by  th« 
Jews  (2  Mace.  x.  32,  37).  B.  F.  W. 

CHER'ETHIMS       [properly     Cherethimi 

(n'^rn'S),  Kz.  xxv.  lO.  The  plural  form  of  th» 
word  elsewhere  rendered  Ciiehktiiites  ;  which 
see.  The  Hebrew  word  occurs  again  in  Zeph.  ii. 
5;  A.  V.  "  Cherethites."  In  tliese  passages  the 
LXX.  render  Cretans,  and  the  Vulgate  by  raloestini 
and  riiilistines  (KprjTfs-  Alex,  [in  I£z.]  Kpnas 
aiSwvos'  PuLestint,  Philislhini). 

CHER'ETHITES  AND  PEL'ETHITES 

(^*?^2^1  TT}'^  :  6  Xepe^l  Ka\6*e\(el,  [etc.;] 
cr<cfjiaTo<pvKaK(s,  Joseph.  Ant.  vii.  5,  §  4:  Cereihi 
et  J'/uU'llii),  the  life-guards  of  King  David  (2  Sam. 
viii.  18,  XV.  18,  xx.  7,  23;  1  K.  i.  38,  44;  1  Chr. 
xviii.  17).  These  titles  are  commonly  said  to  sig- 
nify "  executionera  and  couriers"  {iyyapoi)  from 

nir,  to  shy,  and  H  /T,  to  run.  It  is  plain  thai 
these  royal  guards  were  employed  as  executioners 
(2  K.  xi.  4),  and  as  couriers  (1  K.  xiv.  27).  Sim- 
ilarly Potiphar  was  captain  of  the  guard  of  Pharaoh, 
and  also  chief  of  the  executioners  (Gen.  xxxvii.  36), 
as  was  Arioch,  Nebuchadnezzar's  officer  (Dan.  ii.  14). 
In  the  latter  part  of  David's  reign  the  Cherethites 
and  Pelethiles  were  conmianded  by  Benaiah  (2  Sam. 
viii.  18,  XX.  23,  xxiii.  23).  But  it  h:is  been  con- 
jectured tliat  the  royal  body-guards  may  have  been 
foreign  mercenaries,  like  the  Pope's  Swiss  guards. 
Tliey  are  connected  with  the  Gitlites,  a  foreign 
tribe  (2  Sam.  xv.  18);  and  the  Ch(Tetliites  an 
mentioned  as  a  nation  (1  Sam.  x.xx.  14),  dweUing 
apparently  on  the  coast,  and  therefore  probably 
Philistines,  of  which  name  Pelcthites  may  be  only 
another  form.  K.  W.  B. 

CHERITH,  THE  BROOK  (n"*")?  ^P? 
[ton'ent  of  the  cut  or  ff07-ge] :  ytinap^ovt  Xo^piO: 
torrem  Carilli ),  the  torrent  bed  or  icody  —  to  use 
the  modem  Arabic  word  which  exactly  answers  to 
the  Hebrew  Nnchnl  —  in  (not  "  by,"  as  the  trans- 
lators of  the  A.  V.  were  driven  to  say  by  their  use 
of  the  word  "brook")  which  Klijah  hid  himself 
during  the  early  part  of  the  thi«e  years'  drought 
(1  K.  xvii.  3,  5).     No  further  mention  of  it  u 


CHERITH 

ibond  in  tlie  Bible,  and  by  Josephus  (Ant.  viii  13, 
S  2)  it  is  spokci)  of  merely  as  x^t/J^dp'^ous  rts- 

The  [xjsitioii  of  the  Cherith  luis  been  much  dis- 
puted. 'i"he  words  of  the  passage  unfortunately 
give  no  clew  to  it:  —  "get  thee  hence  (i.  e.  ap- 
parently from  the  spot  where  the  inteniew  with 
Ahab  had  taken  place,  and  which  may  or  may  not 

be  Samaria),  and  turn  thy  face  eastward  (H^^'lp), 
and  hide  thee  in  the  torrent  Crith,  which  is  facing 

C*.?  t'  ''^)  the  Jordan."  The  expression  "  facing 
the  Jordan,"  wliich  occurs  also  in  verse  5,  seems 
simply  to  indicate  tiiat  the  stream  in  question  i-an 
into  that  river  and  not  into  either  the  Mediter- 
ranean or  the  Dead  Sea.  Josephus,  as  we  have 
seen,  does  not  name  the  torrent,  and  he  says  that 
Elyah  wf.nt,  not  "  e;istward,"  but  towaids  the 
Bouth  —  fis  ra  -n-phs  v6tov  /xepri-  Eusebius  and 
Jerome  on  the  other  hand  {Oiioniasticon,  Chorath) 
place  the  Cherith  beyond  Jordan,  where  also 
Schwarz  (51)  would  identify  it  in  a  Wady  Alias, 
opposite  bethshean.  This  is  the  Wathj  cl-YdbU 
(Jabesh),  which  13enj.  TudeLi  says  is  a  corruption 

of  DS'''7W  1S1  (ii.  408;  Asher).  Tlie  only  tra- 
dition on  the  subject  is  one  mentioned  by  Mariinis 
Sanutus  in  I'-Vli;  that  it  ran  Ijy  I'hasaelus,  Herod's 
city  in  the  Jordan  valley.  This  would  make  it  the 
^Ain  Fusail  which  liills  from  the  mountains  of 
Ephraim  into  the  Ghor,  south  of  Kurn  Hurlabe/i, 
and  about  15  miles  above  Jericho.  This  view  is 
supported  by  Bachiene,  and  in  our  own  time  by 
Van  de  Velde  (ii.  310).  The  spring  of  the  brook 
is  concealed  under  high  cliffs  and  under  the  shade 
of  a  dense  jungle  (V.  de  Velde,  Memoh;  339).  Dr. 
Robinson  on  the  other  hand  would  find  the  name 

in  the  Wachj  Kelt  (v;>,Aj>),  behind  Jericho.  The 
two  names  are  however  so  essentially  unlike,  —  not 
so  much  in  the  change  of  the  C<ij)h  to  Knph,  and 
Resh  to  Lam,  both  of  which  are  conceivable,  as  in 
the  removal  of  the  accent  from  the  end  in  Crith  to 
the  beginning  in  Kelt,  —  that  this  identification  is 
difficult  to  receive,  especially  in  the  absence  of  any 
topographical  grounds.  (See  the  same  doubt  ex- 
pressed by  Winer,  Chrith.) 

The  argument  from  probability  is  in  favor  of  the 
Cherith  being  on  the  exst  of  Jordan,  of  which 
Slyah  was  a  native,  and  where  he  would  be  more 
mt  of  Ahab's  reach  than  in  any  of  the  recesses  of 
Jie  mountains  of  Ephraim  or  Benjamin.  With 
lncreas«l  knowledge  of  that  part  of  the  country, 
the  name  may  possibly  be  discovered  there.      G. 

*  Dr.  Kobinson  reaffirms  the  identity  of  Cherith 
ind  Kelt  in  his  Phyx.  (Jeog.  p.  'J4,  f.  Wilson 
{Lands  of  the  Bible,  ii.  5)  holds  the  same  view. 
t  is  impossible  to  press  the  argument  from  any 
»*jpposed  affinity  in  the  names.  Dr.  Van  Dyck, 
one  of  the  best  living  authorities,  says :  "  I  do  not 
KG  how  Kelt  can  be  derived  from  Cherith,  except 
on  principles  of  etymology  which  make  no  account 
of  vowels  and  consonants."  «  Hence  in  this  respect, 
Kelt  may  have  no  advantage  over  ^Ain  Fusail,  or 
»ny  other  jjlace  put  forward  for  tiiis  identification. 
But  it  must  be  o\vned  that  a  brook  or  ravine  better 
raited  to  have  been  the  asylum  of  tlie  prophet  could 
hardly  be  found  anywhere.  Mr.  Tristram  {Land  of 
Irraet,  p.  202,  2d  ed.)  mentions  some  traits  of  the 
locality  which  accord  remarkably  with  the  Scripture 
weount.    In  going  down  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho 


•  ♦  From  a  note  to  the  writer 


CHERUB  419 

the  frightfid  gorge  opens  suddenly  upon  as  at  ■ 
l)end  of  the  i-oad,  about  two  miles  from  the  I'lain: 
there  "the  traveller  finds  himwelf  in  front  of  a 
precipice,  jxjrhaps  500  feet  high,  jjiereed  by  many 
inaccessible  anchorite  caverns,  and  with  a  steep, 
rugged  hill  above.  We  gaze  down  into  the  steep 
ravine,  and  see  the  ravens,  eagles,  and  griffbn-^1d- 
tures  sailing  beneath  us.  These  are  now  the  sole 
inhabitants  of  these  caves,  the  monarchs  of  the 
waste."  It  will  be  seen  liow  well  this  description 
answers  to  the  import  of  the  ancient  name.  In  a 
retreat  like  this,  too,  the  prophet  could  easily  have 
hid  himself  from  the  knowledge  and  pursuit  of 
Ahab,  and  the  birds  of  prey,  which  must  have 
haunted  tlie  place  of  old  as  now,  could  have  brought 
to  him  the  food  which  (Jod  prepared  through  them 
for  the  preservation  of  ois  servant. 

There  is  a  traitise  "  Elias  corvorum  eonvictor  " 
in  the  Criilci  Hacri.  Gumpach's  "  Hlias  und  die 
Kaben  "  in  his  Alltestamentliche  Sliulien,  p.  200  ff. 
(Heidelberg,  1852),  is  .an  attemi)t  to  remove  from 
the  narrative  all  traces  of  a  miraculous  interven- 
tion. AVe  have  the  various  opinions  on  the  subject 
canvassed, ■'and  the  obvious  meaning  of  the  history 
vindicatetl,  m  Deyling's  Obsercatiimes  Sacrce,  Pars 
i..  No.  XXV.  II. 

CHE'RUB  (3^^^?  :  Xepoip,Xapo: Q;  [Vat. 
in  Ezr.  con-upt:]  Chervh),  app.arently  a  place  in 
Babylonia  from  which  some  persons  of  doubtful 
extraction  returned  to  Judwa  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr. 
ii.  50;  Nell.  vii.  Gl).  In  the  parallel  list  of  1  IJjdr. 
V.  this  name,  with  the  next,  Addan,  seems  to  be 
cornipted  to  CiiAKAATn-Ai..vK. 

CHER'UB,  CHER'UJBIM  (n^nS,  plur. 
D^D^'^S,  or,  as  mostly  in  Pentateuch,  D"^!!")?  '• 
X^povfi,  xfpov^in  [Vat.  Alex,  -fieifi  or  -fietu]). 
The  symbolical  figure  so  called  was  a  composite 
creature-form,  which  finds  a  parallel  in  the  religious 
insignia  of  Assyria,  Egypt,  and  Persia,  e.  ff.  the 
sphinx,  the  winged  bulls  and  lions  of  Nineveh,  Ae., 


The  winged  female-sphinx.     (WllklnBon.) 


a  general  prevalence  which  prevents  the  necessity 
of  our  regarding  it  as  a  mere  adoption  from  the 
Egyi^tian  ritual.  In  such  forms  (comp.  the  Chi- 
maera  of  Greek  and  the  Griffin  of  northea.st«ni 


fig.  3.  An  Vgj^Oaa  winged  auhnal.    ^UkinaoB. 


120 


OHERTTB 


bbles)  every  imaginative  people  has  sought  to  em- 
body its  iiotiuiis  either  of  tlie  attributes  of  Divine 
essence,  or  of  tlie  vast  powers  of  nature  wliicli 
transcend  that  of  man.  In  the  various  legends 
of  Hercules  the  bull  and  the  lion  constantly  appear 
■s  funns  of  liostile  and  evil  ])ower;  and  some  of  the 
I'cnjiaii  sculptures  apparently  represent  evil  genii 
nuder  similar  quasi-cherubic  forms.  The  Hebrew 
Idea  seems  to  limit  the  number  of  the  cherubim. 


Fig.  8.  Assyrian  Gryphon.     (Layard,  ii.  459.) 

A  pair  (Ex.  xxt.  18,  <tc.)  were  placed  on  the  mercy- 
■eat  of  the  ark;  a  pair  of  colossal  size"  overshad- 
owed it  in  Solomon's  Temple  with  the  canopy  of 
their  contiguously  extended  wings.  I-Izekiel,  i.  4- 
14,  speaks  of  four,*  and  similarly  the  apocalyptic 
f«a  (Hev.  iv.  C)  are  four.  So  at  the  front  or  east 
of  Eden  were  posted  "  the  cherubim,"  as  though 
the  whole  of  some  recognized  number.  They  utter 
no  voice,  though  one  is  "  heard  from  above  them," 
nor  have  dealings  with  men  save  to  awe  and  Te\>A. 
A  "  man  clothed  in  linen  "  is  introduced  as  a  me- 
dium of  communication  between  them  and  the 
prophet,  whereas  for  a  similar  office  one  of  the  ser- 
aphim personally  officiates;  and  these  latter  also 
"cry  one  to  another.''  The  cherubim  are  placed 
beneath  the  actual  presence  of  Jehovah,  whose 
moving  throne  they  appear  to  draw  (Gen.  iii.  24; 
Ez.  i.  5,  25,  26,  x.  1,  2,  G,  7:  Is.  vi.  2,  3,  G).    The 

expression,  howe^'er,  "the  chariot  (H^SHXi)  of 
the  cherubim"  (1  Chr.  xxviii.  18),  does  not  imply 
wheels,  but  the  whole  apparatus  of  ark  and  cheru- 
bim is  probably  so  called  in  reference  to  its  being 
carried  on  staves,  and  the  words  "  chariot "  and 
"  cherubim  "  are  in  apposition.     So  a  sedan  might 

be  called  a  "  carriage,"  and  !2~'^P  is  used  for  the 
body  of  a  Utter.  See,  howe\'er,  Dorjen,  De  Clierub. 
Sand.  (ap.  Ugolini,  vol.  >-iii.),  where  the  opposite 
opinion  is  ably  supported.  The  glory  symbolizing 
that  presence  which  eye  cannot  see,  rests  or  rides 
on  them,  or  one  of  them,  thence  dismounts  to  the 
temple  threshold,  and  then  departs  and  mounts 
again  (Ez.  x.  4,  18;  comp.  ix.  3;  Ps.  xviii.  10). 
There  is  in  them  an  entire  absence  of  human  sym- 
pathy, and  even  on  the  mercy-seat  they  probably 
a|)peared  not  merely  as  admiring  and  wondering 
(1  Pet.  i.  12),  but  as  guardians  of  the  covenant 
and  avengers  of  its  breach.  A  single  figure  there 
ivould  have  suggested  an  idol,  which  two,  especially 
when  represented  regarding  something  greater  than 
themselves,  could  not  do.     They  thus  became  sul)- 


n  It  is  perhaiis  questionable  wlietber  tlie  smallur 
iherubim  on  the  mercy-seat  were  there  in  Solomon's 
%Binpie,  as  well  as  the  colossal  overshactowing  ones. 
That  ihey  were  on  the  ark  when  brought  from  Shiloh 
to  the  battle  seems  most  likely  ;  and  it  is  hardly  con- 
tfstout  with  the  reverential  awe  shown  in  the  treat- 
Btnt  of  the  ark,  even  by  the  enem}-,  to  suppose  that 


CHERUB 

ordinate,  ffice  "ihe  supporters  to  a  shield,  and  jit 
repeated,  as  It  were  the  distinctive  bearings  of  di- 
vine heraldry,  —  the  mark,  caned  or  wrought 
everywhere  on  the  house  and  furniture  of  God  (lis 
XXV.  20;  1  K.  vi.  29,  35,  vii.  29,  36). 

Those  on  the  ark  were  to  be  placed  with  wingi 
stretched  forth,  one  at  each  end  of  the  mercy-seat, 
and  to  be  made  "  of  the  mercy-seat,"  which  Abar 
benel  (Spencer,  De  Ley.  Ihb.  ritual,  iii.,  Di.ss.  v.) 
and  others  interpret  of  the  same  mass  of  gold  with 
it,  namely,  wrought  by  hammering,  not  cast  and 
then  joined  on.    This  seems  doubtful,  but  from  the 

word  nr*'i?p,  the  solidity  of  the  metal  may  per- 
haps be  uiferred.  They  are  called  ^tpovfilfi  8o|^j 
(Heb.  ix.  5),  as  on  them  the  glory,  when  visible 
rested ;  but,  whether  thus  visibly  symbolized  or  not, 
a  perpetual  presence  of  God  is  attributed  to  the 
Holy  of  Holies.  'Iliey  were  anointed  with  the  holy 
oil,  like  the  ark  itself,  and  the  other  sacred  furni- 
ture. Their  wings  were  to  be  stretched  upwards, 
and  their  faces  "towards  each  other  and  toward? 
the  mercy-seat."  It  is  remarkable  that  with  such 
precise  directioiis  as  to  their  position,  attitude,  aud 
material,  nothing,  save  that  they  were  winged,  ii 
said  cunceming  thek  shape. 


Fig.  4.  Assyrian  winged  bull.    (Layard,  Nin.  and  Bab 
276.) 

Was  this  shape  already  familiar,  or  kept  design- 
edly mysterious?  From  the  fact  that  cherubim 
were  blazoned  on  the  doors,  walls,  curtains,  Ac,  of 
the  house,  and  from  the  detailed  description  of 
shap&s  by  Ezekiel,  the  latter  notion  might  b< 
thought  absurd.     But  if  the  text  of  Ezekiel,  and 


they  could  hare  been  lost  in  the  course  of  its  wanden 
ings  [see  Ark  of  Covxnakt]  ;  still,  the  presence  of  th« 
two  pairs  together  seems  hardly  consistent  and  appro 
priate. 

b  The  number  four  was  one  of  those  which  wen 
sacred  among  the  Jews,  like  seven,  and  forty  (Biihr 
Dt  Sijmbol.).     [NuMBEB.] 


CHERUB 

the  cam'n<Tg,  Ac,  of  the  temple  had  made  them 
popular,  .Josc'phus  could  not  possibly  have  said  {Ant, 
riii.  3,  §  »<)  ray  5e  ypjufitis  oiiSeh  iiroial  rives 
^(raf  eixe.V  ovS'  fiKdaai  Sx/farat.  It  is  also  re- 
markable that  Ez.  1.  speaks  of  them  as  "  living 

creatures"  (HT'n,  (d>a\  under  mere  animal 
forms.  Into  which  description  in  ch.  x.  14,  the 
remai'kable  expression,  "  tlie  face  of  a  cherub,"  is 
introduced,  and  the  prophet  concludes  by  a  refer- 
ence to  his  former  vision,  and  an  identification  of 
those  creiitures  with  the  cherubim  —  (v.  20)  "I 
knew  that  they  were  cherubim."  On  the  whole 
it  seems  likely  that  the  word  "  cherub  "  meant  not 
only  the  composite  creature-form,  of  which  the  man, 
lion,  ox,  and  eagle  were  the  elements,  but,  further, 
some  iieculiar  and  mystical  form,  which  ICzekiel, 
being  a  priest,  would  know  and  recognize  as  "  the 
face  of  a  ciikhcu,"  kut  i^ox^v;  but  which  was 
kept  secret  from  all  others ;  and  such  probably  were 
those  on  the  ark,  which,  when  it  was  moved,  was 
always  covered  [Akk  of  CovKXANr],  though 
those  on  the  hangings  and  panels  might  lie  of  the 
popular  device."  What  this  peculiar  cherubic  form 
was  is  perhaps  an  impenetrable  nij-stcry.  It  w  is 
probably  believed  jwpularly  to  he 
something  of  the  bovine  type  (though 
in  Ps.  cvi.  20  the  notion  appears  to 
be  marked  as  degraded ) :  so  Spencer 
{De  Leg.  Iltbr.  ril.  iii.  Diss.  5,  4,  2^ 
thinks  that  the  ox  was  the  forma 
prcecljiua,  and  quotes  Grotius  on  Ex. 
XXV.  18;  Bochart,  Ilierozoic.  p.  87 
Bd.  1C90.  Hence  the  "golden  calf." 
The  symbolism  of  the  visions  of  l-j;©- 
kiel  is  more  complex  than  that  of  the 
earlier  Scriptures,  and  he  certainly 
means  that  each  composite  creature- 
form  had  four  faces  so  as  to  look  four 
ways  at  once,  was  four-sided  *  and 
four-winged,  so  as  to  move  with  iu- 
Btant  rapidity  in  every  direction  with- 
out turning,  whereas  the  Mosaic  idea 
was  probably  single-faced,*'  and  with 
but  one  pair  of  wings,  lizekiel  adds 
also  the  imagery  of  the  wheels  —  a 
mechanical  to  the  previous  animal 
forms.  This  might  typify  inanimate 
pature  revolving  in  a  fixed  course,  informed  by  the 
5)iritual  power  of  God.  The  .additional  symbol  of 
being  "  full  of  eyes  "  is  one  of  obvious  meaning. 

This  mysterious  form  might  well  be  the  symbol 
of  Him  whom  none  could  behold  and  live.  For 
H  symbols  of  Divine  attributes,  e.  g.  omnipotence 

«  Tho  "cherubim,  lions,  and  oxen,"  which  orna- 
mented certain  utensils  in  the  temple  (1  K.  vii.  29), 
»pe  probably  all  to  be  viewed  as  cherubic  insignia,  the 
former  of  composite  form,  the  two  latter  of  simple. 

fe  Schoettgen,  llnr.  Hebr.  ad  Apnc.  iv.  3,  quotes 
Pirke  Rah.  E  iezer,  "  Ad  quatuor  pedes  (throni)  sunt 
luatuoranimalia  quorum  unumquodque  quatuor  facics 
«t  tot  alas  habet.  Quando  Deus  lo<iuitur  ab  oriente, 
unc  id  fit  inter  duos  cherubinos  facie  hominis ;  quando 
ft  meridie,  tunc  id  fit  inter  duos  cherubinos  facie  leo- 
nls,"  &c. 

c  Bahr,  Si/mbo'ik,  vol.  i.  pp.  S13-14  (whose  entire 
Vtnarks  on  this  subject  are  valuable  and  often  pro- 
fundi, inclines  to  think  that  the  precise  form  varied 
rttbin  certain  limits  ;  c.  §-.  the  cherubic  figure  might 
bave  o..  <,  two,  or  four  faces,  two  or  four  feet,  one  or 
.■wo  pair  of  wings,  and  might  have  the  bovine  or  leo-  , 
line  type  as  its  basis  ;  the  imagery  being  modified  to  | 
rait  the  prouiiueutly  intended  attribute,  and  the  high-  ' 


CHERUB  421 

and  omniscience,  not  as  representations  of  actiuk 
beings  (Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  v.  p.  241),  the  cherubim 
should  be  regarded.'^  Philo  indeed  assigns  a  varied 
signification  to  the  cherubim :  in  one  place  he  makea 
them  allegories  of  the  beneficent  and  avenging  en- 
ergies of  God ;  in  another,  of  the  two  heniispherea 
of  the  then  astronomical  system,  one  of  which  sup- 
ported the  planets  and  the  other  the  fixed  stars; 
elsewhere,  of  power  aiul  goodness  simply.  They 
are  symbolical  in  Gen.  iii.  24,  just  as  the  serpent  is 
a  syml)ol  in  iii.  1-14,  though  functions  and  actions 
are  attributed  to  each.  When  such  symbolical 
forms  have  become  conventional,  the  next  step  ia 
to  literalize  them  as  concrete  shapes  of  real  beings. 
The  (^wa  of  Kev.  iv.  G-8  are  related  both  to  the 
cherubim  and  to  the  seraphim  nf  prophecy,  com- 
bining the  s^nnbols  of  both.  They  are  not  stem 
and  unsympathizing  like  the  former,  but  invite  the 
seer  to  "  come  and  see;  "  nor  like  the  latter  do  they 
cover  their  face  (Is.  vi.  2)  from  the  presence  of 
deity,  or  use  their  wings  to  speed  on  his  erranda, 
but,  in  a  state  of  rest  and  praise,  act  as  the  cJioregi 
of  the  heavenly  host.  And  here,  too,  symlx)lisni 
ever  sliding  into  realism,  these  have  been  diversely 


Fig.  5.     Assyrian  sphinx.     (Laj'ard,  ii.  34o./ 

construed,  e.  g.  as  the  four  evangelists,  four  arch- 
angels, &c. 

Many  etymological  sources  for  the  woixl  — ^"^7' 
have  been  proposed.  The  two  l)est  worth  noticing 
and  between  which  it  is  difficult  to  choose  are,  (1* 


est  forms  of  creature-being  expressing  best  the  highest 
attributes  of  the  Creator.  Thus  he  thinks  the  human 
form  might  indicate  spirituality  (p.  340).  (Oomp. 
Grot,  on  Exod.  xxv.  18,  and  Ileb.  ix.  5.)  Some  useful 
hints  as  to  the  connection  of  cherubic  with  other 
mythological  forms  may  be  found  in  Creuzer,  Si/th- 
bol.  i.  441,  540. 

rf  In  Ez.  xxviii.l4,  16,  the  Tyrian  king  is  addros.<!ed 
as  the  "  anointing  cherub  that  covereth."  Thi.''  seems 
a  mistake  in  the  A.  V.,  arising  from  a  confusion  <St 

""ti'tt^,  which  means  "  stretched  out "  (Vulg.  cherub 

exuntus),  from  ntt'72,  Aram,  to  extend,  with  som« 

word  fh)m  nt?'^,  to  anoint.  The  notion  is  bo^ 
rowed  no  doubt  from  the  "  extended  "  attitude  of  tin 
cherubuu  of  the  sanctuary,  "  covering  "  the  ark,  fcc, 
with  their  wings.  So  the  king  should  hare  l«eu  th« 
fuanlian  of  the  law. 


122 


CHERUB 


CHERUB 


Fig.  6.     A  Orecian  grlflln. 


Jie  Sjilao  '^Oi^,  gi'eat,  strong  (Gcsen.  s.  v. ; 

BOmp.  riiilo  Oe  Profiir/is,  p.  405).  'I'lie  fnct  that 
■II  tlie  syniliols  emliody  various  forms  of  strengtli, 
the  lion  aniciig  wihi,  and  the  ox  among  tj\nie  Leasts. 
the  eagle  among  birds,  the  man  as  supreme  over  all 

nature,  is  in  favor  of  this;  (2)  the  Sjriac  «-Si~3 
to  plovf/h,  i.  e.  to  cut  into;  hence  Arab.  >»j^.^ 

scuJpsit ;  and  here  a  doubt  occurs  whether  in  the 
active  or  passive  sense,   "  that  which  ploughs  "  = 

the  ox  (comp.  "^f^S,  "ox,"  from  same  word  in 
Arab.  "  to  plough  "),  which  brings  us  to  the  forma 
prtea/>ua  ot  Spencer;  or,  that  which  is  carval  = 
an  image.     In  favor  of  the  latter  is  the  fact  that 

SinD  is  rabbinical  for  "  image  "  generically  (Si- 
tnonis,  Bouget,  and  Pagninus,  Lexx.  s.  v. ),  pcrliaps 
as  the  only  image  known  to  the  law,  all  others  be- 
ing deemed  forbidden,  but  possibly  also  ;\s  contain- 
ing the  true  germ  of  meaning."  Besides  these  two 
wisdom  or  intelligence  has  been  given  by  high 
authority  as  the  true  meaning  of  the  name  (Jerome 
on  Is.  vi.  2);  so  I'hilo  tie  \'it.  Mus.  CG8  —  is  5'  hu 
"EWrives  ("tiroiev,  Myvaxris  Kal  itrtaTiifji-q  iro\- 
A^  [0pp.  ii.  150  ed.  Mang.] ;  and  Clem.  Alex. 
St)-om.  V.  c.  C,  p.  240  [GC7  ed.  Potter]  —  idiXu 
Bi  rh  uvo/xa  rwv  x^P'^^^^t"'  5'J'^ot'*'  cCia6r}<riv 
woWifv. 

Though  the  exact  form  of  the  cherubim  is  uncer- 
tain, they  must  have  bonie  a  general  resembLuice 
to  the  composite  religious  figures  found  upon  the 
monuments  of  I'^ypt,  Assyria,  Babylonia,  and 
Persia,  'llie  first  two  figures  are  winged  creatures 
from  the  Egyptian  monuments.     The  next  three 


o  The  griffin  of  Northern  fuble  watching  the  gold 
kt  the  wiltiurness  has  (8ee  iiboTu)  been  couipared  with 
■Jie  cherub,  botli  as  regards  bis  composite  fonii,  and 
Als  function  as  the  guardian  of  a  treaoure.  The 
"  watchful  dragon  "  of  the  Ileiiperides  seems  perhaps 
ft  bbulous  retlex  of  the  same,  where  possibly  the  "  ser- 
pent "  (SpoKuv)  may,  by  a  change  not  uncommon  in 
Biyth.  have  taken  the  place  of  the  "  cherubim."  The 
Ingon  and  the  buii  have  their  place  also  in  the  legend 
It  tho  gitllen  lleece.    There  is  a  very  near  resomblanco 


are  taken  from  Assyrian  sculptures.  Xo.  6  repr» 
sents  the  griffin  of  Northern  fable,  as  we  sec  from 
the  griffin  found  as  an  ornament  in  Scythian  tombs, 
but  drawn  by  (Jreci.-m  artists.  In  the  sacred  boati 
or  arks  of  the  Eg^'ptiaus,  there  are  sometimes  found 


Fig.  7.    A  sacred  Egjptian  boat  or  aric,  with  two  fig- 
ures perhaps  resembling  cherubim.     (Wilkinson.) 

two  figures  with  extended  wings,  which  remind  u« 
of  the  description  of  the  cherHl>im  "covering  the 
mercy-seat  with  their  wings,  ami  their  faces  [look- 
ing] one  to  another"  (Ex.  xxv.  20).  H.  H. 

*  Were  the  cherubim  merely  ideal  sjnibols,  hav- 
ing no  objective  jjcrsonal  reality,  or  were  they  act- 
ual beings  represented  under  these  ideal  symbols  "r 
In  su]>port  of  the  former  view,  it  is  allegcl,  (1 )  thai 
we  meet  with  these  ideal  fonns  only  i!i  [lo^tic  de- 
scription, or  prophetic  vision,  or  symbolic  worship 


too  between  the  names  ypiur-  (with  «  afformaiive)  and 
I2*l"ir  ;  and  possibly  an  afflnity  b<;t\vcen  -/pOir-  an-i  the 
Greek  forms  y\viru>,  •yXu<^<o,  y/>a(^,  yXa^vpot  (cf.  Oor 
man  grabtn),  all  related  to  carving,  as  between  21^' 
and  the  Syriac  and  Arab,  words!  nij^riifying  nrai-it,  nutyt 
.lit,  &c.,  as  above.  We  have  another  form  of  th»  famt 
root  probably  in  nipjSit,  tho  block  or  tablet  on  vbick 
the  laws  were  ejigravtU. 


CHERUB 


CHEST 


423 


Uid  the  like;  (2)  tliat  the  forms  are  manifestly  of 
»  gymbolic  character;  aiul  (:{)  that  they  correspond 
with  similar  symbolic  R'i)re8eiitatiori8,  of  h<;yptiaii. 
AflSjTian,  and  lii<liati  antiquity.  ISo  Ilen^jsteaberg 
{Die  Bdchcr  Mosen,  \^.  157  ff.„  Kcil  {Arcliiiol.  ^ 
19)  Ilaveruick  ( Omm.  uber  Kzecli. ;  I  orlii.  uber  d. 
Theol.  dt.<  A.  T.  pp.  71),  80),  Neumann  {ZtitHchr. 
f.  lath.  Theol.  ISOiJ,  i.  137  fl".),  Lauge  {Blbelwerk, 
Gen.  iii.  2i,  2i).  .      .     ,  „    . 

In  favor  of  the  other  view,  it  is  mamtamed,  that 
the  representation  of  these  beings  under  symbolic 
forms,  for  purposes  of  poetical  description,  Ac,  does 
not  exclude  the'.r  objective  reality;  that  similar 
representations  among  ancient  heathen  nations  are 
only  relics  of  early  tradition,  or  of  a  primitive  revela- 
tion ;  furthermore,  tiiat  in  the  Scriptures  (e.  <j.  I's. 
xviii.  10,  compared  with  Ps.  civ.  3,  4)  angels  and 
cherubim  are  placed  in  the  same  category,  and 
hence  the  real  existence  of  both  must  stand  or  fall 
together;  and  finally,  that  the  mention  of  them  in 
a  narration  of  actual  facts,  in  tlie  tliird  cliapter  of 
Genesis,  is  decisive  of  the  question,  if  we  hold  to 
the  historical  reality  of  what  is  there  reLite<l.  So 
Kurtz  (Cesck.  dts  Allen  Biiiules,  p.  G3  ff.;  art. 
Cherubim,  in  Heraog's  Renl-Knnjkbp.),  Delitzoch 
{Genesis,  3te  Aufl.  p.  190),  Hofniann  {Schri/lbe- 
weis,  i.  17a  ff.,  317  ff.),  NiigeLsbach  {Der  UoiO- 
mensch,  i.  321). 

On  the  reasons  for  the  first  view,  it  may  be  re- 
marked, that  the  symbolic  character  of  tlie  forms 
certainly  does  not  exclude  an  objective  reality;  but 
on  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  said,  that  the  symlwl 
is  sufficient  in  itself  for  any  purpose  that  can  fairly  i 
be  claimed  in  the  connection,  and  requires  no  cor- 
responding personality. 

In  the  re;isons  given  for  the  other  view,  it  is 
plainly  a  false  inference  from  the  comparison  of 
Ps.  xviii.  10  with  Ps.  civ.  3,  4,  that  angels  and 
cherubim  aUmd  in  the  same  category  in  the  repre- 
■entations  of  the  Scriptures.  The  personal  exist- 
ence of  the  former  is  attested  by  their  fretiuent  ap- 
pearance on  earth;  while  to  the  existence  of  the 
Utter  there  is  no  simiLir  attestation,  unless  it  be 
found  in  the  third  chapter  of  Genesis.  Hut  the 
historical  reality  of  the  f:icts  there  nan-ated  is  not 
impaired  by  regarding  the  cherubim,  spoken  of  in 
T.  21,  as  symbolic  representations  of  the  divine 
majesty  and  [wwer,  in  whatever  way  these  were 
manifested. 

In  the  Hebrew  text  of  this  passage  we  have  the 
defmite  form,  "the  cherubim  and  the  flaming 
Bword;"  not  "as  though  the  whole  of  some  recog- 
nized nuniter  "  (as  stated  in  the  first  paragraph  of 
the  preceding  article)  but  denoting  well  knowai  and 
familiar  objects  or  conceptions. 

One  of  the  statements  in  the  last  paragraph  but 
two  of  the  preceding  article  is  founded  on  a  very 
jijurious  per\crsion  of  the  Greek  text  in  Kev.  vi.  1, 
V  5,  7.  It  is  one  of  the  instances  in  which  Erasmus 
followed  the  later  corrupted  copies  of  the  l>atin  Vul- 
Mite  (translating  from  it  into  Greek)  instead  of  the 
Sreek  manuscript  which  was  before  him,  as  showi. 
by  Prof.  Delitzsch  in  his  collation  of  it  with  F.i-as- 
mus's  printal  Greek  text  {//nrutschrifU.  Fwule, 
1861).  Instead  of  the  false  reading  of  the  current 
text,  the  true  reading  is  "Come!"  Instead  of 
'inviting  the  seer  to  -conie  and  see,'  "  it  is  an  au- 
Jjoritative  summons,  calling  forth  the  several  per- 

a  Possibly  referring  to  the  village  now  Beit  Iksa, 
»etween  Jerusalem  and  Ntbi  Samwd,  and  therefore  in 
WjniTiin 


sonages,  on  the  white,  the  red,  the  bla;k,  and  th* 

pale  horse,  to  the  service  assigned  to  each. 

^  •  T.  J.  C. 

CHES'ALON  (V"^^9r  [^'i^^r.,  strength  Jrm- 
ness;  Vurst,f(ilnes.%  feiiilitij] .    XaffKiii';   [Alex. 
KaaaXccV-]    Cheskm),  a  place  named  as  one  of  the 
landmarks  on  the  west  part  of  the  nortu  l>oundary 
of  Judah,  apparently  situated  on  the  shoulder  (A. 
V.  "side")  of  Mount  .Jearim  (.losh.  xv.  10).    The 
name  does  not,  however,  reappear  in  the  list  of 
towns  of  .ludah  later  in  the  same  chapter.     Mount 
•learim,  the  "Mount  of  Forests,"  h;is  not  necessa- 
rily any  connection  witli  Ivirjath  .Jearim,  though  the 
two  were  evidently,  ft'om  their  jiroximity  in^  this 
stitement  of  the  l)oundary,  not  far  apart.     Chesa- 
lon  was  the  next  lanchnark  to  Ik'th-shemesh,  and  it 
is  quite  in  accordance  witli  this  tliat  Dr.  Hobinsou 
has  obsened  a  modern  village  named  Kedi,  a)x)ut 
six  miles  to  the  N.  Iv  of  "Ain  Shem.<,  on  the  west- 
em  mountains  of  Judah   (Kob.  ii.  30,   note;    iii. 
151).     Eusebius  and  .Jerome,  in  the  OiMinnsticon, 
mention  a  Chaslon,  but  they  differ  as  to  its  situ- 
ation, the  former  iilacing  it  in  IJenjamin,"  the  latter 
in  Judah  r  both  agree  that  it  was  a  very  large  vil- 
lage in  the  neighborliood  of  Jerusalem.    The  mean- 
ing of  the  name  is  thought  by  Professor  Stanley, 
lil^  ChesuUoth,  to  have  reference  to  its  situation 
on  the  "  loins  "  of  the  mountain.  G. 


CHE'SED  (It^^  :  XaCa5;  [Alex.  Xa(rC«5:] 
Cased),  foiu-th  soil  '  of  Nahor  (Gen.  xxii.  22). 
[ClIALDE-i,  p.  408.J 

CHE'SIL  (^''pS  [a/Ml  or  impious']:  Bai- 
e^X;  Alex.  Xaffup;  [Aid.  XeaiS:]  CesU),  a  town 
in  the  extreme  south  of  Palestine,  named  with  llor- 
mah  and  Ziklag  (.losh.  xv.  30).  The  n.amc  does 
not  occur  again,  but  in  the  list  of  towns  given  out 
of  Judah  to  Simeon,  the  name  Uktiiui.  occurs 
in  place  of  it  (xix.  1),  as  if  the  one  were  identical 
with,  or  a  corruption  of,  the  other.  This  is  con- 
firmed by  the  reading  of  1  Chr.  iv.  30,  Bkthl-el; 
by  that  of  the  LXX.  as  given  above,  and  by  the 
mention  in  1  Sam.  xxx.  27  of  a  Itethel  among  the 
cities  of  the  extreme  south.     In  tliis  case  we  can 

ly  conclude  that  7^D  -  was  an  early  variation  of 

CHEST.     By  this  word  are  translated  ju  the 

A.  V.  two  distinct  Hebrew  terms:  (1.)  p'^^?  Of 

l*!}^,  from  rnb*,  to  gather:  Kt^taris:  finzrijihijl- 
ncium.  This  is  invariably  used  for  the  Ark  of  the 
Co\enant,  and  with  two  exceptions,  for  that  oiJy. 
It  i3  iustructire  to  be  reminded  that  tb-oe  is  no 


Egyptian  cnest  or  box  Cmir  Thebes.     (Wilkinson. » 


424 


CHESTNUT-TREE 


Bonnection  whatever  l)etwcen  this  word  and  that  for 
the  "ark"  of  Noali,  and  for  the  "ark"  in  wliich 

Moses  was  Iiid  among  the  flags  (both  HSri,  Te- 
bdJt).  The  two  exceptions  alluded  to  are  {a)  the 
"coffin  "  in  wiiich  the  Iwnes  of  Joseph  were  carried 
from  Kgypt  (Gen.  1.  2(5;  render«l  in  the  Targ.  I's. 
Jon.  by  y\o>(T(r6KoiJ.3v  —  conip.  John  xii.  6  —  in 
Hebrew  letters:  the  re;uling  of  the  whole  passage 
b  very  singular);  and  {!>)  the  "chest"  in  which 
Jehoiada  the  priest  collectetl  tlie  ahns  for  the  repairs 
of  the  Temple  (2  K.  xii.  t),  10;  2  Chr.  xxiv.  8-11). 
Of  the  former  the  following  wood-cut  is  probably  a 

near  representation.     (2.)  C^p3,  "chests,"  from 

t5|,  to  hoard  (Ez.  xx\ii.  2-t  only):  A.  V.  "chests." 

G. 

CHESTNUT-TREE  (l^Q")?',  'a,-mm: 
vXdravos,  eKdrrf-  ptiUanus).  JNIention  is  made 
of  the  Uhmun  in  Gen.  xxx.  37,  as  one  of  the  trees 
from  which  Jacob  took  rods  in  which  "  he  pilled 
white  strakes,"  to  set  them  before  Laban's  flocks 
when  they  came  to  drink  (see  on  this  subject 
Sheep)  :  in  V^..  xxxi.  8,  the  'dnm'm  is  spoken  of  as 
one  of  the  glories  of  AssjTia.  The  balance  of  au 
thority  is  certainly  in  favor  of  the  "plane-tree' 
being  the  tree  denoted  by  'armon,  for  so  read  the 
LXX.  (in  Gen.  /.  c),  the  Vulg.,  the  Chaldee,  with 
the  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions  (Celsius.  Hierob.  i. 
513).  The  A.  V.,  which  follows  the  Kabbins,  is 
certainly  to  be  rejected,  for  the  context  of  the  pas 
sages  where  the  word  occurs  indicates  some  tree 
which  thrives  best  in  low  and  moist  situations, 
whereas  the  chestnut-tree  is  rather  a  tree  which 
prefers  dry  and  hilly  ground.  Dr.  Kitto  ( Cyc.  art. 
AiTnon),  in  illustration  of  liz.  {I.  c.)  says  that  "the 
planes  of  Assyria  are  of  extraordinary  size  and 
beauty,  in  both  resjiects  exceeding  even  those  of 
Palestuie;  it  consists  with  our  own  experience,  that 
one  may  travel  far  in  Western  Asia  without  meet- 
ing such  ti-ees,  and  so  many  togetiier,  as  occur  in 
the  Chenar  (plane)  groves  of  Assyria  and  Media." 
The  plane-trees  of  Persia  are  now  and  have  been 
long  held  in  the  greatest  veneration ;  with  the  Greeks 
also  these  trees  were  great  favorites;  Herodotus 
(vii.  31 )  tells  a  story  of  how  Xerxes  on  his  way  to 
Sardis  met  with  a  plane-tree  of  exceeding  beauty, 
to  which  he  made  an  offering  of  golden  ornaments. 
A  fine  specimen  of  the  pkine-tree  was  growing  a 
few  years  ago  (1844)  at  Vostitza,  on  the  Gulf  of 
Lepanto;  it  measured  4G  feet  in  circumference,  ac- 
aording  to  the  Hev.  S.  Clark  of  IJattersea,  who  has 
given  an  interesting  account  of  it  in  John's  Forest 
Trees  of  DriUnn  (ii.  238).  The  plane-trees  of  Pal- 
estine in  ancient  days  were  probably  more  numerous 
than  they  are  now ;  though  modern  travellers  occa- 
sionally refer  to  them.  IJelon  {Obs.  ii.  105)  speaks 
of  very  high  jilane-trees  near  Antioch ;  De  la  Koque 
(Voyar/.  de  Syrie  et  du  M.  JJban,  p.  197)  men- 
lions  entire  forests  of  planes  which  line  the  margin 
of  the  Orontes;  and  in  another  place  (p.  70)  he 
ipeaks  of  having  paased  tlie  night  under  planes  of 
great  beauty  in  a  valley  near  I^banon. 

In  Ecclus.  xxiv.  14,  Wisdom  is  compared  to  "a 
,|ilano-tree  by  the  water."  W.  H. 

CHESUL'LOTH  (with  the  definite  article, 
nivD^ri:  Xaa-aKdO'-  Cogahih),  one  of  the 
lowiis  of  Issachar,  meaning  in  Hebrew  "  the  loins," 
wd  therefore,  jjerliaps.  deriving  its  name  from  its 
litiution  on  the  sIo])e  of  some  mountain  (.Tosh.  xix. 
l&      S««  the  quotation   from  Jarchi  in   Keil's 


CHILDREN 

Joshua,  p.  338).  From  its  position  in  the  lists  H 
api)ears  to  l)e  between  Jezreel  and  Shunem  (So- 
kim),  and,  therefore,  not  far  enough  north  to  b« 
the  Iksal  mentione<l  by  IJobinson  (ii.  332)  or  tfat 
place  noted  by  ICusebius  and  Jerome  under  Ac- 
chaseluth,  'Ax«o-«'Awe,  in  the  Oiwmnsticm.     G. 

CHETTITM  or  CHET'TIIM  (X€TT«.«fa 
Alex.  [Sin.  Ald.j  Xerrjef^u:  Cttliim),  1  Mace,  i 
1.     [Cmrn.M.]  \\r,  a.  W. 

CHE'ZIB  (3^3  [lying,  Ges.;  lying  brooh. 
Fiirst];  Sam.  Cotl.  H^Tr;  Sam.  Vers.  n2112  • 
Xcurfii:  Vulg.  translating  ijiio  nato  pnrere  ultra 
cessavit,  and  comp.  a  sinjilar  translation  by  Aquila, 
in  Jer.  Qu.  Ihbr.),  a  name  which  occurs  but  once 
(Gen.  xxxviii.  5).  Judali  was  at  Chezib  when  the 
Canaanitess  Bath  shua  bore  his  tliird  son  Shelah. 
The  other  places  named  in  this  remarkable  narra- 
tive are  all  in  the  low  country  of  Judah,  and  there- 
fore in  the  absence  of  any  specification  of  the  po- 
sition of  Chezib,  we  may  adoj)!  the  opinion  of  the 
interpreters,  ancient  and  modern,  who  identify  it 
with  Aciizin  (3''T2h).  It  is  also  probably  idea- 
tical  with  Ciiozeka.  G. 

CHnDON  (1"1^3  :  LXX.  Vat.  omits;  Alex. 

Xei5«»':  Cliidon),  the  name  which  in  1  Chr.  xiii.  9 
is  given  to  the  thresliing-fioor  at  which  the  accident 
to  the  ark,  on  its  transport  from  Kirjath-jearim  ia 
Jerusalem,  took  place,  and  the  death  of  L'zzah.  In 
the  parallel  account  in  2  Sam.  vi.  the  name  is  given 
as  Nachon.  The  word  Chidon  signifies  a  "jave- 
lin; "  Nachon,  "  prejMred  "  or  "  firm."  Whether 
there  weie  really  two  distinct  names  for  the  same 
spot,  or  whether  the  one  is  simply  a  corruption  or 
alteration  of  the  other  is  quite  unceilain  (see  Ges. 
jy^-s.  683;  Simonis,  O/iow.  339,  340).  Joseplius 
{Ant.  vii.  4,  §  2)  has  XexScif.  The  Jewish  tradi- 
tion (Jerome,  Qimst.  Jhb.  on  1  Chr.  xi.  9)  was 
that  Chidon  acquiretl  its  name  from  being  the  spot 
on  which  Joshua  stood  when  he  stretched  out  the 
weapon  of  tliat  name  (A.  V.  "sjiear")  towards  Ai 
(Josh.  viii.  18).  Hut  this  is  irreconcilable  with  alt 
our  ideas  of  tlie  topography  of  the  locality.       G. 

*  M'ords  so  obscure  justify  other  conjectures.  It 
is  more  Sivtisfactory  to  regard  the  terms  as  commem- 
orative of  events  rather  than  names  of  the  own- 
ers: (1)  the  threshing-floor  of  smiting  (from  n53, 
to  smile),  because  Jehovah  smote  Uzzali  there;  and 
(2)  threshing-floor  of  the  blow  or  (figurative)  jave- 
lin witli  which  Uzzah  was  there  smittten.  Peuez- 
vzzAU  (2  Sam.  vi.  8)  seems  to  have  been  the  per- 
sonal designation  under  which  the  fatal  spot  was 
known  to  sui)sequent  times.  See  Movers,  Ki-it. 
Untersuch.  iib.  die  bibl.  Chronik,  p.  l(j(J;  Keil, 
Books  of  Samiu/,  p.  332  (Clark's  Library);  and 
Wordsworth,  IJoly  liible  with  A'otes,  ii.  82.     11. 

CHILDREN  (2''?2  [sons] :  tc'/cw,  raiSU: 
Hberi,flii.  From  the  root  ^5?'  '"  huiU,  are  de- 
rived both  ^3,  son,  as  in  Ben-hanan,  &c.,  ani\  TXL 

daughter,  as  in  Bath-sheba.  Tlie  Oinld.  also  "^2, 
son,  occurs  in  0.  T.,  and  appears  In  N.  T.  in  such 
words  as  Baniabas,  but  v.hich  in  plur.  1^.^3,  Ezr 
vi.  16,  reseml)les  more  the  Hebrew.  Cognate  wordt 
are  the  Arabic  Benl,  sons,  in  the  sense  of  descend- 
ants, and  Renat,  daughters,  (Jes.  pp.  215,  23ff 
Shaw,    TravtU,  Pr.  p.  8).     The  blessing  cf  off 


CHILDREN 

ipring,  bat  especially,  and  sometimes  exclusively, 
jf  the  male  sex,  is  hiiiflily  valuetl  among  all  liastern 
nations,  while  the  absence  is  rei^arded  as  one  of  the 
leverest  punishments  (Her.  i;  13G;  Strab.  xv.  733; 
Gen.  xvi.  2,  xxix.  31,  xxx.  1,  U;  Deut.  vii.  14;  1 
Sam.  i.  G,  ii.  5,  iv.  20;  2  Sam.  vi.  23,  xviii.  18;  2 
K.  iv.  1-1 ;  Is.  xlvii.  9;  Jer.  xx.  15;  Hos.  ix.  14; 
Esth.  V.  11;  Ps.  cxxvii.  3.  -5;  Keel.  vi.  3;  Drusius, 
Prov.  Ben-Sir(B,  ap.  Crit.  Sacr.  viii.  1887;  Lane, 
Mocl.  Kijupt.  i.  2U3,  240;  iNIrs.  I'oole,  l-'.nylkhw.  in 
Egypt,  iii.  103;  Niebuhr,  JJesa:  tie  t Arab.  67: 
Chardin,  Voyige,  vii.  44(J;  Russell,  Nubia,  343). 
Childbirth  is  ii-  the  East  usually,  but  not  always, 
Bttendetl  with  little  difficulty,  and  accomplished 
with  little  or  no  assistance  (Gen.  xxxv.  17,  xxxviii. 
28,  Ex.  i.  Vd;  1  Sam.  iv.  1!),  2^;  Burckhardt, 
Notes  on  Biilouins,  i.  DO;  Harmer,  Obs.  iv.  425; 
Lady  U.  W.  Montaj^u,  Letters,  ii.  217,  21'J,  222). 
As  soon  as  the  child  wxs  born,  and  the  umbilical 
cord  cut,  it  was  washed  in  a  bath,  rublied  with  salt, 
ind  wrapped  in  swaddling  clotlies.  Arab  mothers 
gometinies  rub  their  children  with  earth  or  sand 
(Ez.  xvi.  4;  Job  xxxviii.  9;  Luke  ii.  7;  Hurckhardt, 
/.  c).  On  the  8th  day  the  rite  of  circumcision  in 
the  case  of  a  boy,  was  performed,  iind  a  name  given, 
gometimes,  but  not  usually,  the  same  as  that  of  the 
&ther,  and  generally  conveying  some  special  mean- 
ing. Among  Mohammedans,  circumcision  is  most 
^mmonly  delayed  till  the  5th,  0th,  or  even  the 
14th  year  (Gen.  xxi.  4,  xxix.  32,  35,  xxx.  6,  24; 
Lev.  xii.  3;  Is.  vii.  14,  viii.  3;  Luke  i.  59,  ii.  21, 
and  Lightfoot,  al  loc. ;  Spencer,  de  Legrj.  Ilebr.  v. 
62;  Strab.  xvf.  824:  Her.  ii.  30,  104;  Burckhardt, 
ibid.  i.  96;  I^ne,  Mod.  J'^jy^t.  i.  87;  Mrs.  I'oole, 
Englishw.  in  Egypt,  iii.  158;  Niebuhr,  Descr.  p. 
70).  [CiucuJicisioN.]  After  the  birth  of  a 
male  child,  the  mother  was  considered  unclean  for 

7  -f-  33  days ;  if  the  child  were  a  female,  for  double 
that  period  14  -f-  GO  days.  At  the  end  of  the  time 
she  was  to  make  an  offering  of  purification  of  a 
lamb  as  a  burnt-offering,  and  a  pigeon  or  turtle- 
dove as  a  sin-offering,  or  in  case  of  poverty,  two 
doves  or  pis^t^ons,  one  as  a  burnt-offering,  the  other 
as  a  sin  offenng  (I^v.  xii.  1-8;  Luke  ii.  22).  The 
period  of  nursing  appears  to  have  been  sometimes 
prolonged  to  3  years  (Is.  xlix.  15;  2  Mace.  vii.  27; 
comp.  Livingstone,  TrareU,  c.  vi.  p.  120;  but 
Burckhardt  leads  to  a  different  conclusion).  The 
Mohammedan  law  enjoins  mothers  to  suckle  their 
children  for  2  full  years  if  possible  (I^ne,  Mml. 
Egypt,  i.  83;  Mrs.  Poole,  Engtiiilnc.  in  Egypt,  iii. 
161).  Nurses  were  employed  in  cases  of  necessity 
(Ex.  ii.  9;  Gen.  xxiv.  59,  xxxv.  8;  2  Sam.  iv.  4; 
2  K.  xi.  2;  2  Chr.  xxii.  11).  The  time  of  weaning 
was  an  occasion  of  rejoicing  (Gen.  xxi.  8).  Arab 
children  wear  little  or  no  clothing  for  4  or  5  years; 
the  young  of  both  sexes  are  usually  carried  by  the 
mothers  on  the  hip  or  the  shoulder,  a  custom  to 
which  allusion  is  made  by  Isaiah  (Is.  xlix.  22,  Ixvi. 
12;  Lane,  Mod.  Egypt,  i.  83).  Both  boys  and 
girls  in  their  early  years,  boys  probably  till  their 
5th  year,  were  under  the  care  of  the  women  (Prov. 
ixxi.  1;  Herod,  i.  136;  Strab.  xv.  p.  733;  Niebuhr, 
Descr.  p.  24).  Afterwards  the  bo3's  were  taken 
by  the  father  under  his  charge.     Those  in  wealthy 

tunilies  had  tutors  or  governors  (— "Zl^lS,  ircuSa- 

yoryoO  w'bo  were  sometimes  eunuchs  (Num.  xi.  12 ; 

8  K.  X.  1,  5;  Is.  xlix.  23;  Gal.  iii.  24;  Esth.  ii. 
T;  Joseph.  F«7.  70;  Lane,  Mod.  Egypt.  L  83). 
Daughters  usually  remained  in  the  women's  apart- 
lia\ts  till  marriag  >,  or,  among  the  poorer  classes, 


CHILION 


4*'>r 


were  employed  in  household  work  (I>ev.  xil,  0{ 
Num.  xii.  14;  1  Sam.  ix.  11;  Prov.  xxxi.  19,  23; 
Ecclus.  vii.  25,  xhi.  9;  2  Ma«c.  iii.  19).  The  ex- 
ample, however,  and  authority  of  the  mother  were 
carefully  uj.iheld  to  children  of  both  sexes  (Deut 
xxi.  20;  Prov.  x.  1,  xv.  20;  1  K.  ii.  19). 

The  first-born  male  children  were  regarded  as  de- 
voted to  God,  and  were  to  be  redcenie<l  by  an  offer- 
ing (Ex.  xiii.  13;  Num.  xviii.  15;  Luke  ii.  22). 
Children  devoted  by  special  vow,  as  Sanmel  was, 
appear  to  have  been  brought  up  fi'om  very  early 
years  in  a  school  or  place  of  education  near  the  tal>- 
ernade  or  temple  (1  Sam.  i.  24,  28).  [Educa- 
tion.] 

The  authority  of  parents,  especially  the  father, 
over  children  was  very  threat,  as  was  also  the  rev- 
erence enjoined  by  tlie  law  to  be  paid  to  j>arent8. 
The  disobedient  child,  the  striker  or  reviler  of  a 
j)arent,  was  liable  to  capital  punishment,  though 
not  at  the  indci)endent  will  of  the  parent.  Chil- 
dren were  liable  to  be  taken  as  slaves  in  case  of 
non-payment  of  debt,  and  were  expected  to  perform 
menial  offices  for  them,  such  as  washing  the  feet, 
and  to  >niaintain  them  in  poverty  and  old  age. 
How  this  last  obligation  was  evadeil,  see  Corban. 
The  like  obedience  is  eigoitied  by  the  Gospel  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  24;  Ixv.  xxi.  9;  Num.  xii.  14;  Deut.  xxiv. 
10;  1  K.  ii.  19;  2  K.  xiv.  0,  iv.  1 ;  Is.  1. 1;  Neh.  v. 
5;  Job  xxiv.  9;  Prov.  x.  1,  xv.  20,  xxix.  3;  Dru- 
sius, QiuBst.  llebr.  ii.  03,  ap.  Crit.  Sacr.  viii.  1547; 
Col.  iii.  20;  Eph.  vi.  1;  1  Tim.  i.  9;  comp.  Virg. 
ACn.  vi.  609 ;  and  Servius,  nd  loc. ;  Aristoph.  Ran. 
146;  Plato,  Plicedo,  144;  de  Legg.  ix.). 

The  legal  age  was  12,  or  even  earlier  in  the  case 
of  a  female,  and  13  for  a  male  (Maimon.  de  Proa, 
c.  v.;  Grotius  and  Calmot  on  John  ix.  21). 

The  inheritance  was  divided  equally  between  all 
the  sons  except  the  eldest,  who  received  a  double 
portion  (Deut.  xxi.  17;  Gen.  xxv.  31,  xlix.  3;  1 
Chr.  v.  1,  2;  Judg.  xi.  2,  7).  Daughters  had  by 
right  no  portion  in  the  inheritance;  but  if  a  man 
had  no  son,  his  inheritance  passed  to  his  daughters, 
but  they  were  forbidden  to  marry  out  of  their 
father's  tribe  (Num.  xxvii.  1,  8,  xxxvi.  2,  8). 

The  term  sons  was  applied  also  to  the  disciples 
and  followers  of  the  teachers  of  the  various  sects 
which  arose  after  the  Captivity  [I'ducation  ; 
SciiiisKs].  (Lightfoot,  Ilor.  llebr.  on  John  xiii. 
33,  Luke  xi.  45,  John  xvi.  [xv.  ?]  10.)  [Comp. 
Matt.  xii.  27 ;  Luke  xi.  19.  See  also  1  Cor.  iv.  Ii, 
15,  17;  1  Tim.  i.  2;  2  Tim.  i.  2;  Phil-m.  10;  3 

John  4.   A.]  II.  ^y.  P. 

CHIL'EAB.  [Abigail;  Daniel.] 
CHIL'ION  [properly  Chilyon]  (^V^?  • 
XfXaitiv,  [Vat.  Ruth  i.  2,  KsA.;]  Alex.  XeXewr, 
[XatAecovO  Clielion),  the  son  of  Elimelech  an(' 
Naomi,  and  husband  of  Orpah  (Uuth  i.  2-5,  iv.  S). 
He  is  described  as  "  an  Ephrathite  ( ?  Eohraimite) 
of  Bethlehem-judah." 

*  The  etymology  usually  assigned  for  the  names 
of  the  brothers  (Ruth  i.  2)  is  H^^  for  Chilion, 

sickly,  and  H^Q  for  Mahlon,  pining ;  either  given 
to  them  at  first  from  prognostics  of  their  early  fato, 
which,as  they  died  young,  were  fulfilled,  or  substi- 
tuted for  other  original  names,  after  their  death,  in 
the  family  traditions.  Considering  how  readily  the 
orientals  change  the  names  of  persons  both  living 
and  dead,  the  latter  supposition  is  by  no  means  ini- 
possible.     See  Bertheau  (liichler  u.  Ruth,  p.  239  5 


126 


CHILMAD 


But  the  derivation  is  uncertain.  So  good  a  scholar 
U  Caissel  {iiivUtr  u.  liul/i,  p.  205)  refers  Chilion  to 

/  .  ?,  and  INfahlon  to  ^^IH,  i.  e.  the  former,  orna- 
itient,  and  tlie  latter, /o^;  so  that  the  names  could 
have  btfii  gi\eii  to  them  at  their  birtli  as  terms  of 
parental  fondness.  Mr.  Wright  {liulli  in  J/ebrcw 
ami  Cludfke,  p.  2)  conjectures  that  the  children 
were  so  named  {nkknefg ;  dtgtniclion)  on  account 
of  the  sad  condition  of  tlie  land  at  the  time.  That 
the  land  was  si)ecially  afflicted  at  the  time  they 
were  horn  we  do  not  know.  The  famine  which 
drove  the  family  to  Moab  was  later.  I'he  names, 
in  whatever  way  expLiineil,  afford  but  a  slight  foot- 
hold for  assailing  the  historical  claims  of  the  book. 

H. 

CHILTHAD  (T^^S  :  Xap/xdu;  [Aid.  Xa\- 
lidv^  Comp.  XaA^a^:]  C'lulmnd),  a  ])lace  or  coun- 
try mentioned  in  conjimction  with  Slieba  and  As- 
shur  (Kz.  xxvii.  23).  The  only  name  bearing  any 
Eimilarity  to  it  is  Cliannande,  a  town  near  the  Eu- 
phrates between  tiie  Jlascas  and  the  Uabjlonian 
frontier  (Xen.  Ah:iIj.  i.  5,  §  10).  As  however  no 
other  writer  notices  this  jilace,  it  is  highly  improb- 
able that  it  was  of  snthcient  importance  to  rank 
with  Sheba  and  Asshur.  llitzig  {Coviment.  on 
Ez.  1.  c.)   proiKJses   to  alter  the  punctuation  to 

TS/?)  ^^■i'^''  ^'*«^  sense,  "Asshur  was  as  Oiy  pupil 
in  conmiercc.  W.  L.  B. 

*  Ifawlinson  identifies  Chilmad  with  Kalwadha. 

[ClIALDKA,  §  4.J  A. 

CniM'HAM  (Cni^S  l/>i"i'iff,  loriffiny], 
but  sec  iielow;  Xa/xadiJ.:  A 'ex.  XaifaaV,  [Comp.  Xi- 
fiadvf  'Ax'M*'**''  1'^-^-  '"  ''i'''-  c^irrupt;]  Joseph. 
'Ax'At'"'''*''  (-'Ikiiiki'iiii),  :i  ((jllower,  and  probably  a 
■on  (.kscph.  Ant.  vii.  II,  §  4;  and  comp.  1  K.  ii. 
7)  of  IJar/.illai  tiie  (iileaiHte,  who  returned  from  be- 
yond Jordan  with  David  (2  Sam.  xix.  37,  38,  40). 
David  api)eai-s  to  ha\e  bestowed  on  him  a  posses- 
uou  at  ISetlileheni,  on  which,  in  later  times,  an  inn 

or  Khan  (H^"!!)  was  standing,  well  known  as  the 
starting-jK)int  for  travellers  from  Jerusalem  to 
Egypt  (Jer.  xli.  17)."  'I'here  is  some  uncertainty 
about  the  name,  jiossilily  from  its  not  being  that 
of  a  Hebrew.  In  2  Sam.  xix.  40,  it  is  in  the  He- 
brew text  Chimhan,  ^nJ2?,  and  in  the  Chetibd 
Jer.  xli.  17,  Chemoham,  Dn'"l723.  G. 

CHIN'NERETH  [fleb.  Cinne'reth  or  Kin- 
ae'reth]  (accurately  [?]  Cinnareth,  HTPil?  [?  in 

pause  nr?!?  ]  5  Kfvtptd;  Alex.  XfVfpod;  [Aid. 
XfvtpfO^]  Ceneretfi),  !*  fortified  city  in  the  tribe 
of  Naphluh  (Josh.  xix.  35  only),  of  which  no  trace 
is  found  in  later  writers,  and  no  remains  by  travel- 
lers. Whether  it  gave  its  name  to,  or  received  it 
from,  the  lake,  which  was  possibly  adjacent,  is  quite 
uncertain.  ]5y  St.  Jerome  Chinnereth  wiis  identi- 
fied with  the  later  Tiberias.  This  may  have  been 
from  some  tradition  then  existing;  the  onlycorrol>- 
•>ration  which  we  can  find  for  it  is  the  mention  in 
.  oshua  of  Hammath  as  near  it,  which  was  possibly 
the  I/umnu'tin  or  ICmmaus,  near  the  shore  of  the 
Uke  a  lifle  south  of  Tiberias.     This  is  denied  by 


CHIOS 

Reland  (101),  on  the  ground  tint  Capeniaiun  II 
said  by  St.  Matt.  (iv.  13)  to  have  l;een  on  the  very 
Iwrdei-s  of  Zebiihm  and  Naplitali,  an<l  that  Zebu 
lun  was  to  the  sonth  of  Naiiiitali.  Hut  St.  Mat- 
thew's expression  will  hardly  bear  this  strict  inter- 
pretation. The  town,  or  the  lake,  api)ears  to  hav« 
given  its  name  (sliglilly  altered)  to  a  district  —  "all 
Ci.nm:i;<)tii  "  (1  K.  xv.  20).  G. 

*  The  name  (.losii.  xix.  35)  is  spelt  "  Cinnereth  " 
in  the  A.  V.  cd.  Kill,  and  other  eafly  editions. 
According  to  l'"iii"st,  the  city  "  in  .ater  times  waa 

called  "1D!122  Gcnusar  (Megi^la  G»  ).  .  .  .  At  the 
time  of  Farchi  (at  the  beginning  of  the  14th  cent- 
ury) it  wiis  still  in  existence,  lying,  without  doubt, 
one  hour  northwest  of  Tabariyya  [Tiberias],  where 
the  run  IS  of  Gansur  are  still  found  at  the  present 
day"  {Utb.  Lex.  s.  v.,  Davidson's  tran.sl.).     A. 

CHIN'NERETH,  SEA  OF  (H-pS  D^ : 
7]  ed\affffa  Xtveptd  [etc.:]  mare  Cenereth,  Num. 
xxxiv.  11;  Josii.  xiii.  27),  the  inland  sea  which  is 
most  familiarly  known  to  us  as  the  "  lake  of  Gen- 
nesaret."  Tiiis  is  evident  from  the  mode  in  which 
it  is  mentioned  in  various  jjcossages  in  the  Penta- 
teuch and  Jo.shna —  as  being  at  the  end  of  Jordan 
opposite  to  the  "  Sea  of  the  Arabah,"  i.  e.  the 
Dead  Sea;  as  having  the  Arabah  or  Ghor  below  it, 
(fee.  (Dent.  iii.  17;  Josh.  xi.  2,  xii.  3).  In  the  two 
former  of  these  passages  the  word  "sea"  is  omit- 
ted; in  the  two  latter  it  is  in  a  plural  form  — 

"Chinneroth"    (ace.    Ciunaroth,    i"i"113?,    and 

n'"l"13?,  Cinnroth,  [Vnlg.  Ceneroth]).  The  word 
Is  by  some  deri\cd  from  (Mnnoor  (Kiyyvpa,  cithara, 
a  "harj)"),  as  if  in  allusion  to  the  oval  shape  of 
the  lake,  lint  this,  to  say  the  least,  is  doubtful. 
It  seems  more  likely  that  Cinnereth  was  an  ancient 
Canaanite  n.ame  existing  long  prior  to  the  Israelite 
conquest,  and,  like  otlicr  names,  adopted  by  the  Is- 
raelites into  their  language.  The  subsequent  name 
"  Gennesar  "  was  derived  from  "  Cinnereth  "  by  a 
change  of  letters  of  a  kind  frequent  enough  in  the 
East.     [Gi;>m:saket.]  "      G. 

CHINNEROTH  {''^^P',  ""I"'?":  Kty 
epiie,  XfVfptd;  Alex.  Xevf 0(681,  XevftpfB'  Cen~ 
eroth),  Josli.  xi.  2,  xii.  3.     [CHix^EiiK-i'ii.] 

W.  A.  W. 

*  In  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  and  other  early  editions, 
the  word  is  spelt  "  Cinneroth,"  as  in  1  K.  xv.  20 
See  Ci.NNKHoTir.  A. 

CHI'OS  (Xi'os:  [CJiius]).  The  position  of  this 
island  in  reference  to  the  neighboriTig  islands  and 
coasts  could  hardly  be  letter  described  than  in  the 
detailed  account  of  St.  Paul's  return  voyage  from 
Troas  to  Ca'sarca  (Acts  xx.,  xxi.).  Having  come 
from  Assos  to  Mitylene  in  I.esbos  (xx.  14),  he  ar- 
rived the  next  day  over  against  Chios  (v.  15),  the 
next  day  at  Sanios  and  tarried  at  Trogyllium  (j6.); 
and  the  following  day  at  Jliletus  ((6.);  thence  ha 
went  by  Cos  and  IJhodes  to  Patara  (xxi.  1). 
[^Iityi.kxk;  Samos.]  With  this  it  is  worth 
while  to  compare  the  account  of  Herod'«  voyage  to 
join  Marcus  Agiippa  in  the  Black  Sea.  ^\'e  are 
told  (.Joseph.  AnI.  xvi.  2,  §  2)  that  after  passing 
by  Rhodes  and  Cos,  he  was  detained  some  time  by 
I  north  winds  at  Chios,  and  sailed  on  to  Mitylene, 


a  •  We  see  from  Jer.  xli.  17  that  this  Khan  bore 
^hiinbam's  name  for  at  least  4  centnries,  and  (as  the 
B3age(i  of  the  Kust  are  so  unclianging)  may  have  been 
he  SAoM  (jcaraJLUfiM    wh'ch  almost  6  centurien  later 


«  furnished  shelter  for  two  travellers  with  their  inttai^ 
child  when  •  there  waa  no  room  in  the  inn,'  and  whel 
they  too  from  that  spot  fled  into  I'^ypt"  (SUnle* 
Jtwis/i  Churchy  ii.  £01).  B 


I 


CHISLEU 

irhen  the  winds  l)ecame  more  favorame.  It  appears 
Jiat  during  this  stjiy  at  Chios  Herod  j^ave  very  lib- 
eral stuns  towards  tiie  restoration  of  some  public 
works  which  had  suffered  in  the  JMithridatic  war. 
This  island  does  not  appear  to  have  any  other  asso- 
ciation with  the  .lews:  nor  is  it  specially  mentioned 
in  connection  with  the  first  spreatl  of  Christianity 
by  the  Ajiostles.  When  St.  I'aul  was  there  on  the 
occasion  referred  to,  he  did  not  land,  but  only 
passed  the  nigiit  at  anchor.  At  that  time  Chios 
enjoyed  the  privile-^e  of  freedom  (I'lin.  v.  38),  and 
it  is  not  certain  tliat  it  ever  was  iwlitically  a  part 
of  the  province  of  Asia,  thougii  it  is  separateil  from 
the  maiidand  only  by  a  strait  of  5  miles.  Its 
length  is  about  32  milas,  and  in  breadth  it  varies 
from  8  to  18.  Its  outline  is  mountainous  and 
bold;  and  it  has  always  been  celebrated  for  its 
beauty  and  fruitfuhiess.  In  recent  times  it  has 
been  too  well  known,  under  its  modem  name  of 
Scio,  for  the  dreadful  sufferings  of  its  inhabitants 
in  the  Greek  war  of  independence.  Chios  is  de- 
Bcribed  by  the  older  travellers,  Thevenot,  Toume- 
fort,  and  Chandler.  J.  S.  II. 

CHISLEU.     [Months.] 

CHIS'LON  (V"^^?3  ihope,cor>fiJetice]:  Xcur- 
\iv.  Chasehn),  father  of  Elidad,  the  prince  of 
the  tribe  of  Beryaniin,  chosen  to  assist  in  the  di- 
vision of  the  land  of  Canaan  among  the  tribes 
(Num.  xxxiv.  21). 

CHis'LOTH-TA'BOR  {"hn  nbos, 

htm  of  Tabor:  XaffeKaidaie ;  Alex.  XaacKud 
fiadccp;  [Aid.  'AxairaKud  Qafiip;  Comp.  Xo(r«A- 
\ad6a$:ip:]  Ccstklht/ialjor),  a  place  to  the  bor- 
der (^•l^i)  of  which  reached  the  border  of  Zcbu- 
lun  (Josh.  xix.  12).  It  may  be  the  village  of  Jksdl, 
which  is  now  standing  about  two  miles  and  a  half 
to  the  west  of  Jlount  Tabor.  Josephus  names  a 
village  Xaloth  as  in  the  great  plain,  i.  e.  of  Esdrae- 
lon,  and  as  one  of  the  landmarks  of  lower  Galilee, 
(B.  J.  iii.  3,  §  1;  and  see  17/17,  §  44),  but  it  is 
Impossible  to  say  if  this  was  identical  witli  Chisloth- 
Tabor  or  with  ChesuUoth.     [See  T.vbok.]      G. 

CHIT'TIM,  KIT'TIM  (2^n3,  C^riiJ  : 
X^TJOi,  K/tjoi,  KijT«e(,u,  XeTTjff/t,  [etc.:]  Cctthim, 
Cethiin),  a  family  or  race  descended  from  Javan 
(Gten.  X.  4;  1  Chr.  i.  7;  A.  V.  Kittim),  closely 
related  to  the  Dodanim,  and  remotely  (as  we  may 
conclude  fmm  the  absence  of  the  conjunction  before 
It)  to  the  other  descendants  of  Javan.  Chittim  is 
frequently  noticetl  in  Scripture:  Balaam  predicts 
that  a  fleet  should  thence  proceed  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  AssjTia  (Num.  xxiv.  24,  D''^5  ^*^ ; " 
fc«»M'en<  in  tricribus  de  lUiUi,  Vulg.):  in  Is.  xxiii. 
1, 12,  it  appears  as  the  resort  of  the  fleets  of  Tyre: 

in  Jer.  ii.  10,  the  "  isles  of  Chittim  "  ("'."S,  i.  e. 
maritime  districts)  are  to  the  far  west,  as  Kedar  to 
the  east  of  Palestine:  the  Tyrians  procured  thence 
the  cedar  or  box-wood,  which  they  inhid  with  ivory 

for  the  decks  of  their  vessels  (Ez.  xxvii.  G,  "HT:  I 

Cnt-^'S,  A.  V.  "  the  company  of  the  Ashurites,'  | 
but  rather  [ivory]  the  dauijhler  of  cedar,  i.  e.  in-  ' 
dosed  in  cedar):  in  Dan.  xi.  30," "ships  of  Chit-i 
Bm"  (icoi  ^jfouffi  'Pw;ua?oj:   Trieres  et  Romani)( 


3  HeTisst<<nberg  (Hist,  of  Bal.)  explains  this  expres- 
rion  as  ==  fa  m  the  side  of  Cyprus,  t.  e.  from  that  isl- 
Hwl  u  a  lenilezTous. 


CHLOE  42? 

advance  to  the  south  to  meet  th«  king  cf  the  northt 
at  a  later  period  we  find  Alexander  the  tircat  ds- 
scrilHjd  as  coming  Ik  rijy  y?,s  [Kom.  X6TTet««/ti 
Alex.  Sin.]  XtTTtet/x  (I  Mace.  i.  1;  A.  V.  Ciiet- 
Tir.M ),  and  I'erseus  as  Ktrtfocv  /SaaiAeyi  [  Ceteorum 
rex]  (I  Mace.  viii.  5;  A.  V.  dri.Ms).  Josephun 
considered  Cyprus  as  the  original  seat  of  the  Chit- 
tim, adducing  as  evidence  the  name  of  its  princi|)al 
town,  Citiuni  (Xffli/ioi  5*  X(dtfj.a  r))v  v7](rov  (O- 
XfV  Kvirpos  a'jTT)  vvv  KaKitrai,  Ant.  i.  G,  §  1), 
Citium  was  without  doubt  a  i'luenician  town,  and 
the  name,  as  it  appears  in  Phoenician  inscriptions, 
exactly  accords  with  the  Hebrew  (Gesen.  77/es.  726). 
I'Yom  the  town  the  name  extended  to  the  whole 
island  of  Cyjjrus,  which  was  occupied  by  l'hn?nician 
colonies,  and  remained  under  Tyre  certainly  until 
about  n.  c.  72i)  (.loseph.  Ant.  ix.  14,  §  2).  With 
the  decay  of  the  Phoenician  power  (circ.  b.  r.  GOO) 
the  Greeks  began  to  found  flourishing  settlements 
on  its  coasts,  as  they  had  also  done  in  Crete,  Rhodes, 
and  the  islands  of  the  ^^gsean  Sea.  The  name 
Chittim,  which  in  the  first  in.stance  had  applied  to 

Phcenicians  only  (for  il-^i^"  =tl"'pn,  /litliles, 
a  branch  of  the  Canaanitish  race),  passed  over  to 
the  islands  which  they  had  occupied,  and  thence  to 
the  pe<iple  who  succeeded  the  Phoenicians  in  the 
occupation  of  them  {a.K  aurris,  so.  Kvirpov,  vT^aot 
re  Tracrai,  Kal  to  irAefco  twj'  napa  OiXaaaay,  Xe- 
ffifi  virh  ''Effpalwy  ovofid^erai,  Joseph.  Ant.  i.  6, 
§  1).  Thus  in  Mace,  Chittim  evidently  =  Mace- 
dunia,  and  wa.s  perhaps  more  esfjeciaJly  applietl  to 
that  country  from  the  apparent  similarity  of  the 
name  in  the  form  MuKfTta,  which  they  supposed 
=  Ma  and  Kertot,  the  iiml  of  the  Cttii.  The  use 
of  the  term  was  extended  j-et  further  so  as  to  era- 
brace  Italy  according  to  the  LXX.  (Oan.),  and  the 
Vulgate  (Xum.  and  Dan.),  to  which  we  may  add 
the  rendering  of  the  Chaldee  Targum,  which  gives 

7l^br:S  (Italia)  in  1  Chr.  i.  7,  and  S''bli:M 
(Apidia)  in  Yjf..  xxvii.  G.  The  "  ships  of  Chittim  " 
in  Dan.  have  been  explained  as  Mncedonian.,  which 
Popillius  Lnenas  may  have  seized  at  Delos  after  the 
defeat  of  Perseus,  and  taken  on  his  expedition  to 
Kgjqit  against  Antiochus;  but  the  assumption  on 
which  this  interpretation  rests  is  not  borne  out  by 
the  narrative  (Liv.  xliv.  29,  xlv.  10),  nor  does  there 
appear  any  difficulty  in  extending  the  term  to  Italy, 
as  one  of  the  lands  in  the  far  west  with  which  the 
Hebrews  were  but  little  acquainted.  In  an  ethno- 
logical point  of  view,  Chittim,  associated  as  the 
name  is  with  Javan  and  Elishah,  must  be  regarded 
as  applying,  not  to  the  original  Plujenician  settlers 
of  Cyprus,  Init  to  the  race  which  succeeded  them; 
namely,  the  Carians,  who  were  widely  disjiereed 
over  the  Mediteri-anean  coasts,  and  were  settled  in 
the  Cyclades  (Thucyd.  i.  8),  Crete  (Herod,  i.  171) 
and  ill  the  islands  called  Macarise  Insula?,  perhaps 
as  being  the  residence  of  the  Carians.  From  theso 
islands  they  were  displ.ocetl  by  the  Dorians  and  lo- 
nians  (Herod.  /.  c),  and  emigrated  to  the  main  land, 
wh-^re  they  occupied  the  district  named  after  them. 
Tne  Carians  were  connected  with  the  I.«leges,  and 
must  be  considered  as  related  to  the  Pelasgic  family, 
though  quite  distinct  from  the  Hellenic  brandi 
(Knobe.,  Volkertafel,  p.  95  ff.).  W.  L.  B. 

CHrUNCp"").     [Remi-h.vn.] 

CHLO'E  (X\6ti)  [tender  shoot  or  herbage],  % 
woman  mentioned  in  1  Cor.  i.  11,  some  of  whose 
household  [bith  rav  XK&rjs,  comp.  Rom.  xvi.  10, 
11]  had  informed  St.  Paul  of  the  &ct  thai,  then 


|28  CHOBA 

mrs  diriaions  in  the  Corinthian  church.  She  is 
■npposetl  by  Theoplijlact  nnd  others  to  have  l;een 
•n  iiihabitniit  of  Corinth ;  \>y  ICstias,  some  Chris- 
tian woman  Itnown  to  the  Corinthians  elsewliere; 
by  MichaeUs  and  Meyer,  an  ICpliesian,  having  Irieiids 
kt  Corinth.  It  in  impossible  to  decide.  [See  .\k- 
IBTOBb'ucs.  Ainer.  e»l.]  H.  A. 

fiHO'BA  {\w0l:  [.Sin.  Xafia]:  Vulsj.  omits), 
K  place  mentioned  in  .hid.  iv.  4,  ai)parently  .'(itnated 
bi  tlie  central  part  of  Palestine.  It  is  probably  the 
■ame  place  a.s 

CHO'BAl  [2  syl.]  (Xa,0dt  X  [Sin.  X«j3a: 
Vulw.  omits]),  wliich  occurs  in  Jud.  xv.  4,  5;  in 
the  latter  verse  the  Ga-ek  is  \a>0i.      Hie  name 

ing?ests  Ilobah  ( 'II.I ",  which  is  the  readinj^  of 
the  Syriac),  esi)ecially  in  connection  with  the  men- 
tion of  Danixscus  in  v.  5,  if  the  di.stiince  fnnn  the 
probable  site  of  ItKriiui-i-v  were  not  too  gi-ejit. 

»  CHGENIX  (xoTvif),  Ke^•.  vi.  (5,  nwr«.  Sec 
WEltiiiTS  A^D  Mi;Asf  itK.s,  II.  §  2,  near  the  end. 

CHOR-A'SHAN  {V.V"'''^^  [funmce  of 
VTiokt]:  BrjpiTafief;  A\c\.  BwpcuraV-  iiiliicuAmn), 
one  of  the  places  in  which  "  David  and  his  men 
were  wont  to  haunt,"  and  to  his  friends  in  wliich 
he  sent  presents  of  the  i)lnnder  taken  from  the 
Amalekites  (1  Sam.  xxx.  30).  The  towns  named 
in  this  catalo<i;ue  are  all  south  of  Hebron,  and  Chor- 
sshan  may,  therefore,  be  identical  with  AsiiAX  of 
Simeon,  'lliis  is,  however,  quite  uncertain,  and 
the  name  has  not  been  discovered.  G. 

CHORA'ZIN  (XopaCiv  [text,  rec.],  XopaCdy 
[Tisch.,  Treg.],  XopaCdiv  [D] ;  Coroznin),  one  of 
the  cities  in  which  our  Lord's  mighty  works  were 
done,  but  named  only  in  His  denunciation  (Matt. 
ti.  21 ;  Luke  x.  13).  It  was  known  to  St.  Jerome, 
who  describes  it  ( Comm.  in  £s(ii.  ix.  1 )  as  on  the 
shore  of  the  lake,  two  miles  from  Capernaum.  St. 
Willibald  (about  A.  I).  750)  visited  the  various 
places  along  the  lake  in  the  following  order  —  Tibe- 
rias, Magdalum,  Capernaum,  liethsaida,  Chorazin. 
Dr.  Kobinson'a  conclusion  is  that  Klinn  Mivyeh 
being  Capernaum,  et-Tdbifjhah  is  Bethsaida,  and 
Tell  Hum  Chorazin,  hut  the  question  is  enveloped 
In  great  ob.scurity.  The  origin  of  the  name  is  also 
very  uncertain.  Origen  writes  the  name  as  x^^pa 
Zi'jf,  t.  c.  the  district  of  Zin;  but  this  appears  to  be 
only  conjecture,  and  has  no  supiwrt  from  ISISS. 
A  place  of  this  name  is  mentioned  in  the  Talmud 
(gee  Heland,  p.  722)  as  famous  for  wheat,  which  is 
•till  grown  in  large  quantities  in  this  neighbor- 
bood.  Gr. 

*  Dr.  Thomson  {Larul  and  Boole,  ii.  8)  found  a 
heap  of  shapeless  ruins  about  2  miles  north  of  Tell 
num.,  known  among  the  natives  as  Chorazy.  "  Tlie 
name  is  nearly  the  Arabic  for  (Jhorazui,  and  the 
ntuatim  just  where  wc  might  expect  to  find  Clio- 
razhi."  Discoveries  more  recently  made  have 
gtrengihened  this  presumption  from  the  name  and 
position  of  Chornzy.  Mr.  Grove,  speaking  of  the 
excavations  by  Messrs.  Wilson  and  Anderson,  says: 
"The  ruins  of  Chorazin  at  Kernzek"  (so  he 
writes  the  word),  "turn  out  to  be  far  more  im- 
portant than  was  previously  suspected ;  they  cover 
%  much  larger  extent  of  ground  than  TeU  Hum, 
ind  many  of  the  private  houses  are  almost  perfect, 
with  the  exception  of  the  roofs ;  the  openings  for 
doors  and  windows  remaining  in  some  cases.  AH 
the  buildings,  including  a  synagogue  or  church  [?], 
•re  of  >»a8alt,  and  it  is  not  till  one  is  right  in 
UDong  them  that  one  sees  clearly  what  they  are; 


CHRISTIAN 

50  or  100  yards  off  they  look  nothing  more  tlwn  tM 
rough  heaps  of  basaltic  stones  so  common  ut  thit 
country  "  (Allienaum,  Feb.  24, 18GG,  p.  278).   H. 
*   CHOSAME'US.     [See   Slmo.n    Ciiosa- 

M.KUS.] 

CHOZE'BA  (S?:'^  [hjlno,  fahey.  Xu>^rtfii: 
[Vat  'iaixi)^'-]  *■''■'  ^neruladl).  'Jlie  "men  of 
Chozeba  "  are  named  (1  Chr.  iv.  22)  amongst  the 
descendants  of  Shelah  the  son  of  .ludah.  Tlie 
name  does  not  reapjitar,  but  it  is  sufhciently  like 
CiiKziK  (and  esiMxially  the  reading  of  the  Samar- 
itan Codex  of  that  name)  to  suggest  that  the  two 
rel'er  to  the  same  place,  that,  namely,  elsewhere 
ctdled  A(;ii/in,  at  which  place  Shelah  w:is  bom. 
(The  Vulgatj  version  of  this  passage  is  worth  nn- 
ticc).  0. 

CHRIST.     [Jksus.] 

CHRISTIAN  {Xoiariav6s  :  aHttianus). 
Tlie  disciples,  we  are  told  (Acts  xi.  26),  were  first 
called  Christians  at  Antioch  on  the  Orontes,  some- 
where about  A.  1).  43.  The  name,  and  the  place 
where  it  was  confeired,  are  both  significant.  It  is 
clear  that  the  apiM'llation  "  Christian "  was  one 
which,  though  eagerly  adopted  and  gloried  in  by 
the  early  followers  of  Christ,  could  not  have  been 
imposed  by  themselves.  They  were  known  to  each 
other  as  brethren  of  one  family,  as  disciples  of  the 
same  Master,  as  believ'ers  in  the  same  faith,  and  as 
distinguished  by  the  s;ime  endeavors  after  holiness 
and  consecration  of  life;  and  so  were  called  brethren 
(Acts  XV.  1,  23;  1  Cor.  vii.  12),  dUciples  (Acts  ix. 
2S,  xi.  23),  believers  (Acts  v.  14),  snints  (Kom.  viii. 
27,  XV.  25).  But  the  outer  world  could  know  noth- 
ing of  the  true  force  and  significance  of  these 
terms,  which  were  in  a  manner  esoteric;  it  was 
necessary  therefore  that  the  followers  of  the  new 
religion  should  have  some  distinctive  title.  To  the 
contemptuous  Jew  they  were  Nazarenes  .and  Gali- 
leans, names  which  carried  with  them  the  infamy 
and  turbulence  of  the  places  whence  they  sprung, 
and  from  whence  nothing  good  and  no  prophet 
might  come.  Tlie  Jews  could  add  nothing  to  the 
scorn  which  these  names  expressed,  and  had  they 
endeavored  to  do  so  they  would  not  have  defiled 
the  glory  of  their  Messiah  by  applying,  his  title  to 
those  whom  they  could  not  but  regard  as  tlie  fol- 
lowers of  a  pretender.  The  name  "  Christian," 
then,  which,  in  the  only  other  cases  where  it  ap- 
pears in  the  N.  T.  (Acts  xxri.  28;  1  Pet.  iv.  16: 
comp.  Tac.  Ann.  xv.  44),  is  used  contemptuously, 
could  not  have  been  applied  by  the  early  disciples 
to  themselves,  nor  could  it  have  come  to  them  from 
their  own  nation  the  Jews;  it  must,  therefore, 
have  been  imposed  upon  them  by  the  Gentile  world, 
and  no  place  could  have  so  appropriately  giAcn  rise 
to  it  as  Antioch,  where  the  first  Church  was  planted 
among  the  heathen.  It  was  manifest  by  the 
preaching  of  tlie  new  teachers  that  they  were  dis- 
tinct from  the  Jews,  so  distinct  as  to  be  remarked 
by  the  heathen  themselves ;  and  as  no  name  was 
so  frequently  in  their  mouths  as  that  of  (Jhrist," 
the  Messiah,  tlie  Anointed,  the  people  of  Antioch. 
ever  or.  the  alert  for  a  gibe  or  mocking  taunt,  and 
taking  Christ  to  be  a  proper  name  and  not  a  titW 
of  honor,  called  his  followers  Xpiffriavol,  Christians 
the  partisans  of  Christ,  just  as  in  the  early  strug 
gles  for  the  Ilmpire  we  meet  with  the  Caefariani 
I'ompeiani,  and  Octaviani.    'ITie  I^tin  form  of  thi 

a  «  Christ,"  and  not  « Jeans,"  Is  the  term  mo* 
commonly  applied  to  our  Lord  In  the  Epistlea 


CHRONICLES 

nme  ia  what  would  be  expected,  for  Anfiocli  had 
loii(»  lioeii  a  Koman  city.  Its  inhabitants  were 
eelel)rated  for  tlieir  wit  and  a  pro|)ensity  for  con- 
ferriiio;  nicknames  (I'rocop.  Pcrs.  ii.  8,  p.  105). 
The  Kniixiror  Julian  himself  was  not  secure  from 
their  jests  (Amm.  Marc.  xxii.  14).  Apollonius  of 
Tyana  was  driven  from  the  city  by  the  insults  of 
the  inhabitants  (I'hilostr.  I'it.  Apoll.  iii.  IC).  Their 
wit  Iiowever,  was  often  harmless  enough  (Lucian, 
/)e  iS  (&'(<.  7G),  and  tliere  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
tliat  the  name  "Christian  "  of  itself  was  intended 
as  a  term  of  scurrility  or  abuse,  though  it  would 
naturally  he  used  with  contempt. 

Suidas  (.s.  V.  Xptarriavoi)  says  tlie  name  was  given 
in  the  reign  of  Claudius,  when  I'eter  appointed 
livodius  l)isliop  of  Antioch,  and  they  who  were  for- 
merly called  Nazarenes  and  Galileans  had  their 
name  changed  to  Christians.  According  to  Ma- 
lalas  {Clinmof/.  x.)  it  was  changed  by  Kvodias  him- 
self, and  William  of  Tyre  (iv.  'J)  has  a  story  tliat  a 
g}-nod  was  held  at  Antioch  for  the  purpose.  Igna- 
tius, or  the  author  of  the  I'-pistle  to  the  Magne- 
sians  (c.  x.),  regards  the  proi)hecy  of  Isaiah  (Ixii. 
2,  12)  as  first  fulfilled  in  Sjxia,  when  Peter  and 
Paul  founded  the  Church  at  Antioch.  But  rea- 
Bons  have  already  been  given  why  the  name  did 
not  originate  within  the  Church. 

Another  form  of  the  name  is  Xprjo-riavol,  aris- 
ing from  a  false  etymology  (I^ct.  iv.  7;  Tertullian, 
Apol.  c.  3;  Suet.  Cluud.  25),  by  which  it  was  de- 
rived from  ;cp7j(7T({s.  W.  A.  W. 

CHRONICLES,  First  and  Second  Books  of 
(in  Ileb.  C^^H  ^|}3"T  :  verba  dierum^sa  Jerome 
translates  it,  and  sermones  dierum,  as  Hilar.  Pictav. 
in  Wolf,  but  rather  acta  dierum  ;  journals,  or  dia- 
ries, t.  e.  the  record  of  the  daily  occuirences),  the 
name  originally  given  to  the  record  made  by  the 
appointed  historiographers  in  the  kingdoms  of  Israel 
and  Judah.  In  the  LXX.  these  books  are  called 
TlapaXetiro/ifuuv  irpwrov  and  ^ivrepov,  which  is 
understood,  after  Jerome's  explanation,  as  meaning 
that  they  are  supplementary  to  the  books  of  Kings. 
The  Vulgate  retiiins  both  the  Hebrew  and  Greek 
name  in  Latin  cliaracters,  Dcibve  jnmim,  or  ha- 
Jamim,  and  Purali/ioinenon.  Jerome  tells  us  {nd 
Domnion.  el  Rofj'it'nn.)  that  in  his  time  they 
formed  only  one  Ijook  in  the  Hebrew  JISS.,  but 
had  been  divided  by  the  Christian  churches  using 
the  LXX.  for  convenience,  on  account  of  their 
length.  In  his  Ep.  to  Paulinus,  he  thus  further 
explains  the  name  I'arcdi/Kinienon^  and  eulogizes  the 
book.  "  Paralipomenon  liber,  id  est  Instrum.  Vet. 
epitome,  tantus  ac  talis  est,  ut  absque  illo  si  quis 
gcientiain  Scripturarum  sibi  voluerit  arrogare,  seip- 
Bum  irrideat.  Per  suigula  quippe  nomina  junctu- 
rasque  verborum,  et  prietermissiE  in  Kegum  libris 
tanguntur  historiae,  et  innumerabiles  explicantur 
Evangelii  quajstiones."  The  name  Chronica,  or 
Chroniciiniin  liber,  which  is  given  in  some  copies 
of  the  Vulgate,  and  from  whence  we  derive  our 
English  name  of  "  Chronicles,"  seems  to  be  taken 
Broni  Jerome's  saying  in  his  Prolotjus  r/aleatiis, 
"  Dibre  hajamin,  i.  e.  verba  dierum :  quod  signifi- 
eantius  Chronicon  totius  divjiae  historiae  possumus 


CHRONICLES 


42& 


appcUare.*'  It  was  possibly  suggested  to  him  bj 
his  having  translated  the  Chronica  of  Eusebius  into 
Latin.  I^ter  Latin  writers  have  given  them  tha 
name  of  Kphemeridum  libri.  The  constant  tratli- 
tion  of  the  Jews,  in  wliich  they  have  been  followed 
by  the  great  mass  of  Christian  commentators,  ia 
that  these  books  were  for  the  most  part  compiled 
i)y  lizra ;  "  and  the  one  genealogy,  that  of  Zerub- 
babol.  which  comes  down  to  a  later  time,''  is  no  ob- 
jection to  this  statement,  without  recurring  to  the 
strange  notion  broached  by  the  old  comnientJitor^, 
and  even  sanctioned  by  Dr.  Davidson  (in  Kitto'i 
Cycl.  of  BiU.  Lit.,  art.  Chronicles),  that  the  knowl- 
edge of  these  generations  was  conununicated  to 
lizra  by  inspiration.  In  fact,  the  internal  evidence 
as  to  the  time  when  the  book  of  Chronicles  waa 
compiled,  seems  to  tally  remarkably  with  the  tradi- 
tion concerning  its  authorship.  Notwithstanding 
this  agreement,  however,  the  authenticity  of  Chron- 
icles has  been  vehemently  impugned  by  De  Wette 
and  other  German  critics,^  whose  arguments  have 
been  successfully  refuted  by  Dahler,  Keil,  Moverj, 
and  others.  It  has  been  clearly  shown  that  the 
attack  was  grounded  not  upon  any  real  marks  of 
spuriousness  in  the  books  themselves,  but  solely 
upon  the  desire  of  the  critics  in  question  to  remove 
a  witness  whose  evidence  was  fatid  to  their  faxorite 
theory  as  to  the  post-Babylonian  origin  of  the  books 
of  Moses.  If  the  accounts  in  the  books  of  Chron- 
icles of  the  courses  of  priests  and  Levites,  and  the 
ordinances  of  divine  service  as  arranged  by  David, 
and  restored  by  Hezekiah  and  Josiah,  are  genuine, 
it  necessarily  follows  that  the  Levitical  law,  as  set 
forth  in  the  Pentateuch,  was  not  invented  after  the 
return  from  the  Captivity.  Hence  the  successful 
vindication  of  the  authenticity  of  Chronicles  has  a 
very  important  bearing  upon  many  of  the  very 
gravest  theological  questions.  As  regards  the  plan 
of  the  book,  of  which  the  book  of  Ezra  is  a  contin- 
uation, forming  one  work,  it  becomes  apparent  im- 
mediately [as  soon  as]  we  consider  it  as  the  compi- 
lation of  Ezra,  or  some  one  nearly  contcm[)orary 
with  him.  One  of  the  greatest  difticulties  connected 
with  the  Captivity  and  the  return  must  have  been 
the  maintenance  of  that  genealogical  distribution 
of  the  lands  which  yet  was  a  vital  point  of  the 
Jewish  economy.  Accordingly  it  appears  to  have 
been  one  to  which  both  lizra  and  Js'ehemiah  gave 
their  earnest  attention,  as  David,  Hezekiah,  and 
other  kings,  had  done  before  them.  Another  dif- 
ficulty intimately  connected  with  the  former  was 
the  maintenance  of  the  temple  services  at  Jerusa- 
lem. This  could  only  be  effected  by  the  residence 
of  the  priests  and  Levites  in  Jerusalem  in  the  order 
of  their  courses :  and  this  residence  was  only  prac- 
ticable in  case  of  the  payment  of  the  appointed 
tithes,  first-fruits,  and  other  offerings.  Immedi- 
ately [as  soon  as]  these  ceased  the  priests  and  Le- 
vites were  obliged  to  disperse  to  their  own  xiilages 
to  obtain  u  livelihood,  and  the  temple  services  were 
neglected.  But  then  again  the  registers  of  the 
Ixvitical  genealogies  were  necessary,  in  order  that 
it  might  lie  known  who  were  entitled  to  such  and 
such  allowances,  as  porters,  as  singers,  as  priests, 
and  so  on ;  because  all  these  offices  went  by  fami- 


o  As  fir  as  2  Chr.  xxi.  2,  says  the  Bava  Batfira,  as 
^xplaitied  by  II.  Gedaliali,  and  by  Buxtorf.  See  U'olf. 
Bi6.  li'h}.  vol.  ii.  p.  82. 

b  lor  an  explanation  of  Zerubbabel's  genealogy  in 

Chr.  iii.  see  Geneal.  of  our  LorrJ,  by  Lord  A.  llervey,  I  that  Uioy  were  compiled  after  Judas  Maaabaua  (p.  9) 
^   97  S.      But  even   if  this  explauatiou  is  not  ao-l 


cepted,  there  is  no  di.'ScuIty.  The  hand  which  added 
Neh.  xii.  10,  11,  21.  23,  might  equaUy  have  added 
1  Chr.  iii.  22-24. 

c  Keil  says  that  Spinoza  led  the  way,  by  suggesting 


430 


CHRONICLES 


Im;   and  agnin  the  payment  of  the  tithes,  first- 
fruits,  .Vc,  was  iloiiendeiit  iii)on  the  diHereiit  fiuui- 
(ies  of  Isiiiel  l)eing  cstalilished  each  in  iiis  inht-rit- 
liice.    Oliviously  therefore  one  of  the  most  jjressing 
*ants  of  the  Jewish  coniuiuiiity  after  their  return 
from  l{al)yl<>n  woukl  be  trusty  f;enealogical  records, 
and  if  there  were  any  such  in  existence,  tlie  arranj^e- 
ment  and  pnlilication  of  them  would  be  one  of  tlie 
greatest  seivices  a  jierson  in  Iv.ra's  situation  could 
confer.    IJut  further,  not  only  hatl  Zerubbabel  (Iv.r. 
Hi.,  v.,  vi.),  and  after  him  I'lzraand  Nehemiah  (ilzr. 
li.,  viii.;  Nelj.  vii.,  viii.)  labored  most  earnestly,  in 
the  teeth  of  immense  ditticulties,  to  restore  the  tem- 
ple and  the  public  worship  of  God   there  to  the 
condition  it  hatl  been  in  under  the  kinijs  of  Judali; 
but  it  appears  clearly  from  their  policy,  an<l  from 
Uie  lani;ua:;e  of  the  contemiwrary  prophets,  llai;j;ai 
and  Zechariah.  that  they  had  it  nmch  at  heart  to 
re-uifuse  somethinj?  of  national  life  and  spirit  into 
Uie  hesirt  of  the  jHJople,  and  to  make  them  feel  that 
Uiey  wei-e  still  the  inheritors  of  God's  c("enante<l 
mercies,  and  that  the  Captivity  had  only  tenijKjrarily 
InteiTupted,  not  dried  up,   the   stream   of  God's 
favor  to  their  nation.     Now  nothhij;  coukl  more 
eftectuaily  aid  these  pious  and   patriotic   desijjns 
than  setting  Move  the  people  a  conii)endious  liis- 
tory  of  the  kingdom  of  David,  which  sliould  em- 
brace a  full  account  of  its  prosperity,  should  trace 
the  sins  which  led  to  its  overtlirow,  but  sliould  carry 
the  thread  through  the  i)eriod  of  the  Capti\ity,  and 
contuiue  it  as  it  were  unbroken  on  the  otlier  side; 
and  those  pjissages  in  their  fonner  history  would 
be  esi)ecially  imi)ortant  which  exhibited  their  great- 
est and  best  kings  as  engaged  in  building  or  restor- 
ing the  temple,  in  reforming  all  corruptions  in  re- 
ligion, and  zeivlously  regulating  the  services  of  tlie 
house  of  God.     As  regards  the  kingdom  of  Israel 
or  Samaria,  seeing  it  had   utterly  and  hopelessly 
passed  away,  and  that  the  existing  inhabitants  were 
jmoiig  the  bitterest    "adversaries  of  Judah  and 
Benjamin,"  it  would  natiuully  engage  very  little 
of  the  comjiiler's  attention.     These  considenitions 
explain  exactly  the  plan  and  sco\xt  of  that  histor- 
ical work  which  consists  of  the  two  books  of  Cliron- 
ides  and  the  book  of  I-^ra.     For  after  having  in 
the  first  eight  chapters  given  the  genealogical  divis- 
ions and  settlements  of  the  various  tribes,  the  com- 
piler marks  distinctly  his  own  age  and  his  own 
purpose,  by  informing  us  in  ch.  ix.  1  of  the  dis- 
turbance of  those  settlements  by  the  liabybnish 
Captivity,  and,  in  the  following  verses,  of  the  partial 
•iteration  of  them  at  the   return  from  Haiiylon 
2-24);   and  that  this  list  refers  to  the  families 
vho  had  returned  from  Babylon  is  clear,  not  only 
frcn:  the  context,  but  from  its  re-insertion,  Neh.  xi. 
ff-22,<»  with  additional  matter  evidently  extractetl 
from  the  public  archives,  and  relating  to  times  sub- 
sequent to  the  return  from  Babylon,  extending  to 
Neh.  xii.  27,  where  Nehemiali's  narrative  is  again 
resumed  in  continuance  with  Neh.  xi.  2.     Having 
thus  shov/n  tJie  retstablishment  of  the  returned 
families,  each  in  their  own  inheritance  according  to 
the  houses  of  their  fathers,  the  compiler  proceeds 
to  the  other  part  of  his  jdan,  which  is  to  give  a 
wntinuous  history  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  from 
Dand  to  his  owni  times,  intreduced  by  the  closing 
icene  of  Saul's  life  (ch.  x.),  which  intnxluction  is 
Itself  prefaced  by  a  genealogy  of  the  house  of  Saul 
(ii.  3!>-44),  extracted  from  the  genealogical  tables 


a  Compare  alw>  1  Chr.  ix.  19,  with  £zr.  ii.  42,  Neb. 
B.46. 


CHRONICLES 

drawn  np  in  the  reign  of  king  ITezekiah,  a>  !•  at 
once  manifest  by  counting  the  li  or  14  gensrationa 
from  Jonathan  to  the  sons  of  Azel  inclusive,  ex- 
actly con^'siwnding  to  the  14  from  David  to  llez- 
ekiah  inclusive.  'J'hls  i)art  of  the  plan  extendi 
from  1  Chr.  ix.  35  to  the  end  of  the  book  of  Ezn 
1  Chr.  xv.-xvii.,  xxii.-xxix.;  2  Chr.  xiii.-xv.,  xxiv. 
xxvi.,  .xxix.-xxxi.  and  xxxv.,  ai-e  among  the  passages 
wholly  or  in  iKirt  peculiar  to  the  books  of  Chron- 
icles, which  mark  tiie  purpose  of  the  conijiiler,  and 
are  esi)ecially  suitetl  to  the  age  and  the  work  of 
ICzra.  Many  Chaldai.siiis  in  the  language  of  these 
books,  the  resemblance  of  the  style  of  Cliron.  to 
that  of  Ijsra,  which  is,  in  |)arts,  avowedly  I'::zra'8 
comjiosition,  the  reckoning  by  Darics  (1  Chr.  xxix. 

7),  as  most  explain  C'l^l^K,  as  wdl  as  the 
breaking  off  of  the  narrative  in  the  lifetime  of 
ICzra,  are  among  other  valid  anruments  by  which 
the  authorship,  or  nitlier  compilation  of  1  and  2 
Chr.  and  I'Lzr.  is  vindicated  to  llzra.  As  regards 
the  materitU  iLsed  by  him,  and  the  smtrcvs  of  his 
iiiforniation,  they  are  not  ditlicult  to  discover.  The 
genealogies  are  obviously  traii.scrib«l  from  some 
register,  in  which  were  presened  the  genealogies 
of  the  tril)C3  and  families  drawn  up  at  different 
times,  'i'liis  appears  from  the  very  different  ages 
at  which  different  genealogies  terminate,  indicating 
of  course  the  particular  reign  when  each  was  drawn 
up.  'i'hus  e.  (J.  the  geneidogy  of  the  descendants 
of  Sheshan  (1  Chr.  ii.  34-41)  was  drawn  up  in 
llezekiah's  reign,  since,  including  Zabad,  who  lived 
in  David's  time,  and  Azariah  in  the  time  of  Joash, 
it  ends  with  i  generation  contemporary  with  Ilcze- 
kiah  [AzAiiiAii,  No.  5J.  'J'he  line  of  tiie  high- 
priests  (1  Chr.  vi.  \-\h)  mu.st  have  been  drawn  up 
during  tlie  Captivity ;  that  in  50-53,  in  the  time  of 
David  or  Solomon;  those  of  Ileman  and  Asaph  in 
the  same  chapter  in  the  time  of  David;  that  of  the 
sons  of  Azel  (1  Chr.  viii.  ;J8)  in  the  time  of  Ileze- 
kiah:  that  of  the  sons  of  Zenibbabel  (IXJhr.  iiL 
19-24)  in  the  time  of  llzra,  and  so  on. 

The  same  wide  divergence  in  the  age  of  other 
materials  emIxKlied  in  the  books  of  Chronicles  is 
also  a])parent.  Thus  the  information  in  1'  Chr.  i. 
conceniiiig  the  kinsrs  of  lulom  before  the  reign  of 
Saul,  was  oliviously  compiled  from  very  ancient 
sources.  'I'he  same  may  be  said  of  the  incident  of 
the  slaughter  of  tiie  sons  of  ICphraim  by  the  Git» 
tites,  1  Chr.  vii.  21,  viii.  13,  and  of  the  account  of 
the  sons  of  Shela,  and  tiieir  dominion  in  Aloab, 
1  Chr.  iv.  21,  22.  The  curious  details  concerning 
the  Heubenites  and  Gadites  in  1  Chr.  v.  must  have 
been  drawii  from  conteniiwrary  documents,  em- 
bodied jirobably  in  the  genealogical  records  of  J<v 
tham  and  Jeroboiun,  while  other  reconis  used  b^ 
the  compiler  are  as  late  as  after  the  return  from 
Babylon,  such  as  1  Chr.  ix.  2  ff.;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  20 
ff. ;  and  others,  as  ]v.r.  ii.  and  iv.  6-23,  are  as  late 
as  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  and  Nehemiidi.  Hence 
it  is  further  manifest  that  the  books  of  Chronicles 
and  ICzra,  though  put  into  their  present  form  bj 
one  h.and.  contain  in  fact  extracts  from  the  vrritiiigs 
of  many  different  writers,  which  were  txlnnt  at  'Jie 
time  ihe  compiLiliati  writ  mule.  For  the  fnll  ac- 
count of  the  reign  of  David,  he  made  copious  ei 
tracts  from  the  books  of  Samuel  the  seer,  Nathan 
the  prophet,  and  Gad  the  seer  (1  Chr.  xxix.  2!)). 
For  the  reign  of  Solomon  he  copie<l  from  "the 
l)Ook  of  Nathan,"  from  "  the  prophecy  of  Ahijab 
the  Shilonite,"  and  from  "  the  visions  >f  Iddo  tin 
seer"  (2  Chr.  ix.  2Ut.      Another  wirk  of  Idds 


CHRONICLES 

Mlled    "fke    ttovy    (or    interpretation,   MlJrash, 

27TTJ2)  of  the  prophet  Iddo,"  supplied  an  account 

of  the  acts,  and  the  ways,  and  sayings  of  king 
Abijah  (xiii.  22);  while  yet  another  hook  of  Iddo 
concerning  gene:iIogies,  witli  the  lio<ik  of  the  propliet 
Shemaiah,  contained  the  acts  of  king  Hehoboam 
(xii.  15).  I'or  later  times  tlie  "  Hook  of  the  kings 
of  Israel  and  Judah"  is  rt'iieatedly  cited  (2  Chr. 
XXV.  2(5,  xxvii.  7,  xxxii.  32,  xxxiii.  18,  itc),  and 
"the  sayings  of  the  seer.s,"  or  rather  of  (Jhozai 
(xxxiii.  Id);  and  for  the  reigns  of  Uzziah  and  Hez- 
ekiah  "  the  vision  of  the  prophet  Isaiah  "  (xxvi.  22, 
xxxii.  32).  In  other  casas  where  no  reference  is 
made  to  any  hoolc  as  containing  furtlicr  information, 
it  is  probable  that  tlie  whole  account  of  such  reign 
is  transcribed.  Uesides  the  al)ove-nained  works, 
there  was  also  the  public  national  record  called 

a">.Q*n  "^  2^^.  ~li^?,  mentioned  in  Neh.  xii.  23, 

from  which  doubtless  the  present  books  took  their 
name,  and  from  which  the  genealogies  and  other 
matters  in  them  were  prol)ably  derived,  and  which 
are  alluded  to  as  having  existed  a:5  early  as  the  reign 
of  David,  1  Chr.  xxvii.  21.     The.se  "  Chronicles  of 

David,"  T]l  TJ^T^^  Cr^^T  ^^2^,  are  prob- 
ably the  same  as  the  T^^T  '''^?"7»  above  referred 

to,  as  written  by  Samuel,  Nathan,  and  Gad.  From 
this  time  the  aflairs  of  each  king's  reign  were  reg- 
ularly recorded  in  a  book  called  at  first  ^"^^1  TPP 
~!2^r',  "the  book  of  the  acts  of  Solomon"  (1 

K.  xi.  41),  by  the  name  of  the  king,  as  before  of 
David,  but  afterwards  in  both  kingdoms  by  the 

general  name  of  C^^'H  ^  O,  as  in  the  con- 
stantly recurring  formula,  —  "  Xow  the  rest  of  the 

acts  ('^"1.2"l)of  Ilehoboam,  Abijam,  etc.;  Jeroboam, 
Nadab,  &c.,  are  they  not  written  in  the  book  of 
the  Chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Judah  "  or  "of  Is- 
rael" (I  K.  xiv.  2.),  XV.  7,  &c.)V  And  this  con- 
tinues to  the  end  of  Jehoiakim's  reign,  .as  appeare 
by  2  K.  xxiv.  5;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  8.  And  it  was 
doubtless  from  this  common  source  that  the  pas^ 
sages  in  the  books  of  Sauniel  anil  Kings  identical 
with  the  books  of  Chronicles  were  derived.  AH 
these  several  works  have  perished,  but  the  most  im- 
portant matters  in  them  have  been  providentially 
preserved  to  us  in  the  Chronicles. 

As  regards  the  closing  chapter  of  2  Chr.  subse- 
quent to  V.  8,  and  the  1st  ch.  of  I'^zra,  a  compar- 
ison of  them  with  the  narrative  of  2  K.  xxiv.,  xxv., 
will  lead  to  the  conclusion  that,  while  the  writer  of 
the  narrative  in  Kiiii/s  lived  in  Judah,  and  died 
mder  the  dynasty  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  writer 
of  the  chapter  in  Clironidts  li\-eJ  at  Uabylon,  and 
survived  till  the  connnencenient  at  least  of  the  Per- 
sian dynasty.  For  this  last  writer  gives  no  details 
of  the  reigns  of  Jeholachin  or  Zedekiah,  or  the 
events  in  J  udah  subsequent  to  the  burning  of  the 
temple;  but  only  dwelling  on  the  moral  lessons 
wnnected  with  ti.i»  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  passes 
in  quickly  to  relate  the  return  from  captivity. 
Aloreover,  he  seems  to  si)eak  as  one  who  had  long 
been  a  subject  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  calling  him 
limply  "King  Nebuchadnezzar;"  and  by  the  re- 
nted use  of  the  expression  "  broufjht  him,  or  these, 
to  Babylon,"  rather  encourages  the  idea  that  the 
miter  w.as  there  bnnself.  The  first  chapter  of 
icrs  «liongly  confirms  this  view,  for  we  have  co- 


CHR0NICLE9  431 

piors  details,  not  likely  to  be  known  except  to  one 
at  liabylon,  of  the  decree,  the  presents  made  to  tha 
captives,  the  bringing  out  of  the  sacred  vesseLi,  the 
very  name  of  the  Chaldiie  trwusurer,  the  uinnber 
and  weight  of  the  vessels,  and  the  Chaldee  name 
of  Zerubbabel,  and  in  this  chapter  the  writer  speaks 
throughout  of  the  captives  'joiiiij  up  to  Jerusalem, 

and  Sheshbazzar  takiiuj  them  up  (H^pn,  as  op- 
posed to  S'^Jin).  But  with  this  clew  we  may  ad- 
vance a  little  further,  and  ask,  who  was  there  at 
Babylon,  a  prophet,  as  the  wri'er  of  sacred  aimals 
must  be,  an  author,  a  sulyect  of  Nebuchadnezzar 
and  his  sons,  and  yet  vvlio  survived  to  see  the  Per- 
sian dynasty,  to  whom  we  can  with  probability  as- 
sign this  narrative y  Surely  the  answer  will  be 
Daniel.  Who  so  likely  to  dwell  on  the  sacred  ves- 
sels taken  by  Nebucliadnezzar  (Dan.  v.  2,  23);  who 
so  likely  \o  refer  to  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah  (Dan. 
ix.2);  whosolikely  to  bewail  the  stubljornness  of  the 
people,  and  their  rejection  of  the  prophets  (Dan. 
ix.  5-8);  who  so  likely  to  possess  the  text  of  Cy- 
rus's decree,  to  know  and  record  the  name  of  the 
treasurer X Dan.  i.  3,  11);  and  to  name  Zerubbabel 
by  his  Chaldee  name  (Dan.  i.  7)V  Add  to  this, 
that  lizr.  i.  exactly  supplies  tlie  unaccountable  gap 
between  Dan.  ix.  and  x.  [I'>.I{a],  and  we  may  con- 
clude with  some  confidence  that  as  Jeremiah  wiotf 
the  closing  portion  of  the  Ixjok  of  Kings,  so  did 
Daniel  write  the  corresponding  portion  in  Chron- 
icles, and  down  to  the  end  of  l->.r  i.  lira  perhaps 
brought  this  with  him  from  Babylon,  and  made  use 
of  it  to  carry  on  the  Jewish  history  from  the  point 
where  the  old  Chronicles  failed  him.  As  regards 
the  TEXT  of  the  Chronicles, it  Is  In  parts  very  cor- 
rupt, and  has  the  appearance  of  having  been  copied 
from  MSS.  which  were  partly  effaced  by  age  or  in- 
jury. Jerome  {PntJ'.  lul  Pa  ml.)  speaks  of  the 
Creek  text  as  being  hopelessly  confuseil  In  his  days, 
and  assigns  this  as  a  reason  why  he  made  a  new 
translation  from  the  Hebrew.  However,  In  several 
of  the  differences  between  the  text  of  Chronicles 
and  the  parallel  passages  In  the  other  books,"  the 
Chronicles  preserve  the  purest  and  truest  residing, 
as  e.  g.  2  Chr.  ix.  25,  compared  with  1  !v.  iv.  26 ; 
1  Chr.  xi.  II  compared  witli  2  Sam.  xxiil.  8 ;  xii. 
12  comp.  with  2  Sam.  xxiv.  13;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  1,  3, 
8,  (fee,  comp.  with  2  K.  xv.  1,  G,  &c.  As  regards 
the  LAXGUAGK  of  these  books,  as  of  Ezra,  Nehe- 
mlah,  Esther,  and  the  Liter  prophets,  it  has  a 
marked  Chaldee  coloring,  and  Gesenlus  saj-s  of 
them,  that  "  as  literary  works  they  arc  decidedly 
Inferior  to  those  of  older  date"  {/n/rwl.  to  Ileb. 
Gram.).  The  chief  Chaldalsms  ai-e  the  use  of  cer- 
tain words  not  found  in  old  Hebrew,  as  tn^Vnn, 
]pT,  ^\'\D,  &c.,  or  of  words  in  a  diflTerent  sense,  a» 
"1QS,  n^3?,  (tc,  or  of  a  different  orthography,  as 
T'n  for  "n.Tf,  nil  for  3-),  &c.,  and  the  inter- 
change of  M  and  n  at  the  end  and  at  the  beginning 
of  words,  and  other  peculiarities  ,x)Inted  out  by  Ge- 
senlus and  others.  For  further  information  see  C. 
F.  Keil,  Apologet.  Versuch  iib.  d.  Biichev  d.  Chron- 
ik;  F.  C.  Movers,  Kritische  Unlevsuchungen  ub. 
d.  Bibl.  Chronik;  Wol/'s  Biblioth.  Utbr.;  Kitto's 


a  For  a  careful  comparison  of  the  text  of  1  Chr.  xl 
with  2  bam.  v.  and  xxiii.,  see  Dr.  Keonicott's  disan 
tatioa. 


182 


CHRONOLOGY 


Cyclop,  of  mu.  /,/7.,  art.    Chronicles,  and  other 
Jrorks  citwl  by  tJie  above-named  writers. 

A.  C.  H. 


CHRONOLOGY 


_  •  AdlUhml  Lkemlure.  —  It  would  be  unjust  to 
wntbliold  fiiiiii  the  reader  Dean  Stanley's  reprosen- 
tation  (!K  lie  undei-sUinds  it)  of  tbe  compilation  and 
ipirit  of  the  book  of  (Jbronides.      "  'J'hough  the 
latest  of  all  the  canonical  \vritin<,'8,  it  reiiresents  tlie 
workmanship  of  many  generations.     It  r&sembles 
the  structure  of  an  ancient  ciithedral,  with  frag- 
ments of  every  style  worked  into  tlie  building  as  it 
proceeded,  —  here  a  piece  of  the  most  hoary  anti- 
quity, there  a  precious  relic  of  a  lost  liynm  or  geneal- 
ogy of  some  renowned  psalmist  or  wan-ior,  —  but  all 
preserved,  and  wrought  together,  as  by  the  work- 
men of  niediivval  times,  under  the  guidance  of  the 
same  sacei-dotal  nnnd,  with  the  spirit  of  the  same 
priestly  order.     Far  below  the  prophetic  books  of 
the  Kings  in  interest  and  solidity,  it  yet  furnishes 
a  useful  coimterpart  by  filling  up  the  voids  with 
materials  which  none  but  the  peculiar  traditions 
and  feelings  of  the  Levitical  caste  could  have  sup- 
plied.    It  is  the  culminating  pohit  of  the  purely 
Levitical  system,  both  in  \vliat  it  relates,  in  what  it 
omits,  and  the  manner  of  its  relations  and  omis- 
sions" (//i.ilon/of  the  JewUli  Church,  ii.  4G1-2). 
Dillmann   has  an  article  on   the  Chronicles  in 
Herzog's   llml-luicyki.    ii.    G90-95.       Iliivernick 
{Iktmlb.  <kr  Kiiil.  in  das  Alte  Test.  ii.  284  ff.); 
Scholz   {liinl.   in  die  h.   Schiiften,  ii.  391-4C0); 
Weltc  (in  llerbst's  A'inttituvi/,  ii.  JC2-2ol);  and 
Keil  {/unl.  in  dm  Alte  Ttst.  i)p.  473-520)  furnisli 
valuable  sunnnaries  of  the  results  of  their  respective 
investigations.    See  also  De  Wette,  Kiid.,  7e  Ausg. 
1852,  pp.  2:J7-257;    ICwald,  Gesch.  d.   Volkes  hr. 
i.  244-285,  .'i"  Aufl.,  18U4;  lileek,  £inl.  in  das  A. 
T.   18(J0,  pp.  3U 1-401;  Davidson,  Jiitrod.  to  (he 
Old  Test.  ii.  47-120.  Lond.  18!J2;  Graf,  Die  ges- 
chichtl.  Biichtr  des  A.  T.  F.eipz.,  180G,  pp.  114- 
247,  comp.  the  notice  by  Bcrtheau  in  the  Jahrb. 
f.deutsche  Theol.  133G,  xi.  150  ff.;  and  Kuenen, 
Hist.  cril.  des  lin-es  de  IWncien  Test.,  trad,  par 
Pierson,  i.  442-495,  Paris,  18G6.     Of  commento- 
ries  may  be  tnentioned  IJertheau's  Die  Biicher  der 
Chronik  (ISbi),  vol.  xv.  of  the  Jixefjet.  Jfandb. 
mm  A.  T.;    Maurer's  Comment,  in  i'et.   Test.  i. 
232  ff.  (the  notes  very  meagre) ;  and  ^^'ordsworth's 
IIolij  Bible,  with  Notes,  iii.  1G7  ff.  (I80G).     The 
relation  of  the  books  of  Chronicles  to  those  of  1 
and  2  Kings  and  1  and  2  Sanmel,  both  as  to  the 
parts  conmjon  to  both  as  well  as  those  peculiar  to 
sach,  is  well  illustrated  by  this  last  writer  in  liis 
"  Introduction  to  the  Books  of  Kuigs  and  to  the 
Books  of  Chronicles,"  jjp.  vii.-xxv.     Keil  {£inleil- 
tmff,  p.  473)  refers  to  tlie  Tiibingen  Theol.  Quar- 
UiUchi-{p,  ISJl,  ii.  2;)  1-282,  as  treating  ably  of 
Uie  credibihty  and  time  of  the  composition  of  these 
wiitings       Agiunst   the  objections  raised   by  De 
Wette,  draniDcrg  and  others,  the  replies  of  K(  ppen 
iiid  of  his  editor,  Scheibel  {Die  Bibel,  ein  Werk 
ier  fjdtll.  ll'eisheit,  ii.  548  ff),  are  concise  and  to 
the  point.  H.  and  A. 

CHRONOLOGY.  I.  IxTiiODucno.N. - 
'I  he  object  of  this  article  is  to  indicate  the  present 
rtate  of  Biblical  chronology.  By  this  term  we 
Miderstand  the  technical  and  historicid  chronology 
af  the  Jfc»s  and  their  ancestors  from  the  earliest 
lime  to  the  close  of  the  New  Testament  Canon. 
The  technical  division  must  be  discussed  in  some 
letai!,  the  historical  only  as  far  as  the  return  from 
Babylou,  the  disputed  matters  of  the  period  fol- 


lowing that  event  bebig  separately  treated  in  othd 
articles. 

The  character  of  the  inquiry  may  be  made  clearer 
by  some  remarks  on  the  general  nature  of  the  sub 
ject.     Pormerly  too  great  an  exactness  was  hope«f 
lor  m  the  determination   of  Hebrew  cbronolo<ry. 
\\here  the  materials  were  not  definite  enough^to 
fix  a  date  witlun  a  few  years,  it  was  expected"  that 
the  very  day  could  be  .tscertained.     Hence  aros« 
great  unsoundness  and  variety  of  results,  which  uJ- 
tnnately  produced    a   general   feeling  of  distrust. 
At  present  critics  arc  rather  prone  to  nm  into  this 
latter  extreme  and  to  treat  this  subject  as  altogether 
vague  and  uncertain.     The  truth,  as  might  be  ex- 
pected, lies  between  these  two  extreme  judgment*. 
nxe  character  of  the  records  whence  we  draw  our 
mformation  forbids  us  to  lioi)e  for  a  complete  sys- 
tem.    The  IHble  does  not  give  a  complete  his- 
tory of  the  times  to  which  it  refers:  in  its  histor- 
ical portions  it  deals  with  si)ccial  and  detached  pe- 
riods.    The  chronological  information  is,  therefore, 
not  absolutely  continuous,  although  often,  with  the 
evident  purpose  of  forming  a  kind  of  connection 
between  these  difierent  portions,  it  has  a  more  con- 
tinuous character  than  might  have  been  expected. 
It  is  rather  historical  than  strictly  chronological  in 
its  character,  and  thus  the  technical  part"  of  the 
subject  depends,  so  far  as  the  Bible  is  concerned, 
almost  wholly  upon  inference.     It  might  be  sup- 
posed that  the  accuracy  of  the  information  would 
compensate  in  some  degree  for  its  scantiness  and 
occasional  want  of  continuity.     This  was,  doubt- 
less, originally  the  case,  but  it  has  suflered  by  de- 
signed alteration  ajid  by  the  carelessness  of  copyists. 
It  is,  therefore,  of  the  highest  moment  to  ascertain, 
as  far  as  i^ssible,  what  are  the  indications  of  alter- 
ations by  design,  and  the  character  of  the  data  in 
which  they  occur,  and  also  what  class  of  data  has 
been  shown  to  have  suffered  thmugh  the  carelessness 
of  copyists.     Designed  alteration  of  numbers  has 
only  been  detected  in  the  two  genealogical  lists  of 
Abraham's  ancestors  in  (Jenesis,  in  which  the  char- 
acter of  the  differences  of  the  Hebrew  text,  the  Sep- 
tuagint,  and  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  is  such  as  to 
indicate  separate  alteration  by  design  of  two  out  of 
the  three  records.     The  object  of  these  alterations 
may  have  been  either  to  shorten  or  to  lengthen  the 
chronology.    AVith  the  same  purpose  alterations  may 
may  have  been  made  in  the  prominent  detached  large 
numbei-s  in  the  Old  TesUiment,  and  even  in  the 
smaller  numbers,  when  forming  part  of  a  series,  or, 
in  either  case,  in  the  accompanying  words  determin- 
ing the  historical  jjlace  of  these  numbers.    Hence 
there  is  grciit  \ahie  in  independent  e\idence  in  the 
New  Testament  and  in  incidental  evidence  in  tht 
Old.    Of  the  former  cl.ass  are  St.  Pauls  mentions  of 
the  period  of  the  .Judges,  and  of  tliat  from  the  prom- 
ise to  Abraham  until  the  ILxodus,  espccisdly  consid- 
ered in  connection  with  his  speaking  of  the  duration 
of  Saul's  reign,  as  to  which  the  Hebrew  Scripturet 
are  silent.    Of  the  latter  class  are  such  statement*  06 
Jephthah's  of  the  300  years  that  the  Israelites  htul. 
held  the  country  of  the  Amorites  before  his  days, 
and  the  indications  of  time  afJbnled  by  the  growth  of 
a  tribe  or  family,  and  changes  in  national  character 
and  habits,  which  indications,  from  their  i-equiring 
careful  study  and  acute  criticism,  have  been  greatlv 
neglected.    The  evidence  of  the  genealogies  without 
numbers  is  weakened  not  so  much  by  designed  al- 
teration,  of   which   the   presence    of    the   second 
Cainan  in  two  lists  affords  the  only  positive  in 
stances,  but  by  the  abundant  indications  they  shov 


CHRONOLOGY 

of  the  carelessness  of  copyists.  Their  very  nature 
also  rendei"3  them  guides  to  which  we  cannot  tru^t, 
since  it  appeal's  that  they  may  be  in  any  case  broken 
without  being  tecliitically  iiniwrfect.  Even  were 
this  not  tiie  case,  it  must  be  proved,  before  they  can 
be  made  tlie  grounds  of  chronological  calculation, 
that  the  length  of  man's  life  and  the  time  of  man- 
hood were  always  what  they  now  are,  and  even  then 
the  result  could  only  be  approximative,  and  when 
the  steps  were  few,  very  uncertain.  This  inquiry 
therefore  deuiands  the  greatest  caution  and  judg- 
ment. 

II.  Tectinical  Chronology.  —  The  technical 
piirt  of  Hebrew  chronology  jiresents  great  difficul- 
ties. The  Miblical  information  is  almost  wholly  in- 
ferential, a/though  in  many  cases  tlie  inferences  to 
be  drawn  are  of  a  very  po.siti\e  nature,  not  always 
absolutely,  but  in  their  historical  a[)[)lication.  For 
instance,  although  the  particular  nature  of  each 
year  of  the  common  kind  —  for  there  appear  to  have 
been  two  years  —  cannot  be  fixed,  yet  the  general 
or  average  character  of  all  can  l)e  determmed  with  a 
great  approach  to  exactness.  In  this  part  we  may 
use  with  more  than  ordinary  confidence  the  evidence 
of  the  earlier  liabbinical  commentators,  who,  in  such 
matters,  could  scarcely  l>e  ill-informe<l.  They  lived 
near  to  the  times  at  wliicli  all  the  .lewish  observances 
connected  with  the  calendar  were  strictly  kept  in 
the  country  for  wiiich  they  were  framed,  and  it  has 
not  been  sliown  that  they  had  any  motive  for  mis- 
representation. We  can,  however,  make  no  good 
use  of  our  materials  if  we  do  not  ascertain  what 
character  to  exiiect  in  Hebrew  technical  chronology. 
There  is  no  rciTSon  to  look  for  any  great  change, 
either  in  the  way  of  advance  or  decline,  although 
it  seems  probable  that  tlie  patriarchal  division  of 
time  was  somewhat  ruder  than  that  established  in 
connection  with  the  I^w,  and  th.at,  after  the  time 
of  Moses  until  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom, 
but  little  attention  was  paid  to  science.  In  our 
endeavor  to  ascertain  how  much  scientific  knowl- 
edge the  patriarchs  and  Israelites  are  likely  to  have 
had,  we  must  not  exjiect  cither  the  accuracy  of 
modern  science  or  the  inaccuracy  of  modern  igno- 
rance. As  to  scientific  knowledge  connected  with 
chronology,  particularly  tiiat  of  astronomy,  the 
cases  of  the  ICgyptians  and  the  Chaldees  will  assist 
us  to  form  a  judgment  with  resf)ect  to  the  Hebrews. 
These  livst,  however,  we  must  remember,  had  not 
the  same  advantage  of  being  wliolly  settled,  nor  the 
game  inducements  of  national  religions  connected 
with  the  lieavenly  bodies.  The  Arabs  of  the  desert, 
&t)m  somewhat  before  the  time  of  Mohammed  — 
ihat  is,  as  far  as  our  knowledge  of  them  in  this 
lespect  extends — to  the  present  lay,  afford  the  best 
parallel.  We  do  not  find  them  to  have  been  a 
mathematical  people  or  one  given  to  chronological 
ecmputation  <Ie])ending  on  astronomy,  but  to  have 
r^ulated  their  calendars  by  observation  alone.  It 
might  have  been  expected  that  their  observations 
vould,  from  their  constant  recurrence,  have  acquired 
an  extraordinary  delicacy  and  gradually  given  place 
to  computations;  but  such  we  do  not  find  to  have 
been  the  case,  and  these  observations  are  not  now 
more  accui'ate  than  would  be  the  earlier  ones  of 
any  series  of  the  kind.  The  same  characteristics 
appear  to  have  been  those  of  the  scientific  knowl- 
edge and  practice  of  the  Hebrews.  AVe  have  no 
reason  for  supposing  that  they  had  attained,  eithef 
by  discovery  or  by  the  instruction  of  foreigners. 
even  in  indi^i(lual  cases,  to  a  high  knowledge  of  | 
mathematics  or  accuracy  of  chronok^ical  computa- 1 


CHKONOLOG'S 


433 


tion  at  any  period  of  their  history.  In  these  par- 
ticulars it  is  probable  that  they  were  always  far 
below  the  Egyi)tians  and  the  Cha'dees.  But  there 
is  sufficient  evidence  that  they  were  not  inattentive 
observers  of  the  heavens  in  the  allusions  to  stars 
and  constellations  as  well-known  objects.  AVe  may 
therefore  expect,  in  the  case  of  the  Hebrews,  that 
wherever  observation  could  take  the  place  of  com- 
putation it  would  be  employed,  and  that  its  ac- 
curacy would  not  be  of  more  than  a  mwlerate 
degree.  If,  for  instance,  a  new  moon  were  to  be 
obser\ed  at  any  town,  it  would  be  known  within 
two  days  when  it  might  be  first  seen,  and  one  of 
the  clearest-sighted  men  of  the  [)lace  would  ascend 
to  an  eminence  to  look  for  it.  This  would  be  done 
throughout  a  period  of  centuries  witliout  any  close 
average  for  computation  being  obtained,  since  the 
ob.servations  would  not  be  kept  on  record.  So  also 
of  the  rising  of  stai-s  and  of  the  times  of  the  equi- 
noxes. These  probable  conclusions  as  to  the  ira- 
port;\iice  of  obser\ation  and  its  degree  of  accuracy 
must  l)e  kept  in  view  in  examining  this  section. 

15efore  noticing  the  divisions  of  time  we  must 
spesik  of  giMiealogies  and  generations. 

It  is  commonly  supjwsed  that  the  genealogies 
given  in  the  ISible  are  mostly  continuous.  AVhcn, 
however,  we  come  to  examine  them  closely,  we  find 
that  many  are  broken  without  Ijeing  in  consequence 
tecliniatlfi/  defective  as  Hebrew  genealogies.  A 
motiern  ]>edigree  thus  broken  would  be  defective, 
but  the  principle  of  these  genealogies  must  have 
lieeii  different.  A  notable  instance  is  that  of  the 
geiietdogy  of  our  Saviour  given  by  St.  Matthew. 
In  this  genealogy  Joram  is  immediately  followed  by 
O/.ias,  iis  if  his  son  —  Ahaziah,  .loash,  and  .\maziah 
iteing  omittetl  (Matt.  i.  8).  That  this  is  not  an 
accidental  omission  of  a  copyist  is  evident  from  the 
sfiecification  of  the  number  of  generations  from 
Abraham  to  David,  from  David  to  the  Hal)y!onisL 
Captivity,  and  fi-om  the  Babylonisli  Captivity  to 
Christ,  in  each  case  fourteen  generatioin.  Prob- 
ably these  missing  names  were  purijosci.i'  left  out 
to  make  tlie  number  for  the  interval  equal  to  that 
of  the  other  intervals,  such  an  omission  being  ob- 
vious and  not  liable  to  cause  error.  In  Ivia's  gen- 
ealogy (Kzr.  vii.  1-5)  there  is  a  similar  omission, 
which  in  so  fapious  a  line  can  scarcely  be  attributed 
to  the  carelessness  of  a  copyist.  There  are  also 
exain])les  of  a  man  being  calle<l  the  son  of  a  remote 
ancestor  in  a  statement  of  a  genealogical  form,  aa 
the  following:  "  Shebiiel  the  son  of  Gershon  [(ier- 
shom],  the  son  of  Closes"  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  24),  where 
a  contenipoi-ary  of  David  is  pLaced  in  the  siinie  re- 
lation to  Gershom  the  son  of  Mosas,  as  the  latter 
is  to  Moses  himself.  That  these  are  not  exceptional 
instances  is  evident  fi-om  the  occurrence  of  exampks 
of  the  same  kind  in  historical  narratives.  Thus 
.Jehu  is  called  "the  son  of  Nimshi "  (1  K.  xix.  16, 
2  K.  ix.  20;  2  Chr.  xxii.  7)  as  well  as  "the  son  of 
.Jehoshaphat  the  son  of  Nimshi "'  (2  K.  ix.  2,  14) 
In  the  same  manner  I.aban  is  called  "  the  son  of 
Nahor"  (Gen.  xxix.  5),  whereas  he  was  his  grand- 
son, I.'cing  the  son  of  I?ethuel  (xxviii.  2,  h,  conip. 
xxii.  2;)-2'5).  AVe  cannot,  therefore,  venture  to  use 
the  Hebrew  genealogical  lists  to  compute  inter- 
vals of  time  except  where  we  can  prove  each  descent 
to  be  inimediato.  Ikit  even  if  we  can  do  this  we 
have  still  to  be  sure  that  we  can  determine  the 
average  lenglh  of  each  generation.  {//U/wical 
Chron<)ln</ij )  Ideler  remarks  that  IMoses,  like 
Herodotus,  reckons  by  generations.  {IlKiitlhnch,  i. 
506.)     Certainly  in  the  Pentateuch  gemratit  iw  an 


434 


CHRONOLOGY 


•oimecteil  wiUi  cbronoloajy  by  the  lengtli  of  each  in 
ft  series  lx.-iiii;  indicated,  but  tliis  is  not  tlie  uianiicr 
of  Hei-otlotus,  wlio  reckons  by  generations,  assum- 
ing an  avenige  of  tlnee  to  a  century  (ii.  1-12). 
fbere  is  no  use  of  a  genonition  as  a  division  of 
time  in  the  I'entatcuch,  unless,  with  sonic,  we  sup- 
pose that  ~i1^  in  Gen.  xv.  IG  is  so  usetl.  Tliose, 
however,  wlio  liuld  this  opinion  nial\e  it  an  interval 
of  a  hundi-e<l  years,  since  it  would,  if  a  jjcriod  of 
time,  seem  to  be  tlie  fourth  part  of  the  400  years 
of  vei-se  13:  most  ))robably,  iiowever,  tlie  meaning 
is  that  some  of  the  Iburtli  generation  shovdd  come 
forth  from  Kgypt.    [(Iknkai.ogy;  CJknkuatiox.] 

We  have  now  to  spealc  of  the  divisions  of  time, 
commencing  witii  tlie  least.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  the  ancient  Hebrews  had  any  such  di\ision 
smaller  than  an  hour. 

Hour.  —  'I'he  hour  is  supposed  to  be  mentioned 
in  Daniel  (iii.  G,  15,  iv.  10,  30,  A.  V.  l!t.  33,  v. 
5),  but  in  no  one  of  these  cases  is  a  defmito  [le- 

riod  of  time  clearly  intended  by  ^^^.J*?  ^Jp^^rj 

Sript^S  Chald.,  the  word  employed.  Tlie  %}!>- 
tians  divided  the  day  and  night  into  hours  hke  our- 
selves from  at  leait  u.  C.  cir.  121)0.  (See  Lepsius, 
Chrmwhijie  <hr  A'.;/,  i.  130.)  It  is  therefore  not 
improbable  that  the  Isi-aclitcs  were  acquainted  with 
the  hour  from  an  Ciirly  period.  The  "  suii-<lial  of 
Ahaz,"  whatever  instrument,  fixed  or  movable,  it 
may  have  been,  implies  a  division  of  the  kind.  In 
the  N.  'J",  we  lind  tlie  same  system  as  the  modem, 
the  hours  lieiiig  reckoned  I'rom  the  beginning  of  the 
Jewish  night  and  day.     [llouus.] 

Day.  —  For  the  civil  day  of  24  hours  we  find 
in  one  phce  (Dan.  \-iii.  14)  the  term  "^"2  2"!1?) 
•'evening-morning,"  hXX.  j/yx^^JM^P""  ('^*°  '"  " 
Cor.  xi.  25  A.  V.  "a  night  and  a  day").  What- 
ever may  be  the  pi-oper  meaning  of  this  Hebrew 
term,  it  cannot  be  doubted  here  to  signify  "  nights 
and  days."  The  common  word  for  day  as  distin- 
guished fi'om  night  is  also  used  for  the  civil  day,  or 
else  both  day  and  night  are  mentioned  to  avoid 
vagueness,  as  in  the  case  of  .Jonah's  "  three  days 
and  three  nights"  (.Ion.  ii.  1,  A.  V.  i.  17;  coinp. 
Matt.  xii.  40).  The  civil  day  was  divided  into 
night  and  natural  day,  the  periods  of  darkness  and 
light  (Gen.  i.  5).  It  commenced  with  night,  which 
stands  first  in  the  special  term  given  above.     The 

night,  7*^  J,  and  therefore  the  civil  d.ay,  is  generally 
held  to  have  bejiun  at  sunset.  Ideler,  however, 
while  .admitting  that  this  point  of  time  was  that  of 
the  commencement  of  the  civil  day  among  all  other 
nations  knovni  to  us,  which  followe<l  a  lunar  reck- 
oning, objects  to  the  opinion  that  this  was  the  ca.se 
with  the  .lews.  He  argues  in  favor  of  the  l;egin- 
ning  of  deep  night,  re.xsoning  that,  for  instance,  in 
the  ordaining  of  the  Day  of  Atonement,  on  the 
10th  of  the  7th  month,  it  is  said  "  in  the  ninth 
[day]  of  the  month  at  even,  from  even  nnto  even, 
shall  ye  celebrate  (IK.  rest)  your  Sabbath  "  —  (Lev. 
xxiii.  32),  where,  if  the  civil  day  l)Cgaii  at  sunset, 
It  would  have  been  said  that  they  should  commence 
the  observance  on  the  evening  of  the  lOth  day,  or 
merely  on  the  10th  day,  supposing  the  word  even- 
ing, 3"^'^  to  mean  tlie  later  p.art  of  our  afternoon. 
lie  cites,  as  probably  supix)rting  this  view,  the  ex- 

preawion  C"*'3''?l?'7  •"'•^'  "between  the  two  even- 
<BgS  "  used  of  the  time  of  ofifering  the  passover  and 


CHRONOLOGY 

the  daily  evening  sacrifice  (I-jc.  xii.  G;  Num  Ut,  \ 
xxviii.  4);  for  the  I'hiuisees,  whom  the  presiJit 
lews  follow,  took  it  to  be  the  time  between  the  0th 
iiid  11th  hours  of  the  day,  or  our  3  and  5  r.  M., 
.although  the  Samaritans  and  Kaiuites  supiiosed  it 
to  be  the  time  between  sunset  and  full  darkness, 

particularly  on  account    of   the    phrase    S133 

ttJtt^V'T'j  "when  the  sun  is  setting,"  used  in  a 
parallel  passage  (Deut.  xvi.  C)  (see  llanMuch,  i. 
482-484).  These  pa8S.ages  and  expressions  may, 
however,  be  not  unreasonably  held  to  snp])ort  the 
common  opinion  that  the  civil  day  bciran  at  sunset. 
The  tenii  "  between  the  two  evenings  "  can  scarcely 
be  supposed  to  have  originally  indicatetl  a  long  pe- 
riod :  a  special  short  period,  though  scarcely  a  point, 
the  time  of  sunset,  is  shown  to  correspoml  to  it. 
This  is  a  natural  division  between  the  late  afternoon 
when  the  sun  is  low,  and  the  exeniiig  when  his 
light  has  not  wholly  disap[>eare<l. —  the  two  evenings 
into  which  the  natural  evening  would  be  cut  by  the 
commencement  of  the  ci\il  day  if  it  l;egan  at  sun- 
set. There  is  no  difficulty  in  the  command  that 
the  observance  of  so  solemn  a  d;iy  as  that  of  atone- 
ment should  commence  a  little  before  tiie  true  be- 
ginning of  the  ci\  il  day,  that  due  piviianition  might 
lie  made  for  the  sacrifices.  In  Jiuhva,  wliere  the 
duration  of  twilight  is  very  short  at  all  times, 
the  most  natural  division  would  be  at  sunset.    The 

natural  day,  D'^"',  probably  was  held  to  commence 
at  sunrise,  morning-twilight  being  included  in  the 
last  watch  of  the  night,  according  to  the  old  as 
well  as  the  later  division ;  some,  liowe\er,  made  the 
moniing-watch  part  of  the  day.  Tour  natural  pe- 
riods, smaller  than  the  civil  day,  are  mentioned. 

These  are  3T?T??  evening,  and  "^iT?,  morning,  of 
which  there  is  frequent  mention,  and  the  less  usual 
C"in"'*,  "the  two  lights,"  as  though  "double 

light,"  noon,  and  H^'^'^^rt  TXT,  or— "rP, 
"  half  the  night,"  midnight.  No  one  of  these  with 
a  people  not  gisen  to  .istronomy  seems  to  indicate 
a  point  of  time,  but  all  to  designate  periods,  even- 
in"  and  morning  being,  however,  much  longer  than 
noon  and  midnight.     The  night  was  di\ided  into 

watches  (n'"in7::r  S).  in  the  O.  T.  but  two  an 
expressly  mentioneil,  and  we  have  to  infer  the  ex- 
istence of  a  third,  the  fii-st  watch  of  the  night." 

The  middle  watch  (ny*)  :>  F^}^  "^bt" SP)  occun 
in  Judg.  vii.  19,  where  the  connection  of  watches 
with  niilit.ary  afllurs  is  evident  —  "  And  Gideon  and 
the  hundred  men  that  [were]  with  him  went  down 
unto  the  extremity  of  the  camp  at  the  beginning 
of  the  middle  watch ;   [and]  they  had  but  set  the 

watchmen  u.^"^Tptt"n;"  and  the  morning-watch 

("irinn  PT!^^!''!)  '^  mentioned  in  Kx.  xiv.  24 
and  1  Sam.  xi.  11;  in  the  fonner  ca.se  in  the  ac- 
count of  the  pa-ssagp  of  the  l.'ed  Sea,  in  the  latter, 
in  that  of  Saul's  surprise  of  the  Aninionites  when 
he  relieved  Jabesh-gilead.  Some  IJabbins  liold  that 
there  were  four  watches  {lltimlbmh,  i.  486).  In 
the  N.  T.  four  night-watches  are  mentioned,  which 
were  probably  adopted  from  the  K'onians  as  a  mod- 
ification of  the  old  system.    AU  four  occur  togethei 

a  In  Lam.  U.  19,  nil^f^S  TS"!  of  course  r» 
fers  to,  without  absolutely  designaaus,  the  first  wat«k 


CHRONOLOGY 

Id  Mark  xiii.  35,  oif'e,  the  late  watch ;  ufffovi'-KTiov, 
midnight,  oAeKTopo^woWa,  the  cock-crowing;  and 
wfxit,  tlie  early  watch.     [L)av,  Niuut,  ^VATCll^:s 

OF   KlUllT.] 

Week  (VU;;",  a  hebdomad). —The  Hebrew 
week  was  a  j)eriod  of  seven  days  ending  with  the 
Sabbath ;  therefore  it  coidd  not  have  been  a  division 
of  the  month,  wliich  was  lunar,  without  intercaLi- 
tion.  l$ut  there  was  no  such  intercalation,  since 
the  Sabbath  was  to  be  every  seventh  day,  its  name 
is  used  for  week,"  and  weeks  are  counted  on  with- 
out any  additionid  day  or  days.  The  mention  to- 
gether of  Sabbatlis  and  new  moons  [troves  nothing 
but.  that  the  two  observances  were  similar,  the  one 
closing  the  week,  the  other  Connnencing  the  month. 
The  week,  whether  a  jteriod  of  seven  days,  or  a 
quarter  of  the  month,  was  of  connnon  use  in  an- 
tiquity. The  I^gypti.ans,  however,  were  without 
it,*  dividing  tlieir  month  of  thirty  days  into  decads 
as  did  the  Athenians.  The  Hebrew  week  there- 
fore cannot  have  been  adopted  from  Kgypt ;  [iroba 
bly  both  it  and  the  babbath  were  used  and  observed 
by  the  patriarchs.     [Wkkk;  Sauuath.] 

Month  ("t?^  W-yp,  C\p;  C^-l^).  — The 
months  by  which  the  time  is  measured  in  the  ac- 
count of  the  Hood  would  seem  to  be  of  30  days 
each,  probably  forming  a  year  of  301)  days,  for  the 
1st,  2d,  7tli,  and  10th  months  are  mentionetl  (Gen. 
viii.  13,  vii.  11,  viii.  14,  4,  5).  Ideler  contests 
this,  arguing  that  as  the  water  first  began  to  sink 
after  150  days  (and  then  had  been  15  cubits  above 
all  high  niountiiins),  it  nmst  have  sunk  for  some 
days  ere  the  Ark  coidd  have  rested  on  Ararat,  so 
that  the  second  date  must  be  more  than  150  days 
later  than  the  first  {llnmlbucli,  i.  GJ,  70,  478,  47'J). 
This  argument  depends  upon  the  meatiing  of  "  high 
mountahis,"  and  upon  the  height  of  those  —  "the 
mountains  of  Ararat"  (viii.  4),  on  which  the  Ark 
rested,  questions  connected  with  that  of  the  univer- 
sality of  the  Flood.  [NoAii.]  On  the  other  hand 
it  must  l)e  urged  that  the  exact  correspondence  of 
the  interval  to  five  months  of  30  days  each,  and  tlie 
use  of  a  yeir  of  380  days,  a  fact  strangely  ignored 
by  Ideler,  in  prophetic  passages  of  both  Testaments, 
are  of  no  slight  weight.  That  the  months  from 
the  giving  of  the  Law  until  the  time  of  the  Second 
Temjjle,  when  we  have  certain  knowledge  of  their 
character,  were  always  lunar,  appears  from  the  com- 
mand to  keep  new-moons,  and  from  the  unlike- 
lihood of  a  change  in  the  calendar.  These  lunar 
months  have  been  supposed  to  have  been  always 
jdtemately  of  2)  and  30  days.  Their  average 
length  would  of  course  be  a  lunation,  or  a  little 
(44')  alwve  2 1^  days,  and  therefore  they  would  in 
general  i)e  alternately  of  2.)  and  30  days,  but  it  is 
possible  that  occasionally  months  might  occur  of 
28  and  3 1  days,  if,  as  is  higlily  probable,  the  com- 
mencement of  e:vch  was  strictly  determined  by  olj- 
aen'ation :  that  observation  was  employed  for  this 
purpose  is  distinctly  affirmed  in  tlie  Babylonian 
Talmud  of  the  pr.octice  of  the  time  at  which  it  was 
written,  when,  however,  a  month  was  not  allowed 
U)  be  less  than  2 J,  or  more  than  30  days  in  length. 

The  first  day  of  the  month  is  called  VS'IT^,  "  new 


CHRONOLOGY 


435 


moon;"  LXX.  viofxrivia,  from  the  root  t!l?7n, 
it  wa-s  new  "  (as  to  the  jtrimary  sense  o'  which, 
see  Jbt.NTii);  and  in  speiikinij  of  tlie  first  day  of  the 
month  this  word  was  son.etimes  used  with  the  ad- 
dition of  a  number  for  the  whole  e.Kpressiou,  "  in 

such   a  month  on   the  firet  day,"  as    ICTFJ^? 

n.in    LV2 "^tt^b^S-n.      "On  the 

third  new  moon on  that  day,"  badly  ren- 
dered by  the  LXX.  ToO  5e  fxrjvhs  rod  Tpirou  .  .  . 
T-i]  rinfp-x  Tainri  (Lx.  xix.  1);  hence  the  word 
came  Ui  signify  month,  though  then  it  was  some- 
times qualified  as  D^^^  tfTH.  The  new  moon 
was  kept  as  a  sacred  festival.  [Fi:stivai-s.]  In 
the  I'entateuch,  and  Josh,,  Judg.,  an<l  Kuth,  we 
find  but  one  month  mentioned  l>y  a  s|)ecial  name, 
the  rest  being  called  acconling  to  their  order.  The 
month  with  a  special  name  is  the  fu-st,  which  ia 

called  ^''^Wn  ttJ'n'n  (LXX.  ^V  twv  viuv), 
"the  month  of  ears  of  corn,"  or  "  Aliib,"  that  ia, 
the  month  in  which  the  ears  of  coi-n  became  full  or 
ripe,  and,  on  the  IGth  day  of  wliich,  the  second 
day  of  the  fe;ist  of  unleavened  bre;ul,   ripe  ears, 

Q''DS,  were  to  be  offered  (l.ev.  ii,  14;  comp.  xxiii. 
10,  1 1, 14).  This  undoubtetl  derivation  shows  how 
monstrous  is  the  idea  that  Abib  conies  from  the 
Egyptian  Epiphi.     In  1  K.  three  other  names  of 

months  occur,  Zif,  IT,  or  VT,  the  second,  Ethanim, 

a'^^n^'S,  the  seventh,  and  Bui,  ^^3,  the  eighth. 
These  names  apjiear,  like  that  of  .\bil),  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  phenomena  of  a  tropical  year.  No 
other  names  are  found  in  any  book  prior  to  the 
Captivity,  but  in  the  books  written  after  the  return 
the  later  nomenclature  still  in  use  appears.  This 
is  evidently  of  Uabylonian  origin,  .as  the  Jews  them- 
selves affirm.     [Months.] 

Year  (n^t?).  —  It  has  been  supposed,  on  ac- 
count of  the  dates  in  the  narrative  of  the  Flood,  as 
iUready  mentioned,  that  in  Noah's  time  there  was 
a  year  of  360  dajs.  These  dates  might  indeed  be 
explained  in  accordance  with  a  year  of  3(i5  days. 
Tlie  evidence  of  the  prophetic  Scriptures  is,  however, 
conclusive  as  to  the  knowletlge  of  a  jeiir  of  the  for- 
mer length.  The  time,  times  and  an  half  of  Dan. 
(vii,  25,  xii.  7),  where  time  means  year  (see  xi.  13), 
cannot  be  doubtetl  to  lie  equivalent  expressions  to 
the  42  months  and  121i0  days  of  Ifev.  (xi.  2,  3,  xii. 
fi)  for  300X3^  =  1230;  and  30X42  =  1260. 
W'e  have  also  the  testimony  of  ancient  writere  that 
such  a  year  was  known  to  some  nations,  so  that  it 
is  almost  certain  that  the  year  of  Noah  was  of  this 
length.  The  characteristics  of  the  year  instituted 
at  the  Exodus  can  be  clearly  determined,  though 
we  cannot  absolutely  fix  those  of  any  single  year. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  essentially  trop- 
ical, since  certain  observances  connected  with  the 
produce  of  the  land  were  fixed  to  jiarticular  days. 
It  is  equally  clear  that  the  months  were  lunar,  each 
commencing  with  a  new  moon.  It  would  appeal 
therefore  that  there  must  have  been  some  mode  of 
ad"istmeut.     To  ascertain  what  this  was,  it  is  ne- 


o  Ideler  corrects  Qesonius  {Hxndwjrt.  s.  t.  nSK?) 


argument  seems  however  uuauswerable  (HanUbuch,  1 

481,  note  1). 
>»aramiiiig  that  the  usual  meaning,  "sabbath,"  1b  i      b  The  passage  of  Dion  Cassias  (xxxvii.  19),  in  ItseM 
latisfactory  lu   l>!v.  xxiii.  15.      In   the    Thes.   (s,  t),    ambiguous,  is  of  no  value  against  the  strong  uegati»» 
Kodigvr,  prgsibly  on  the  authority  of  Oesenius,  admits  I  evidence  of  the  monuments.     (See  Lepsiuf ,  Chrottolo 
9wt  the  ugoUication  ia  perhafig  "  weelc."     Ideler's  '  yte  c^er  .<^.  i.  131-138. ) 


I8G 


CHRONOLOGY 


try  first  to  decide  when  the  year  commenced. 
On  the  Kith  day  uf  the  month  Abih,  as  alre:uly 
meutiuned,  ri|ic  ears  of  corn  were  to  be  offered  as 
first-lriiits  of  the  harvest  (I^v.  ii.  H,  xxiii.  10,  11). 
The  reai)ing  of  the  barley  conniienced  tiie  har\-e.st 
(2  Sam.  xxi.  !)),  the  wheat  following  (Kuth  ii.  2-J). 
Joaophiis  exjiressly  says  that  the  oflering  was  of 
barley  (A/it.  iii.  1(1,  §  5).  It  is  therefore  necessary 
to  find  wlien  tlie  barley  becomes  ri|)e  in  I'alestine. 
According  to  tlie  observation  of  travellers  the  bar- 
ley is  riix;,  in  tlie  warmest  parts  of  tlic  conntry,  in 
the  first  days  of  .-Vpril.  The  barley-harvest  there- 
fore commences  alH)ut  half  a  niontli  after  tlie  ver- 
nal e<ininox,  so  that  tlie  j-ear  would  begin  at  about 
that  tropical  point  were  it  not  divided  into  lunar 
months.  We  may  conclude  that  the  nearest  new 
moon  about  or  after  the  equinox,  but  not  much  be- 
fore, was  chosen  as  the  commencement  of  the  year. 
Ideler,  whom  we  have  thus  far  followed,  as  to  this 
rear,  concludes  that  the  right  new  moon  was 
aliosen  through  obsenation  of  the  forwardness  of 
the  barley-cii)ps  in  the  warmer  districts  of  the 
country  {//muldiich,  i.  490).  There  is,  however, 
this  difficulty,  that  the  different  times  of  barley- 
har\'est  in  xarious  parts  would  have  been  liable  to 
cause  confusion.  It  seems,  therefore,  not  unlikely 
that  the  I  lebrews  adopted  the  surer  means  of  deter- 
mining their  new  ye;ir's  day  by  observations  of  heli- 
acal risings  or  similar  stelLar  phenomena  known 
to  mark  the  right  time  before  the  barley-harvest. 
Certaiidy  the  ancient  Egyptians  and  the  Arabs 
matle  use  of  such  means.  The  method  of  interca- 
lation can  only  have  been  tliat  which  obtained  after 
the  Captivity  —  tlie  addition  of  a  thirteenth  month, 
whene\er  the  twelfth  ended  too  long  before  the 
equinox  for  the  first-fruits  of  the  harvest  to  be 
offered  in  the  middle  of  the  month  following,  and 
the  similar  offerings  at  tlie  times  ap]X)inted.  This 
method  would  be  in  accordance  with  tlie  permission 
granted  to  postjione  the  celebration  of  the  I'iissover, 
in  the  c;ise  of  any  one  who  was  either  legally  un- 
clean or  journeying  at  a  distance,  for  a  whole  month 
to  the  14tli  day  of  the  second  month  (Num.  ix.  9- 
13),  of  which  permission  we  find  Hezekiah  to  have 
a\-ailed  himself  for  both  the  reasons  allowed,  because 
the  priests  were  not  sufficiently  sanctified,  and  the 
people  were  not  collected  (2  Chr.  xxx.  1-3,  15). 
The  later  Jews  h:ul  two  beginnings  to  the  year,  or, 
as  it  is  commonly  but  somewhat  inaccurately  said, 
two  years.  At  the  time  of  the  Second  Temple  (as 
Ideltr  admits)  these  two  beginnings  obtained,  the 
revenlh  month  of  the  civil  reckoning  being  Abib, 
the  first  of  the  sacred.  Hence  it  has  l)een  held 
that  the  institution  at  the  time  of  the  I'jcodns  was 
merely  a  change  of  commencement,  and  not  the  in- 
troduction of  a  new  year;  and  also  that  from  this 
time  there  were  the  two  beginnings.  The  former 
opinion  is  at  present  purely  hyjwthetical,  and  has 
been  too  much  mixed  up  with  the  latter,  for  which, 
on  the  contniry,  there  is  some  evidence.  The 
gtrongest  [xjuit  in  this  evidence,  although  strangely 
unnor"'Jid  by  Ideler  as  such,  is  the  circumstance 
that  the  8.abbatical  and  jubilee  years  commenced  in 
i2ie  seventh  month,  and  doubtless  on  its  first  day. 
That  the  jubilee  year  commenced  in  this  month  is 
distinctly  stated,  since  its  solemn  proclamation  was 
pn  the  10th  day  of  the  seventh  montlv,  the  Day  of 
A.to>iement  (Lev.  xxv.  9,  10);  and  as  this  year  ini- 
jiediately  followed  a  sabbatical  year,  the  latter 
must  have  commenced  in  the  same  manner.  As 
bowevur  these  were  whole  years,  it  must  bo  sup- 
pOMd  that  they  heg-ux  on  the  first  day  ol  the 


CHRONOLOGY 

month,  the  Day  of  Atonement  standing  in  tht 
same  nslation  to  their  b^inning,  and  iHirhaps  to 
the  civil  beginning  of  the  year,  as  did  the  I'assoTet 
to  the  sacred  beginning.  It  is  perfectly  clear  that 
this  would  be  the  most  convenient,  if  not  the  neoes* 
sary,  commencement  of  single  years  of  total  ccssa* 
tion  from  the  kbors  of  the  field,  since  each  jear  so 
commencing  would  comprise  the  whole  round  of 
these  occupations  in  a  regular  order  from  seed-time 
to  haiTest,  and  from  harvest  to  vintage  and  gather- 
ing of  fruit.  This  is  indeed  plain  from  the  injunc- 
tion as  to  both  Sabb.atical  and  .Jubilee  years  apart 
from  the  mention  of  the  Day  of  .\tonenient,  unlen 
we  suppose,  and  this  would  be  very  nnwarrixnt-vble, 
that  the  injunction  follows  the  order  of  the  se.uotu 
of  agriculture,  but  that  the  observance  did  not.  It 
might  seem,  at  fii-st  sight,  that  the  seventh  month 
was  chosen,  as  itself  of  a  kind  of  s.abbatical  charac- 
ter: but  this  does  not  explain  the  fact  that  Sabbat- 
ical and  .Jubilee  years  were  natural  years,  nor  would 
the  seventli  of  twelve  months  be  analogous  to  every 
seventh  year.  We  can  therefore  come  to  no  other 
conclusion  but  that  for  the  pur|x)ses  of  agriculture 
the  year  was  held  to  begin  with  the  seventh  month, 
while  the  months  were  still  reckonal  from  the 
sacred  commencement  in  Abib.  'iliere  are  two 
expressions  used  with  respect  to  the  time  of  the 
celebration  of  the  least  of  Ingathering  on  the  15th 
day  of  the  seventh  month,  one  of  which  leads  to  the 
conclusion  at  which  Me  have  just  arrived,  while  the 
other  is  in  accordance  with  it.     The  first  of  these 

speaks  of  this  feast  as  n^^^'n  nS*"2,  "in  the 
going  out "  or  end  "  of  the  year  "  (Ex.  xxiii.  16), 
and  the  second,  as  ny?''!!  n^^^ri,  "[at]  the 
change  of  the  year"  (ICx.  xxxiv.  22),  a  vague  ex- 
pression, as  far  as  we  can  understand  it,  but  one 
fully  consistent  with  the  idea  of  the  tuniing-point 

of  a  natural  year.  By  the  term  H^lpn  the 
Rabbins  denote  the  commencement  of  each  of  the 
four  seasons  into  which  their  year  is  divided  {Iland- 
bucli,  i.  550,  551).  Evidence  corroborative  of  our ' 
conclusion  is  also  afforded  by  the  similar  distinctive 
character  of  the  first  and  seventh  months  in  the 
calendar  with  respect  to  their  obsenances.  The 
one  was  distinguishe<l  by  the  Eeast  of  Unleavened 
IJre.ad  from  the  15th  to  the  21st  inclusive;  the 
otJier  by  th.at  of  Tabernacles,  from  the  15th  to  the 
22d.  There  is  besides  this  some  evidence  in  the 
special  sanctification,  above  that  of  the  ordinary 
new  moon,  of  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  month, 
which  in  the  blowing  of  tnmipets  bears  a  resem- 
blance to  the  celebration  of  the  commencement  of 
the  jubilee  year  on  the  Day  of  Atonement.  On 
these  grounds  we  hold  that  there  were  two  begin- 
nings to  the  year  from  the  time  of  the  Exodtu. 
[Yeau.] 

Seastpn. — Tlie  anc'ei  <  Hebrews  do  not  appear 
to  have  divided  their  year  into  fixed  seasons.     We 

find  mention  of  the  natural  seasons,  \  ^P,  «  sum- 
mer," and  ^"jH    "winter,"  which  are  used  for 

the  whole  year  in  the  expression  ^T.I^^  V  "^Jl  (^' 
Ixxiv.  17;  Zcch.  xiv.  8;  and  perhaps  Gen.  viii.  22) 
The  former  of  these  properly  means  the  time  of 
cutting  fruits,  and  the  latter,  that  of  gathering 
fruits;  the  one  referring  to  the  early  fruit  season, 
the  other  to  the  late  one.  Tlieir  true  significations 
are  therefore  rather  summer  and  autumn  than  sum 
mer  and  winter,     lliere  can  be  no  doubt,  however 


CHRONOLOGY 

thai  they  came  to  sijjnify  the  two  grand  divisions  | 
»f  the  year,  both  from  their  use  together  as  lae  twc 
leasons,   and   from   the  mf^ntioii   of   "the  >vinter 

house,"  '^^nnTT'S,  and  "  the  summer  house," 

y^pr*  n^2  (Am.  Ul.  15).  The  latter  evidence 
is  the  stronger,  since  the  winter  is  the  time  in 
Palestine  when  a  palace  or  house  of  different  con- 
struction would  be  needed  to  tlie  Ught  summer 
pavilion,  and  in  the  oidy  passage  besides  that  re- 
ferred to  in  which  the  wuiter-house  is  mentioned, 
we  read  that  Jehoiakim  "  sat  in  the  winter-house 
in  the  ninth  month:  "  that  is,  almost  at  mid-winter: 
"  and  [there  was  a  fire]  on  the  hearth  burning 
before  him"  (.Jer.  xxxvi.  22).  It  is  probable,  how- 
ever, that  ^!?n,  when  used  without  reference  to 
the  year,  as  in  Job  xxix.  4,  lias  its  original  significa- 
tion. The  phrase  Chl  ip,  " cold  and  heat,"  in 
Gen.  viii.  22,  is  still  more  general,  and  cannot  be 
held  to  indicate  more  than  tlie  great  alternations 
of  temperature,  which,  like  those  of  day  and  night, 
were  promised  not  to  cease.  (Comp.  Ideler,  Ilund- 
buc/i,  i.  p.  494).  There  are  two  agricultural  seasons 
of  a  more  special  character  tlian  the  preceding  hi 

their  ordinary  use.    These  arc  ^  1}J.,  "  seed-time," 

and  ~1"*V'^»  "  harvest."  Ideler  (loc.  cit.)  makes 
these  equal  to  the  foregoing  seasons  when  similarly 
used  togetlier;  but  he  lias  not  proved  this,  and  the 
passage  he  quotes  (Gen.  /.  c.)  cannot  be  held  to 
afford  any  evidence  of  the  kind,  until  some  other 
two  terms  in  it  are  proved  to  be  strictly  corres- 
pondent.    [Seasons.] 

Festivals  and  holy  days.  —  Besides  the  sabbaths 
and  new  moons,  there  were  four  great  festivals  and 
a  fast  in  the  ancient  Hebrew  year,  the  Feast  of  the 
Passover,  that  of  Weeks,  that  of  Trumpets,  the  Day 
of  Atonement,  and  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.     The 

Feast  of  the  Passover,  HP^,  was  properly  only 
the  time  of  the  sacrifice  and  eating  of  the  paschal 
lamb,  that  is,  the  evening,  C"'2"iyrT  'j"'3,  "be- 
tween the  two  evenings"  (I^ev.  xxiii.  5)  —  a  phrase 
previously  considered  —  of  the  14th  day  of  the  fii-st 
month,  and  the  night  following,  —  the  Feast  of 

Unleavened  Bread  n^^;5^n  HP,  commencing  on 
the  morning  of  the  15th  day  of  the  month,  and 
Lasting  seven  days  until  the  21st  inclusive.  The 
]  5th  and  2 1st  days  of  the  month  were  sabbaths, 
thj^t  is,  holy  days.     [Passo\ek.]     The  Feast  of 

Weeks,  iT^l?  2**^  3  7>  or  Pentecost,  was  kept  at 
the  close  of  seven  weeks,  counted  from  the  day  in- 
clusive following  the  IGth  of  the  1st  month.  Hence 
its  name  means  the  feast  of  seven  weeks,  as  indeed 
it  is  called  in  Tob.  {ayia  ItttA  435o/xc£5w«',  ii-  1). 
As  the  ears  of  barley  as  first-fruits  of  the  han-est 
were  offered  on  the  16th  day  of  the  1st  month,  so 
>n  this  day  thanksgiving  was  paid  for  the  blessing 
rf  the  harvest,  and  firsl-fruits  of  wheat  offered  as 

well  as  of  fruits:  hence  the  names  "l^^^i^n  2n, 

•  't  -  -  ' 

Feast  of  Harvest,  and  □"'"1^5271  C*,  Day  of 

'^'irst-fruits.  —  Tlie    Feast    of    Trumpets,     DV 

n^^inn    (lit.  of  the  sound  of  the  trumpet),  also 

sailed  H'^^-in  V"^^?!  V^^f,  "a  great  sab- 
i«th  of  celebration  by  the  sound  of  the  trumpet," 
^aa  the  1st  day  of  the  7th  month,  the  civil  com- 


CHRONOLOGY 


437 


mencement  of  the  year.     The  Day  of  Atonementi 

D"'"l33n  CV,   was  the  10th   day  of  the   7tb 

month.  It  was  a  sabbath,  that  is  a  holy  day,  and 
also  a  fast,  the  only  one  in  the  Hebrew  ye:ir  Itefon 
the  Babylonish  Captivity.  Upon  this  day  the  liigh- 
priest  made  an  offering  of  atonement  for  tlie  nation. 
'i'liis  annual  solemn  rite  seems  more  appropriate  to 
the  commencement  than  to  the  middle  of  tlie  year, 
and  the  time  of  its  celebration  tlius  affords  some 
evidence  in  favor  of  the  theory  of  a  double  begin- 
ning. —  Tlie  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  m25n  HH, 

was  kept  in  the  7th  month,  from  the  IStli  to  the 
22(1  days  inclusive.  Its  chief  days  were  the  fii-st 
and  last,  whicli  were  sabbaths.  Its  name  was  taken 
from  the  people  dwelling  in  tabernacles,  to  com- 
memorate the   Exodus,     it  was  otherwise   called 

F]'^pSn  3n,  "  the  Feast  of  Gathering,"  because  it 
was  also  instituted  as  a  time  of  thanksgiving  for 
the  end  of  the  gatliering  of  fruit  and  of  tlie  vinUige. 
The  small  number  and  simplicity  of  tliese  primitive 
Hebrew  festivals  and  holy  days  is  esiiecially  worthy 
of  note.  It  is  also  observable  that  they  are  not  of 
an  astronomical  character;  and  that  wlien  they  aro 
connected  with  nature,  it  is  as  directing  tlie  grati- 
tude of  the  people  to  Him  wlio,  in  giving  good 
things,  leaves  not  Himself  witliout  Mitness.  In 
later  times  many  lioly  days  were  added.  Clf  these 
the  most  worthy  of  remark  are  the  Feast  of  I'tirim, 
or  "  Lots,"  commemorating  the  deliverance  of  the  ' 
Jews  from  Hainan's  plot,  the  Feast  of  tlie  Dedica- 
tion, recording  tlie  cleansing  and  re-dedication  of 
the  Temple  by  Judas  JIaccaba.'U3,  and  fasts  on  the 
anniversaries  of  great  national  misfortunes  con- 
nected witli  the  Babylonish  Captivity.  These  last 
were  doubtless  instituted  during  that  period  (comp. 
Zech.  ni.  1-5).     [Festivals,  &c.] 

Sabbatical  and  Jubilee  Years.  —  The  sabbatical 
year,  n^!2t27n  Hil?',  "the  fallow  year"  or  pos- 
sibly "  year  of  remission,"  or  n^pi?7  alone,  also 
called  a  "sabbath,"  and  a  "great  sabbath,"  was 
an  institution  of  strictly  the  same  character  as  the 
sabbath,  —  a  year  of  rest,  like  the  day  of  rest.  It 
has  not  been  sufficiently  noticed  that  as  tlie  day 
has  a  side  of  physical  necessity  witli  reference  tc 
man,  so  the  year  has  a  side  of  ph3-sical  necessity 
with  reference  to  the  earth.  ICvery  seventh  yeai 
appears  to  be  a  very  suitable  time  for  the  recur  ■ 
rence  of  a  fallow  year,  on  agricultural  grounds. 
Besides  tlie  rest  from  the  labors  of  the  field  and 
vineyard,  there  was  in  this  year  to  be  remission, 
temporary  or  absolute,  of  debts  and  obligation? 
among  the  people.  The  sabbatical  year  must  have 
commenced  at  the  civil  beginning  of  the  year,  with 
the  7th  month,  as  we  have  already  sho^m.  Althougb- 
doubtless  held  to  commence  with  the  1st  of  the 
month,  its  beginning  appears  to  have  been  kept  at 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (Deut.  xxxi.  10),  while 
that  of  the  jubilee  year  was  kept  on  the  Day  of 
.atonement.  This  institution  seems  to  have  been 
greatly  neglected.  This  was  prophesied  by  Moses, 
who  speal<3  of  the  desolation  of  the  land  as  an 
enjoying  the  sabbaths  which  had  not  been  kept 
(Lev.  xsvi.  34,  35,  43).  The  seventy  years'  cap- 
tivitj  is  also  spoken  of  in  2  Chr.  (xxxri.  21)  as  an 
enjoying  sabbath ;  but  this  may  be  on  account  of 
the  number  being  sabbatical,  as  ten  (imes  seven, 
which  indeed  seems  to  be  indicated  ia  the  passage 
After  the  lapse  of  seven  sabbatical  periods,  or  forty 


188  CHllONOLOGY 

line  years,  a  year  of  jubilee  was  to  be  kept,  imme- 
iiatelj  foUiiwiiig  the  hist  sabbatical  year.    This  was 

tailed  ba*1*n  n3^',  "  the  year  of  the  trumpet," 

or  vDT*  alone,  the  latter  won!  meaning  either  the 
wund  of  the  tiimn>et  or  the  instrument  itself,  be- 
cause the  coninieuocnmnt  of  tlie  j'car  was  anr.ounceil 
on  the  Day  of  Atonement  by  sound  of  trumpet.  It 
was  similar  to  the  sabbatical  year  in  its  character, 
although  doubtless  jet  more  imjwrtant.  In  tlie 
jubilee  year  debts  were  to  be  remitted,  and  lands 
were  to  be  restored  to  their  former  owners.  It  is 
obvious  from  the  words  of  the  law  (Lev.  xxv.  8-11) 
that  tliis  year  followed  every  seventh  sabbatical 
year,  so  that  the  opinion  that  it  was  always  identi- 
cal with  a  sabbatical  year  is  untenable.  There  is  a 
further  question  as  to  the  length  of  each  jubilee 
period,  if  we  may  use  the  term,  some  holding  that 
it  had  a  duration  of  50,  but  others  of  49  years. 
The  latter  opinion  does  not  dejjcnd  ujion  the  sup- 
position that  the  seventh  sabbatical  year  was  the 
jubilee,  since  the  jubilee  might  be  the  first  year  of 
the  ne.Kt  seven  years  after.  That  such  was  the  case 
is  rendered  most  probable  by  the  analogy  of  the 
weekly  sabbath,  and  the  custom  of  the  Jews  in  the 
first  and  second  centuries  Ji.  c. ;  although  it  must 
be  noted  that,  according  to  IMaimonides,  the  jubilee 
period  was  of  00  years,  the  51st  year  commencing 
a  new  period,  and  that  the  same  writer  mentions 
that  the  Jews  had  a  tradition  that  after  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  first  Temple  only  sabbatical  j'ears,  and 
no  jubilee  years,  were  observed.  (Ideler,  llandbuch, 
i.  pp.  503,  504.)  The  testimony  of  Josephus  does 
not  seem  to  us  at  all  conclusive,  although  Ideler 
{I.  c.)  holds  it  to  be  so;  for  the  expression  ravra 
ir€VTT}Koyra,  fiti/  iariv  err?  to,  iravra  {Ant.  iii.  12, 
§  3)  cannot  be  held  to  prove  absolutely  that  the 
jubilee  year  was  not  the  first  year  of  a  sabbatical 
period  instead  of  standing  between  two  such  periods. 
It  is  important  to  ascertain  when  the  first  sabbati- 
cal ye.ar  ought  to  have  been  kept ;  whether  the  sab- 
batical and  jubilee  periods  seem  to  have  been  con- 
tinuous; what  ]K)sitive  record  there  is  of  any  sab- 
batical or  jubilee  years  having  been  kept;  and  what 
indications  there  are  of  a  reckoning  by  such  years 
of  either  kind.  1.  It  can  scarcely  be  contested  that 
the  first  sabljatical  year  to  be  kept  after  the  Israelites 
had  entered  Canaan  would  be  about  the  fourteenth. 
(Jennings,  Jewish  Antiquities,  bk.  iii.  cap.  9:  and 
uifr.  Ilisloricid  Chronahxiy.)  It  is  possible  that  it 
might  have  been  somewhat  earlier  or  later;  but  the 
narrative  will  not  admit  of  much  latitude.  2.  It  is 
clear  that  any  sabbatical  and  jubilee  years  kept 
from  the  time  of  Joshua  until  the  destruction  of 
the  first  Temple,  would  have  been  reckoned  from 
the  first  one,  but  it  may  be  questioned  if  any  kept 
after  the  return  would  be  counted  in  the  same 
manner:  from  the  nature  of  the  institutions,  it  is 
•ather  to  be  supposed  that  the  reckoning,  in  the 
second  case,  would  be  from  the  first  cultivation  of 
the  country  after  its  re-occupation.  The  recorded 
sabbatical  yeiirs  do  rot  enable  us  to  test  this  sup- 
position, because  we  do  not  know  exactly  the  year 
f  return,  or  that  of  the  first  cultiration  of  the 
country,  'i'he  recorded  dates  of  sabbatical  years 
would  make  that  next  after  the  return  to  commence 
In  B.  c.  528,  and  be  current  in  n.  c.  527,  which 
irould  make  the  first  year  of  the  period  b.  c.  534-3, 
vhich  would  not  improbably  be  the  first  year  of 
lultivation :  but  in  the  case  of  so  short  a  period 
his  cannot  be  regarded  as  evidence  of  much  weight. 
'.  There  •»  no  ^lositive  record  of  any  jubilee  year 


CHRONOLOGY 

having  been  kept  at  any  time.  The  dates  tf  thrat 
sabbatical  years  have,  however,  been  preserved.  These 
were  current  n.  c.  163, 135,  and  137,  and  therefow 
commenced  in  each  case  about  three  months  carliei 
than  the  beginiung  of  these  Juhan  years.  (Joseph. 
Ant.  xii.  9,  §  5;  xiii.  8,  §  1;  xlv.  lU,  §  2;  xv  1, 
§  2;  i?.  J.  i.  2,  §  4;  and  1  Mace.  vi.  49,  53.)  4 
ihere  are  some  chronological  indications  in  the 
O.  T.  that  may  not  unreasonably  be  supiwsed  to 
be  connected  with  the  sabbatical  system.  The 
prophet  Ezekiel  dates  his  first  prophecy  of  those  in 
the  book  "in  the  thirtietli  year,"  Ac,  "which 
[was]  the  fifth  year  of  king  Jehoiachin's  captivity" 
(i.  2);  thus  apparently  dating  in  the  fom.er  case 
from  a  better  known  era  than  that  of  Jehoiachin'e 
captivity,  which  he  employs  in  later  places,  with- 
out,  however,  in  general  agam  describing  it.  'ITiia 
date  of  the  30th  year  has  been  rariously  exyilained : 
some,  with  Ussher,  suppose  that  the  era  is  the  18th 
jear  of  Josiah,  when  the  book  of  the  Law  was 
found,  and  a  great  passover  celebrated.  (See  Hiiver- 
nick,  Commevlar  iiicr  Ezeck.  pp.  12, 13).  This  year 
of  Josiali  would  certainly  be  the  first  of  the  reckon- 
ing, and  might  be  used  as  a  kind  of  reformation- 
era,  not  unUke  the  era  of  Simon  the  Maccabee. 
[Eras.']  Others  supiwse  that  the  thirtieth  year  of 
the  prophet's  life  is  meant;  but  this  seems  very 
unlikely.  Others  again,  including  ScaUger  (Z)e 
Kmendatime  Temporum,  pp.  79,  218,  ed.  1583) 
and  Iiosenmiiller  (Schvl.  ad  luc),  hold  that  the 
date  is  from  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of 
Naboiwlassar.  There  is  no  record  of  an  era  of 
Nabopolassar;  that  king  had  been  di-ad  some  years; 
and  we  have  no  instance  in  the  O.  T.  of  the  iise  of 
a  foreign  era.  The  evidence  therefore  is  in  favor 
of  Josiah's  18th  year.  There  seems  to  be  another 
reference  to  this  date  in  the  same  book,  where  the 
time  of  the  iniquity  of  Judah  is  said  to  be  40  years, 
for  the  final  captivity  of  Judah  (Jer.  Iii.  30)  was 
in  the  40th  year  of  this  reckoning.  In  the  same 
I)lace  the  time  of  the  iniquity  of  Jsrael  is  said  to  be 
390  years,  which  sum,  added  to  the  date  of  the 
captivity  of  this  part  of  the  nation  in  the  A.  V. 
B.  c.  721,  goes  back  to  n.  c.  1111  (Kz.  iv.  5,  0). 
This  result  leads  to  the  indication  of  possible  jubilee 
dates,  for  the  interval  between  u.  c.  1111  and  n.  c. 
023-2  is  488-9  years,  witlnn  two  years  of  ten 
jubilee  periods;  and  it  must  be  remembered  that 
the  seventy  weeks  of  the  prophet  Daniel  seem  to 
indicate  the  use  of  such  a  great  cycle.  In  the 
latter  case,  however,  as  in  that  of  the  seventy  years' 
captivity,  it  is  probable  that  the  year  of  3G0  days 
is  used,  so  that  the  agreement  is  not  absolute. 
(Year.)  It  remains  to  be  asked  whether  the  ac- 
counts of  Josiah's  reformation  present  any  indica- 
tions of  celebrations  coimected  with  the  sabbatical 
system.  The  finding  of  the  book  of  the  Ijiw  might 
seem  to  point  to  its  being  specially  required  for 
some  public  senice.  Such  a  service  was  the  gren* 
reading  of  the  Law  to  the  whole  congregation  at 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  in  every  sabbatical  yea» 
(Deut.  xxxi.  10-13).  The  finding  of  the  book  was 
certainly  followed  by  a  public  reading,  apparently 
in  the  first  month,  by  the  king  to  the  whole  people 
of  Judah  and  Jeru^em,  and  afterwards  a  solemn 
passover  was  kept.  Of  the  latter  celebration  is  it 
said  in  Kings,  "  Surely  there  was  not  holden  such 
a  passover  from  the  days  of  tlie  Judges  that  judged 
Israel,  nor  in  all  the  days  of  the  kings  of  Israel,  nor 
of  the  kings  of  Judah"  (2  K.  xxiii.  22);  and,  i« 
Chronicles,  "  There  was  no  passover  like  to  tba) 
kept  in  Israel  from  the  days  of  Samuel  the  propb<>t 


I 

I 


CHRONOLOGY 

ueither  did  all  the  kinsis  of  Israel  keep  such  a  pass- 
jver  as  Josiah  ke|)t''  ("2  Chr.  xxxv.  18).  The  men- 
tion of  Saiimel  is  remarkable,  since  in  his  time  the 
larlier  8Uii|«>st'il  elate  falls.  It  may  be  objected  that 
the  passo\  or  is  nowliere  connected  with  the  sab- 
batical reckoning,  but  these  passovers  can  scarcely 
have  been  greater  in  sacrifices  tlian  at  least  one  in 
Solomon's  reign,  nor  is  it  likely  that  they  are  men- 
tioned as  characterized  by  greater  zeal  than  any 
others  whatever;  so  that  we  are  almost  driven  to 
the  idea  of  some  relation  to  chronology.  This  re- 
sult would  ])lace  the  Exodus  in  the  middle  of  the 
17th  century  n.  c,  a  time  for  which  we  believe 
there  is  a  prejwnderance  of  evidence  {Historical 
Chronoloijy).     [.Sabiiatical  Year;  Jubilkk.] 

Eras.  —  Then;  are  indications  of  several  histor- 
ical eras  having  been  used  by  the  ancient  Hebrews, 
but  our  information  is  so  scanty  that  we  are  gen- 
erally unable  to  come  to  positi\e  conclusions.  Some 
of  these  iwssible  eras  may  be  no  more  than  dates 
employeil  by  writers,  and  not  national  eras ;  others, 
however,  can  scarcely  have  been  used  hi  this  spe- 
cial or  uidi\idual  manner  from  their  refemng  to 
events  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  whole 
people. 

1.  The  Exodus  is  used  as  an  era  in  1  K.  vi.  1, 
in  giving  tlie  date  of  the  foundation  of  Solomon's 
Temple.  This  is  the  only  positive  instance  of  the 
occurrence  of  this  cm,  for  we  camiot  agree  with 
Ideler  that  it  is  certainly  employed  in  the  Penta- 
teuch. He  refers  to  Ex.  xix.  1,  and  Num.  xxxiii. 
38  (Ilandbucli,  i.  507).  Here,  as  ekewhere  in  the 
game  part  of  the  IJible,  the  beginning  of  the  Exo- 
dus-year—  not,  of  course,  the  actual  dat«  of  the 
Ekodus  {Rcfjnal  years,  &c.)  is  used  as  the  point 
whence  time  is  counted;  but  during  the  interval 
of  which  it  formed  the  natural  commencement  it 
cannot  be  shown  to  be  an  era,  though  it  may  have 
been,  any  more  than  the  beginning  of  a  sovereign's 
reign  is  one. 

2.  The  foundation  of  Solomon's  temple  is  con- 
jectured by  Ideler  to  have  been  an  era.  The  pas- 
lages  to  which  he  refers  (1  K.  ix.  10;  2  Chr.  viii. 
1),  merely  speak  of  occurrences  subsequent  to  the 
interval  of  20  years  occupied  in  the  building  of  the 
temple  and  the  king's  house,  both  being  distinctly 
specified;  so  that  his  re,ading — "  Zwanzig  Jahre, 
nachdem  Salomo  das  Haus  des  Herm  erbaute  "  — 
leaves  out  half  the  statement  and  so  makes  it  in- 
correct {ILindb.  1.  c.).  It  is  elsewhere  stated  that 
the  building  of  the  temple  occupied  7  years  (IK. 
ri.  37,  33),  and  that  of  Solomon's  house  13  (vil. 
1),  making  up  the  interval  of  20  years. 

3.  The  era  once  used  by  Ezekiel,  and  commenc- 
ing in  Josiah's  18th  year,  we  have  previously  dis- 
cussed, concluding  that  it  was  most  probably  con- 
nected with  the  sabbatical  system  {Sabbatical  and 
Jubilee  Years). 

4.  The  era  of  Jehoiachin's  captivity  is  constantly 
used  by  It^ekiel.  The  earliest  date  is  the  5th  year 
(i.  2)  and  the  latest,  the  27th  (xxix.  17).  The 
prophet  generally  gives  the  date  without  applying 
any  distinctive  term  to  the  era.  He  speaks,  how- 
ever, of  "  the  fifth  ye:ir  of  king  Jehoiachin's  captiv- 
ity "  (i.  2),  and  "  the  twelfth  year  of  our  captivity  " 
(xxxiii.  21),  the  latter  of  which  expressions  may 
Kplain  his  constant  use  of  the  era.  The  same  era 
B  necessarily  employed,  though  not  as  such,  where 
the  advancement  of  Jehoiachin  in  the  37th  vear  of 
ais  captivity  is  mentioned  (2  K.  xxv.  27 ;  Jer.  lii. 
Jl).  We  have  no  proof  that  it  was  used  except 
by  those  to  whose  captivity  it  referred.     Its  1st 


CHRONOLOGY 


439 


year  was  current  n.  c.  59G,  commencing  in  tha 
spring  of  that  year. 

5.  The  beginning  of  the  seventy  years'  captivitj 
does  not  ai)pear  to  have  been  used  us  au  era  (/Ziiis- 
tfjrical  Chroiwloyy). 

G.  The  return  from  Babylon  does  not  appear  U. 
be  employed  as  an  era:  it  is,  howe\er,  reckoned 
from  in  Ezra  (ill.  1,  8),  as  is  the  Exodus  in  the 
Pentateuch. 

7.  The  era  of  the  Seleucidoe  is  used  in  the  first 
and  second  books  of  JIaccabees. 

8.  The  liberation  of  the  .lews  from  the  Syrian 
yoke  in  the  1st  year  of  Simon  the  M;u;cabec  is 
stated  to  have  been  conmiemorated  by  an  era  used 
in  contracts  and  agreements  (I  Mace.  xiii.  41). 
The  years  1,  2,  and  3  on  the  coins  ascribed  to  Si- 
mon [MoxKY,  Siikkkl]  are  probalily  of  this  era, 
although  it  is  related  that  the  right  of  coining 
money  with  his  own  stamp  was  not  concetlcd  to 
him  until  somewhat  later  than  its  beginning  (xv. 
(5);  for  it  may  be  reasonably  supiwsed,  either  thai 
Antiochus  \'1I.  confirmed  privileges  before  granted 
by  his  brother  Uemetrius  II.  (com]),  xv.  5),  or  ihsX 
he  gave  his  sanction  to  money  already  issued  {Enr 
Bril.,  8th  ed.,  A'umisimtics,  pp.  37!),  380). 

Iterjnal  Years.  —  Uy  the  Hebrews  regnal  years 
appear  to  have  been  counted  from  the  beginning  of 
the  year,  not  from  the  day  of  the  king's  accession. 
Thus,  if  a  king  came  to  the  throne  in  tlie  List 
month  of  one  year,  reigned  for  the  whole  of  the 
next  year,  and  died  in  the  l»i  month  of  the  3d 
year,  we  might  have  dates  in  his  1st,  2d  and  3d 
yeai"s,  although  he  governe<l  for  no  more  than  13 
or  14  months.  Any  dates  in  the  year  of  his  acces- 
sion, before  that  event,  or  in  the  year  of  his  death, 
after  it,  would  be  assigned  to  the  List  year  of  his 
pralecessor,  and  the  1st  of  his  successor.  The 
same  principle  would  apply  to  reckoning  from  eras 
or  imixjrtant  events,  but  the  whole  stated  lengths 
of  reigns  or  intervals  would  not  be  afli>cted  by  it. 

III.  HisToiucAL  Cim:ox<)U)uv.  —  The  histor- 
ical part  of  Hebrew  Chronology  is  not  less  difficult 
than  the  technical.  The  information  in  the  Bible 
is  indeal  direct  rather  than  inferential,  although 
there  is  very  important  e\idence  of  the  latter  kind ; 
but  the  present  state  of  the  numbers  makes  abso- 
lute certainty  in  many  cases  impossible.  If,  for 
instance,  the  Hebrew  and  LXX.  differ  as  to  a  par- 
ticular number,  we  cannot  in  general  positively  de- 
termine that  the  original  form  of  the  number  has 
been  preserved,  when  we  have  decided,  and  this  we 
are  not  always  able  to  do,  which  of  the  present 
forms  has  a  preponderance  of  evidence  in  its  favor. 
In  addition  to  this  difficulty  there  are  several  gaps 
in  the  series  of  smaller  numbers  which  we  have  no 
means  of  supi)lying  with  exactness.  When,  there- 
fore, we  can  compare  several  of  these  smaller  num- 
bers with  a  larger  number,  or  with  indeijendent 
evidence,  we  are  frequently  i)revented  from  i)utting 
a  conclusive  test  by  the  deficiencies  in  the  first  se 
ries.  The  frequent  occurrence  of  round  numbers  is 
a  matter  of  minor  importance,  for,  although  when 
wc  have  no  other  evidence  it  manifestly  precludes 
our  aniving  at  positive  accuracy,  the  variation  of 
a  few  years  is  not  to  be  balanced  against  great  dif- 
ferences apparently  not  to  be  positively  resolved,  as 
those  of  the  primeval  numliers  in  the  Hebrew,  LXX., 
and  Samaritiia  Pentateuch.  Lately  some  have  laid 
great  stress  upon  the  frequent  occurrence  of  the 
number  40,  alleging  that  it  and  70  are  vague  terms 
equivaleni  to  "  many,"  so  that  "  40  i  ears,"  or  "  70 
years,"  Wv,uld  mean  no  more  than  '  many  years  " 


140  CHRONOLOGY 

Primd  fnciff  this  idea  would  seem  reasonable,  but 
•n  a  further  exainitiation  it  will  he  seen  that  the 
details  of  some  periods  of  40  years  are  given,  and 
show  that  the  nuinl>er  is  not  indefiuite  where  it 
would  at  first  especially  seem  to  he  so.  'Ihus  the 
40  years  in  the  wilderness  can  be  divided  into  three 
periods:  (1.)  from  the  Exodus  to  the  sending  out 
of  the  spies  was  about  one  year  and  a  quarter  (I 
year  1  -\-  x{2'f)  months,  Num.  ix.  1,  x.  11 ;  comp. 
ver.  2.'),  showing  it  was  this  year,  and  xiii.  20  prov- 
ing that  the  search  ended  somewhat  aftor  midsum- 
mer): (2.)  the  time  of  search,  40  days  (Num.  xiii. 
25):  {-i.)  the  time  of  the  wandering  until  the 
brook  Zered  was  crossed,  38  years  (Deut.  ii.  14): 
making  altogether  almost  39 i  jears.  This  per- 
fectly accords  with  the  date  (yr.  40,  m.  11,  d.  1)  of 
the  address  of  Moses  alter  tlie  conquest  of  Sihon 
and  Og  (Ueut.  i.  3,  4),  which  was  subsequent  to 
the  crossing  of  the  brook  Zered.  So  again  David's 
reign  of  40  j-ears  is  divided  into  7  years  G  m.  in 
Hebron,  and  33  in  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  ii.  11,  v.  5; 
1  Chr.  iii.  4,  but  1  K.  ii.  11,  7  years,  omitting  the 
months,  and  33).  This  therefore  caimot  be  an  iji- 
deRnite  number,  as  some  might  conjecture  from  its 
following  Saul's  40  years  and  preceding  Solomon's. 
The  last  two  reigns  again  could  not  have  been 
much  more  or  less  from  the  circumstances  of  the 
history.  The  occurrence  of  some  round  numbers 
therefore  does  not  warrant  our  supposing  the  con- 
stant use  of  vague  ones.  In  discussing  the  tech- 
nical i)art  of  the  subject  we  have  laid  some  stress 
upon  the  opinions  of  the  earlier  liabbinical  com- 
mentators: in  this  part  we  place  no  reliance  upon 
them.  As  to  divisions  of  time  connected  with  re- 
ligious observances  they  could  scarcely  be  far  wrong; 


CHRONOLOCrY 

in  historical  chronology  they  could  hardly  Le  ei 
pected  to  be  right,  having  a  lery  small  knowledgi 
of  foreign  som-ces.  In  fact,  by  comparing  theil 
later  dates  with  the  chronology  of  tiie  time  astro- 
nomically fixed,  we  find  so  extraordinary  a  depart- 
ure from  correctness  that  we  must  abandon  the  idea 
of  their  having  held  any  additional  facts  handed 
down  by  tradition,  and  serving  to  guide  them  to  a 
true  system  of  chronology.  There  are,  however, 
important  foreign  materials  to  aid  us  in  the  deter- 
mination of  Hebrew  chronology.  In  addition  tc 
the  hterary  evidence  that  has  been  long  used  bj 
chronologcrs,  the  comparatively  recent  decipher- 
ment of  the  ligyptian  and  Assyrian  inscriptiom. 
has  afl!brded  us  valuable  additional  evidence  from 
contemporary  monuments. 

Biblical  data.  —  It  will  be  best  to  examine  tht 
Biblical  information  under  the  main  periods  into 
which  it  may  be  separated,  begmuing  with  the 
eiirliest. 

A.  First  Period,  from  Adam  to  Abram's  depart^- 
ure  from  llaran.  —  All  the  numerical  data  in  the 
Bible  for  the  chronology  of  this  interval  are  com- 
prised in  two  genealogical  lists  in  Genesis,  the  firsJ 
from  Adan<  to  Noah  and  his  sons  ((jen.  v.  3  adfi,,.„ 
and  the  second  from  Sliem  to  Abram  (xi.  10-2G), 
and  in  cerUiin  jwissages  in  the  same  book  (vii.  C,  11, 
viii.  13,  ix.  28,  2J,  xi.  32,  xii.  4).  The  Masorttio 
Hebrew  text,  the  LXX.,  and  the  Samaritan  I'en- 
tateuch  greatly  differ,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  fol- 
lowing table,  which  we  take  from  the  Genesis  of 
the  Earth  and  of  Man  (p.  90),  adding  nothing 
essential  but  a  various  reading,  and  the  age  of 
Abram  when  he  left  Haran,  but  also  inclosing  in 
parentheses  numbers  not  stated  but  obtained  by 


Age  of  each  when  the 

Years  of  each  after 

Total  length  of  the 

Adam.              .         .... 

next  was  born. 

the  next  was  burn. 

life  of  each. 

Sept. 

Ileb. 

Sam. 

Sept. 

Ileb. 

Sam. 

Sept. 

Ileb. 

Sam. 

230 

130 

700 

800 

930 

SSetli 

205 
190 

105 
90 

707 
715 

807 
815 

912 

905 

KnoH 

t'ainan 

170 

70 

740 

840 

910 

Slahiilulcel 

1(55 

65 

730 

830 

8!J5 

.liiruU ... 

lh-2 

62 

800 

..     1    785 
360 

962 

847 

Kiio<th 

105 

66 

200 

865 

Muthuiselah 

187 
lb7 

•• 

67 

(782) 
802 

782 

053 

969 

720 

Tjimcch 

188 

182 

53 

565 

695 

600 

7.''.3 

777 

G68 

Nuuh 

602 

448 

950 

Sliem 

100 

600 
This 

•• 

600 

•• 

•• 

2264 

1658 

1309 

was  "  two  yea 

rs  after  the  Flood."     ' 

Arphaxad     .... 

2244 

400 

1 

1.35 

85 

403 

803 

(535) 

(438) 

488 

Ciiinaa 

ISO 

330 

(4ai) 

Siihih 

130 

80 

830 

403 

303 

(460) 

(4»i) 

4*3 

Eber 

184 

84 

270 

430 

(4(14) 

(464) 

4(4 

IVIc-g 

130 

30 

209 

109 

(;«9) 

(•-39) 

239 

Jteu 

132 

82 

207 

107 

(3;}y) 

(i39) 

239 

Sonif? 

130 

80 

200 

100 

(330) 

(i30) 

230 

79 
179 

29 

129 

ii9 

69 

(208) 

(148) 

148 

70 

(135) 

(136) 

(75) 

206 

145 

Abram  leaves  Uaran .... 

76 

•• 

1145 

865 

1015 

1245 

1 

lompntalion  from  others,  and  making  some  alter- 
Itiond  consequently  necessary.  The  adviuitage  of 
jhe  system  of  this  table  is  the  clear  manner  in 
irhich  it  shows  the  differences  and  agreements  of 
the  three  versions  of  the  data.  The  dots  indicate 
Huaben  agreeing  with  the  LXX. 


The  number  of  generations  in  the  LXX.  is  one 
in  excess  of  the  Ilel).  and  Sam.  on  account  of  th« 
"  second  Cainan,"  whom  the  best  chronologcrs  ait 
agreed  in  rejecting  as  si)urious.  He  is  found  in 
the  present  text  of  the  LXX.  in  both  (]en.  and  I 
Chr.,  and  in  the  present  text  of  St.  Luke's  Gospa 


CHRONOLOGY 

fotephns,  Philo,  and  the  earber  Christian  writers 
^pear  however  to  have  known  nothing  of  him,  and 
it  is  therefore  probable  either  that  be  was  ;irst  in- 
troduced by  a  copyist  into  the  Gospel  and  thence 
mto  the  LXX.,  or  else  that  he  was  found  in  some 
codd.  of  the  LXX.  and  thence  introduced  into  the 
Gospel,  and  afterwards  into  all  other  copies  of  the 
[^XX.  [Cainan.]  Before  considering  the  varia- 
tions of  the  numbers  it  is  imjiortant  to  notice  that 
"  as  two  of  the  three  sources  must  have  been  cor- 
rupted, we  may  reasonably  doubt  whether  any  one 
of  them  be  presened  in  its  geimiue  state  "  {Ge7iesis 
of  the  JCiirlli,  ij-c,  p.  92)  —  a  check  upon  our  con 
fidence  that  has  strangely  escaped  cbronologers  in 
general.  The  variations  are  the  result  of  design, 
not  accident,  as  is  evident  from  the  years  before  the 
birth  of  a  son  and  the  residues  agreeing  in  their 
gums  in  almost  all  cases  in  the  antediluvian  gen- 
erations, the  exceptions,  save  one,  being  apparently 
the  result  of  necessity  tiiat  lives  should  not  overlap 
the  date  of  the  Flood  (comp.  Clinton,  Fasd  Ilellen. 
i.  285).  We  have  no  clew  to  the  date  or  dates 
of  the  alterations  beyond  that  we  can  trace  the 
LXX.  form  to  the  first  century  of  the  Christian 
era,  if  not  higher,"  and  the  Heb.  to  the  fourth  cen- 
tury :  if  the  Sam.  numbers  be  as  old  as  the  text, 
we  can  assign  them  a  higher  antiquity  than  what 
is  known  as  to  the  Ileb.  The  little  acquaintance 
most  of  the  early  Christian  writers  had  with  Hebrew 
makes  it  inijwssible  to  decide,  on  their  evidence, 
that  the  variation  did  not  exist  when  they  wrote : 
the  testimony  of  Josephus  is  here  of  more  weight, 
but  in  his  present  text  it  shows  contradiction, 
though  preponderating  in  favor  of  the  LXX.  num- 
bers. A  comparison  of  the  lists  would  lead  us  to 
suppose,  on  internal  evidence,  that  they  had  first 
two  forms,  and  that  the  third  version  of  them 
originated  from  these  two.  This  supposed  later 
version  of  the  lists  would  seem  to  be  the  Sam., 
which  certainly  is  less  internally  consistent,  on  the 
supposition  of  the  original  coiTectuess  of  the  num- 
bers, than  the  other  two.  The  cause  of  the  altera- 
tions is  most  uncertain.  It  has  indeed  been  con- 
jectured that  the  Jews  shortened  the  chronology  in 
order  that  an  ancient  propliecy  that  tho  Jlessiah 
should  come  in  tiie  sixth  millenary  of  the  world's 
Bge  might  not  be  known  to  be  fulfilled  in  the  advent 
of  our  Lord.  The  reason  may  be  sufficient  in  itself, 
but  it  does  not  rest  upon  sufficient  evidence.  It  is, 
however,  worthy  of  remark,  that  in  the  apostolic 
«g8  there  were  hot  discussions  respecting  genealogies 
(Tit.  iii.  9),  which  would  seem  to  indicate  that  great 
importance  was  attached  to  them,  jierhaps  also  that 
the  differences  or  some  difference  then  existed.  The 
different  projwrtions  of  the  generations  and  lives  in 
the  LXX.  and  Heb.  have  been  asserted  to  afford 
an  argument  in  favor  of  the  former.  At  a  later 
period,  however,  when  we  find  instances  of  longevity 
recorded  in  all  versions,  the  time  of  marriage  is 
not  different  from  what  it  is  at  the  present  day, 
although  there  are  some  long  generations.  A 
•tronger  argument  for  the  LXX.,  if  the  unity  of 
the  human  race  be  admitted,  is  found  ir.  the  long 
period  required  from  the  Flood  to  the  Pispersion 
vnd  the  establishment  of  kingdoms :  this  supposition 
irould,  however,  require  that  the  patriarchal  gen- 
tations  should  be  either  exceptional  or  rept3sent 
Leriods:  for  tne  fjrmer  of  these  hypotheses  we  shall 


CHRONOLOGY 


441 


<«  The  carliesf  supposed  indication  of  the  LXi' 
luubero  is  in  the  passage  of  Polyhistor  (ap.  £use'). 
{Vay  Ix  21,  p.  422)  givuig  the  saa.s  as  Uie  computa- 


see  there  is  some  ground  in  the  similar  case  of  oet 
tain  generations,  just  alluded  to,  from  Abrahaa 
downwards.  With  respect  to  probability  of  accu- 
racy arising  from  the  state  of  the  text,  the  Heb 
certainly  has  the  advantage.  There  is  every  reason 
to  think  that  the  Habbins  have  been  scrupulous  in 
the  extreme  in  making  alterations:  the  LXX.,  on 
the  other  hand,  shows  signs  of  a  carelessness  that 
would  almost  permit  change,  and  we  have  the  prob- 
able inteqiolatfon  of  the  second  Cainan.  If,  how- 
ever, we  consider  the  Sam.  form  of  the  lists  aa 
sprung  from  the  other  two,  the  LXX.  -wotdd  seem 
to  be  earlier  than  the  Heb.,  since  it  is  more  prob- 
able that  the  antediluvian  generations  would  have 
been  shortened  to  a  general  agreement  with  the 
Heb.,  than  that  the  postdiluvian  would  have  been 
lengthened  to  suit  the  LXX. ;  for  it  is  obviously 
most  likely  that  a  sufficient  number  of  years  having 
been  deducted  from  tlie  earlier  generations,  the 
operation  was  not  carried  on  with  tlie  later.  It  is 
noticeable  that  the  stated  sums  in  the  {wstdiluvian 
generations  in  the  Sam.  generally  agree  with  the 
coniputal  sums  of  the  Heb.  and  not  witli  those  of 
the  LXX.,  which  would  be  explainetl  by  the  theory 
of  an  adaptation  of  one  of  these  two  to  the  other, 
although  it  would  not  give  us  reason  for  supposing 
either  form  to  be  the  eiu-lier.  It  is  an  ancient  con- 
jecture that  the  term  year  was  of  old  applied  to 
leriods  short  of  true  years.  There  is  some  plausi- 
l)ility  in  this  theory,  at  first  sight,  but  the  account 
of  the  Deluge  seems  fatal  to  its  adoption.  The  only 
passage  that  might  be  alleged  in  its  su])port  is  that 
in  which  129  ye;irs  is  mentioned  as  if  the  term  of 
man's  life  after  the  great  increase  of  wickedness 
before  the  Deluge,  compared  with  the  lives  assigned 
to  the  antediluvian  patriarchs,  but  this  fi'om  the 
context  seems  rather  to  mean  a  period  of  probation 
before  the  catastrophe  (Gen.  vi.  3).  A  question 
has  been  raised  whether  tiie  generations  and  num- 
oers  may  not  be  independent,  the  original  genera- 
tions in  Gen.  having  been,  as  those  in  1  Chr.,  simply 
names,  and  the  numbers  having  been  addetl,  per- 
haps on  traditional  authority,  by  the  Jews  (c/^'ip. 
Genesis  of  the  Earth,  tf-c,  pp.  92-94).  If  we  sup- 
pose that  a  period  was  thus  iwrtionetl  out,  then  the 
character  of  Hebrew  geneidogies  as  not  of  necessity 
absolutely  continuous  miglit  somewhat  lessen  the 
numbers  assigned  to  individuals.  Some  have  sup- 
posed that  the  numbers  were  originally  cyclical,  an 
idea  perhaps  originating  in  the  notion  of  the  dis- 
tribution of  a  space  of  time  to  a  certain  ni-niber  of 
generations.  This  particidar  theory  can  however 
scarcely  be  reconciled  with  the  historical  character 
of  the  names.  Turning  to  the  evidence  of  ancient 
history  and  tradition,  we  find  the  numl)ers  of  the 
LXX.  confirmed  rather  than  those  of  the  Heb. 
The  history  and  civilization  of  Kgypt  and  Assyria 
with  Babylonia  reach  to  a  time  earlier  than,  in  the 
first  case,  and  about  as  early  as,  in  the  second,  the 
Heb.  date  of  the  Flood.  Moreover  the  concurrent 
evidence  of  antiquity  carries  the  origin  of  gentile 
civilization  to  the  Noachian  races.  The  question 
of  the  unity  of  the  species  does  not  therefore  affect 
this  argument  (Max),  whence  the  mnnbers  of  the 
LXX.  up  to  the  Deluge  would  seem  to  be  correct, 
for  an  accidental  agreement  can  scarcely  be  admit- 
ted. If  correct,  are  we  therefore  to  suppose  them 
original,  that  is,  of  the  original  text  whence  the 

tion  of  Demetriu'" ;  but  we  cannot  place  re'vinoe  at 
ttie  correctness  a'  a  single  fragmentary  text 


#42  CHRONOLOGY 

LXX.  Tersion  was  made?  This  appears  to  be  a 
aecessar}-  consequence  of  their  correctiisss,  since  the 
translators  were  jjrobahly  not  siilKc-iently  acquainted 
with  external  sources  to  obt-iin  nunibew  either 
actually  or  approxiniatively  true,  even  if  l/iei/  vx- 
iernnlly  existed,  and  had  they  had  this  knowlsdoie, 
it  is  scarcely  likely  that  they  would  have  used  it  in 
the  manner  supjwsed.  On  the  whole,  therefore,  we 
ore  incliised  to  prefer  the  LXX.  numbers  after  the 
Deluge,  and,  as  consistent  with  theifl,  and  probably 
of  the  same  authority,  those  before  the  Deluge  also. 
It  remains  for  us  to  ascertain  what  appears  to  lie 
the  best  form  of  each  of  the  three  versions,  and  to 
Btate  the  intervals  thus  ol)tained.  In  the  LXX. 
antediluvian  generations,  that  of  Methuselah  is  187 
or  167  years:  the  former  seems  to  be  undoubtedly 
the  tnic  number,  since  the  latter  would  make  this 
patriiirch,  if  the  subsequent  generations  l)e  connect, 
to  survive  the  I'IotmI  1-i  ye;irs.  In  the  postdiluvian 
cumbers  of  tiie  LXX.  wc  must,  as  i)reviously  shown, 
reject  the  second  Cainan,  from  the  prcjionderance 
of  evidence  against  his  genuineness.  [Cainax.] 
Of  the  two  fonns  of  Nahor"s  generation  in  the 
LXX.  we  must  prefer  70,  as  more  consistent  with 
the  numbers  near  it,  and  as  also  found  in  the  Sam. 
An  important  correction  of  the  next  generation  has 
been  suggested  in  all  the  lists.  According  to  them 
it  would  appear  that  Terah  was  70  yesu-s  old  at 
Abram's  birth.  "  Temh  lived  seventy  years,  and 
begat  Abrum,  Nahor,  and  Haran  "  {(!en.  xi.  20). 
It  is  afterwards  said  that  Terah  went  from  Ur  of 
the  Chaldees  to  Hanin  and  died  there  at  the  age 
of  205  years  (145  Sam.)  (vv.  31,  32),  and  the  de- 
parture of  Abram  from  Haran  to  Canann  is  then 
narrated  (comp.  Acts  vii.  4),  his  age  being  stated 
to  have  been  at  that  time  75  years  (xii.  1-5).  Usher 
therefore  conjectures  that  Terah  was  130  j'ears  old 
at  Abram's  birth  (205  —  75=130),  and  supposes 
the  latter  not  to  have  been  the  eldest  sou  but  men- 
tioned first  on  account  of  his  eminence,  as  is  Shem 
in  several  places  (v.  32,  vi.  10,  vii.  13,  ix.  18,  x.  1), 
who  yet  apjiears  to  have  been  the  third  son  of  Noah 
and  cert-iinly  not  the  eldest  (x.  21,  and  arrange- 
ment of  chap.).  There  is,  howe\er,  a  serious  objec- 
tion in  the  way  of  this  supposition.  It  seems 
scarcely  probable  that  if  Abram  had  been  horn  to 
his  father  at  the  age  of  130  years,  he  should  have 
asked  in  wonder  "  Shall  [a  child]  be  Ikuti  unto 
him  that  is  an  hundred  jears  old  V  and  shall  Sarah, 
that  is  ninety  yeiirs  old,  bear?"  (Gen.  xvii.  17.) 
Thus  to  suit  a  single  number,  that  of  Terah's  age 
at  his  death,  where  the  Sam.  Joes  not  agree  with 
the  Heb.  and  LXX.,  a  hypothesis  is  adopted  that 
^t  least  strains  the  consistency  of  the  narrative. 
We  should  rather  suppose  the  number  might  have 
.leen  changed  by  a  copyist,  and  take  the  145  years 
of  the  Sam.  —  it  has  been  generally  supposed  that 
she  Dispei"sion  "took  place  in  the  days  of  I'eleg,  on 
amount  of  what  is  said  in  Gen.  x.  as  to  him :  [of 
•ihe  two  sons  of  Kber]  "the  name  of  one  [was] 

Peleg  {y?^,  dinsion),  for  in  his  days  was  the 

earth  divided  "  (n3'7??»  25).  It  cannot  be  posi- 
tively affirmed  that  the  "  Dispersion  "  sjwken  of  in 
Gen.  xi.  is  here  meant,  since  a  physical  catastrophe 
might  be  intended,  although  the  former  b  jierhaps 
■iie  more  natural  inference.  The  event,  whatever 
t  was,  must  have  happened  at  I'cleg's  birth,  rather 
than,  as  some  have  supposed,  at  a  later  time  in  his 
'ife,  for  the  easterns  have  always  given  names  to 
shildrcn  at  birth,  as  may  be  noticed  in  the  cases 
tf  Jacob  and  his  sons.  —  We  should  therefore  cou- 


CHRONOLOGY 

aider  the  following  as  the  best  forma  of  tie  nttalNn 
accordmg  to  the  three  sources. 


Crpntlon 

Flood  (oocupyins  chief 

piirt  oCtliir.  yuur)  .  . 
Birth  of  IVIfK  .... 
Depart  II  re     of     Abram 

team  Uaran    .... 


0 

iUl  ) 

noir 
cioS 


8273 


U 

Ifi-VJ 
lUl  1 
53C7 

20J3 


Sam. 
0 


4U1 


^lor 


B.  Second  Period,  from  Abram's  departure  from 
Haran  to  the  Exodus.  —  The  length  of  this  period 
is  stated  by  St.  I'aul  as  430  yearj  from  the  jiromise 
to  Abraham  to  the  giving  of  the  Ijiw  (Gal.  iii.  17), 
the  first  event  being  held  to  be  that  recorded  ii. 
Gen.  xii.  1-5.  The  same  munlwr  of  ye:»rs  is  given 
in  l-'.x.,  where  the  Hebrew  reads —  "  Now  the  so- 
journing of  the  children  of  I.srael  who  dwelt  in 
Lgypt  [was]  four  hundred  and  thirty  years.  And 
it  came  to  pass  at  the  end  of  tlie  four  hundred  and 
thirty  years,  even  the  selfsame  day  it  came  to  pass, 
that  all  the  hosts  of  the  Lord  went  out  from  the 
land  of  I'Lgypt"  (xii.  40,  41).  Here  the  LXX. 
and  Sam.  add  after  "  in  Egypt "  the  words  "  and 
in  Canaan,"  while  the  Alex,  and  other  MSS.  of  the 
former  also  add  after  "  the  children  of  Israel  "  the 
words  "and  their  fathers."  It  seems  n)ost  leason- 
al)le  to  regard  Ijoth  tliese  additions  as  glosses;  iC 
they  are  excluded,  the  passage  apjiears  to  make  the 
duration  of  the  sojourn  in  l''gypt  430  years,  but 
this  is  not  an  absolutely  certain  conclusion.  The 
"sojourning"  might  well  include  the  period  after 
the  promise  to  Abraliam  while  that  patriarch  and 
his  descendants  "  sojourned  in  the  Land  of  promise 
as  [in]  a  strange  country"  (Heb.  xi.  !)),  for  it  is 
not  positively  said  "  the  sojourning  of  the  children 
of  Israel  in  ICgypt,"  but  we  may  read  "who  dwelt 
in  I'gypt."  As  for  the  very  day  of  close  being 
that  of  commencement,  it  might  refer  either  to 
Abraham's  entrance,  or  to  the  time  of  the  promise. 
A  third  passage,  occurring  in  the  same  easentiuj 
form  in  both  Testaments,  and  therefore  especially 
satisfactory  as  to  its  textual  accuracy,  thn)ws  light 
upon  the  explanation  we  have  ofiered  of  this  last, 
since  it  is  impossible  to  understand  it  except  ujion 
analogical  principles.  It  is  the  di\ine  declaraticn 
to  Abraham  of  the  future  history  of  his  children: 
"  Know  of  a  surety  that  thy  seed  shall  be  a  stran- 
ger in  a  land  [that  is]  not  theirs,  and  shall  sen'e 
them;  and  they  shall  afflict  theni  four  hundred 
years;  and  also  that  nation  whom  they  shall  serve, 
will  I  judge;  and  afterward  shall  they  come  out 
with  great  substance"  (tien.  xv.  13,  14;  comp.  <7<| 
.\ct8  vii.  G,  7).  The  four  hundred  years  cannot 
be  held  to  be  the  period  of  oppression  without  a 
denial  of  the  historical  character  of  tl'.e  r.arrative  of 
that  time,  but  can  only  be  supposed  to  mean  the 
time  from  this  declaration  to  the  Exodus.  This 
reading,  which  in  the  A.  V.  requires  no  more  than 
a  slight  change  in  tlie  punctuation,  if  it  suppose  an 
imusual  construction  in  Helrew,  is  perfectly  admis- 
sible according  to  the  principles  of  Semitic  gram- 
mar, and  might  be  used  in  Arabic.  It  is  also 
noticeable  that  after  the  citation  given  above,  the 
events  of  the  whole  sojourn  are  reitoatefl,  showing 
that  this  was  the  period  spoken  of,  and  perhaps, 
therefore,  the  period  defined  (15,  10).  'Jlse  mean- 
ing of  the  "  fourth  generation  "  here  mentioned 
has  been  previously  considered.  It  cannot,  there- 
fore, be  held  that  the  statement  of  St.  I'aul  that 
from  the  promise  to  Abraham  uii'il  the  I'jodui 
was  430  years  is  irreconcilable  with  the  two  othet 
statements  of  the  same  kind.     In  order  to  arrive  al 


CHRONOLOGY 

M  certain  a  conclusion  as  may  be  attainable,  we 
must  examine  tlie  evidenw  we  have  for  the  details 
of  this  interval.  First,  he  *ever,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  form  a  distinct  opii.ion  as  to  the  length  of 
life  of  the  patriarchs  of  this  age.  The  Biblical  nar- 
rative plainly  ascribes  to  them  lives  far  longer  than 
what  is  iield  to  be  the  present  extreme  limit,  and 
we  must  therefore  carefully  consider  the  evidence 
upon  wiiich  the  general  correctness  of  the  numbers 
rests,  and  any  independent  evidence  as  to  the 
length  of  life  at  this  time.  The  statements  in  the 
Bible  regarding  longevity  may  be  separated  into 
two  classes,  those  given  in  genealogical  lists,  and 
those  interwoven  with  the  relation  of  events.  To 
the  former  class  virtually  belong  all  the  statements 
relating  to  tlie  longevity  of  the  patriarchs  before 
Abraham,  to  the  latter  nearly  all  relating  to  that 
of  Abraiiam  and  his  descendants.  In  the  case  of 
the  one  we  cannot  arrive  at  certainty  as  to  the 
original  form  of  the  text,  as  already  sho^vn,  but  the 
other  rests  upon  a  very  different  kind  of  evidence. 
The  statements  as  to  the  length  of  the  lives  of 
Abraham  and  his  nearer  descendants,  and  some  of 
bis  later,  are  so  closely  interwoven  with  the  histor- 
ical narrative,  not  alone  in  form,  but  in  sense,  that 
their  general  truth  and  its  cannot  be  separated. 
Abraham's  age  at  the  birth  of  Isaac  is  a  great  fact 
in  his  history,  equally  attested  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment and  in  the  New.  Again,  the  longevity  as- 
cribed to  J,acol)  is  confirmed  by  the  question  of 
Pharaoh,  and  the  patriarch's  remarkable  answer,  in 
which  he  makes  his  then  age  of  130  years  less  than 
the  years  of  his  ancestors  (Gen.  xlvii.  9),  a  minute 
point  of  agreement  with  the  other  chronological 
statements  to  be  especially  noted.  At  a  later  time 
the  age  of  JMoses  is  attested  by  various  statements 
in  'be  Pentateuch,  and  in  the  N.  T.  on  St.  Ste- 
phen's authority,  though  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
tht  mention  of  his  having  retained  his  strength  to 
the  end  of  his  123  years  (Deut.  xxxiv.  7),  is  per- 
haps indicative  of  an  unusual  longevity.  In  the 
earlier  part  of  the  period  following,  we  notice  simi- 
lar histances  in  the  case  of  Joshua,  and,  inferen- 
tially,  in  that  of  Othniel.  Nothing  in  the  Bible 
could  be  cited  against  this  evidence,  except  it  be 
the  common  explanation  of  Ps.  xc.  (esp.  ver.  10) 
combined  with  its  ascription  to  Moses  (title).  The 
title  cannot,  analogically,  be  considered  a  very  sure 
guide,  but  the  style  and  contents  seem  to  us  to  sup- 
port it.  It  may  be  questioned,  however,  whether 
the  general  shortness  of  man's  life  forms  the  subject 
of  this  psalm.  A  shortness  of  life  is  lamented  as 
the  result  of  Gofl's  anger,  the  people  are  described 
ss  under  his  wrath,  and  prayer  is  made  for  a  hap- 
pier condition.  Nothing  could  be  more  applicable 
Id  the  shortening  of  life  hi  the  desert  in  order  that 
uone  who  were  twenty  years  old  and  upwards  at 
the  Exodus  should  enter  the  I.and  of  Prf^mise. 
With  these  the  ordinary  term  of  Ufe  would  Ite  three- 
score years  and  ten,  or  fourscore  years.  If,  there- 
fore, we  ascribe  the  psalm  to  Moses,  we  cannot  be 
certain  that  it  gives  the  average  of  long  life  at  his 
time  independently  of  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  wandering  in  the  desert.  Thus  it  is  evident 
that  the  two  classes  of  statements  in  the  Bible  bear- 
ing on  longevity  stand  upon  a  very  different  basis. 
It  must  l)e  observed  that  all  the  supposed  famous 
oaodeni  instances  of  great  longevity,  as  those  o' 
Parr,  Jackson,  and  the  tld  Countess  of  Desmond, 
ta^e  utterly  broken  dowTi  on  f  xamination,  and  tha' 
he  registers  of  this  country  prcn-e  no  greater  ex- 
treme than  about  110  years     AVe  have  recently 


CHRONOLOGY 


443 


had  the  gootl  fortune  to  discover  somo  independen 
contemporary  evidence  bearing  upHi  this  matter. 
There  is  an  ICgJTitian  hieratic  papyrus  in  the  Bib- 
liotheque  at  Paris  bearing  a  moral  discourse  by  ona 
Ptah-liotp,  ajiparcntly  eldest  son  of  .Vssa  (n.  C.  cir. 
1910-1800),  the  fifth  king  of  the  Fifteenth  Dy- 
nasty, which  was  of  Shepherds  fl'-f^vrrj.  At  the 
conchision  Ptah-hotp  thus  spcH.vs  of  himself:  "I 
have  become  an  elder  on  thee;irth  (or  in  the  land); 
I  have  traversed  a  hundred  and  ten  years  of  life  bj 
the  gift  of  the  king  and  the  ap])ro\al  of  the  elders, 
fulfiiUng  my  duty  towards  the  king  in  tlic  jjlace  of 
favor  (or  blessing)."  {Facsimile,  d'un  Papyrut 
E(/yptien,  par  E.  Prisse  d'Avennes,  pi.  xix.,  lines 
7,  8).  The  natural  inferences  from  this  passage 
are  that  Ptah-hotp  wrote  in  the  full  possession  of 
his  mental  faculties  at  the  age  of  110  years,  and 
that  his  father  was  still  reigning  at  the  time,  and, 
therefore,  had  attained  the  age  of  about  ViO  years, 
or  more.  The  analogy  of  all  other  documents  of 
the  kind  known  to  us  does  not  permit  a  diff'erent 
conclusion.  That  Ptah-hotp  was  the  son  of  Assa 
is  probable  from  inscriptions  in  tombs  at  Memphis; 
that  he  was  a  king's  eldest  son  is  exjjressly  stated 
by  himseff  {Facsimile,  &c.,  pi.  v.,  lines  0,  7).  Yet 
he  had  not  succeeded  his  father  at  the  time  of  hia 
writmg,  nor  docs  he  mention  that  sovereign  aa 
dead.  The  reigns  assigned  by  M.anetlio  to  the 
Shepherd-Kings  of  this  dynasty  seem  indicative  of 
a  greater  age  than  that  of  the  I'^gyptian  sovereigns 
(Cory's  Ancient  Frarjments,  2d  ed.,  pp.  114,  136). 
It  has  been  suggested  to  us  by  Mr.  Goodwin  that 
110  years  may  be  a  vague  tenn,  meaning  "a  very 
long  life; "  it  seems  to  be  so  used  in  papjri  of  a 
later  time  (n.  C.  cir.  1200).  We  rarely  thus  em- 
ploy the  tenn  centenarian,  more  commonly  employ- 
ing sexagenarian  and  octogenarian,  and  this  term 
is  therefore  indicative  of  a  greater  longevity  than 
ours  among  the  I'2gj-ptians.  If  the  1 1 0  years  of 
Ptah-hotp  be  vague,  we  must  still  suppose  him  to 
have  attained  to  an  extreme  old  age  during  hia 
father's  lifetime,  so  that  we  can  scarcely  reduce  the 
immbers  110  and  about  130  more  than  ten  years 
resjKictively.  This  Egyptian  document  is  of  the 
time  of  the  Fifteenth  Dynasty,  and  of  so  realistic 
and  circumstantial  a  character  in  its  histoiical  bear- 
ings that  the  facts  it  states  admit  of  no  dispute. 
Other  records  tend  to  confirm  the  inferences  we 
have  here  drawn.  It  seems,  however,  probable  that 
such  instances  of  longevity  were  exceptional,  and 
perhaps  more  usual  among  the  foreign  settlers  in 
Egypt  than  the  natives,  and  we  ha\e  no  ground  for 
considering  that  the  iCngth  of  generations  was  then 
generally  different  from  wiiat  it  now  is.  I"or  thes** 
reasons  we  find  no  difficulty  in  accepting  the  state 
ments  as  to  the  longevity  of  Abi-abam  and  certain 
of  his  descendants,  and  can  go  on  to  examine  the 
details  of  the  period  imder  consideration  as  mad? 
out  from  evidence  requiring  this  admission.  The 
narrative  aflTords  the  following  data  which  we  place 
under  two  periods  —  (1 )  that  from  Abram's  leading 
Haran  to  Jacob's  entering  l*"gy[)t;  and  (2)  thai 
from  Jacob's  entering  Egypt  to  the  Exodus. 

1.  Age  of  Abram  on  leaving  Ilaran       1!>  jrs. 

at  Isaiic's  birth     .  100 

Age  of  Isaac  at  Jacob's  birth  .     .     GO 


Age  of  Jacob  ou  entering  Kgypt .  130 


218  or  215  }T».  • 


a  Bunsen   reckons   Abraham's  yr.  75  as  1,  anl  j  r 
100  as  25,  auu.  makes  the  sum  of  tKis  mterral  from  Ut* 


i44 


CHRONOLOGY 


I.  Age  of  Tipvi  on  entering  Egypt    ....     c5r.  45 

Rrsiiiiio  of  bis  life     .     .     .  92 

OiM'rt'usion  after  the  death  of  Jacob's  sons 

(Kx.  i.  (),  7,  rr ). 

Age  of  Hoaiis  at  Kxodus     ...  ...      80 


Age  of  .roseph  in  the  same  year  , 
Kcsiiiiie  of  his  life   ...     . 
Age  of  Jloaes  at  KxoJus    .    .    , 


172 


151 


These  data  irake  up  about  387  or  388  years,  to 
which  it  L<  rciusoualile  to  make  some  addition,  since 
It  appears  that  all  Joseph's  generation  died  belore 
the  ojipression  commenced,  and  it  is  probable  that 
it  had  begun  some  time  liefore  the  birth  of  Jloses. 
Tlie  sum  we  thus  obtain  cannot  be  far  different 
from  4:U1  years,  a  period  for  the  whole  sojourn  that 
these  data  must  thus  be  held  to  confirm.  The 
genealogies  relating  to  the  time  of  the  dwelling  in 
EgJTit,  if  continuous,  which  there  is  much  reason 
to  supjiose  some  to  be,  are  not  repugnant  to  this 
scheme ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  one  alone  of  them, 
that  of  .Joshua,  in  1  Chr.  (ni.  23,  25,  2G,  27)  if  a 
ruccessian,  can  be  reconciled  with  the  opinion  that 
Jates  the  430  years  from  Jacob's  entering  into 
Egj7)t.  The  historical  evidence  should  be  caiefidly 
weighed.  Its  chief  iwint  is  the  increase  of  the  Is- 
raelites from  the  few  souls  who  went  with  Jacob 
into  I'2gypt,  and  Joseph  and  his  sons,  to  the  six 
hundred  thousand  men  who  came  out  at  the  Kxo- 
dus.  At  the  former  d.ate  the  following  are  enumer- 
ated—  "besides  Jacob's  sons'  wives,"  Jacob,  his 
twelve  sons  and  one  daughter  (13),  his  fifty-one 
grandsons  and  one  granddaughter  (52),  and  his 
four  great-grandsons,  making,  with  the  patriarch 
himself,  seventy  soids  (Gen.  xlvi.  8-27).  The  gen- 
eration to  which  children  would  be  bom  about  this 
date  may  thus  be  held  to  have  been  of  at  Icist  51 
pairs,"  since  all  are  males  except  one,  who  most 
probably  married  a  cousin.  Tliis  computation 
takes  no  account  of  p)Iygamy,  which  was  certainly 
practised  at  the  time  by  the  Hebrews,  lliis  first 
generation  nnist,  except  there  were  at  the  time 
other  female  grandchildren  of  Jacob  besides  the  one 
mentioned  (comp.  Gen.  xlvi.  7),  have  taken  foreign 
wives,  and  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  the  same  to 
have  been  constantly  done  afterwards,  though  prob- 
ably in  a  less  degree.  "We  cannot  therefore  found 
our  calcuhition  solely  on  these  51  pairs,  but  must 
allow  for  polygamy  and  foreign  marriages.  These 
admissions  being  made,  and  the  especial  bl&ssing 
which  attendetl  the  people  borne  in  mind,  the  in- 
:»rval  of  about  215  years  does  not  seem  too  short 
for  the  increase.  On  the  whole,  we  have  no  hesi- 
tation in  accepting  the  430  years  as  the  length  of 
the  interval  fix)ui  Abram's  leaving  Haran  to  the 
Exolus. 

C.  Third  Period,  from  the  Exodus  to  the  Foun- 
dation of  Solomon's  Temple.  —  There  is  but  one 
passage  from  which  we  obtain  the  length  of  this 
period  as  a  whole.  It  is  that  in  which  the  Pounda- 
tion  of  the  Temple  is  dated  in  the  480th  (Heb.),  or 
440th  (I.XX.)  year  after  the  Exodus,  in  the  4th  jt. 
8d  m.  of  Solomon's  reign  (1  K.  vi.  1).    Subtracting 


mmbers  215  (Egi/pfs  P'.acf,  I.  180).  This  is  innccu- 
»te,  since  if  75  =  1,  then  100  =  26.  and  the  interral 
1*216. 

o  Bunsen  ridicules  Dr.  Baumgarten  of  Kiel  for  sup- 
podsg  a  nwidus  of  56  pairs  from  70  (oula.    "  This  i«- 


CHRONOLOGY 

from  480  or  440  yrs.  the  first  three  yrs.  of  Solomon 
and  the  40  of  David,  we  obtain  (480  —  43  =  )  437 
or  (440  —  43  =  )  3!»7  yrs.  These  resuKs  we  havt 
first  to  compare  with  the  detached  mmibers.  TheM 
are  as  follows:  —  (a.)  From  Exodus  to  death  of 
Moses,  40  jTs.  (6.)  Leadership  of  Joshua,  7-f-a 
yrs.  (c.)  Inter\al  between  Joshua's  death  and  the 
First  Servitude  x  yn.  {(/.)  Servitudes  and  rule  of 
Judges  until  Eli's  death,  430  yrs.  (e. )  I'eriod  from 
Eli's  death  to  Saul's  accession,  20 -j- a;  yrs.  (/.) 
Saul's  reign,  40  yrs.  (</.)  David's  ro5gn,  40  yn. 
(/(.)  Solomon's  reign  to  Foundation  of  Temple,  3 
yrs.  Sum,  3  x  -f  580  yrs.  It  is  ix)ssiijle  to  obtain 
apppoximatively  the  length  of  the  three  wanting 
mmibers.  Joshua's  age  at  the  I^xodus  was  20  or 
20  -f-  X  JTS.  (Num.  xiv.  2D,  30),  and  at  his  dcith, 
110:  therefore  the  utmost  length  of  his  nde  must 
be  (110  —  20  -f  40= )  50  p-s.  After  Joshua  there 
is  the  time  of  the  Elders  who  overhved  him,  then  a 
period  of  disobedience  and  idolatry,  a  servitude  of 
8  yrs.,  dehverance  by  Othniel  the  son  of  Kenaz, 
the  ncpleew  of  Caleb,  and  rest  for  40  yrs.  untii 
Othniel's  death.  The  duration  of  Joshua's  govern- 
ment is  limited  by  the  circumstance  that  Caleb's 
lot  was  apportion«l  to  him  in  the  7tli  year  of  the 
occuiwtion,  and  therefore  of  Joshua's  rule,  when  he 
was  85  yrs.  old,  and  that  he  conquered  the  lot  after 
.Joshua's  death.  Caleb  cannot  be  supposed  to  have 
been  a  very  old  man  on  taking  his  portion,  end  it 
is  unlikely  that  he  would  have  waited  long  before 
attacking  the  heathen  who  held  it,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  jioition  being  his  claimed  reward  for  not 
having  feared  the  Anakim  who  dwelt  there,  a  reward 
promised  him  of  the  Lord  by  Moses  and  claimed 
of  Joshua,  v,'ho  alone  of  his  fellow-spies  had  shown 
the  same  faith  and  courage  (Num.  xiv.  24;  Deut. 
i.  30;  Josh.  xiv.  6  nd  fn.,  xv.  13-19;  Judg.  i.  9- 
15,  20).  If  we  suppose  that  Caleb  set  out  to  con- 
quer his  lot  about  7  years  after  its  apportionment, 
tlien  Joshua's  rule  would  be  about  13  yrs.,  and  he 
would  have  been  a  little  older  than  Caleb.  The 
inter\al  between  Joshua's  death  and  the  First 
Servitude  is  limited  by  the  history  of  Othniel.  Ho 
W.1S  already  a  warrior  when  Caleb  conquered  his  lot; 
he  lived  to  deliver  Israel  from  the  IMesopotamian 
oppressor,  and  die<l  at  the  end  of  the  subsequent 
40  yrs.  of  rest.  Supposing  Othniel  to  have  been 
30  yrs.  old  when  Caleb  set  out,  and  110  jts.  at  his 
death,  32  jts.  would  remain  for  the  interval  in 
question.  The  nile  of  Joshua  may  be  therefore 
reckoned  to  have  been  about  13  yrs.,  and  the  sub- 
sequent intenal  to  the  First  Senitude  about  32 
yrs.,  altogether  47  jts.  These  numbers  cannot  be 
considered  exact ;  but  they  can  hardly  be  far  WTong, 
more  especially  the  sum.  The  residue  of  Samuel's 
judgeship  after  the  20  yrs.  from  Eli's  death  until 
the  solemn  fast  and  victory  at  Mizpeh,  can  scarcely 
have  much  exceeded  20  yrs.  Samuel  must  have 
been  s«Il  young  at  the  time  of  Hi's  death,  and  he 
died  very  near  the  close  of  Saul's  reign  (1  Sam. 
XXV.  1,  xxviii.  3).  If  he  were  10  yrs.  old  at  the 
former  date,  and  judged  for  20  yrs.  after  the  victoiy 
at  Mizpeh,  he  would  have  been  near  90  yrs.  old 
(10'?-f  20  +  20  ?-f  38  V)  at  hU  death,  which  ap- 
pears to  have  been  a  long  period  of  life  at  that  time. 
If  we  thus  suppose  the  three  uncertain  iuten-ak, 


mainder  of  66  pair  out  of  70  souls  puts  us  very  much 
in  mind  of  Falstaffs  mode  of  reckoning."  (E^i/ptU 
Place,  I.  178).  Had  the  critic  read  Gen.  xlvi.  ho  wouM 
uot  have  made  this  extraordinary  mistake,  and  aUoim 
only  three  wives  to  67  men. 


CHEONOLOGY 

the  residue  of  Joshua's  rule,  the  time  after  his 
death  to  the  First  Servitude,  and  Saitjei's  rule 
after  the  victory  at  Jlizpeh  to  have  been  respectively 
6,  32,  and  20  yrs.,  the  sum  of  the  vfhole  period  will 
be  (580  -j-  58  =  )  038  jts.  Two  indejjendent  large 
numbers  seem  to  confirm  this  result.  One  is  iu 
St.  Paul's  address  at  Antioch  of  Pisidia,  where, 
after  speaking  of  the  Exodus  and  the  40  yrs.  in  the 
desert,  he  adds :  "  And  when  he  had  destroyed 
seven  nations  in  the  land  of  Chanaan,  he  divided 
their  limd  unto  them  by  lot.  And  after  that  he 
gave  [unto  them]  judges  about  the  space  of  four 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  until  Samuel  the  prophet. 
And  afterward  they  desired  a  king"  (Acts  xiii.  19, 
20,  21).  This  interval  of  450  yrs.  may  be  variously 
explained,  as  commencing  with  Othniel's  deliver- 
ance and  ending  with  Eli's  death,  a  period  which 
the  numbers  of  the  earlier  books  of  the  Bible,  if 
added  together,  make  422  yrs.,  or  as  commencing 
with  the  First  Servitude,  8  yrs.  more,  4-30  yrs.,  or 
with  Joshua's  de;ith,  which  would  raise  these  num- 
bers by  about  30  jts.,  or  again  it  may  be  held  to 
end  at  Saul's  accession,  which  would  raise  the 
numbers  given  respectively  by  about  40  yrs.  How- 
ever explained,  this  sum  of  450  jts.  supports  the 
authority  of  the  smaller  numbers  as  forming  an 
essentially  correct  measure  of  the  period.  The  other 
large  number  occurs  in  Jephthah's  message  to  the 
king  of  the  Children  of  Ammon,  where  the  period 
during  which  Israel  had  held  the  land  of  the  Amo- 
rites  from  the  first  conquest  either  up  to  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Servitude  from  which  they  were  about 
to  be  freed,  or  up  to  the  very  time,  is  given  a*  300 
yrs.  (Judg.  xi.  2G).  The  smaller  numbers,  with 
the  addition  of  38  yrs.  for  two  uncertain  periods, 
would  make  these  intervals  respectively  340  and  364 
yrs.  Here,  therefore,  there  appears  to  be  another 
agreement  with  the  smaller  numbers,  although  it 
does  not  amount  to  a  positive  agreement,  since  the 
meaning  might  be  either  three  centuries,  as  a  vague 
Bum,  or  about  300  yrs.  So  far  as  the  evidence  of 
the  numbers  goes,  we  must  decide  in  favor  of  the 
longer  interval  from  the  E.xodus  to  the  building  of 
the  First  Temple,  in  preference  to  the  period  of  480 
or  440  JTS.  The  evidence  of  the  genealogies  has 
been  held  by  some  to  sustain  a  different  conclusion. 
These  lists,  as  they  now  stand,  would,  if  of  con- 
tinuous generations,  be  decidedly  in  favor  of  an 
interval  of  about  300,  400,  or  even  500  years,  some 
being  much  shorter  than  others.  It  is,  however, 
impossible  to  reduce  them  to  consistency  with  each 
other  without  arbitrarily  altering  some,  and  the 
result  with  those  who  have  followed  them  as  the 

»«afest  guides  has  been  the  adoption  of  the  shortest 
of  the  numbers  just  given,  about  300  yrs."  The 
evidence  of  the  genealogies  may  therefore  be  con- 
sidered as  probably  leading  to  the  rejection  of  all 
numerical  statements,  but  as  perhaps  less  incon- 

Isistent  with  that  of  480  or  440  j'rs.  than  with  the 
rest.  We  have  already  shown  ( Technical  Chro- 
nology) what  strong  reasons  there  are  against  using 
the  Hebrew  genealogies  to  measure  time.  We  pre- 
fer to  hold  to  the  evidence  of  the  numbers,  and  to 
.ake  as  the  most  satisfactory  the  interval  of  about 
^8  JTS.  from  the  Exodus  to  the  Fcadation  of 
lolomon's  Temple. 

D.  Fourth  Period,  from  the  Fn...idation  of  Sol- 
omon's Temple  to  its  Destruction.  —  We  have  now 


«  Both  BuDsen  {Egyj'f''s  Place,  i.  176-77) ani  uepsltis 
Chron.  il.  JEg.  i.  389)  suppose  the  genealogy  of 
Shaul  the  sou  of  Uzziah  the  Levite  (1  Chr.  vi.  22^21, 


CHRONOLOGY  445 

reached  a  pciod  in  which  the  differences  cf  chrrv 
nologers  are  no  longer  to  be  measured  bj*  cciituries 
but  by  tens  of  years  and  even  single  j'ears,  and 
towards  the  close  of  which  accuracy  is  attainable 
The  most  important  numbers  in  the  IJible  are  gen- 
erally stated  more  than  once,  and  several  mains  are 
afforded  by  which  their  accuracy  can  be  tested. 
The  principal  of  these  tests  are  the  statements  of 
kings'  ages  at  their  accessions,  the  double  dating 
of  the  accessions  of  kings  of  Judah  in  the  reigna 
of  kings  of  Israel  and  the  converse,  and  the  double 
reckoning  by  the  j'cars  of  kings  of  Judah  and  of 
Nebuchadnezzar.  Of  these  tests  the  most  valuable 
is  the  second,  which  extends  through  the  gresvter 
part  of  the  period  under  consideration,  and  ])revents 
our  making  any  very  serious  error  ui  computing  its 
length.  'I'he  mentions  of  kings  of  Egypt  and 
Assyria  contemporary  with  Hebrew  sovereigns  are 
also  of  importance,  and  are  likely  to  be  more  so, 
when,  as  we  may  expect,  the  chronological  places  of 
sll  these  contemporaries  are  more  neai'ly  determined. 
All  records  therefore  tending  to  fix  the  chronologies 
of  Egjiit  and  Assyria,  as  well  as  of  Babylonia,  are 
of  great  value  from  their  bearing  on  Hebrew  chro 
nology.  At  present  the  most  important  of  such 
records  is  Ptolemy's  Canon,  from  which  no  sound 
chronologer  will  venture  to  deviate.  If  all  the 
Biblical  evidence  is  carefully  collected  and  compared, 
it  will  be  found  that  some  small  and  great  incon- 
sistencies necessitate  certain  changes  of  the  num- 
bers. The  amount  of  the  former  class  has,  however 
been  much  exaggerated,  since  several  su])posed  in- 
consistencies depend  upon  the  non-reoognition  of 
the  mode  of  reckoning  regnal  j'ears,  from  the  com- 
mencement of  the  year  and  not  from  the  day  of  the 
king's  accession.  The  greater  difficulties  and  some 
of  the  smaller  cannot  be  resolved  without  the  sup- 
position that  numbers  have  been  altered  by  copyists. 
In  these  cases  our  only  resource  is  to  propose  an 
emendation.  We  must  never  take  refuge  in  the 
idea  of  an  interregnum,  since  it  is  a  much  more 
violent  hypothesis,  considering  the  facts  of  the  his- 
tory, than  the  conjectural  change  of  a  number. 
Two  interregnums  have  however  been  supposed, 
one  of  11  yrs.  between  Jeroboam  II.  and  Zachariah, 
and  the  other,  of  9  jts.  between  Pekah  and  Hoshea. 
The  former  supposition  might  seem  to  receive  some 
support  from  the  words  of  the  prophet  Ilosea  (x.  3, 
7,  and  perhaps  15),  which,  however,  may  as  well 
imply  a  lax  government,  and  the  great  power  of 
the  Israelite  princes  and  captains,  as  an  absolute 
anarchy,  and  we  must  remember  the  improbability 
of  a  powerful  sovereign  not  having  been  at  once 
succeeded  by  his  son,  and  of  the  people  having  been 
content  to  remain  for  some  years  without  a  king. 
It  is  still  more  unlikely  that  in  Iloshea's  case  « 
king's  murderer  should  have  been  able  to  take  his 
place  after  an  interval  of  9  yrs.  We  prefer  in  both 
cases  to  suppose  a  longer  reign  of  the  earlier  of  the 
two  kings  between  whom  the  interregnums  are  con 
jectured.  With  the  exception  of  these  two  inter 
regnums,  we  would  accept  the  computation  of  tht 
interval  we  are  now  considering  given  in  the  margin 
of  the  A.  V.  It  must  be  added,  that  the  date  of 
the  conclusion  of  this  period  there  given  b.  c.  583 
must  be  corrscted  to  586.  The  received  chronology 
as  to  its  intervals  cannot  indeed  be  held  to  be 
beyond  question  in  the  time  before  Josiah's  acce». 

comp.  33-38)  to  be  that  of  Saul  the  king  of  Israra,  an 
aUnost  unaccountable  mistake. 


146 


CHRONOLOGY 


lica  up  to  the  Foundation  of  the  Temple,  but  we 
lanuot  at  iirciciit  attain  any  better  positive  result 
Ihan  that  ue  Iiave  accepted.  The  wliole  period 
may  therefore  lie  held  to  be  of  about  425  yrs.,  that 
of  tho  uiulivide<l  kingdom  120  yrs.,  tliat  of  the 
kingdom  of  Judali  about  388  yrs.,  and  that  of  the 
kingdom  of  Israel  about  255  yrs.  It  is  scarcely 
possible  that  these  numbei-s  can  be  moi-e  than  a 
very  few  years  wrong,  if  at  all.  (For  a  fuller  treat- 
ment of  the  chronology  of  the  kings,  see  Israel, 
Kingdom  ok,  and  ,lui).\ir,  Kixguom  ok.) 

E.  Fiftli  I'eriod,  from  the  Destruction  of  Solo- 
mon's Temple  to  the  IJeturn  from  the  IJabylonish 
Captivity.  —  The  determination  of  the  length  of 
this  period  dcjjends  upon  the  date  of  the  return  to 
Palestine  The  decree  of  Cyrus  leading  to  that 
event  was  made  in  the  1st  year  of  his  reign,  doubt- 
less at  Habyion  (I':zr.  i.  1),  n.  c.  538,  but  it  does 
not  seem  certain  that  the  Jews  at  once  returned. 
So  great  a  migration  must  have  occupied  much 
time,  and  about  two  or  three  jrs.  would  not  seem 
too  long  An  intcnal  for  its  complete  accomplish- 
ment after  the  promulgation  of  the  decree.  Two 
numbers,  held  by  some  to  be  identical,  must  here 
be  considered.  One  is  the  period  of  70  jts.,  during 
which  the  tyranny  of  IJabylon  over  Pidestine  and 
the  East  genendly  was  to  last,  prophesied  by  Jere- 
miah (xxv.),  and  the  other,  the  70  yrs.  Captivity 
(xxix.  10;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  21;  Dan.  ix.  2).  The 
commencement  of  the  former  period  is  plainly  the 
1st  year  of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  4th  of  Jehoiakim 
(Jer.  xxv.  1),  when  the  successes  of  the  king  of 
Babylon  began  (xlvi.  2),  and  the  miseries  of  Jeru- 
Balem  (xxv.  2J),"  and  the  conclusion,  the  fall  of 
Babylon  (ver.  2C).  Ptolemy's  Canon  counts  from 
the  accession  of  Nebuchadnezzar  to  that  of  Cjtus 
66  yrs.,  a  number  sufficiently  near  to  the  round 
sum  of  70,  which  may  indeed,  if  the  yrs.  be  of  300 
days  ( Year)  i-epresent  at  the  utmost  no  more  than 
about  69  tropical  years.  The  liimous  70  years  of 
captivity  would  seem  to  be  the  same  period  as  this, 
since  it  was  to  tenuinate  with  the  return  of  the 
captives  (Jer.  xxix.  10).  The  two  passages  in  Zech., 
which  speak  of  such  an  interval  as  one  of  desoLition 
(i.  12),  and  during  which  fasts  connected  with  the 
last  captivity  had  been  kept  (vii.  5),  are  not  irre- 
concilable with  this  explanation:  a  famous  past 
period  might  Ih;  spoken  of,  as  the  modems  speak 
of  the  Thirty  Years'  ^Var.  These  two  passages  are, 
it  must  be  noticed,  of  different  dates,  the  first  of 
the  2d  year  of  Darius  Ilystaspis,  the  second  of  the 
4th  year.  —  'i'his  period  we  consider  to  be  of  48  -f- a; 
yrs.,  the  doubtful  number  being  the  time  of  the 
reign  of  Cyrus  before  the  return  to  Jerusalem, 
probably  a  space  of  about  two  or  three  years. 

Principal  iSi/stems  of  Biblical  Chronolofjy. — 
Upon  the  data  we  have  considered  three  principal 
lystems  of  Biblical  Chronology  have  been  founded, 
which  may  be  termed  the  Long  System,  the  Short, 
>nd  the  IJabbinical.  There  is  a  fourth,  which, 
ilthough  aji  oflshoot  in  part  of  the  last,  can  scarcely 


a  In  the  book  of  Daniel  (i.  1)  the  3d  year  of 
lehoiakim  is  given  instead  of  the  4th,  which  may  be 
ucounted  for  by  the  circumstance  that  the  Babylonian 
year  commenced  earlier  than  the  Uebrew,  bo  that 
Nebuchadncz7Jir's  l.st  would  commence  in  Jchoiakim's 
3d,  and  be  current  in  his  4th.  In  other  books  of  the 
Bible  the  years  of  liabylonian  kings  seem  to  be  gener- 
illy  Ilebrew  current  years.  Two  other  difficulties  may 
De  noticed.  The  18th  year  of  Nebuchadnezzar  in  Jer. 
U.  ao  aeems  to  be  for  the  19th.    The  difGlculty  of  the 


CHRONOLOGY 

be  termed  Biblical,  inasmuch  a.s  it  depends  for  th» 
most  part  upon  theories,  not  only  independent  o^ 
but  repugnant  to  the  Bible:  this  last  is  at  present 
peculiar  to  Baron  Bunsen.  Before  noticing  thest 
systems  it  is  desirable  to  point  out  some  character- 
istics of  tho.se  who  have  supported  them,  which 
may  serve  to  aid  our  judgment  in  seeing  how  far 
they  are  trustworthy  guides.  All,  or  almost  all 
have  erred  on  the  side  of  claiming  for  their  results 
a  greater  accuracy  than  the  nature  of  the  evidence 
upon  which  they  rested  rendered  possible.  An- 
other failing  of  these  chronologers  is  a  tendency  to 
accept,  through  a  kind  of  fidse  analogy,  long  or 
short  numbers  and  computations  for  intervals,  rather 
according  as  they  have  adopted  the  long  or  the  short 
reckoning  of  the  patriarchal  genealogies  than  on  a 
consideration  of  special  evidence.  It  is  as  though 
they  were  resolved  to  make  the  sura  as  great  or  as 
sn\all  as  possible.  The  liabbins  have  in  their  chro- 
nology afibrded  the  strongest  example  of  this  error, 
having  so  shortened  the  intcnals  as  even  egre- 
giously  to  throw  out  the  dates  of  the  time  of  the 
Persian  rule.  The  Gennan  school  is  here  an  ex- 
cefition,  for  it  has  generally  fallen  into  an  opposite 
extreme  and  rcquiretl  a  far  greater  time  than  any 
derivable  from  the  Biblical  numbers  for  the  earlier 
ages,  while  taking  the  Babbinical  date  of  the  Ex- 
o<lus,  and  so  has  put  two  portions  of  its  chronology 
in  violent  contrast.  We  do  not  lay  much  stress 
upon  the  opinions  of  the  early  Christian  WTiters,  or 
e\en  Josephus:  their  method  was  uncritical,  and 
they  accepted  the  numbers  best  known  to  them 
without  any  feeling  of  doubt.  AVe  shall  therefore 
confine  ourselves  to  the  moderns. 

The  principal  advocates  of  the  Long  Chronology 
are  Jackson,  Hales,  and  Des-Vignoles.  They  taie 
the  LXX.  for  the  patriarchal  generations,  and  adopt 
the  long  interval  from  the  luodus  to  the  Foundjv- 
tion  of  Solomon's  Temple.  The  Short  CI:ronology 
has  had  a  multitude  of  illustrious  supj)ortcrs  owing 
to  its  having  been  from  Jerome's  time  the  recog- 
nized system  of  the  ^^'est.  Ussher  may  be  con- 
sidered as  its  most  able  advocate.  He  follows  the 
Hebrew  in  the  patriarchal  generations,  and  takes 
the  480  years  from  the  Exodus  to  the  Foundation 
of  Solomon's  Temple.  The  Kabbinical  Chronology 
has  lately  come  into  much  notice  from  its  partial 
reception,  chiefly  by  the  German  school.  It  accepts 
the  Biblical  numbers,  but  makes  the  most  arbitrary 
corrections.  For  the  date  of  the  Exodus  it  has 
l)een  virtually  accepted  by  Bunsen,  Leijsius,  and 
lx>rd  A.  Hervey.  The  system  of  Bunsen  we  have 
been  compelled  to  constitute  a  fourth  chiss  of  itself. 
For  the  time  belbre  the  Exodus  he  discards  all  Bib- 
lical chronological  data,  and  reasons  altogether,  aa 
it  appears  to  us,  on  philological  considerations. 
The  following  table  exhibits  the  principal  dates  ac- 
cording to  fire  writers. 

The  principal  disagreements  of  these  chronol- 
ogers, besides  those  already  indicated,  must  be  no- 
ticed.   In  the  post-diluvian  period  Hales  rejects  the 


37th  year  of  Jeholachln's  captivity,  12m.  25d.  (Jer.), 
or  27  (2  K.),  falling  according  to  tho  rendering  of  th* 
A.  V.  in  the  Ist  year  of  Evll-Merodach  (Jer.  Hi.  31 ;  2 
K.  xxv.  27),  may  l>e  explaiued,  as  Or.  llincks  suggests, 
either  by  supposing  the  Ileb.,  "  in  the  year  when  h« 
was  king,"  to  mean  that  he  reigned  but  one  year  In- 
stead of  two,  as  in  the  cancn,  or  that  Evll-Merodach  it 
not  the  lluarodamus  of  the  canon  {Joum.  Satr.  Ii$ 
Oct.  1858). 


CHRONOLOGY 


CHRONOLOCtlf 


417 


Uales. 

Jackson. 

UKSher. 

PetaTius. 

Bunaen. 

B.  c. 

B.  o. 

B.  C 

B.  C. 

n.  c. 

Creation 

5411 

6426 

4004 

3983 

(Adam)    cir.  2(.' 000 

FIooU 

8155 

3170 

2348 

2327 

(Moah)     cir.  10,000 

Atruin  leaves  Ilaran .... 

2078 

2023 

1&2: 

1961 

Exodus 

1643 

15y3 

1491 

15;Jl 

1320 

I'ouinlation  of  Solomon's  Temple 

1027 

1014 

1012 

1012 

1004 

De^itructioQ  of         "               " 

586 

58ij 

688 

589 

5SG     ' 

» 


lecond  Cainan  and  reckons  Terah's  age  at  Abram's 
birth  130  instead  of  70  yoirs;  Jackson  accepts  tlie 
gecond  Cainan  and  does  not  make  any  cliange  in  the 
second  case;  Usshtr  and  Petavius  follow  the  He- 
brew, but  the  former  alters  the  generation  of  Terah, 
while  the  latter  does  not.  Bunsen  requires  "  for  the 
Noachian  period  about  ten  millennia  before  our  era, 
and  for  the  beginning  of  our  race  another  ten  thou- 
sand years,  or  very  little  more  "  ( Outlines,  vol.  ii.  p. 
12).  These  conclusions  necessitate  the  abandon- 
ment of  all  belief  in  the  historical  character  of 
the  Biblical  account  of  the  times  before  Abraham. 
We  cannot  here  discuss  the  grounds  upon  which 
they  seem  to  be  founded:  it  may  be  stated,  how- 
ever, that  those  grounds  may  be  considered  to  be 
wholly  philological.  The  writer  does  indeed  speak 
of  "facts  and  traditions:"  his  facts,  however,  as 
far  as  we  can  perceive,  are  the  results  of  a  theory 
of  language,  and  tradition  is,  from  its  nature,  no 
guide  in  chronology.  How  far  language  can  be 
taken  as  a  guide  is  a  very  hard  question.  It  is, 
however,  certain  that  no  Semitic  scholar  has  ac- 
cepted Bunsen's  theory.  For  the  time  from  the 
Exodus  to  the  Foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple, 
Ussher  alone  takes  the  480  years ;  the  rest,  except 
Bunsen,  adopt  longer  periods  according  to  their 
explanations  of  the  other  numbers  of  this  inten'al; 
b»t  Bunsen  calculates  by  generations.  We  have 
already  seen  the  great  risk  that  is  run  in  adopting 
Hebrew  genealogies  for  the  measure  of  time,  both 
generally  and  in  this  case.  The  period  of  the 
Icings,  froin  the  foundation  of  Solomon's  Temple, 
'jg  very  nearly  the  same  in  the  computations  of 
lackson,  Ussher,  and  Petavius :  Hales  lengthens  it 
by  supposing  an  interregnum  of  11  years  after  the 
death  of  Amaziah ;  Bunsen  shortens  it  by  reducing 
the  reign  of  Manasseh  from  55  to  45  years.  The 
former  theory  is  improbable  and  uncritical;  the 
latter  is  merely  the  result  of  a  supposed  necessity, 
which  we  shall  see  has  not  been  proved  to  exist ;  it 
is  thus  needless,  and  in  its  form  as  uncritical  as  the 
jther. 

Probable  determination  of  dates  and  intervals.  — 
Elaving  thus  gone  over  the  Biblical  data,  it  only 
remains  for  us  to  state  what  we  believe  to  be  the 
most  satisfactory  scheme  of  chronology,  derived 
from  a  comparison  of  these  with  foreign  data. 
We  shall  endeavor  to  establish  on  independent  ev- 
idence, eitlier  exactly  or  approximatively,  certain 
main  dates,  and  shall  be  content  if  the  numbers 
we  have  previously  obtained  for  the  intervals  be- 
tween them  do  not  greatly  disagree  with  those  thus 
honied. 

1.  Date  of  the  Destruction  of  Solomon's  Temple. 
—  The  Temple  was  destroyed  in  the  19th  year  of 
Nebuchadnezzar,  in  the  5th  month  of  the  Jewish 
few  (Jer.  lii.  12,  13;  2  K.  xxv.  8,  0).  In  Ptol 
•my's  Canon,  this  year  is  current  in  the  proleptic 
iuHan  year,  n.  c.  58G,  and  the  5th  month  may 
Be  conaid»red  as  about  equal  to  August  of  that 


I  2.  Synchronism  of  .Tosiah  and  Pharaoh  Necho. 
—  The  death  of  Josiali  can  be  clearly  shown  on 
Biblical  evidence  to  have  taken  |)lace  in  the  22d 
I  year  before  that  in  which  the  Temple  was  destroyed, 
I  that  is,  in  the  Jewish  year  from  the  spring  of  b.  c. 
608  to  the  spring  of  007.  Necho's  1st  year  is 
])roved  by  the  Apis-tablets  to  have  been  most  prob- 
ably the  I"'gyptian  vague  year,  Jan.  n.  c.  C09-8, 
but  possibly  it.  c.  010-9.  The  exjjedition  in  op- 
|K)sing  which  Josiah  fell,  cannot  be  reasonably  dated 
earlier  than  Necho's  2d  year,  i«.  c.  009-8  or  GOS-7. 
It  is  important  to  notice  that  no  earlier  d;ite  of  the 
destruction  of  the  Temple  than  h.  c.  580  can  be 
reconciled  with  the  chronology  of  Necho's  reign. 
We  have  thus  is.  c.  008-7  for  the  last  year  of  Jo- 
siah, and  038-7  for  that  of  hU  accession,  the  for- 
mer date  falling  within  the  time  indicated  by  the 
chronology  of  Necho's  i-eign. 

3.  Synchronism  of  llezekiah  and  Tirhakah.  — 
Tirhakali  is  mentioned  as  an  opponent  of  Sennach- 
erib shortly  before  the  miraculous  destruction  of 
his  army  in,  accordhig  to  the  present  text,  the  14th 
year  of  I  lezekiah.  It  has  been  lately  proveil  from 
the  Apis-tablets  that  the  1st  year  of  Tirhakah's 
reign  over  Kgypt  was  the  vague  year  current  in  B. 
c.  089.  The  14th  year  of  llezekiah,  according  to 
the  received  chronology,  is  u.  c.  713,  and,  if  we 
correct  it  two  years  on  account  of  the  lowering  of 
the  date  of  the  destruction  of  the  Temple,  B.  c. 
711.  If  (Hawlinson's  I/erod.  vol.  i.  p.  479,  n.  1) 
we  hold  that  the  expe<lition  dated  in  Ilezekiah's 
14th  j-ear  was  different  from  that  which  ended  in 
the  destruction  of  the  Assyrian  anny,  we  must  still 
place  the  latter  event  before  n.  c.  095.  There  is, 
therefore,  a  prima  facie  discrepancy  of  at  lea.sfc  6 
3'ear3.  Bunsen  {Bibelwerk,  i.  p.  cccvi.)  unhesitat- 
ingly reduces  the  reign  of  Manasseh  from  55  to  45 
yciire.  Lepsius  (KOnir/sbuck,  p.  104)  more  crit» 
ically  takes  the  35  years  of  the  LXX.  as  the  true 
duration.  Were  an  altemtion  demanded,  it  would 
seem  best  to  make  Maiiasseh's  computation  of  his 
reign  commence  with  his  father's  illness  in  prefer- 
ence to  taking  the  conjectural  number  45  or  the 
very  short  one  35.  The  evidence  of  the  chronol- 
ogy of  the  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  kings  is,  how- 
ever, we  think,  conclusive  in  favor  of  the  sum  of  55. 
In  the  Bible  we  are  told  that  Shalmaneser  laid 
siege  to  Samaria  in  the  4th  year  of  llezekiah,  and 
that  it  was  taken  in  the  0th  year  of  that  king  (2 
K.  xviii.  9,  10).  The  Assyrian  inscriptions  indi- 
cate the  taking  of  the  city  by  Sargon  in  his  1st  or  2d 
year,  whence  we  must  sup])Ose  either  that  he  com- 
pleted the  enterprise  of  Shalmaneser,  to  whom  the 
capture  is  not  expressly  ascribed  in  the  Scriptures,  oi 
that  he  took  the  credit  of  an  event  which  happened 
just  before  his  accession.  The  1st  year  of  Sai^ou 
is  shown  by  the  inscriptions  to  have  been  exactly 
I  or  nearly  equal  to  the  Is*  of  Merodaoh-Ealadan, 
I  Mardocempadus:  therefore  it  was  currsnt  B.  c.  721 
I  or  720,  and  the  2d  year,  720  or  719.  This  would 
I  ^lace  Hezekiah's  accession  b.  c.  726,  725,  or  724 


^  CHRONOLOGY 

tht  3d  Ifing  the  very  date  the  Hebrew  numbers 
giie.  A:;airi,  Werodach-Baladan  sent  messengers 
to  Ilezekiab  immediately  after  his  sickness,  and 
iherefore  in  about  his  15th  year,  n.  c.  710.  Ac- 
cording to  Ptoiemy's  Canon,  Jlardocenipadus 
reigned  721-710,  and,  according  to  Berosus,  seized 
the  regal  power  for  6  montlis  before  Elibus,  the 
Belibus  of  the  Canon,  and  therefore  in  about  703, 
this  being,  no  doubt,  a  second  reign.  Here  the 
preponderance  of  evidence  is  in  favor  of  the  earlier 
dates  of  Hezekiah.  Thus  far  the  chronological 
data  of  Egypt  and  Assyria  appear  to  clash  in 
a  manner  that  seems  at  first  sight  to  present  a 
hopeless  knot,  but  not  on  this  account  to  be  rashly 
cut.  An  examination  of  the  facts  of  the  history 
hiis  afforded  IJr.  Hincks  what  we  believe  to  be  the 
tnie  explanation.  Tirhakah,  he  observes,  is  not 
txplicitly  termed  Pharaoh  or  king  of  Egypt  in  the 
Bible,  but  king  of  Cush  or  Ethiopia,  from  which 
it  might  be  inferred  that  at  the  time  of  Sennach- 
srib's  disastrous  invasion  he  had  not  assumed  the 
no\m  of  Egypt.  The  AssjTian  uiscriptions  of 
Sennachei'ib  mention  kings  of  Egypt  and  a  con- 
temporary king  of  Ethiopia  in  alliance  with  them. 
The  history  of  Egypt  at  the  time,  obtained  by  a 
comparison  of  the  evidence  of  Herodotus  and  others 
with  that  of  Manetho's  lists,  would  lead  to  the 
same  or  a  similar  conclusion,  which  appears  to  be 
remarkably  confirmed  by  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah. 
We  hold,  therefore,  as  most  probable,  that  at  the 
time  of  Sennacherib's  disastrous  expedition,  Tir- 
hakah was  king  of  Ethiopia  in  alliance  with  the 
king  or  kings  of  Egypt.  It  only  remains  to  ascer- 
tain what  evidence  tliere  is  for  the  date  of  this  ex- 
pedition. First,  it  must  be  noted  that  the  warlike 
operations  of  Sennacherib  recorded  in  the  Bible 
have  been  conjectured,  as  already  mentioned,  to  be 
those  of  two  expeditions.  The  fine  paid  by  Heze- 
kiah is  recorded  in  the  inscriptions  as  a  result  of 
an  expedition  of  Sennacherib's  3d  year,  which,  by  a 
comparison  of  Ptolemy's  Canon  with  Berosus,  must 
be  dated  b.  c.  700,  which  would  fall  so  near  the 
close  of  the  reign  of  the  king  of  Judah,  if  no 
alteration  be  made,  that  the  supposed  second  ex- 
pedition, of  which  there  would  naturally  be  no 
.dcord  in  the  Ass}Tian  annals  on  account  of  its  ca- 
lamitous end,  could  not  be  placed  much  later.  The 
Biblical  account  would,  however,  be  most  reason- 
ably explained  by  the  supposition  that  the  two  ex- 
peditions were  but  two  campaigns  of  the  same  war,  a 
war  but  temporarily  interrupted  by  Hezekiah's  sub- 
mission. Since  the  first  expedition  fell  in  b.  c.  700, 
we  have  not  to  suppose  that  the  reign  of  Tirhakah 
in  Ethiopia  commenced  more  than  11  years  at  the 
utmost  before  his  accession  in  Egypt,  a  supposition 
vhich,  on  the  whole,  is  far  preferable  to  the  dis- 
•  Dcating  attempts  that  have  been  made  to  lower  the 
•eign  of  Hezekiah.  This  would,  however,  necessi- 
tate a  substitution  of  a  later  date  in  the  place  of 
the  14th  year  of  Hezekiah  for  the  first  expedition. 
(See  especially  Dr.  Hincks's  paper  "  On  the  Kecti- 
fications  of  Sacred  and  Profane  Chronology,  which 
the  newly-discovered  Apis-steles  render  necessary," 
in  the  Journal  of  Sacred  Literature,  Oct.  1858; 
and  Kawlinson's  Jhrod.  i.  478-480).  The  syn- 
ehwnisms  of  Hoshca  and  Shalmaneser,  Pekah  and 
riglath-Pileser,  Menahem  and  Pul,  have  not  yet 
been  approximatively  determined  on  double   evi- 


4.  Synrhrordsnt  of  Rehoboam  and  Shishak.  —  The 
Biblical  e^^dence  for  this  synchronism  is  as  follows  : 
Behoboam  appears  tc  have  come  to  the  throne 


CHRONOLOGY 

about  249  years  before  the  accession  of  ITczeUalk, 
and  therefore  n.  c.  cir.  973.  The  invasion  of  Shi- 
shak took  place  in  his  5th  year,  by  this  computa- 
tion, 969.  Shishak  was  already  on  the  throne 
when  Jeroboam  fled  to  him  from  Solomon.  This 
event  happened  during  the  building  of  Millo,  Ac. 
when  Jeroboam  was  head  of  the  workmen  of  the 
house  of  Joseph  (I  K.  xi.  2G-40,  see  esp.  ver.  29). 
The  building  of  Millo  and  repairing  of  the  breaches 
of  the  city  of  David  was  after  the  building  of  ths 
house  of  Pharaoh's  daughter,  that  was  constructed 
about  the  same  tune  as  Solomon's  house,  the  com- 
pletion of  which  is  dated  in  his  23d  year  ( 1  K.  vi. 
1,  37,  38,  vii.  1;  2  Chr.  viii.  1).  This  building  is 
recorded  after  the  occurrences  of  the  24th  year  of 
Solomon,  for  Pharaoh's  daughter  remained  in  Je- 
rusalem imtil  the  king  had  ended  building  his  omi 
house,  and  the  temple,  and  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
round  about  (1  K.  iii.  1),  and  Millo  was  built  after 
the  removal  of  the  queen  (ix.  24);  therefore,  as  Jer- 
oboam was  concerned  in  this  building  of  jMillo  and 
repairing  the  breaches,  and  was  met  "  at  that  time  " 
(xi.  29)  by  Ahijah,  and  in  consequence  had  to  flee 
from  the  country,  the  24th  or  25th  year  is  the  most 
probable  date.  Thus  Shishak  appears  to  have  come 
to  the  throne  at  least  21  or  22  years  before  his  ex- 
pedition against  Kehoboam.  An  inscription  at  the 
quarries  of  Silsilis  in  Upper  Egypt  records  the  cut- 
ting of  stone  in  the  22d  year  of  Sheshonk  I.,  or 
Shishak,  for  constructions  in  the  chief  temple  of 
Thebes,  where  v/e  now  find  a  record  of  his  conquest 
of  Judah  (Champollion,  Letires,  pp.  190,  191). 
On  these  grounds  we  may  place  the  accession  of 
Shishak  B.  c.  cir.  990.  The  evidence  of  Manetho's 
lists,  compared  with  the  monuments,  would  place 
this  event  within  a  few  years  of  this  date,  for  they 
do  not  allow  us  to  put  it  much  before  or  aftei  o.  c. 
1000,  an  approach  to  correctness  which  at  tiiia 
period  is  very  valuable.  It  is  not  possible  here  to 
discuss  this  evidence  in  detail. 

5.  Exodus.  —  Arguments  founded  on  independ- 
ent evidence  afford  the  best  means  of  deciding  which 
is  the  most  probable  computation  from  Biblical  evi- 
dence of  the  date  of  the  Exodus.  A  comparison 
of  the  Hebrew  calendar  with  the  Egyptian  has  led 
the  writer  to  the  following  result :  The  civil  com- 
mencement of  the  Hebrew  year  was  with  the  new 
moon  nearest  to  the  autumnal  equinox ;  and  at  the 
approximative  date  of  the  F-xodus  obtained  by  the 
long  reckoning,  we  find  that  the  Egyptian  vague 
year  commenced  at  or  about  that  jwint  of  time. 
This  approximative  date,  therefore,  falls  about  the 
time  at  which  the  vague  year  and  the  Hebrew  year, 
as  dated  from  the  autunmal  equinox,  nearly  or  ex- 
actly coincided  in  their  commencements.  It  may 
be  reasonably  supposed  that  the  Israelites  in  the 
time  of  the  oppression  had  made  use  of  the  vague 
year  as  the  common  year  of  the  country,  which 
indeed  is  rendered  highly  probable  by  the  circum- 
stance that  they  had  mostly  adopted  the  I'lgyptian 
religion  (Josh.  xxiv.  14;  Ez.  xx.  7,  8),  the  celebra- 
tions of  which  were  kept  according  to  this  year. 
When,  therefore,  the  festivab  of  the  Ijiw  rendered 
a  year  virtually  tropical  necessary,  of  the  kind  either 
restored  or  instituted  at  the  Exodus,  it  seems  most 
probable  that  the  current  vague  year  was  fixed  un- 
der Moses.  If  this  supposition  be  correct,  we  should 
expect  to  find  that  the  14th  day  of  Abib,  on  which 
fell  the  full  moon  of  the  Passover  of  the  Exodus 
corresponded  to  the  14th  day  of  a  Phamenoth,  in  > 
vague  year  commencing  about  the  autunmal  equi- 
nox     It  has  been  ascertained  by  computation  that 


CHRONOLOGY 

•  Bin  moon  fell  on  the  14th  day  of  Phatnenoth,  on 
Thursday,  AprI!  21st,  in  the  year  b.  c.  1652. «  A 
full  moon  would  not  fall  on  the  same  day  of  the 
vague  year  at  a  shorter  interval  than  25  years  be- 
fore or  after  this  date,  while  the  triple  coincidence 
of  the  new  moon,  vague  year,  and  autumnal  equi- 
nox could  not  recur  in  less  than  1500  vague  years 
{£nc.  Biit.  8th  ed.  Egypt,  p.  45S).  The  date  thus 
obtained  is  but  4  years  earlier  than  Hales's,  and  the 
interval  from  it  to  that  of  the  Foundation  of  Sol- 
omon's Temple,  b.  c.  cir.  1010,  would  be  about 
642  years,  or  4  years  in  excess  of  that  previously 
obtained  from  the  numerical  statements  in  the  Bi- 
ble. It  must  be  Iwme  in  mind  that  the  inferences 
irova  the  celebration  of  great  passovers  also  led  us 
to  about  the  same  time.  In  later  articles  we  shall 
show  the  manner  in  which  the  history  of  Egypt 
agrees  with  this  conclusion.  [Egyit;  Exodus, 
THE.]  Setting  aside  Ussher's  preference  for  the 
480  yjars,  as  resting  upon  evidence  far  less  strong 
than  the  longer  computation,  we  must  mention  the 
nrincipal  reasons  urged  by  Bunsen  and  Lepsius  in 
support  of  the  Rabbinical  date.  Tlie  reckoning  by 
the  genealogies,  upon  which  this  date  rests,  we  have 
already  shown  to  be  unsafe.  Several  points  of  his- 
torical evidence  are,  however,  brought  forward  by 
these  writers  as  leading  to  or  confirming  this  date. 
Of  these  the  most  important  is  the  supposed  ac- 
count of  the  Exodus  given  by  Manetho,  the  Egyp- 
tian historian,  placing  the  event  at  about  the  same 
time  as  the  liabbinical  date.  This  nan-ative,  how- 
ever, is,  on  the  testimony  of  Josephus,  who  has 
preserved  it  to  us,  wholly  devoid  of  authority,  be- 
ing, according  to  Manetho's  own  showing,  a  record 
of  uncertain  antiquity,  and  of  an  unknown  writer, 
and  not  part  of  the  Egyptian  annals.  An  indica- 
tion of  date  has  also  been  supposed  in  the  mention 
that  the  name  of  one  of  the  treasure-cities  built  for 
Pharaoh  by  the  Israelites  during  the  oppression 
was  Raamses  (Ex.  i.  11 ),  probably  the  same  place  as 
(ihe  Kameses  elsewhere  mentioned,  the  chief  town 
of  a  tract  so  called.  [Rajieses.]  This  name  is 
the  same  as  that  of  certain  well-known  kings  of 
Egypt  of  the  jieriod  to  which  by  this  scheme  the 
Ekodus  would  be  referred.  If  the  story  given  by 
Manetho  be  founded  on  a  true  tradition,  the  great 
oppressor  would  have  been  Rameses  II.,  second  king 
of  the  19th  dynasty,  whose  reign  is  variously  as- 
ligned  to  the  14th  and  l-3th  centuries  b.  c.  It  is 
further  urged  that  the  first  king  Rameses  of  the 
Egyptian  monuments  and  Manetho's  lists  is  the 
gr.uidfather  of  this  king,  Rameses  I.,  who  was  the 
last  sovereign  of  the  18th  dynasty,  and  reigned  at 
the  utmost  about  GO  years  before  his  grandson.  It 
must,  however,  be  observed,  that  there  is  great  rea- 
son for  taking  the  lower  dates  of  both  kings,  which 
would  make  the  reign  of  the  second  after  the  liab- 
biriical  date  of  the  Exodus,  and  that  in  this  case 
both  llanetho's  statement  must  be  of  course  set 
i^ide,  as  placing  the  Exodus  in  the  reign  of  this 
king's  son,  and  the  order  of  the  Biblical  narrative 
must  be  tiunsposed  that  the  building  of  Raamses 
■hould  not  fall  before  the  accession  of  Rameses  I. 
'ITie  argument  that  there  was  no  king  Rameses  be- 
fore Rameses  I.  is  obviously  weak  as  a  negative 
one,  more  especially  as  the  names  of  very  many 


CHRONOLOGY 


449 


«  This  was  calculated  for  the  writer  at  the  Eoval 
Observatory,  through  the  kindne&s  of  the  Astronosjor- 
Boyal.  —  Horm  jEg.  p.  217. 

6  Abraham  is  said  to  have  been  75  years  old  when 
■to  left  Uaran  CUen.  xii.  4),  but  this  does  not  neces- 
29 


kings  of  Egypt,  particularly  those  of  the  period  to 
which  we  assign  the  Exodus,  are  wanting.  It  loses 
almost  all  its  force  when  we  find  that  a  son  of  Aah. 
mes,  Amosis,  the  head  of  the  18th  dynasty,  vari- 
ously assigned  to  the  17th  and  16th  centuries  b.  c. 
bore  the  name  of  Rameses,  which  name  from  its 
meanmg  (son  of  Ra  or  the  sun,  the  god  of  Heli- 
opolis,  one  of  the  eight  great  gods  of  E^ypt)  would 
almost  necessarily  be  a  not  very  uncommon  one, 
and  Raamses  might  therefore  have  been  named 
from  an  earlier  king  or  prince  bearing  the  name 
long  before  Rameses  I.  The  history  of  Egypt  pre- 
sents great  diflSculties  to  the  reception  of  the  theory 
together  with  the  Biblical  narrative,  difficulties  so 
great  that  we  think  they  could  only  be  removed  by 
abandoning  a  belief  in  the  historical  character  of 
that  narrative :  if  so,  it  is  obviously  futile  to  found 
an  argument  upon  a  minute  point,  the  occurrence 
of  a  single  name.  The  historical  difficulties  on 
the  Hebrew  side  in  the  period  after  the  Exodus  are 
not  less  serious,  and  have  induced  Bunsen  to  ante- 
date Moses'  war  beyond  Jordan,  and  to  compress 
Joshua's  rule  into  the  40  years  in  the  wilderness 
(Blbelwe)-]^,  i.  pp.  ccxxviii.-ix.),  and  so,  we  venture 
to  think,  to  forfeit  his  right  to  reason  on  the  details 
of  the  narrative  relating  to  the  earlier  period.  This 
compression  arises  from  the  want  of  space  for  the 
Judges.  The  chronology  of  events  so  obtained  is 
also  open  to  tlie  objection  brought  against  the  longer 
schemes,  that  the  Israelites  could  not  have  been  in 
Palestine  during  the  campaigns  in  the  East  of  the 
Pharaohs  of  the  18th,  19th,  and  20th  dynasties, 
since  it  does  not  seem  possible  to  throw  those  of 
Rameses  III.  earlier  than  Bunsen's  date  of  the  be- 
ginning of  the  conquest  of  western  Palestine  by  the 
Hebrews.  This  question,  involving  that  of  the  pol- 
icies and  relation  of  Egypt  and  the  Hebrews,  will 
be  discussed  in  later  articles.  [Egypt;  Exodus, 
THE.]  We  therefore  take  b.  c.  1652  as  the  most 
satisfactory  idate  of  the  Exodus  (see  Duke  of  North- 
umberland's paper  in  Wilkinson's  Anc.  Jig.  i.  77- 
81 ;  Bunsen,  Bibelwerk,  i.  pp.  ccxi.-ccxiu.,  ccxxiii. 
S.;  Lepsius,  Cliroiiologie  der  ^gypte?;  i.  314  ff.). 

6.  Date  of  the  Commencement  of  the  430  years 
of  So/our-n.  —  V^^e  have  already  given  our  reasons 
for  holding  the  430  years  of  Sojourn  to  have  com- 
menced when  Abraham  entered  Palestine,  and  that 
it  does  not  seem  certain  that  the  Exodus  was  the 
anniversary  of  the  day  of  arrival.  It  is  reasonable, 
however,  to  hold  that  the  interval  was  of  430  com- 
plete years  or  a  little  more,  commencing  about  the 
time  of  the  venial  equinox,  b.  c.  2082,  or  nearer 
the  beginning  of  that  proleptic  Julian  year.  Before 
this  date  we  cannot  attempt  to  obtain  anything  be- 
yond an  approximative  chronology. 

7.  Bate  of  the  Dispersion.  —  Taking  the  LXX. 
numbers  as  most  probable,  the  Dispersion,  if  co-  fVjWt 
incident  with  the  birth  of  Peleg,  must  be  placed 

B.  c.  cir.  2698,  or,  if  we  accept  Ussher's  correction    ■,  <_    ^ 
of  the  age  of  Terah  at  the  birth  of  Abraham,  cir. 
2758.*    We  do  not  give  round  numbei"s,  since  doing 
so  might  needlessly  enlarge  the  limits  of  error. 

8.  D Ate  of  the  Flood.  —  The  Flood,  as  endmg 
about  401  years  before  the  birth  of  Peleg,  would  be 
placed  B.  c.  cir.  3099  or  3159.  The  year  preced- 
ing, or  the  402d,  was  that  mainly  occupied  by  th« 


sarily  imply  that  he  had  done  more  than  enter  upon 
his  75th  year.  (Comp.  the  case  of  Noah,  vii.  6,  11, 
13.)  All  the  dates,  therefore,  before  b.  c.  2082,  might 
have  to  be  lowered  one  year. 


450 


CHRONOLOGY 


ntastropbe.  It  is  most  reasonable  to  suppose  the 
Moachiaii  colonists  to  have  begun  to  spread  about 
three  centuries  alter  the  Hood.  If  the  Division  at 
Peleg's  birth  be  really  the  same  as  tlie  Dispersion 
after  the  building  of  the  Tower,  this  supposed  in- 
terval would  not  be  necessarily  to  be  lengthened, 
for  the  text  of  the  account  of  the  building  of  the 
Tower  does  not  absolutely  prove  that  all  Noah's 
descendants  were  concerned  in  it,  and  therefore 
some  may  have  previously  taken  their  departure 
from  the  primeval  settlement.  The  chronology  of 
I^ypt,  derived  from  the  monuments  and  Manetho, 
is  held  by  some  to  indicate  for  the  foundation  of 
its  first  kingdom  a  much  earlier  period  than  would 
be  consistent  with  this  scheme  of  approximative 
Bibhcal  dates.  The  evidence  of  the  monuments, 
however,  does  not  seem  to  us  to  carry  back  this 
event  earlier  than  the  latter  part  of  the  28th  cent- 
ury B.  c.  The  Assyrians  and  Babylonians  have 
not  been  proved,  on  satisfactory  gromids,  to  have 
reckoned  back  to  so  remote  a  time ;  but  the  evi- 
dence of  their  monuments,  and  the  fragments  of 
their  history  preserved  by  ancient  ^vriters,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  Egyptians,  cannot  be  reconciled  with 
the  short  interval  preferred  by  Ussher.  As  far  as 
we  can  learn,  no  independent  historical  evidence 
points  to  an  earlier  period  than  the  middle  of  the 
28th  century  n.  c.  as  the  time  of  the  foundation  of 
kingdoms,  although  the  chronology  of  Egypt  reaches 
to  about  this  period,  while  that  of  Babylon  and  other 
states  does  not  greatly  fall  short  of  the  same  antiq- 
uity. 

9.  Date  of  the  Creation  of  Adam.  —  The  num- 
bers given  l)y  the  LXX.  for  the  antediluvian  patri- 
archs would  jilace  the  creation  of  Adam  22G2  years 
before  the  end  of  the  Flood,  or  b.  c.  cir.  5361  or 
5421.  R.  S.  P. 

*  The  assiginnent  of  only  215  years  to  the  so- 
journ in  Egypt  (see  No.  6  above)  is  far  from  meet- 
ing with  general  acceptance.  It  has  indeed  come 
down  from  the  Septuagint  as  the  traditional  theory, 
but  in  modern  times  has  been  strongly  opposed. 
Of  those  who  dissent  from  that  view  are  Hosen- 
miiUer,  Ilofmann,  .lalm,  Ewald,  Gesenius,  Winer, 
Tuch,  Kurtz,  Delitzsch,  Keil,  Knobel,  Kalisch,  and 
many  others  of  similar  rank  as  scholars.  On  this 
question  tlie  reader  may  considt  especially,  Knobel 
on  Ex.  xii.  40  (Kxef/tt.  llandl).  xii.  121),  and  Kurtz 
{Tlistory  of  the  Old  Covenant,  ii.  135  ff.,  Eng.  tr.). 
There  are  two  texts  that  seem  quite  distinct  and 
unequivocal.  Ex.  xii.  40  asserts  that  the  abode  in 
Egypt  was  430  years  —  even  though  we  translate 
"who  abode  in  Egypt."  And  here  is  found  no 
manuscript  variation  in  the  Hebrew  text.  It  is 
supported  by  Targum  Onkelos,  the  Syriac,  and 
Vulgate.  The  Septuagint  (Codex  Vatican.),  how- 
ever, has  introduced  the  words  "  and  in  the  land 
of  Canaan,"  while  the  Alexandrian  Codex  adds  also, 
"  they  and  their  fathers."  This  change,  though 
found  in  the  Targum  Jonathan  and  the  Samaritan 
version,  at  once  suggests,  by  its  two-fold  explana- 
aon,  the  suspicion  of  an  artificial  emendation  to 
neet  a  difficulty.  That  these  words,  once  in  the 
text,  should  have  been  omitted,  is  hardly  probable ; 
that  they  should  have  crept  in  to  solve  various  dif- 
ficulties, is  quite  natural.  Again,  Gen.  xv.  13  de- 
clares the  future  servitude  and  affliction,  not  of 
Abraham,  but  of  his  "  seed "  "  in  a  land  not 
theirs,"  to  be  "  400  years,"  in  round  numbers. 
The  suggestion  that  this  was  to  be  partly  in  (^a- 
naaii,  is  cut  off  liy  the  statement  that  it  should  be 
'Ji  a  land  not  theirs  —  one  land  too  —  in  strong 


CHRONOLOGY 

contrast  to  the  repeated  guaranty  of  the  land  of 

Canaan  (vs.  7,  8,  18)  to  Abraham  anil  his  seed  as 
their  own.  The  inclusion  of  any  part  of  Abra- 
ham's own  history  in  this  period  of  sen-itude  and 
affliction  seems  forbidden  by  the  positive  assurance 
(ver.  15)  tliat  he  should  go  to  his  grave  in  peace, 
and  the  manifest  assignment  of  tliis  servitude  (as 
Tuch  remarks)  to  the  distant  future.  Besides, 
Abraham's  residence  in  Egypt  had  taken  place  be- 
fore the  prophecy  was  uttered.  The  statement  of 
Stephen  (Acts  vii.  6,  7)  accords  with  this  interpro- 
tation.  Paul,  however  (Gal.  iii.  17),  reckons  4oO 
years  between  the  promise  to  Abraham  and  the 
giving  of  the  law;  but  it  is  remarked  by  Kurtz, 
Keil,  and  others,  that  he  simply  conforms  to  th» 
traditional  view  of  the  synagogue  and  the  phrase 
ology  of  the  Septuagint,  which  alone  was  in  the 
hands  of  his  Gentile  readers,  and  because  the  pre 
cise  length  of  time  did  not  aifect  his  argument. 
It  wa.s,  on  any  view,  430  years.  (It  should  be 
mentioned  in  passing  that  Josephus  gives  400 
years.  Ant.  ii.  9,  §  1 ;  5.  J.  v.  9,  §  4 ;  and  215  years, 
Ant.  ii.  15,  §  2;  comp.  c.  Apion.  i.  33.) 

It  is  alleged  against  the  430  years  that  the  time 
veas  but  four  generations  (Gen.  xv.  IG).  But  the 
reply  is  obvious  that  verses  13  and  15  cannot  con- 
flict, and  the  generation  is  therefore  "  the  sum 
total  of  the  lives  of  all  the  men  living  at  the  same 
time  "  (Ilofrnann),  or,  in  the  time  of  the  patriarchs, 
a  hundred  years  (Gesenius).  But  it  is  still  affirmed 
that  but  four  generations  are  commonly  mentioned 
in  the  genealogy  of  individuals.  To  which  it  is 
answered,  the  specification  of  four  main  links  (per 
haps  in  conformity  to  the  very  language  of  proph- 
ecy) does  not  exclude  others;  and  we  actually  find 
six  generations  mentioned  from  Joseph  to  Zelo- 
phehad  (Num.  xxvi.  29  ff.),  seven  from  Judah  to 
Bezaleel  (1  Chr.  ii.  3  ff.),  and  ten  or  eleven  from 
Ephraim  to  Joshua  (1  Chr.  -^ii.  22  fF.).  And  a 
comparison  of  the  two  genealogies  of  Levi  in  Ex 
vi.  and  1  Chr.  vi.,  shows  that  there  are  names  omit- 
ted in  the  former  which  have  been  procured  frorc 
other  sources  for  the  latter. 

The  one  resil  difficulty  is  found  in  the  parentage 
of  Moses.  If  Amram  his  father  (Ex.  vi.  20)  was 
the  same  with  Amram  the  grandson  of  Levi  (Ex. 
vi.  18),  and  if  Jochebed  his  mother  was  strictly 
I^vi's  daughter  (Ex.  vi.  20  ;  Num.  xxvi.  59),  it  is  a 
fatal  objection.  But  that  Moses'  father  could  not 
be  the  trilie  or  family-father  Amram,  has  been,  we 
think,  shown  from  Num.  iii.  27,  28,  where  it  ap- 
pears that  in  Afoses^  time  the  Amramites,  Izehar- 
ites,  Ilebronites,  and  Uzzielites  (the  four  affiliated 
branches  of  Kohath's  descendants),  numbered  8,600 
males.  Allowing  one-fourtli  of  these  to  the  Am- 
ramites would  give  them  over  two  thousand  males ; 
and  as  Moses  had  but  two  sons  to  be  included  with 
himself  in  this  immbcr,  it  follows  that  if  this  Am- 
ram, the  head  of  this  family,  were  the  father  of 
Moses,  then  Moses  must  have  had  over  2,000  'uroth- 
ers  and  brothers'  sons  —  the  women  and  girls  of 
the  family  not  being  reckoned.  The  tribe-father 
must  therefore  have  been  a  difl^erent  man  from  the 
fatlier  of  Moses.  But  was  Jochel)ed  I^vi's  daugh- 
ter? In  Ex.  ii.  1  she  is  called  "a  daughter  of 
I>evi;"  but  the  connection  admits  the  same  gen- 
eral sense  as  the  plirase  "  a  daughter  of  Abraham  '' 
(Luke  xiii.  16).  That  she  was  her  husband's  aun! 
(Ex.  vi.  20),  even  if  we  uiterpret  the;  expression 
rigidly,  will  decide  nothing  as  to  her  parentage  ex 
cept  in  connection  with  his. parentage.  The  pas 
sage  Num.  xxvi.  59  certainly  presents  a.  difficult} 


CHRONOLOGY 

But  (he  original  leaves  it  more  indefinite  than  our 
rersion,  "  a  daughter  of  Levi,  whoir  one  bore  [who 
was  born]  to  him  in  Egypt."  Here  the  LXX. 
read  thus :  &vydrr)p  Asm',  ^  treKf  tovtovs  tw 
ti.ev\  iy  AlyviTTCii,  —  the  tovtovs  evidently  refer- 
ring to  Moses,  Aaron,  and  Miriam.     One  Hebrew 

manuscript  has  a  similar  reading,  DHS  instead  of 

nnS.  Kurtz  does  not  hesitate,  under  the  cir- 
Bunistances  (including  this  diversity  between  the 
Gr.  and  Heb.),  to  regard  the  whole  clause  after 

''1 7"n3  as  a  gloss,  appended  by  some  one  who 
understood  fhe  phrase  "  daughter  of  Levi  "  in  a 
strict  sense,  and  endeavored  to  softon  down  the 
improbability  by  explaining  that  the  daughter  was 
born  in  Egypt.  Without  going  this  length,  we 
venture  to  regard  the  verse  in  the  original  as  not  ab- 
solutely decisive,  —  although  its  first  aspect  seems 
to  be  so.  But  when  we  consider  the  vagueness  of 
the  expression  used ;  when  we  remember  that  I^evi 
must  have  been  at  least  135  years  old  at  her  birth 
if  Jochebed  were  his  daughter;  when  we  recall  the 
ten  or  eleven  generations  from  Ephraira  to  Joshua; 
when  we  observe  the  distinctness  of  the  declarations 
in  Ex.  xii.  40  and  Gen.  xv.  13,  as  to  the  time  spent 
in  Egypt;  when  we  remember  the  increase  from  70 
souls  to  000,000  fighting  men ;  —  we  seem  to  en- 
counter far  less  difficulty  in  fixing  the  time  of 
sojourn  in  Egypt  at  430  than  at  215  years. 

S.  C.  B. 
*  Literature.  —  Among  the  more  recent  works 
relating  to  BibUcal  chronology  may  be  mentioned : — 
Gumpach,  tiber  den  aUjudischen  Kaleruhr,  zu- 
nachst  in  seiner  Bezieliung  zuv  neutest.  Geschichte, 
Briissel,  1848;  and  Die  Zeitrechnunr/  der  Babylo- 
nier  u.  Assyrer,  Heidelb.  1852;  Seytflvrth,  CUro- 
nologia  Sacra,  Leipz.  1846  ;  Berichiiijunyen  d. 
rom.,  ffriech.,  jiers.,  d(/ypt.,  hebrdischen  (Jesck.  u. 
Zeitrechnung,  Leipz.  1855;  and  Summary  of  Re- 
cent Discoveries  in  Biblical  Chronology,  New  York, 
1857  ;  Fausset,  Sacred  Chronology,  Oxf.  1855; 
Oppert,  Chronohgie  des  Assyriens  et  des  Babylo- 
niens,  Paris,  1857  (from  the  Ann.  de  la  phil.  chre- 
tienne) ;  Lehmann,  Chi'unul.  Besdimmung  der  in  d. 
Apostelgesch.  Cap.  13-28  erzdhlten  Begebenheiten 
(in  the  Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1858,  pp.  312-339); 
Wolff,  0.,  Versuch,  die  Widersjrriiche  in  denJnhr- 
reihen  der  Kiinige  Juda's  u.  Jsr.  u.  andere  Dijf'er- 
emen  in  d.  bibl.  Chronol.  auszngleichen  {ibid.  pp. 
fi25-688);  Bunsen,  Bibelicerk,  lid.  i.  p.  cci.  flP.,  and 
Bd.  v.  (J858-G0);  Parker,  F.,  Chronology,  Lond. 
1859;  Shimeall,  Our  Bible  Chronology  .  .  .  crit- 
ically examined  arul  demonstrated.  New  York,  1860, 
—  finds  the  end  of  the  world  a.  d.  1868 ;  Bosan- 
qnet,  Assyrian  ami  Thbreio  Chronology  comp'ired 
(in  the  Journ.  of  the  Roy.  As.  Sac.  of  Great  Brit- 
aiw,  1864,  N.  S.  i.  145-180);  and  Conspectus  of 
Hebrew  Chronology  from  Solomon  to  the  Birth  of 
Chi-ist,  liond.  (1866?);  Riisch,  art.  Zeitrechnung, 
bib'ische.  in  Herzog's  Real-Encykl.  xviii.  421-471 
(1864);  Ri  ckerath,  Biblische  Chronohgie,  u.  s.  w. 
nach  d::i  bibl.  u.  ausserbibl.  Quellen  bearbeitet, 
Miiiister,  1865;  Lewin,  Fasti  Sacri  (from  u.  c.  70 
ko  A.  D.  70),  Lond.  1865;  and  Wieseler,  art.  Zeit- 
-echnung,  neutestamentliche,  in  Herzog's  Real-En- 


a  Epiphaniu!.,  in  his  Twelve  Stones  of  the  Rationale, 
has  got  "  Chrysolite,  by  some  called  c^rysophyllus,  of 
»  golden  -^olor,  ami  found  close  to  the  walls  of  Baby- 
ion."  Pliay  makes  several  varieties  o'  this  name  ; 
bU  first  is  doubtless  the  OrienAl  topaz.  —  C   W.  King. 


CHUb  451 

cykl.  xxi.  543-570  (1866).  The  art.  Chronobg^ 
in  the  3d  edition  of  Kitto's  Cycl.  of  Bib.  Lit.  is  by 
the  Kev.  Henry  Browne,  author  of  Ordo  Sceclorum. 
See  further  the  statements  and  references  under 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  ;  Assyuia  ;  Egypt; 
Gospels;  Jesus  Chkist;  Paul.  A. 

CHRYSOLITE  ixpv<r6\tdoi:  chrysolithus), 
one  of  the  precious  stones  in  the  foundation  of  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem  (Kev.  xxi.  20).  It  has  been 
already  stated  [Beky  l]  that  the  chrj'solite  of  the 
ancients  is  identical  with  the  modern  Oriental  to 
paz,  the  ta}-shish  of  the  Hebrew  Bible."  Tliore  iu 
much  reason  for  believing  that  the  topaz  is  the  stone 
indicated  by  the  xpvo'^^^&os  of  St.  John's  vision. 
See  Bekyl.  W.  H. 

CHRYSOPRASE  (xpvaSTrpaaos  :  chryso- 
prasus)  occurs  only  in  Kev.  xxi.  20  [in  A.  V.  there 
"  chrysoprasus "],  as  one  of  the  precious  stones 
mentioned  in  St.  John's  vision.  The  chrysopraae 
of  the  ancients  *  is  by  some  supposed  to  be  identi- 
cal with  the  stone  now  so  called,  namely,  the  apple 
or  leek-green  variety  of  agate,  which  owes  its  color  to 
oxide  of  ijickel ;  this  stone  at  present  is  found  only 
in  Silesia;  but  Mr.  King  {Antique  Gems,  p.  59, 
note)  says  that  the  true  chrysoprase  is  sometimes 
found  in  antique  Egyptian  jewelry  set  alternately 
with  bits  of  lapis-lazuli ;  it  is  not  improbable  there- 
fore that  this  is  the  stone  whicli  was  the  tenth  in 
the  walls  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem.         W.  H. 

*  Tlie  Anglicized  form  "chrysoprase"  occurs 
in  the  margin  of  Ez.  xxvii.  16,  and  xxviii.  13  (A. 
V.)  where  it  stands  for  "agate"  and  "emerald" 
in  the  text,  which  represent  different  Hebrew  words. 
See  Chalcedony.  H. 

CHUB  (2^3  :  Aleves-  Chub),  a  word  occur- 
ring only  once  in  the  Heb.,  the  name  of  a  people 
in  alliance  with  Egypt  in  the  time  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar (Ez.  XXX.  5).     "Cush,  and   Phut,  and  Lud, 

and  all  the  mingled  people  (3  ^'^^),  and  Chub,  and 
the  children  of  the  land  of  the  covenant,  shall  fall 
by  the  sword  with  them  '"  {i.  e.  no  doubt  tlie  Egypt- 
ians: see  ver.  4).  The  first  three  of  tiiese  names 
or  designations  are  of  African  peoples,  unless,  but 
this  is  improbable,  the  Shemite  Lud  be  intended 
by  the  third  (see  however,  xxvii.  10,  xxxviii.  5 ;  Is. 
Ixvi.  19;  Jer.  xlvi.  9);  the  fourth  is  of  a  jieople  on 
the  Egyptian  frontier;  and  the  sixth  probably  ap- 
plies to  the  remnant  of  the  Jews  who  had  tied  iinto 
Egypt  (comp.  Dan.  xl.  28,  30,  32,  especially  the 
last,  where  the  covenant  is  not  qualified  as  "  lioly  "), 
which  was  prophesied  to  perish  for  the  most  part 
by  the  sword  and  otherwise  in  that  country  (.ler. 
xlii.  16,  17,  22,  xUv.  12,  13,  14,  27,  28).  Tliis 
fifth  name  is  therefore  that  of  a  country  or  jie«j)le 
in  alliance  with  Egypt,  and  probably  of  n  ^rthern 
Africa,  or  of  the  lands  near  Egypt  to  th';  south. 
Some  have  proposed  to  recognize  Chub  in  the  names 
of  various  African  places  —  Ko^ii,  a  port  on  the 
Indian  Ocean  (Ptol.  iv.  7,  §  10),  Xo^ar  or  Xcoffad 
in  Mauritania  (iv.  2,  §  9),  and  Kd^iov  or  Kwfiiou 
in  the  Mareotic  no.ne  in  Egypt  (iv.  5)  — conject- 
ures which  are  of  ao  value  except  aa  showing  the 
existence  of  similar  names  where  we  miglit  expect 
this  to  have  had  its  place.     Others,  however,  think 


6  Tha.  of  Solinus  (Iv.)  exactly  agrees  with  our  In- 
dian chrysolite  ;  "  Chrysoprasos  quoque  ex  auro  et 
porraceo  mixtam  lucem  traheates  sbque  beryllomm 
generi  acyudicaverunt." 


452  CHUN 

the  present  Heb.  text  corrupt  in  this  word.  It  has 
been  therefore  proposed  to  read  H^D  for  Nubia,  as 
the  Ar;ib.  vers,  has  "the  people  the  Noobeh," 
whence  it  might  be  supposed  that  at  least  one  copy 
of  the  LXX.  had  y  as  the  first  letter:  one  Ileb. 

MS.  indeed  reads  313 D  (Cod.  409,  ap.  de  Kossi). 
The  Arab.  vers,  is,  however,  of  very  slight  weight, 
knd  although  213  D  might  be  the  ancient  Egyptian 

form  or  pronunciation  of  213,  as  Winer  observes 
(a.  v.),  yet  we  have  no  authority  of  this  kind  for 
applying  it  to  Nubia,  or  rather  the  Nubse,  the 
countries  held  by  whom  from  Strabo's  time  to  our 
own  are  by  the  Egj'ptian  inscriptions  included  in 
Keesh  or  Kesh,  that  is,  Cush :  the  Nubse,  however, 
may  not  in  the  i)rophet's  days  have  been  settled  in 
any  part  of  the  territory  which  has  taken  from  them 
its  name.     Far  better,  on  the  score  of  probability, 

is  the  emendation  which  Hitzig  proposes,  S^'' 
{Beyriffder  Kniik,  p.  129).  The  Lubim,  doubt- 
less the  Mizraite  Lehabim  of  Gen.  x.  13;  1  Chr. 
i.  11,  are  mentioned  as  serving  with  Cushim  in  the 
army  of  Shishak  (2  Chr.  xii.  2,  3),  and  in  that  of 
Zerah  (xvi.  8;  comp.  xiv.  9),  who  was  most  prob- 
ably also  a  king  of  Egjpt,  and  certainly  the  leader 
of  an  Egyptian  army  [Cush;  Zerah].  Nahum 
speaks  of  them  as  helpers  of  Thebes,  together  with 
Put  (Phut),  while  Cush  and  Egypt  were  her 
strength  (iii.  8,  9) ;  and  Daniel  mentions  the  Lu- 
bim asid  Cushim  as  submitting  to  or  courting  a 
conqueror  of  Eg)'pt  (xi.  43).  The  Lubim  might 
therefore  well  occur  among  the  peoples  suffering  in 
the  fall  of  I'lgypt.  Tliere  is,  however,  this  objection, 
that  we  have  no  uistance  of  the   supposed  form 

21 V',  the  noun  being  always  given  in  the  plural  — 
Lubim.  In  the  absence  of  better  evidence  we  pre- 
fer the  reading  of  the  present  Heb.  text,  against 
which  little  can  be  urged  but  that  the  word  oc- 
curs nowhere  else,  although  we  should  rather  expect 
s  well-known  name  in  such  a  passage.    R.  S.  P. 

CHUN  (i*l3  :  4k  twv  iKXeKrwv  ■ir6\ecDV ', 
I'oseph.  Mix""'"  C/iun.  The  words  of  the  LXX. 
look  as  if  they  had  read  Berothai,  a  word  very  like 

which  —  "mS  —  they  frequently  render  by  iK\eK- 
t6s),  1  Chr.  x^^ii.  8.     [Berothah.] 

CHURCH  CEKK\v(rla).  —  l.  The  derivation 
of  the  word  Church  is  uncertain.  It  is  found  in  the 
Teutonic  and  Slavonian  languages  (Anglo-Saxon, 
Circ,  Circe,  Cyric,  Cyricea;  English,  Church; 
Scottish,  Kirk;  German,  Kirche ;  Swedish,  Kyrka; 
Danish,  Kyrke ;  Dutch,  Karke ;  Swiss,  Kilche ; 
Frisian,  Tzierk;  Bohemian,  Cyi'kew ;  Polish,  Cer- 
biew;  Russian,  Zerkow),  and  answers  to  the  deriv- 
atives of  iKKKt)(ria,  which  are  naturally  found  in 
the  Romance  languages  (French,  £(/lise ;  Italian, 
Chiesa ;  old  Vaudois,  Gteisa ;  Spanish,  Iglvsia), 
and  by  foreign  importation  elsewhere  (Gothic, 
Aikklhjo  ;  Gaelic,  Kaylnis  ;  Welsh,  Kglirys ;  Cor- 
nish, Krjhs).  The  word  is  generally  said  to  be 
derived  from  the  (jreek  KvpiaKSv  (Walafrid  Strabo, 
Dt  Rebus  Kccksiast.  c.  7;  Suicer,  s.  v.  Kvpiax6v\ 
Glossarium,  s.  v.  "Dominicum;"  Casaulwn,  Ex- 
trcit.  Baron,  xiii.  §  xviii.;  Hooker,  Eccl.  Pol.  v. 
xiii.  1;  Pearson,  On  the  Creed,  Art.  ix. ;  Beveridge, 
On  the  Thiiiy-Nine  Articles,  Art.  xix.;  Words- 
worth, Theophilus  Anglicnnus,  c.  1 ;  Gieseler,  Eccles. 
History,  c.  t;  Trench,  Stiuly  of  Words,  p.  75). 
But  the  dei'ivation  has  been  too  hastily  assumed. 


CHURCH 

The  arguments  iu  its  favor  are  the  following:  (1. 
A  similarity  of  soimd.  (2. )  The  statement  of  Wala- 
frid Strabo.  (3.)  The  fact  that  the  word  KvpiaKo* 
was  undoubtedly  used  by  Greek  ecclesiastics  in  th« 
sense  of  "  a  church,"  as  proved  by  a  reference  to 
the  Canons  of  the  Council  of  Ancyra  (Can.  xiv.), 
of  Neoctesarea  (Can.  v.,  xiii.),  of  I>aodicea  (Can 
xxviii.),  and  of  the  CouncU  hi  Tmllo  (Can.  Ixxiv.) 
to  Maximin's  Edict  (in  Euseb.  B.  K.  ix.  10),  to 
Eusebius'  Oration  in  praise  of  Constantine  (c.  xviii. ), 
to  the  Apostohcal  Constitutions  (ii.  59),  to  C^iil 
of  Jerusalem  (Catech.  xviii.),  and  to  a  similar  iwe 
of  "  Dominicum  "  by  Cyprian,  Jerome,  Rufinus. 
&c.  (4.)  The  possibility  of  its  having  passed  as  & 
theological  term  from  the  Greek  into  the  Tcutonia 
and  Slavonian  languages.  (5.)  Tlie  aii:ilogoua 
meann)g  and  derivation  of  the  Ethiopic  word  for 
Church,  which  signifies  "  the  house  of  Christ." 
On  the  other  hand  it  requires  httle  acquaintance 
with  philology  to  know  that  (1.)  similarity  of  sound 
proves  nothing,  and  is  capable  of  raising  only  the 
barest  presumption.  (2.)  A  mediaeval  writer's 
guess  at  an  etjuiology  is  probably  founded  wholly 
on  similarity  of  sound,  and  is  as  worthless  as  the 
derivations  with  which  St.  Augustine's  works  are 
disfigured  (JNloroni  derives  Chiesa  from  KvpiaK6v 
in  his  Dlzionano  Storico-ecclesiastico,  and  Walafrid 
Strabo  derives  the  words  vater,  mutter,  from  the 
Greek  through  the  Latin,  herr  from  heros,  moner 
and  moiuith  from  /x-fiyr),  in  the  same  breath  as 
kirche  from  KvpiMcdv)-  (3.)  Although  KvpiaK6v 
is  found,  signifying  "a  church,"  it  is  no  more  the 
common  term  used  by  Greeks,  than  Dominicum  is 
the  common  term  used  by  Latins.  It  is  therefore 
very  unlikely  that  it  should  have  been  adopted  l)y 
the  Greek  missionaries  and  teacliers,  and  adojtted 
by  them  so  decidedly  as  to  be  thrust  into  a  foreign 
language.  (4.)  Nor  is  there  any  probable  way 
pointed  out  by  which  the  importation  was  effected. 
Walafrid  Strabo,  uideed  (loc.  cit. ),  attributes  it,  not 
obscurely,  so  far  as  tlie  Teutonic  tongues  are  con- 
cerned, to  L'lfilas;  and  following  him.  Trench  says 
{loc.  cit.),  "  These  Goths,  the  first  converted  to  the 
Christian  faith,  the  first  therefore  that  hatl  a 
Christian  vocabulary,  lent  the  word  in  their  turn 
to  the  other  German  tribes,  among  others  to  our 
Anglo-Saxon  forefathers."  Had  it  been  so  intro- 
duced, Ulfilas's  "peaceful  and  populous  colony  of 
shepherds  and  herdsmen  on  the  pastures  below 
Mount  Hajmus"  (Milman,  i.  272),  could  nevei 
have  affected  the  language  of  the  whole  Teutonic 
race  in  all  its  dialects.  But  in  matter  of  fact  we  fin< 
that  the  word  employed  by  Ulfilas  in  his  versioi 
of  the  Scriptures  is  not  any  derivative  of  KvpianSv 
but,  as  we  should  have  expected,  aikklesjo  (Rom 
xvi.  23;  1  Cor.  xvi.  19  et  jxissim).  This  theorj 
therefore  falls  to  the  ground,  and  with  it  any  attempt 
at  showing  the  way  in  which  the  word  pas'^ed  acrosi 
into  the  Teutonic  languages.  No  special  hypothesil 
has  been  brought  forward  to  account  for  its  admis 
sion  into  the  Slavonic  tongues,  and  it  is  enough  to 
say  that,  unless  we  have  evidence  to  the  contrary, 
we  are  justified  in  assuming  that  the  Greek  mis- 
sionaries in  the  9th  century  did  not  ado[;t  a  term 
in  their  intercourse  with  strangers,  which  they 
hardly,  if  at  all,  used  in  ordmary  conversation 
amongst  themselves.  (5.)  Further,  there  is  no 
reason  why  the  word  should  have  passed  into  thest 
two  languages  rather  than  into  Latin.  Tiie  Roniao 
Church  was  in  its  origin  a  Greek  community,  and 
it  introfluced  the  Greek  word  for  Church  into  tli/ 
Latin  tongue;  but  this' word  was  not  cyriacum 


CHURCH 

t  was  ecclesia ;  and  the  same  influen  ^e  would  no 
doubt  have  introduced  the  same  word  into  the 
Dorthern  languages,  had  it  introduced  any  word  at 
all.  (6.)  Finally,  it  is  hard  to  find  examples  of  a 
Greek  word  bemg  adopted  into  the  Teutonic  dialects, 
except  through  the  medium  of  Latin.  On  the  whole, 
this  etymology  must  be  abandoned.  It  is  strange 
that  Strabo  should  have  imposed  it  on  the  world  so 
long.  It  is  difficult  to  say  what  is  to  be  substituted. 
There  was  probably  some  word  which,  in  the  lan- 
guage from  which  the  Teutonic  and  Slavonic  are 
descended,  designated  the  old  heathen  places  of 
religious  assembly,  and  this  word,  having  taken 
different  forms  in  different  dialects,  was  adopted  by 
thi  Christian  missionaries.  It  was  probably  con- 
necteil  with  the  Latin  circus,  circulus,  and  with 
the  Greek  kvk\os,  possibly  also  with  the  Welsh 
cylch,  cyl,  cynchle,  or  caer.  Lipsius,  who  was  the 
first  to  reject  the  received  tradition,  was  probably 
right  in  his  suggestion,  "  Credo  et  a  circo  Kirck 
nostrum  esse,  quia  veterum  templa  instar  Circi 
rotunda"  {Epist.  ad  Btlyas,  Cent.  iii.  Ep.  44). 

II.  The  word  eKK\7)(xia  is  no  doubt  derived  from 
iKKaKelv,  and  in  accordance  with  its  derivation  it 
originally  meant  an  assembly  called  out  by  the 
magistrate,  or  by  legitimate  authority.  This  is  the 
ordinary  classical  sense  of  the  word.  But  it  throws 
no  hght  on  the  nature  of  the  institution  so  designa- 
ted in  the  New  Testament.  For  to  the  writers  of 
the  N.  T.  the  word  had  now  lost  its  primary  signi- 
fication, and  was  either  used  generally  for  any  meet- 
ing (Acts  xix.  32),  or  more  particularly,  it  denoted 
(1)  the  religious  assemblies  of  the  Jews  (Deut.  iv. 
10,  xviii.  16,  ap.  LXX.);  (2)  the  whole  assembly 
or  congregation  of  the  Israelitish  people  (Acts  vii. 
38;  lleb.  ii.  12;  Ps.  xxii.  22;  Deut.  xxxi.  30,  ap. 
LXX.).     It  was  in  this  last  sense,  in  which  it 

answered  to  7."^~lt27"^  7  Tp,  that  the  word  was 
adopted  and  applied  by  the  writers  of  the  N.  T.  to 
the  Christian  congregation.  The  word  iKK\r)(ria, 
therefore,  does  not  carry  us  back  further  than  the 
Jewish  Church.  It  implies  a  resemblance  and  cor- 
respondence between  the  old  Jewish  Church  and  the 
recently  established  Christian  Church,  but  nothing 
more.  Its  etymological  sense  having  been  already 
lost  when  adopted  by  and  for  Christians,  is  only 
■misleading  if  pressed  too  far.  The  chief  difference 
oetween  the  words  "ecclesia  "  and  "  church,"  would 
probably  consist  in  this,  that  "ecclesia  "  primarily 
signified  the  Christian  body,  and  secondarily  the 
place  of  assembly ;  while  the  first  signification  of 
"  church  "  was  the  place  of  assembly,  which  im- 
parted its  name  to  the  body  of  worshippers. 

III.  The  Church  as  described  in  the  Gospels.  — 
The  word  occurs  only  twice,  each  time  in  St.  Mat- 
lijew  (Matt.  xvi.  18,  "  On  this  rock  will  I  build  my 
Church;"  xviii.  17,  "Tell  it  unto  the  Church"). 
Il  every  other  case  it  is  spoken  of  as  the  kingdom 
pf  heaven  by  St.  Matthew,  and  as  the  kingdom  of 
God  by  St.  Mark  and  St.  Luke.  St.  Mark,  St. 
Luke,  and  St.  John,  never  use  the  expression  king- 
dom of  heaven.  St.  John  once  uses  the  phrase 
•tingdom  of  God  (iii.  3).    St.  Matthew  occasionally 

peaks  of  the  kingdom  of  God  (vi.  33,  xxi.  31,  43), 
»nd  sometimes  simply  of  the  kingdom  (iv.  23,  xiii. 
J9,  xxiv.  14).  In  xiii.  41  and  xvi.  23,  it  is  the 
Son  cf  Man's  kingdom.  In  xx.  21,  thy  kingdom, 
i.  e.  Christ's.  In  the  one  Gospel  of  St.  IVIatthew 
'Le  Church  is  spoken  of  no  less  tha.i  thirty-six 
iraes  as  the  Kingdom.  Other  descripf  )ns  or  title? 
u-e  hardly  found  in  the  Evangelists.     It  is  Christ's 


CHURCH  458 

household  (Matt.  x.  25),  the  salt  i^nd  light  of  th« 
world  (v.  13,  15),  Christ's  flock  (Matt.  xxvi.  31; 
John  X.  1),  its  members  are  the  branches  growing 
on  Christ  the  Vine  (John  xv.):  but  the  gener^ 
description  of  it,  not  metaphorically  but  directly,  is, 
that  it  is  a  kingdom.  In  Matt.  xvi.  19,  tlie  king- 
dom of  heaven  is  formally,  as  elsewhere  virtually, 
identified  with  eKK\T)<Tia-  From  the  Gospel  then, 
we  learn  that  Christ  was  about  to  establish  hia 
hea\enly  kingdom  on  earth,  which  was  to  be  the 
substitute  for  the  Jewish  Church  and  kingdom, 
now  doomed  to  destruction  (JIatt.  xxi.  43).  Some 
of  the  qualities  of  this  kingdom  are  illustrated  by 
the  parables  of  the  tares,  the  mustard  seed,  the 
leaven,  the  hid  treasure,  the  pearl,  the  draw-net; 
the  spiritual  laws  and  principles  by  which  it  is  to 
be  governed,  by  the  parables  of  the  talents,  the 
husbandmen,  the  wedding  feast,  and  the  ten  virgins. 
It  is  not  of  this  world  though  in  it  (John  xviii.  36). 
It  is  to  embrace  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  (Matt, 
xxviii.  19).  The  means  of  entrance  into  it  is 
Baptism  (Matt,  xxviii.  19).  The  conditions  of  be- 
longing to  it  are  faith  (Mark  xvi.  16 )  and  obedience 
(Jlatt.  xxviii.  20).  Participation  in  the  Holy 
Supper  is  its  perpetual  token  of  membership,  and 
the  means  of  supporting  the  life  of  its  members 
(Matt.  xxvi.  26;  John  vi.  51;  1  Cor.  xi.  26).  Its 
members  are  given  to  Christ  by  the  Feather  out  of 
the  world,  and  sent  by  Christ  into  the  world ;  they 
are  sanctified  by  the  truth  (John  xvii.  19 ) ;  and 
they  are  to  live  in  love  and  unity,  cognizable  by  the 
external  world  (John  xiii.  34,  xvii.  23).  It  is  to 
be  established  on  the  Rock  of  Christ's  Divinity,  as 
confessed  by  Peter,  the  representative  (for  the  mo- 
ment) of  the  Apostles  (Matt.  xvi.  18).  It  is  to 
have  authority  in  spiritual  eases  (Matt,  xviii.  17). 
It  is  to  be  never  deprived  of  Christ's  presence  and 
protection  (xxviii.  20),  and  to  be  never  ovei'throwu 
by  the  power  of  hell  (xvi.  18). 

IV.  The  Church  as  descnbed  in  the  Acts  and  in 
the  Epistles — its  Origin,  Nature,  Constitution,  and 
Growth.  —  From  the  (iospels  we  learn  little  in  the 
way  of  detaU  as  to  the  khigdom  which  was  to  be 
established.  It  was  in  the  great  forty  days  which 
intervened  between  the  Resurrection  and  the  Ascen- 
sion that  our  Ix)rd  explained  specifically  to  his 
Apostles  "the  things  pertaining  to  the  kingdom 
of  God  "  (Acts  i.  3),  that  is,  his  future  Church. 

Its  Origin.  —  The  removal  of  Christ  from  the 
earth  had  left  his  followers  a  shattered  company 
with  no  bond  of  external  or  internal  cohesion,  ex- 
cept the  memory  of  the  Master  whom  they  had 
lost,  and  the  recollection  of  his  injunctions  to  unity 
and  love,  together  with  the  occasional  glimpses  of 
his  presence  which  were  vouchsafed  them.  They 
continued  together,  meeting  for  prayer  and  suppli- 
cation, and  waiting  for  Christ's  promise  of  the  gift 
of  the  Holy  Ghost.  They  numbered  in  all  some 
140  persons,  namely,  the  eleven,  the  faithful  women, 
the  Lord's  niother,  his  brethren,  and  120  disciples. 
They  had  faith  to  believe  that  there  was  a  work 
before  them  which  they  were  alx)ut  to  be  culled  to 
perform ;  and  that  they  might  be  ready  to  do  it, 
they  filled  up  the  number  of  the  Twelve  by  the 
appointment  of  Matthias  "  to  be  a  true  witness  " 
with  the  eleven  "of  the  Resurrection."  The  Day  of 
Pentecost  is  the  birth-day  of  the  Christian  Church. 
The  Spirit,  who  was  then  sent  by  the  Son  from  the 
Father,  and  rest^l  on  each  of  the  Disciples,  com- 
bined them  once  more  into  a  whole  —  combined 
them  as  they  never  had  before  been  wmbined,  by 
an  internal  and  spiritual  bond  of  cohesion.     Befbra 


454 


CHURCH 


they  had  beeii  individual  followers  of  Jesua,  now 
they  became  his  mystical  body,  animated  by  his 
Spirit.  The  nucleus  was  formed. .  Agglomeration 
and  development  would  do  the  rest. 

Its  Ndture.  —  St.  Luke  explauis  its  nature  by 
describing  in  narrative  form  the  characteristics  of 
the  society  formed  by  the  union  of  the  original  140 
Discii)les  with  the  3000  souls  who  were  converted 
on  the  Day  of  I'entecost.  "  Then  they  that  gladly 
received  his  word  were  baptized.  .  .  .  And  they 
continued  steadfastly  in  the  Apostles'  doctrine  and 
fellowslii[>,  and  in  breaking  of  bread  and  hi  pi-ayers" 
(Acts  ii.  41).  Here  we  have  indirectly  exhibited 
the  essential  conditions  of  Church  Communion. 
They  are  (1)  Haptisni,  Baptism  implying  on  the 
part  of  the  recipient  repentance  and  faith;  (2) 
Apostohc  Doctrine;  (.3)  Fellowship  with  the  Ajxis- 
tles;  (4)  the  lord's  Supp)er;  (5)  I'ublic  Worship. 
J-^very  re(iuisite  for  church-membersliip  is  here  enti- 
merated  not  only  for  the  Apostolic  days,  l)ut  for 
fiitui-e  ages.  The  conditions  are  exclusive  as  well 
as  inclusive,  negative  as  well  as  positive.  St.  Luke's 
definition  of  the  Church,  then,  would  be  the  con- 
gregation of  the  baptized,  hi  which  the  faith  of  tlie 
Apostles  is  maintahied,  connection  with  the  Apos- 
tles is  preserved,  the  Sacraments  are  duly  adminis- 
tered, and  public  worship  is  kept  up.  The  earliest 
definition  (virtually)  given  of  the  Church  is  like- 
wise the  best.  To  this  body  St.  Luke  apiilies  the 
name  of  "  The  ('hurch  "  (the  first  time  that  the 
word  is  used  as  denoting  an  existuig  thing),  and  to 
it,  constituted  as  it  was,  he  states  that  there  were 
daily  added  ol  (ra>^6fjLfvot.  (ii.  47).  By  this  expres- 
sion he  probably  means  those  who  were  "  saving 
themselves  from  their  untoward  generation "  (ii. 
40),  "  added,"  however,  "to  the  Church  "  not  by 
their  own  mere  volition,  but  "  by  the  Ix)rd,"  and 
so  become  the  elect  people  of  God,  sanctified  by 
his  Spirit,  and  described  by  St.  Paul  as  "  deUvered 
from  the  power  of  darkness  and  translated  into  the 
kingdom  of  his  dear  Son  "  (Col.  i.  1-3).  St.  Luke's 
treatise  being  historical,  not  dogmatical,  he  does 
not  directly  enter  further  into  the  essential  nature 
of  the  Church.  The  community  of  goods,  which 
he  describes  as  being  universal  amongst  the  mem- 
bers of  the  infant  society  (ii.  44,  iv.  .32),  is  specially 
declared  to  be  a  voluntary  practice  (v.  4),  not  a 
necessary  duty  of  Christians  as  such  (comp.  Acts 
ix.  :J6,  39,  xi.  29). 

From  the  illustrations  adopted  by  St.  Paul  in 
his  Epistles,  we  have  additional  Ught  thrown  uixin 
the  nature  of  the  Church.  Thus  (Kom.  xi.  17), 
the  Christian  Church  is  described  as  being  a  branch 
grafted  on  the  already  existing  olive-tree,  showing 
that  it  was  no  new  creation,  but  a  development  of 
that  spiritual  life  which  had  flourished  m  the 
Patriarchal  and  in  the  Jewish  Church.  It  is 
described  (Rom.  xii.  4;  1  Cor.  xii.  12)  as  one  body 
made  up  of  many  members  with  diflferent  offices, 
to  exhibit  the  close  cohesion  which  o'ught  to  exist 
between  Christian  and  Christian;  still  more  it  is 
described  as  the  body,  of  which  Christ  is  the  Head 
(Eph.  i.  22),  so  that  members  of  his  Church  are 
members  of  Christ's  body,  of  his  flesh,  of  his  bones 
(Eph.  v.  23,  30;  Col.  i.  18,  ii.  19),  to  show  the 
elose  union  between  Christ  and  his  people:  again, 
ts  the  temple  of  God  built  upon  the  foundation- 
itone  of  .Jesus  Christ  (1  Cor.  iii.  11),  and,  by  a 
dight  change  of  metaphor,  as  the  temple  in  which 
Sod  dwells  by  his  Spirit,  the  Apostles  and  prophets 
bmiiig  the  foundation,  and  Jesus  Christ  the  chief 
|c>mer-«tone,  i.  e.  probably  the  foundation  corner- 


CHURCH 

stone  (Epb.  ii.  22).  It  is  also  the  city  of  the  Bunto 
and  the  household  of  God  (Eph.  ii.  19).  But  tht 
passage  which  is  most  illustrative  of  our  subject  in 
the  Epistles  is  l'2ph.  iv.  3,  G.  "  Endeavoring  tc 
keep  the  unity  of  the  Spirit  in  the  bond  of  peace. 
There  is  one  body,  and  one  Spirit,  even  as  ye  are 
called  in  one  hope  of  your  calling;  one  I^rd,  one 
faith,  one  bai)tism,  one  God  and  Father  of  all,  who 
is  above  all,  and  through  all,  and  in  you  all."  Here 
we  see  what  it  is  that  constitutes  the  unity  of  the 
Church  m  the  mind  of  the  Apostle:  (1)  unity  of 
Headship,  "one  Lord;"  (2)  unity  of  belief,  "ine 
faith;"  (3)  unity  of  Sacraments,  "one  baptism;" 
(4)  unity  of  hope  of  eternal  life,  "  one  hope  of  your 
calling "  (comp.  Tit.  i.  2) ;  (5)  unity  of  love, 
"unity  of  the  Spirit  in  the  bond  of  peace;"  (6) 
unity  of  organization,  "one  body."  The  Church, 
then,  at  this  period  was  a  body  of  baptized  men 
and  women  who  believed  in  Jesus  as  the  Christ,  and 
in  the  revelation  made  by  Him,  who  were  united 
by  having  the  same  faith,  hoj)e,  and  animating 
Spirit  of  love,  the  same  Sacraments,  and  the  same 
spiritual  invisible  Head. 

What  was  the  Constitution  of  this  body?  — 
On  the  evening  of  the  Day  of  Pentecost,  the  3,140 
members  of  which  it  consisted  were  (1)  Apostles, 
(2)  previous  disciples,  (3)  converts.  We  never 
afterwards  find  any  distinction  drawn  between  the 
previous  disciples  and  the  later  converts;  but  the 
Apostles  throtighout  st<ind  apart.  Here,  then,  we 
find  two  classes,  Ajwstles  and  converts  —  teachers 
and  taught.  At  this  time  tlie  Church  was  not 
only  morally  but  actually  one  congregation.  Soon, 
however,  its  numbers  grew  so  considerably  that  it 
was  a  physical  impossibility  that  all  its  members 
should  come  together  in  one  spot.  It  became, 
therefore,  an  aggregate  of  congregations.  But  its 
essential  unity  was  not  afiected  by  the  accidental 
necessity  of  meeting  in  separate  rooms  for  pubUc 
worship;  the  bond  of  cohesion  was  still  the  same. 
The  Apostles,  who  had  been  closest  to  the  Lord 
Jesus  in  his  life  on  earth,  would  doubtless  have 
formed  the  centres  of  the  several  congregations  of 
listening  believers,  and  besides  attending  at  the 
Temple  for  the  national  Jewish  prayer  (Acts  iii.  1), 
and  for  the  purpose  of  preaching  Christ  (ii.  42), 
they  would  have  gone  round  to  "every  house" 
where  their  converts  assembled  "  teaching  and 
preaching,"  and  "  breaking  bread,"  and  "  distribut- 
ing" the  common  goods  "as  each  had  need"  (ii. 
46,  iv.  35,  V.  42).  Thus  the  Church  contuiued  foi 
apparently  some  seven  years,  but  at  the  end  of  that 
time  "  the  number  of  disciples  was "  so  greatly 
"multiplied"  (Acts  vi.  1)  that  the  Twelve  Apos- 
tles found  themselves  to  be  too  few  to  carry  out 
these  works  unaided.  They  thereupon  for  the  first 
time  exercised  the  powers  of  mission  intrusted  to 
them  (John  xx.  21),  and  by  laying  tlieir  hands  on 
the  Seven  who  were  recommended  to  them  by  the 
genend  body  of  Christians,  they  appointed  them  to 
fulfill  the  secular  task  of  distributing  the  oonmion 
stock,  which  they  had  themselves  hitherto  per- 
formed, retaining  the  functions  of  piaying,  anJ 
preaching,  and  administering  the  sacraments  in 
their  own  hands.  It  is  a  question  which  cannot  I* 
certainly  answered  whether  the  office  of  these  Seven 
is  to  be  identified  with  that  of  the  SidKovot  elsfr- 
where  found.  Tliey  are  not  called  deacons  in  Script- 
ure, and  it  has  been  supposed  by  some  that  they 
were  extraordinary  officers  appointed  for  the  occa- 
sion to  see  that  the  Hellenistic  widows  had  theii 
fan:  share  of  the  goods  distributed  amongst  th« 


I 


CHURCH 

fOOT  believerj,  and  that  they  had  d"  successors  in 
their  office.    If  tliis  be  so,  we  liave  no  account  given 
08  of  the  institution  of  the   Uiaconate :  the  Dea- 
3ons,  like  tlie  Presbyters,  are  found  existing,  but  the 
circumstances  under  which  they  were  brought  into 
existence  are  not  related.     We  incline,  however, 
to  the  other  hypothesis,  which  makes  the  Seven  the 
originals  of  the  Deacons.    Being  found  apt  to  teach, 
they  were   likewise  invested,  almost  immediately 
after  their  apix)intment,  with  the  power  of  preach- 
mg  to  the  unconverted  (vi.  10)  and  of  baptizing 
(viii.  38).    From  this  time,  therefore,  or  from  about 
this  time,  there  existed  in  the  Church  —  (1)  the 
ApOatles;    (2)  the  Deacons  and  Evangelists;    (3) 
the  multitude  of  the  faithful.     We   hear  of  no 
ether  Church-officer  till  the  year  44,  seven  years 
after   the  appointment  of  the  deacons.     We  find 
that  there  were  then  in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem 
officers  named  Presbyters  (xi.  30)  who  were  the  as- 
sistants of  James,  the  chief  administrator  of  that 
Church  (xii.  17).     The  circumstances  of  their  first 
appointment  are  not  recounted.     No  doubt  they 
were  similar  to  those  under  which  the  Deacons  were 
appointed.     As  in  the  year  37  the  Apostles  found 
that  the  whole  work  of  the  ministry  was  too  great 
for  them,  and  they  therefore  placed  a  portion  of  it, 
namely,   distributing   alms   to  the   brethren    and 
preaching  Christ  to  the  heathen,  on  the  deacons, 
80  a  few  years  later  they  would  have  found  that 
what  they  still  retained  was  yet  growing  too  bur- 
densome, and  consequently  they  devolved  another 
portion  of  tiieir  ministerial  authority  on  another 
order  of  men.     The  name  of  Presbjier  or  Elder 
implies  that  the  men  selected  were  of  mature  age. 
We  gather  incidentally  that  they  were  ordained  by 
ApostoMc  or  other  autliority  (xiv.  23,  Tit.  i.  5). 
We  find  them  associated  with  the  Apostles  as  dis- 
tinguished  from   the   main    body  of  the    Church 
(Acts  XV.  2,  4),  and  again  as  standing  between  the 
Apostles  and  the  brethren  (xv.  23).     Their  office 
was  to  pasture  the  Church  of  God  (xx.  28),  to  rule 
(1  Tim.  V.  17 )  the  flocks  over  which  the  Holy  Ghost 
had  made  them  overseers  or  bishops  (Acts  xx.  28 ; 
''hil.  i.  1;   1  Tim.  iii.  1,  2;  Tit.  i.  7),  and  to  pray 
■vith  and  for  the  members  of  their  congregations 
vJames  v.  14).     Thus  the  Apostles  would  seem  to 
have  invested  these  Presbyters  with  the  full  powers 
which  they  themselves  e.xercised,  excepting  only  in 
respect  to  those  functions  which  they  discharged 
in  relation   to  the  general  regimen  of  the  whole 
Church  as  distinct  from  the  several  congregations 
which  formed   the  whole  body.     These  functions 
they  still  reserved  to  themselves.     By  the  year  44, 
therefore,  there  were  in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem 
—  (1)  the  .Vpostles  holding  the  government  of  the 
whole  body  in  their  own  hands;  (2)   Presbyters 
invested  by  the  Apostles  with  authority  for  con- 
ducting public  worship  in  each  congregation;  (3) 
Deacons  or  livangelists  similarly  invested  with  the 
lesser  power  of  preaching  and  of  baptizing  unbe- 
ievers,    and   of   distributing   the   common   goods 
*mong  the  brethren.     The  same  order  was  estab- 
dshed  in  the  Gentile  Churches  founded  by  St.  Paul, 
the  only  difference  being  that  those  who  were  called 
Presbyters  in  Jerusalem  bore  indifferently  the  name 
of  Bishops  (Phil  i.  1;  1  Tim.  iii.  1,  2;  Tit.  i.  7) 
»r  of  Presbyters  (1  Tim.  v.  17;  Tit.  i.  5)  elsewhere. 
It  was  in  the  (jliurch  of  Jerusaien:    'hat  another 
)rder  of  the  ministry  found   its  exemplar.     The 
\postles,  we  find,  remained  in  Jerusalem  (Acts  viii. 
I)  or  in  the  neighborhood  (viii.  14)  till  the  perse- 


CHURCH  156 

death  of  James,  the  son  of  Zebedee,  and  the  ia* 
prisonment  and  flight  of  Peter,  were  the  signal  tat 
the  dispersion  of  the  Apostles.  One  remained  be- 
hmd  —  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  whom  we 
identify  with  the  Apostle,  James  the  son  of  Al- 
phceus  [Ja.mes].  He  had  not  the  same  cause  of 
dread  as  the  rest.  His  Judaical  asceticism  and 
general  character  would  have  made  him  an  object 
of  popularity  with  his  coimtrymen,  and  even  with 
the  Pharisaical  Herod.  He  remained  unmolested, 
and  from  this  time  he  is  the  acknowledged  head 
of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem.  A  consideration 
.of  Acts  xii.  17,  XV.  13,  19,  xxi.  18;  Gal.  ii.  2, 
9,  12;  will  remove  all  doubt  on  this  head.  In- 
deed, four  years  before  Herod's  persecution  he  liad 
stood,  it  would  seem,  on  a  level  with  Peter  (Gal.  i. 
18,  19;  Acts  ix.  27),  and  it  has  been  thought  that 
he  received  special  instructions  for  the  functions 
which  he  had  to  fulfill  from  the  Lord  himself  (1  Cor. 
XV.  7;  Acts  i.  3).  Whatever  his  preeminence  was, 
he  appears  to  have  borne  no  special  title  indicating 
it.  The  example  of  the  Mother  Church  of  Jerusa- 
lem was  again  followed  by  the  Pauline  Churches. 
Timothy  and  Titus  had  probably  no  distinctive 
title,  but  it  is  impossible  to  read  the  Epistles  ad- 
dressed to  them  without  seeing  that  they  had  an 
authority  superior  to  that  of  the  ordinary  bishops 
or  priests  with  regard  to  who.se  conduct  and  ordi- 
nation St.  Paul  gives  them  instruction  (1  Tim.  iii., 
V.  17,  19;  Tit.  i.  5).  Thus,  then,  we  see  that 
where  the  Apostles  were  themselves  able  to  superin- 
tend the  Churches  that  they  had  founded,  the 
Church-officers  consisted  of — (1)  Apostles;  (2) 
Bishops  or  Priests;  (3)  Deacons  and  Evangelists. 
When  the  Apostles  were  unable  to  give  personal 
superintendence,  they  delegated  that  power  which 
they  had  in  common  to  one  of  themselves,  as  in 
Jerusalem,  or  to  one  in  whom  they  had  confidence, 
as  at  Ephesus  and  in  Crete.  As  the  Apostles  died 
off,  these  ApostoUc  Delegates  necessarily  multiplied. 
By  the  end  of  the  first  century,  when  St.  John  was 
the  only  Apostle  that  now  survived,  they  would 
have  been  established  in  every  country,  as  Crete, 
and  in  every  large  town  where  there  were  several 
bishops  or  priests,  such  as  the  seven  towns  of  Asia 
mentioned  in  the  book  of  Revelation.  These  super- 
intendents appear  to  be  addressetl  by  St.  John  under 
the  name  of  Angels.  With  St.  John's  daath  the 
Apostolic  College  was  extinguished,  and  the  Apos- 
tolic Delegates  or  Angels  were  left  to  fill  their  places 
in  the  government  of  the  Church,  not  with  the  full 
unrestricted  power  of  the  Apostles,  but  with  au- 
thority only  to  be  exercised  in  hmited  districts.  In 
the  next  century  we  find  that  these  officers  bore 
the  name  of  Bishops,  while  those  who  in  the  first 
century  were  called  indifferently  Presbyters  or 
Bishops  had  now  only  the  title  of  Presbyters.  We 
conclude,  therefore,  that  the  title  bishop  was  grad- 
ually dropped  by  the  second  order  of  the  ministry, 
and  applied  specifically  to  those  who  represented 
what  James,  Timothy,  and  Titus  had  been  in  the 
Apostolic  age.  Theodoret  says  expressly,  "  The 
same  persons  were  anciently  called  promiscuously 
both  bishops  and  presbyters,  whilst  those  who  are 
now  called  bishops  were  called  apostles,  but  shortly 
after  the  name  of  apostle  was  appropriated  to  such 
as  were  apostles  indeed,  and  then  the  name  bishop 
was  given  to  those  before  called  apostles  "  (Com.  in 
1  Tim.  iii.  1).  There  are  other  names  found  in 
the  Acts  and  in  the  Epistles  which  the  light  thrown 
backward  by  early  ecclesiastical  history  shows 


mtion  of  Herod  Agrippa  in  the  year  44.     The  I  to  have  been  tlie  titles  of  those  who  exerc'sed  func 


i56  CHURCH 

tions  which  were  not  destined  to  continue  in  the 
Church,  but  only  belonging  to  it  while  it  was  be- 
ing brought  into  being  by  help  of  miraculous 
agency.  Such  are  prophets  (Acts  xiii.  1;  Horn. 
xii.  6;  1  Cor.  xii.  28;  Eph.  iv.  11),  whose  function 
was  to  proclaim  and  expound  the  Christian  revela- 
tion, and  to  interpret  God's  will,  especially  as  veiled 
in  the  Old  Testament ;  teachers  (Acts  xiii.  1 ;  Kom. 
xii.  7;  1  Cor.  xii.  28;  Eph.  iv.  11)  and  pastors 
(Kph.  iv.  11)  whose  special  work  was  to  instruct 
those  aheady  admitted  into  the  fold,  as  contrasted 
(\ith  the  evangelists  {ibid.)  who  had  primarily  to 
instruct  the  heathen.  Prophecy  is  one  of  tlie  ex- 
Irawdinary  ^apianara  which  were  vouchsafed,  and 
is  to  be  classed  with  the  gifts  of  heaUng,  of  speak- 
ing ecstatically  with  tongues,  of  interpretation  of 
tongues,  i.  e.  explanation  of  those  ecstatic  utter- 
ances, and  discernment  of  spirits,  i.  e.  a  power  of 
distinguishuig  between  the  real  and  supposed  pos- 
sessors of  spiritual  gifts  (1  Cor.  xii.).  Teaching 
(xa^ic/uo  Sj5a<r/coAtas-,  Rom.  xii.  7;  1  Cor.  xii. 
28)  is  one  of  the  m-dinary  gifts,  and  is  to  be  classed 
with  the  word  of  wisdom  and  the  word  of  knowl- 
edge (1  Cor.  xii.  8),  perhaps  with  "faith  "  {ib.  9), 
with  the  gift  of  government  (xaptirixa  Kv^epvi]- 
aiws,  ib.  28),  and  with  the  gift  of  ministration 
{j(6.pi(T}io.  SiaKoyias  or  ayTtK-fi^peais,  Kom.  xii.  7; 
1  Cor.  xii.  28).  These  ^apltrfj-ara,  whether  extras 
ordinary  or  ordinary,  were  "  divided  to  every  man 
as  the  Spirit  willed,"  according  to  the  individual 
character  of  each,  and  not  otficially.  Those  to 
whom  the  gifts  of  prophecy,  teacliing,  and  govern- 
ment were  vouchsafed  were  doubtless  selected  for 
the  ofKce  of  Presbyter,  those  who  had  the  gift  of 
ministration  for  the  office  of  Deacon.  In  the 
Apostles  they  all  alike  resided. 

Its  external  Grmvth.  —  Th^  3000  souls  that  were 
added  to  the  Apostles  and  to  the  120  brethren  on 
the  day  of  Pentecost  were  increased  daily  by  new 
converts  (Acts  ii.  47,  v.  14).  These  converts  were 
without  exception  Jews  residing  in  Jerusalem, 
whether  speaking  Greek  or  Hebrew  (vi.  1).  After 
seven  or  eight  years  a  step  was  made  outwards. 
The  persecution  which  followed  the  martyrdom  of 
Stephen  drove  away  the  adherents  of  the  new 
doctrines,  with  the  exception  of  the  Apostles,  and 
"  they  that  were  scattered  abroad  went  everywhere 
preaching  the  word  "  to  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion 
Philip,  in  his  capacity  of  Evangelist,  preached 
Christ  to  the  Samaritans,  and  admitted  them  into 
the  Church  by  baptism.  In  Philistia  he  made  the 
first  Gentile  convert,  but  this  act  did  not  raise  the 
question  of  the  atlmission  of  the  Gentiles,  because 
tlie  Ethiopian  eunuch  was  already  a  proselyte  (viii 
27),  and  probably  a  proselyte  of  Kighteousness 
Cornelius  was  a  proselyte  of  the  Gate  (x.  2).  The 
first  purely  Gentile  convert  tliat  we  hear  of  by 
name  is  Sergius  Paulus  (xiii.  7),  but  we  are  told 
that  Cornelius's  companions  were  Gentiles,  and  by 
tJieir  baptism  the  admission  of  the  Gentiles  was  de- 
sided  by  the  agency  of  St.  Pet^r,  approved  by  the 
\pof.tles  and  Jewish  Church  (xi.  18),  not,  as  might 
have  been  expecte<l,  by  the  agency  of  St.  Paul, 
This  great  event  took  place  after  the  peace  caused 
by  Caligula's  persecution  of  the  Jews,  which  oc- 
eun-ed  a.  d.  40  (ix.  31),  and  more  than  a  year  be- 
fore the  famine  in  the  time  of  Claudius,  A.  n.  44 
(xi.  28,  29).  Galilee  had  already  been  evangelized 
ts  wt'l  as  Judtea  and  Samaria,  though  the  special 
tgent  in  the  work  is  not  declared  (ix.  31). 

The  history  of  the  growth  of  the  Gentile  Church, 
10  fiu*  aa  we  know  it,  is  identical  with  the  history 


( HURCH 

of  St.  Paul.  In  his  three  journeys  Le  unieii 
Christianity  through  the  chief  cities  of  AsLi  Minor 
and  Greece,  llis  method  appears  almost  invariable 
to  have  been  this:  he  presented  himself  on  the  Sab- 
batli  at  the  Jewish  synagogue,  and  having  first 
preached  the  doctrine  of  a  suffering  ]Mt«siah,  he 
next  identified  Jesus  with  the  Messiah  (xvii.  3). 
His  arguments  on  the  first  head  were  U.stened  to 
with  patience  by  all;  those  on  the  second  point 
wrought  conviction  in  some  (xvii.  4).  but  roused 
the  rest  to  persecute  him  (xvii.  5).  On  finding  his 
words  rejected  by  the  Jews,  he  turned  from  them 
to  the  Gentiles  (xviii.  G,  xxviii.  28).  His  captivity 
in  Home,  a.  d.  63-65,  had  the  effect  of  forming  a 
Church  out  of  the  Jewish  and  Greek  residents  in 
the  imperial  city,  who  seem  to  have  been  joined  by 
a  few  Itahans.  His  last  journey  may  have  spread 
the  Gospel  westward  as  far  as  Spain  (Kom.  xv.  28; 
Clemens,  Eusebius,  Jerome,  Chrysostom).  The 
death  of  James  at  Jerusalem  and  of  Peter  and  Paul 
at  Kome,  A.  y>.  67,  leaves  one  only  of  the  Apostles 
presented  distinctly  to  our  view.  In  the  year  7C 
Jerusalem  was  captured,  and  l)efore  St.  John  fell 
asleep  in  98,  the  Petrine  and  Pauline  converts,  the 
Churches  of  the  circumcision  and  of  the  uncircum- 
cision,  had  melted  into  one  harmonious  and  accord- 
ant body,  spreading  in  scattered  congregations  at 
the  least  from  Babylon  to  Spain,  and  from  Mac- 
edonia to  Africa.  How  far  Christian  doctrme  may 
have  penetrated  beyond  these  hmits  we  do  not  know. 

Its  further  Growth.  —  As  this  is  not  an  ecclesi- 
astical history,  we  can  but  glance  at  it.  There 
were  three  great  impulses  which  enlarged  the  bor- 
ders of  the  Church.  The  first  is  that  which  began 
on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  and  continued  down  to 
the  conversion  of  Constantine.  By  this  the  Komao 
Empire  was  converted  to  Christ,  and  the  Church 
was,  speaking  roughly,  made  conterminous  with 
the  civilized  world.  The  second  impulse  gathered 
within  her  borders  the  hitherto  barbarous  nation* 
fomied  by  the  Teutonic  and  Celtic  tribes,  thus 
winning,  or  in  spite  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Empire, 
retaining  the  countries  of  France,  Scotland,  Ire- 
land, England,  Lombardy,  Germany,  Denmark, 
Sweden,  Norway.  The  third  impulse  gathered  in 
the  Slavonian  nations.  The  first  of  theie  impulses 
lasted  to  the  fourth  century;  the  second  to  the 
ninth  century ;  the  third  (beginning  before  the  sec- 
ond had  ceased)  to  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centu- 
ries. AVe  do  not  reckon  the  Nestorian  missionary 
efforts  in  the  seventh  century  in  SjTia,  Persia,  In- 
dia, and  China,  nor  the  post-Keformation  exertions 
of  the  Jesuits  in  the  East  and  \\'est  Indies,  foi 
these  attempts  have  produced  no  permanent  results. 
Nor,  again,  do  we  speak  of  the  efforts  now  being 
made  in  Africa,  India,  Australia,  New  Zealand,  be- 
cause it  has  not  yet  been  proved,  except  jierhapst  in 
the  case  of  New  Zealand,  whether  they  will  be  suc- 
cessful in  bringuig  these  countries  within  the  fold 
of  Christ. 

V.  Aherntions  in  its  Constitution.  —  We  have 
said  that  ecclesiastical  authority  residwl  (1)  in  the 
Apo.stles;  (2)  in  the  Apostles  and  the  Deacons;  (3) 
in  the  Apostles,  the  Presbyters,  and  the  Deacons; 
(4)  in  the  Apostolic  Delegates,  the  Presl>yters,  and 
the  Deacons;  (5)  in  those  who  succeeded  the  Apos- 
tolic Delegates,  the  Presbyters,  and  the  Deaons. 
And  to  tiiese  successors  of  the  Apostilic  Delegatet 
came  to  be  appropri.at«d  the  title  of  ISishop,  wliici 
was  originally  applied  to  Presbyters.  -At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  .second  century  and  theiicefor 
wards   Bishops,   Presbyters,  and   Deacons  are  tht 


I 


CHURCH 

#flScers  of  the  Church  wherever  the  Church  existed. 
Ignatius's  Epistles  (in  their  unadulterated  form), 
ind  the  other  records  which  are  preserved  to  us, 
ire  on  this  ixdiit  decisive.  (See  Pearson's  Vindi- 
d(B  lymitiafice,  pars  ii.  c.  xiii.  p.  53-t,  ed.  Churton.) 
Bishops  were  looked  upon  is  Christ's  Vicegerents 
(Cj'prian,  -A/*.  55  (or  59)  with  Rigaltius's  notes), 
and  as  having  succeeded  to  the  Apostles  (id.  Lp. 
69  (or  66)  and  42  (or  45),  Firniilian,  Jerome), 
every  bishop's  see  being  entitled  a  "  sedea  apostol- 
ica."  They  retauied  in  their  own  hands  authority 
over  presbyters  and  the  function  of  ordination,  but 
with  respect  to  each  other  they  were  equals,  whether 
their  see  was  "  at  Kome  or  at  Eugubium." 

Within  this  equal  college  of  bishops  there  soon 
arose  difference  of  rank  though  not  of  order,  lie- 
low  the  city-bishops  there  sprang  up  a  class  of 
country-bishops  (chorepiscopi)  answering  to  the 
archdeacons  of  the  English  Church,  except  that 
they  had  received  episcopal  consecration  (Ham- 
mond, Beveridge,  Cave,  Bingham),  and  were  en- 
abled to  ijertbrm  some  episcopal  acts  with  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  city-bishops.  Their  position  was  am- 
biguous, and  in  the  ttfth  century  they  began  to 
decay  and  gradu;dly  died  out. "  Above  the  city- 
bishops  there  were,  in  the  second  century  appar- 
ently. Jletropolitans,  and  in  the  third.  Patriarchs 
or  Exarchs.  The  metropolitan  was  the  chief  bishop 
in  the  civil  division  of  the  empire  which  was  called 
a  province  (eTrapx^f*')-  His  see  was  at  the  metrop- 
olis of  the  province,  and  he  presided  over  his  suffra- 
gans with  authority  similar  to,  but  greater  than, 
that  which  is  exercised  in  their  respective  provinces 
by  the  two  archbishops  in  England.  The  authority 
of  the  patriarch  or  exarch  extended  over  the  still 
larger  division  of  the  civil  empire  which  was  called 
a  diocese.  The  ecclesiastical  was  framed  in  accord 
ance  with  the  exigencies  and  after  the  model  of  the 
civil  polity.  When  Constantine,  therefore,  divided 
the  empire  into  13  dioceses,  "each  of  which 
equalled  the  just  measure  of  a  powerfid  kingdom  " 
(Gibbon,  c.  xviii.),  the  Church  came  to  be  distrib- 
uted into  13  (including  the  city  and  neighborhood 
of  Rome,  14)  diocesan,  or,  as  we  should  say,  na- 
tional churches.  There  was  no  external  bond  of 
government  to  hold  these  churches  together.  They 
were  independent  self-ruled  wholes,  combined  to- 
gether into  one  greater  whole  by  having  one  invis- 
ible Head  and  one  animating  Spirit,  by  maintain- 
ing each  the  same  faith  and  exercising  each  the 
same  discipline.  The  only  authority  which  they 
recognized  as  capable  of  controlling  their  separate 
action,  was  that  of  an  QJcumenical  Council  com- 
posed of  delegates  from  each ;  and  these  Councils 
jassed  canon  after  canon  forbidding  the  interference 
»f  the  bishop  of  any  one  diocese,  that  is,  district, 
:t  country,  with  the  bishop  of  any  other  diocese. 
"  Bishops  outside  a  '  diocese '  are  not  to  invade  the 
Churches  across  the  borders,  nor  bring  confusion 
into  the  Churches,"  says  the  second  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Constantinople,  "lest,"  says  the  eighth 
canon  of  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  "  the  pride  of 
worldly  power  be  introduced  under  cover  of  the 
priestly  function,  and  by  little  and  little  we  be  de- 
prived of  the  liberty  which  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
the  deliverer  of  all  men,  haa  given  us  by  his  own 


CHURCH  457 

blood."  *  But  there  was  a  stronger  power  at  work 
than  any  which  could  be  controlled  by  canons. 
Kome  and  Constantinople  were  each  the  seata  of 
iniijerial  power,  and  symptoms  soon  began  to  ap- 
pear that  the  patriarchs  of  the  imperial  cities  were 
rival  claimants  of  imperial  power  in  the  Church. 
Rome  was  in  a  better  position  for  the  struggle  than 
Constantinople,  for,  besides  having  the  prestige  of 
beijig  Old  Kome,  she  was  also  of  ApostoUc  founda- 
tion. Constantinople  could  not  boast  an  Apostla 
as  her  founder,  and  she  was  but  New  Kome.  Still 
the  imperial  power  was  strong  in  the  East  when  it 
had  faUen  in  the  West,  and  furthermore  the  Coun- 
cil of  Chalcedon  had  so  far  dispensed  with  the 
canons  and  with  precedent  in  respect  to  Constanti- 
nople as  to  grant  the  patriarch  jiu-isdiction  over 
three  dioceses,  to  establish  a  right  of  appeal  to  Con- 
stantinople from  any  part  of  the  Church,  and  to 
confirm  the  decree  of  the  second  Council,  v/hich 
elevated  the  see  of  Constantinople  above  that  of 
Alexandria  and  of  Antioch.  K  was  by  the  Pope 
of  Constantinople  that  the  first  overt  attempt  at 
erecting  a  Papal  Monarchy  was  made;  and  by  the 
Pope  of  Jlome,  in  consequence,  it  was  fiercely  and 
indignantly  denounced.  John  of  Constantinople, 
said  Gregory  the  Great,  was  destroying  the  patri- 
archal system  of  government  (lib.  v.  43;  ix.  68); 
by  assuming  the  profane  appellation  of  Universal 
Bishop  he  was  anticipating  Antichrist  (lib.  vii.  27, 
33),  invading  the  rights  of  Christ,  and  imitating 
the  Devil  (lib.  v.  18).  John  of  Constantinople 
failed.  The  successors  of  Gregory  adopted  as  their 
own  the  claims  which  John  had  not  been  able  to 
assert,  and  on  the  basis  of  the  False  Decretals  of 
Isidore,  and  of  Gratian's  Decretum,  Nicholas  I., 
Gregory  VII.,  and  Innocent  III.  reared  the  struct- 
ure of  the  Roman  in  place  of  the  Constantinopolitan 
Papal  Monarchy.  From  this  time  the  federal 
character  of  the  constitution  of  the  Church  wag 
overthrown.  In  the  West  it  became  wholly  des- 
potic, and  in  the  East,  though  the  theory  of  aris- 
tocratical  government  was  and  is  maintained,  the 
stiU-cherished  title  of  (Ecumenical  Patriarch  indi- 
cates that  it  is  weakness  which  has  prevented  Con- 
stantinople from  erecting  at  least  an  Eastern  if  she 
could  not  an  Universal  Monarchy.  In  the  six- 
teenth century  a  further  change  of  constitution 
occurred.  A  great  part  of  Europe  revolted  from 
the  Western  despotism.  The  Churches  of  England 
and  Sweden  returned  to,  or  rather  retained,  the 
episcopal  form  of  government  after  the  model  of  the 
first  centuries.  In  parts  of  Germany,  of  France, 
of  Switzerland,  and  of  Great  Britain,  a  Presbyte- 
rian, or  still  less  defined  form  was  adopted,  while 
Rome  tightened  her  hold  on  her  yet  remaining  sub- 
jects, and  by  destroying  all  peculiarities  of  national 
liturgy  and  custom,  and  by  depressing  the  order 
of  bishops  except  as  interpreters  of  her  decrees,  con- 
verted that  part  of  the  Church  over  which  she  had 
sway  into  a  jealous  centralized  absolutism. 

VI.  The  existing  Church.  —  Its  members  fall 
into  three  broadly-marked  groups,  the  Greek 
Churches,  the  Latin  Churches,  the  Teutonic 
Churches.  The  orthodox  Greek  Church  consists 
of  the  Patriarchate  of  Constantinople  with  135  sees, 
of  Alexandria  with  4  sees,  of  Antioch  with  16  sees, 


«  An  attempt  was  made  to  resuscitate  this  class  in 
Kngland,  under  the  title  of  suffragan  bishops,  by  the 
»iU  unrepealed  26th  Henry  VIII.  c  14,  by  which 
We&ty-«ix  towns  were  named  as  the  iwits  of  bishops, 


who  were  to  act  under  the  bishops  of  the  diocese  in 
which  they  were  situated. 

6  See  Canons  v.,  vl.  of  Nicasa ;  ii.,  lii.,  vi.  ot  OonstaiiF 
tinople;  i.,  viii.  of  Ephesur ;  Lx.,  xvii.,  xxvii.,  zzx.  of 
Chalcedon. 


158 


CHURCH 


9f  Jerusalem  with  13  sees,  of  the  Russian  Church 
with  Go  sees;  besides  which,  there  are  in  Cj-prus 
i  sees,  in  Austria  11  sees,  in  iNIoinit  Sinai  1  see,  in 
Montenegro  1  see,  in  Greece  24  sees.  To  these 
must  be  added,  (1.)  the  Nestorian  or  Chaldsean 
Church,  once  spread  fh)ra  China  tx>  the  Tigris,  and 
from  Lake  Baikal  to  Cape  Comorin,  and  ruled  by 
twenty-five  Metropolitans  and  a  Patriarch  possess- 
ing a  plenitude  of  power  equal  to  that  of  Innocent 
III.  (Neale,  Kustern  Church,  i.  143),  but  now 
shrunk  to  10  sees.  (2.)  The  Christians  of  St. 
Thomas  under  the  Bishop  of  Malabar.  (3.)  The 
Syrian  Jacobites  under  the  Patriarch  of  Antioch 
resident  at  Caramit  or  Diarbekir.  (4.)  The  Mar- 
onites  with  U  seea  (5.)  The  Copts  with  13  sees. 
(6.)  The  savage,  but  yot  Christian  Abyssinians, 
and  (7.)  the  .Armenians,  the  most  int«lUge!it  and 
active  minded,  but  at  the  same  time  the  most  dis- 
tracted body  of  Eastern  believers. 

The  Latin  Churches  are  those  of  Italy  with  262 
gees,  of  Spain  with  54,  of  France  with  81,  of  Por- 
tugal with  17,  of  Itelgium  and  Holland  with  11, 
of  Austria  with  04,  of  Germany  with  24,  of  Switz- 
erland witli  5.  liesides  these,  the  authority  of  the 
Boman  See  is  acknowledged  by  03  Asiatic  bishops, 
10  AfricaJi,  130  American,  43  British,  and  36 
Prelates  scattered  through  the  countries  where  the 
Church  of  Greece  is  predominant. 

The  Teutonic  Churches  consist  of  the  Anglican 
communion  with  48  sees  in  luirope,  51  in  Canada, 
America,  and  the  West  Indies,  8  in  Asia,  8  in 
Africa,  and  15  in  Australia  and  Oceanica;  of  the 
Church  of  Norway  and  Sweden,  with  17  sees;  of 
the  Churches  of  Denmark,  Prussia,  Holland,  Scot- 
land, and  scattered  congregations  elsewhere.  The 
members  of  the  (jreek  Churches  are  supposed  to 
number  80,000,000 ;  of  the  Teutonic  and  Protestant 
Churches  00,000,000;  of  the  Latin  Churches  170,- 
000.000;  making  a  total  of  25  per  cent,  of  the  pop- 
ulation of  the  globe. 

VII.  Dejinilions  of  the  Chtirch.  —  Tl^e  Greek 
Church  gives  tlie  following :  "  The  Church  is  a 
divinely  instituted  community  of  men,  united  by 
the  orthodo.x  faith,  the  law  of  God,  the  hierarchy, 
and  the  Sacraments"  {Full  Catechism  of  the  Or- 
thodox, Cdthitlic,  EnUern  Church,  Moscow,  1839). 
The  Latin  Church  defines  it  "  the  company  of 
Christians  knit  together  by  the  profession  of  the 
same  faith  and  the  communion  of  the  same  sacra- 
ments, under  the  government  of  lawful  pastors,  and 
especially  of  the  Homan  bishop  as  the  only  Vicivr 
of  Christ  u|X)n  earth  "  (Bellarm.  De  Keel.  Mil.  iii. 
2;  see  also  Devoti  Inst.  Canon.  1,  §  iv.,  Romae, 
1818).  The  Cluirch  of  England,  "  a  congregation 
of  faithful  men  in  which  the  pure  word  of  God  is 
preached,  and  the  Sacraments  be  duly  ministered 
according  to  Christ's  ordinance  in  all  those  things 
that  of  necessity  are  requisite  to  the  same"  (Art. 
lix.).  The  Lutheran  Church,  "a  congregation  of 
iain<s  in  which  the  Gospel  is  tightly  taught  and 
Uie  sacraments  rightly  administered"  {Confessio 
Auf/ust  ria,  1031,  Art.  vii.).  The  Confessio  Hel- 
vetii-a,  'a  congregation  of  faithful  men  called,  or 
■x)llected  out  of  the  world,  the  communion  of  all 
aints"  (Art.  xvii.).  The  Confessio  Saxonica.  "a 
congregation  of  men  embracing  tlie  Gospel  of 
Christ,  and  rightly  using  the  Sacraments  "  (Art. 
lii.).  The  Confftssio  Helgica,  "a  true  congrega- 
tion, or  assembly  of  all  faithful  Christians  who  look 
Sor  the  whole  of  their  salvation  from  Jesus  Christ 
fJonc,  a<  beuig  washed  by  his  blood,  and  sanctified 
lad  sealed  by  his  Spirit"  (Art.  xxvii.). 


CHURCH 

These  definitions  show  the  difficulty  ui  wlilch  kht 
diflferent  sections  of  the  divided  Church  find  them- 
selves in  framing  a  definition  which  will  at  once 
accord  with  the  statements  of  Holy  Scripture,  and 
be  applicable  to  the  present  state  of  the  Christian 
world.  We  have  seen  that  according  to  the  Script- 
ural view  the  Church  is  a  holy  kingdom,  estab- 
lished by  God  on  earth,  of  which  Christ  is  the 
invisible  King  —  it  is  a  divinely  organized  body, 
the  members  of  which  are  knit  together  amongst 
themselves,  and  joined  to  Christ  their  Head,  by  the 
Holy  Spirit,  wlio  dwells  in  and  animates  it;  it  is 
a  spiritual  but  visiUe  society  of  men  united  by 
constant  succession  to  those  who  were  personally 
united  to  the  Aix)stles,  holding  the  same  faith  that 
the  Apostles  held,  administering  the  same,  sacra- 
ments, and  like  them  forming  separate,  but  only 
locally  separate,  assemblies,  for  the  public  worship 
of  God.  This  b  the  (Church  according  to  the 
Divme  intention.  But  as  God  j)ermits  men  to  mar 
the  perfection  of  his  designs  in  their  behalf,  and 
as  men  have  both  corrupted  the  doctrines  and 
broken  the  unity  of  the  Church,  we  must  not  ex- 
pect to  see  the  Church  of  Holy  Scripture  actually 
existing  in  its  perfection  on  earth.  It  is  not  to  be 
found,  thus  perfect,  either  in  the  collected  frag- 
ments of  Christendom,  or  still  less  in  any  one  of 
these  fragments  ;  though  it  is  jwssible  that  one  of 
those  fragments  more  tlian  another  may  approach 
the  Scriptuiul  and  Apostolic  ideal  which  existed 
only  until  sin,  heresy,  and  schism,  had  time  su^j- 
ciently  to  develop  themselves  to  do  their  work.  It 
has  been  questioned  by  some  whether  Hooker,  in 
his  anxious  desire  after  charity  and  liberality,  has 
not  founded  his  definition  of  the  Church  upon  too 
wide  a  basis ;  but  it  is  certain  that  he  has  pointed 
out  the  true  principle  on  which  the  definition  must 
be  framed  {Feci.  Pol.  v.  08,  0).  As  in  defining  a 
man,  he  says,  we  pass  by  those  qualities  wherein 
one  man  excels  another,  and  take  only  those  essen- 
tial properties  whereby  a  man  differs  from  creatures 
of  other  kinds,  so  in  defining  the  Church,  which  is 
a  technical  name  for  the  professors  of  the  Christian 
religion,  we  must  fix  our  attention  solely  on  that 
wliich  makes  the  Christian  religion  diflier  from  the 
religions  which  are  not  Christian.  This  difference 
is  constituted  by  the  Christian  religion  having  Jesus 
Christ,  his  revelation,  and  his  precepts  for  the  ob- 
ject of  its  contemplations  and  the  motive  of  its 
actions.  The  Church,  therefore,  consists  of  all  who 
acknowledge  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  the  blessed 
Saviour  of  mankind,  who  give  credit  to  his  Gospel 
and  who  hold  his  sacraments,  the  seals  of  etema 
life,  in  honor.  To  go  further,  would  be  not  ti 
define  the  Church  by  that  which  makes  it  to  bi 
what  it  is,  i.  e.  to  declare  the  beinr/  of  the  Church, 
but  to  define  't  by  accidents,  which  may  conduce 
to  its  u^ell  beiwj,  but  do  not  touch  its  innermost 
nature.  From  this  view  of  the  Church  the  impor- 
tant consequence  follows,  that  all  the  baptized  be- 
long to  the  visible  Church,  whatever  be  their 
divisions,  crimes,  misbeliefs,  provided  only  they  are 
not  plain  apostates,  and  directly  deny  and  utterly 
reject  the  (,'hristian  faith,  as  far  as  the  same  is 
professedly  different  from  infidelity.  "  Heretics  at 
touching  those  points  of  doctrine  in  which  they 
fail ;  schismatics  as  touching  the  quarrels  for  wliich. 
or  the  duties  in  which  tlmy  divide  themselves  fron: 
their  brethren;  loose,  licentious,  and  wicked  jht- 
sons,  as  touching  their  several  offences  or  crimes 
have  all  forsaken  the  true  Church  of  God  —  tb< 
Church  which  is  sound  and  sincere  in  the  do<-tnn» 


I 


CHURCH 

irhich  they  corrupt,  the  Church  that  Keepeth  the 
bond  of  unity  which  they  violate,  the  Cnurch  that 
walketh  in  the  laws  of  righteousness  which  they 
transgress,  this  very  true  Church  of  Christ  they 
have  left  —  howbeit,  not  altogether  left  nor  forsaken 
simply  the  Church,  upon  the  foundation  of  which 
they  continue  built,  notwithstanding  these  breaches 
whereby  they  are  rent  at  the  top  asunder"  (v. 
68,  7). 

VIII.  The,  Faith,  Atti-ibutes,  and  Notes  of  the 
Church.  —  The  Nicene  Creed  is  the  especial  and 
authoritative  exponent  of  the  Church's  faith,  having 
been  adopted  as  such  by  the  Oecumenical  Councils 
of  Nicsea  and  Constantinople,  and  ever  afterwards 
regarded  as  the  sacred  summary  of  Christian  doc- 
trine. We  have  the  Western  form  of  the  same 
Creed  in  that  which  is  called  the  Creed  of  the 
Apostles  —  a  name  probably  derived  from  its  hav- 
ing been  the  local  Creed  of  Kome,  which  was  the 
chief  Apostolic  see  of  the  West.  An  expansion  of 
the  same  Creed,  made  in  order  to  meet  the  Arian 
errors,  is  found  in  the  Creed  of  St.  Athanasius. 
The  Confessions  of  Faith  of  the  Synod  of  Bethlehem 
(a.  d.  1G72),  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (commonly 
known  as  Pope  I'ius'  Creed,  A.  d.  1564),  of  the 
Synod  of  London  (a.  d.  1562),  of  Augsburg,  Swit- 
zerland, Saxony,  &c.,  stand  on  a  lower  level,  as 
binding  on  the  members  of  certain  portions  of  the 
Church,  but  not  being  the  Church's  Creeds.  The 
attributes  of  the  Church  are  drawn  from  the  ex- 
pressions of  the  Creeds.  The  Church  is  described 
as  One,  Holy,  Catholic,  Apostolic.  Its  Unity  con- 
sists in  having  one  object  of  worship  (Eph.  iv.  6), 
one  Head  (Eph.  iv.  15),  one  body  (Kom.  xii.  5), 
one  Spirit  (Eph.  iv.  4),  one  fiiith  (ib.  1-3),  hope  (ib. 
4),  love  (1  Cor.  xiii.  13),  the  same  sacraments  (_ib. 
X.  17),  discipline  and  worship  (Acts  ii.  42).  Its 
Holiness  depends  on  its  Head  and  Spirit,  the  means 
of  grace  which  it  offers,  and  the  holiness  that  it 
demands  of  its  menibers  (Eph.  iv.  24).  Its  Catho- 
licity consists  in  its  being  composed  of  many 
national  Churches,  not  confined  as  the  Jewish 
Church  to  one  country  (Mark  xvi.  15) ;  in  its 
enduring  to  the  end  of  time  (Matt,  xxviii.  20);  in 
its  teaching  the  whole  truth,  and  having  at  its 
disposal  all  the  means  of  grace  vouchsafed  to  man. 
Its  Apostolicity  in  being  built  on  the  foundation 
of  the  Apostles  (Eph.  ii.  20),  and  continuing  in 
their  doctruie  and  fellowship  (Acts  ii.  42).  The 
notes  of  the  Church  are  given  by  Bellarmine  and 
theologians  of  his  school,  as  being  tlie  title  "  Cath- 
olic," antiquity,  succession,  extent,  papal  succession, 
prunitive  doctruie,  unity,  sanctity,  efficacy  of  doc- 
trine, holiness  of  its  authors,  mtr;tcles,  prophecy, 
confession  of  foes,  unhappy  end  of  opponents,  tem- 
poral good-fortune  (Bellarra.  Contr.  tom.  ii.  lib.  iv. 
p.  12J;J,  Ingoldst,  1580):  by  Dean  Field  as  (1)  the 
complete  profession  of  the  Christian  faith;  (2)  the 
use  of  certain  appointed  ceremonies  and  sacraments; 
(3)  the  union  of  men  in  then-  profession  and  in  the 
use  of  these  sacraments  under  lawful  pastors  ( Of 
the  Church,  bk.  ii.  c.  ii.  p.  65).  It  is  evident  that 
the  notes  l)y  which  the  Church  is  supposed  to  be 
distinguished  must  differ  accoi;diiig  to  tlie  definition 
of  the  Church  accepted  by  the  theologian  who 
aasiigns  tliem,  Ijecause  the  true  notes  of  a  thing 
xa-utt  necessarily  be  the  essential  properties  of  that 
thing.  Hut  each  theologian  is  likely  to  assume 
those  particulars  in  wliich  he  believes  his  own 
brtuic!i  or  part  of  the  Church  to  excel  others  as  the 
lotes  of  the  Churcli  Universal. 

IX.  Diiiinctions.  —  "For  Look  of  diligent  ol>- 


CHURCH 


459 


serving  the  diflTerences  first  between  the  Church  of 
God  mystical  and  visible,  then  between  the  visible 
sound  and  corrupted,  sometimes  more,  sometime* 
less,  the  oversights  are  neither  few  nor  light  that 
have  been  committed"  (Hooker,  Kcd.  Pol.  iii.  1, 
9).  The  word  Church  is  employed  to  designi^te 
(1)  the  place  in  which  Christians  assemble  to 
worship  (possibly  1  Cor.  xiv.  19);  (2)  a  household 
of  Christians  (Col.  iv.  15);  (3)  a  congregation  of 
Christians  assembling  from  time  to  time  for  worship, 
but  generally  living  apart  from  each  other  (Kom. 
xvi.  1);  (4)  a  body  of  Christians  Uving  in  one  city 
a-ssembling  for  worship  in  different  congregations 
and  at  different  times  (1  Cor.  i.  2);  (5)  a  body  of 
Christians  residing  in  a  district  or  country  (2  Cor. 
i.);  (6)  the  whole  visible  Church,  including  sound 
and  unsound  members,  that  is,  all  the  baptized 
professors  of  Christianity,  orthodox,  heretical,  and 
schismatical,  moral  or  immoral ;  (7)  the  visible 
Church  exclusive  of  the  manifestly  unsound  mem- 
bers, that  is,  consisting  of  those  who  apjiear  to  be 
orthodox  and  pious;  (8)  the  mystical  or  invisiMe 
Church,  that  is,  the  body  of  tlie  elect  known  to 
God  alone  who  are  in  very  deed  justified  and  sancti- 
fied, and  never  to  be  plucked  out  of  tlieir  Saviour's 
hands,  composed  of  the  Church  Triumphant  and 
of  some  members  of  the  Church  Mihtant  (.John  x. 
28;  Heb.  xii.  22);  (9)  the  Church  Mihtant,  th^t 
is,  the  Church  in  its  warfiire  on  earth  —  identical 
therefore  with  the  Church  visible;  (10)  the  Church 
Triumphant,  consisting  of  those  who  have  passed 
from  this  world,  expectant  of  glory  now  in  paradise, 
and  to  be  glorified  hereafter  in  heaven.  The  word 
may  be  fairly  used  in  any  of  these  senses,  but  it  is 
plain  that  if  it  is  employed  by  controversialists 
without  a  clear  understanding  in  which  sense  it  is 
used,  inextricable  confusion  must  arise.  And  such 
in  fact  has  been  the  case.  F.  M. 

*  The  list  of  works  relating  to  the  Church,  sub- 
joined to  this  article  in  the  English  edition,  has 
here  been  greatly  enbrged  and  more  strictly  clas- 
sified by  Professor  H.  B.  Smith,  D.  1).,  of  the 
Union  Theological  Seminary,  N.  Y.  The  literature 
of  the  different  religious  confessions  is  more  equally 
represented.  H. 

*  X.  Literature.  The  Nature  ami  Constitit- 
lion  of  the  Church :  Cyprian,  De  Unilnte  A'cclesice, 
Opp.'FeU's  ed.  Oxf.  1700,  Paris,  1726,  Goldhom's 
ed.  Leips.  1838;  Krabinger's  ed.  of  the  Dt  Unitate, 
1853;  transl.  in  Oxf.  Lib.  of  Fathers;  comp.  Nevin 
in  Mercersburff  Rev.  1^52-3,  and  Huther,  Cy- 
prian's Lehre,  1839.  Optatus  of  Mileve,  l)e 
Schisinite  Donatist.  Vincentius  of  [.erins,  Coin- 
monitorium  adv.  Hcereses,  ed.  Herzog,  183J ;  transL 
Oxf.  1841.  Augustine,  De  Unitate  Ju;cltsi(e.  1 1  us, 
Tractatus  de  Ecclesin.  Roma.n  CATrioLic 
Theory:  Bellarmine,  De  Conciliin  et  Kcchsia 
(Disps.  i.  1084,  Ingolstadt  ed.  1580);  Notes  on 
Church,  Holdsworth's  ed.  repr.  1840.  Thomassin, 
I'etus  et  Nova  Kcclesias  JJisci/iliwi,  Lucae,  1728. 

-Mohler,  JJie  Einheit  in  der  Kirche,  Tiibing.  1825 
H.  Klee,  Treatise  on  the  Church,  transl.  by  VA. 
Cox,  D.  D.,  Lond.  1827.  F.  Oberthiir,  Idea  BiAL 
Ecclesiie  Dei,  2d  ed.  6  vol.  Sulzbach,  1817-28. 
Lutheran  and  Keformed  (PiiKsuvTERiAN) 
Theory  :  Calvin,  Institutes,  iv.  1-4.  Kistiin, 
Luther's  Lehre  von  der  Kirche,  Stuttg.  1853. 
Gerhard,  Loci,  tom.  xii.  Th.  Beza,  J)e  Vens  ei 
VisibiUbui  h'ccl.  Cath.  Notis,  Genev.  1579.  Ph. 
Mornay,  Tr.  de  tEylise,  Lond.  1575.  Van  der 
Marck,  L,''ct.  Acad,  ii.,  iii.  Stahl,  Kirchenceifaa, 
sung  nach  Recht  und  Lehre  der  Protestunten,  1840 


460  CHURCH 

Eist,  Die  christl.  Kirche  (from  the  Dutch),  Leipa. 
1838.     Petersen,  Die  Jdte  dtr  ckiistl.   K.  3  lide. 
Leips.  1839-44.  Th.  Kliefoth,  Acht  Biichtr  von  der 
Kirche,  18r)4.     Lohe,  Drei  Biicher  von  d.  Kirche, 
1845.     I>elitz8cli,     Vitr    Biicher   von   d.    Kirche, 
1847.     J.  W.  F.   Hi.fling,   Grundsiitze  d.   ev<m<j. 
Kirch enverj'iissun(j,  2«  Aufl.  Krlang.  1851.  L.  Kicli- 
ter,  Gesch.  der  ev<tiu/.  Kirchencerfassuny  in  JJeut- 
tchlaiul,  18j1.     Sclierer,  Ksquisse  d'une    Theorie 
de  I'Eylise  chrelientw,  Paris,  1845.    Julius  Miiller, 
Die,  umichlbnrt  und  die  sichtbare  Kirche,  Deutsche 
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nett, lliU.  of  nUsmlers,  1808-1838,  Lond.  1839. 
W.  Wilson,  UUt.  and  Authi.  of  Diss.  Chnrclies,  4 
vols.  1808.  C.  Walker,  JJist.  Jiukjitiidency,  IGGO- 
61.  Waddington,  Cimy.  Hist,  to  1002,  Ix>nd.  1862. 
Thos.  Head,  Non-Confo-itnists  in  ]rV(Ui'S,  1861.  L 
D  Kup]),  Oni/inal  Hist,  of  lidiijium  Denomiiintions 
in  Unittd  Stdles,  PLila.  1844.  li.  Baird.  RtU(jio^i 
in  America,  1344.  Is.  Backus,  Hist,  of  Baptists, 
8  vols.  1801;  Benedict,  Baptists,  N.  Y.  1848;  Cut- 
ting, Hist,  yiiulications,  1859.  Young's  Cfironiclt 
of  the  Pihp-i.iis,  2d  ed.  1844.  Felt's  Ecclesiastical 
Jlisl.  of  N.  Km/land,  2  vols.  18-55.  Palfrey's  Hist. 
New  Knijlaiul,  3  vols.  Bost.  1858-04.  Tnicy,  The 
Great  Awakenin<i,  J}ost.  1842.  Uhden,  New  Kny. 
Theocracy,  transl.  Boston,  1858.  Astie,  Hist,  des 
^tatS'UiiU,  2  toni.  Paris,  1865.  Abel  Stevens, 
Hist,  of  Methodism,  3  vols.  1858-61 ;  Hist.  Meth. 
£p.  Ch.  in  L'.  S.  2  vols.  1864.  Hazelius,  Am. 
Lutlieran  Ch.  1846  ;  Suhmucker,  Am.  Lutheran- 
ism,  1851.  Deniaa'st,  Ref  Dutch  Church,  1859. 
Chas.  Hodge,  Const  it  utiotial  Hist.  Presb.  Church, 
2  vols.  1839.  E.  H.  Gillett,  Hist.  Presb.  Ch.  2 
vols.  1864.  H.  B.  S.  &  F.  M. 

•CHURCHES,   ROBBERS   OF,  is  the 

translation  (A.  V.)  of  itpoavKovs  (Acts  xix.  37) 
which  should  be  "  robbers  of  temples  "  or  "  sacrile- 
gious." The  Ephesian  town-clerk  declared  that  no 
accusation  like  this  could  be  brought  against  Paul's 
companions.  Gains  and  Aristarchus.  The  temples 
of  tlie  heathen  contained  images  of  gold  and  silver, 
votive  offerings  and  other  gifts,  which  were  often 
plundered.  "  Churches,"  when  our  version  was 
made,  denoted  places  of  pagan  as  well  as  of  Christian 
worship,  and  hence  this  latter  application  of  the 
term,  which  is  now  so  incongruous,  was  not  im- 
proi)er  then.  For  examples  of  this  wider  usage  in 
the. older  writers,  see  Trench,  Authwized  Version, 
&c.,  p.  42  (ed.  1859).  H. 

CHU'SHAN  -  RISHATHA'IM     (IK^X 

Q\'n'Vtt,'''^ :  Xouo-apffoeai'ju ;  [Comp.  Xovaav- 
pfffaOal/x-]  Chns'in  /inAVf^/ifHm),  the  king  of  Meso- 
potamia who  oppressed  Israel  during  eight  years  in 
the  generation  innnediately  foUowing  Joshua  (Judg. 
iii.  8).  The  seat  of  his  dominion  was  probably  the 
region  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Khabonr,  to 
which  the  name  of  Mesopotamia  always  attached 
'in  a  special  way.  In  the  early  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions this  country  ajipears  to  be  quite  distinct  from 
Assyria ;  it  is  inhabited  by  a  people  called  Nairi, 
who  are  divided  into  a  vast  number  of  petty  tribes 
and  ofler  but  little  resistance  to  the  Assyrian  armies. 
No  centralized  monarchy  is  found,  but  as  none  of 
the  Assyrian  historical  inscriptions  date  earlier  than 
about  H.  c.  1100,  which  is  some  centuries  later 
than  the  time  of  Chushan,  it  is  of  course  quite 
possible  that  a  very  different  condition  of  things 
may  have  existed  in  his  day.  In  tie  weak  and 
livided  state  of  Western  Asia  at  this  time,  it  was 
easy  for  a  brave  and  skillful  chief  to  biiild  up  rapidly 
k  vast  power,  which  was  apt  to  crumble  away  almost 
u  quickly.  The  case  of  Solomon  is  an  instance. 
Ohiuahan-Rishathaim's  yoke  was  broken  from  the 
■eck  of  the  people  of  Israel  at  the  end  of  eight 


CILICIA 

years  by  Othniel,  Caleb's  nephew  (Judg.  iii.  Vi\ 
and  nothing  more  is  heard  of  Mesopotamia  aa  as 
aggressive  jwwer.  The  rise  of  the  Assyrian  empire, 
ai)out  B.  c.  1270,  would  naturally  reduce  the  bor» 
dering  nations  to  msigniflcance.  G.  R. 

CHU'ST  (Xovs,  Alex.  Xovffa;  [Aid.  Comp. 
Xovai:]  A'ulg.  omits),  a  place  named  only  in  Judith 
vii.  18,  as  near  Ekrebel,  and  upon  the  brook  Moch- 
mur.  It  was  doubtless  in  central  Palestine,  but 
all  the  names  api^ear  to  be  very  corrupt,  and  are 
not  recognizable. 

CHU'ZA  (properly  Cnuz as;  XovCd^:  [Chusat 
or  -sa] ),  iirirpovos,  or  house-stewaid  of  Herod  (An- 

tipas),  whose  wife  Joanna  ('Iwaj/i'a,  i^^H'^'"),  hav- 
ing been  healed  by  our  Lord  either  of  possession  by 
an  evil  spirit,  or  of  a  disease,  became  attached  to 
that  body  of  women  who  accompanied  Him  on  his 
journeyings  (Luke  viii.  3);  and,  together  with  Mary 
Magdalen  and  Mary  the  mother  [VJ  of  James, 
having  come  early  to  the  sepulchre  on  the  morning 
of  the  resurrection,  to  bring  spices  and  ointmentfl 
to  complete  the  buriid,  brought  word  to  the  Apostlea 
that  the  Lord  was  risen  (Luke  xxiv.  10). 

H.  A 

CIC'CAR   ("132).   [Jordan;   Tofoguaph- 

ICAL  TeHMS.] 

CILICIA  (KiKiKia),  a  maritime  province  in 
the  S.  E.  of  Asia  Jlinor,  bordering  on  Paniphylia 
in  the  W.,  Lycaonia  and  Cappiulocia  in  the  N.,  and 
Syria  in  the  E.  Lofty  mountain  chains  separate 
it  i'rom  these  provinces,  Mons  Amanus  from  Syria, 
and  Antitaurus  from  Cappadocia :  these  barriers 
can  be  surmounted  only  by  a  few  difficult  i)asse8; 
the  former  by  the  Portie  Amanides  at  the  head  of 
the  valley  of  the  Pinarus,  the  latter  by  Uie  Portss 
(jilicia;  near  the  sources  of  the  Cydnus;  towards 
the  S.,  however,  an  outlet  was  afforded  between  the 
Sinus  Issicus  and  the  spurs  of  Amanus  for  a  road, 
which  afterwards  cros.sed  the  Portce  Syria-  in  the 
direction  of  Antioch."  'llie  sea-coast  is  rock-bound 
in  the  W.,  low  and  shelving  in  the  E. ;  the  chief 
rivers,  Sarus,  Cydnus,  and  Calycadnus,  were  inac- 
cessible to  vessels  of  any  size  from  sand-bars  fomiet/ 
at  their  mouths.  The  western  [wrtion  of  the 
province  is  intersected  with  the  ridges  of  Anti- 
taurus, and  was  denominated  Trachea,  rouijh,  iu 
contradistinction  to  Pedias,  the  level  district  in  the 
E.  The  latter  portion  was  remarkable  for  its  beauty 
and  fertility,  as  well  as  for  its  luxurious  climate: 
hence  it  became  a  favorite  residence  of  the  Greeks 
after  its  incoqjoration  into  the  Mace<lonian  enqiire, 
and  its  capital  Tau.sus  was  elevated  into  the  seat 
of  a  celebrated  school  of  philosophy.  The  connec- 
tion lH;tween  the  Jews  and  Cilicia  dates  from  the 
time  when  it  became  j)art  of  the  Syrian  kingdom. 
Antiochus  the  Great  is  said  to  have  introduced 
2000  families  of  the  Jews  into  Asia  Muior,  many 
of  whom  probably  settled  in  Cilicia  (Joseph.  Anl 
xii.  3,  §  4).  In  the  Apostolic  age  they  were  still 
there  in  considerable  numbers  (Acts  vi.  9).  Cilician 
mercenaries,  probably  from  Trachea,  served  in  the 
body-guard  of  Alexander  Jannaeus  (Joseph.  Ant. 
xiii.  13,  §  5;  B.  J.  i.  4,  §  3).  Josei)hus  identified 
Cilicia  with  the  Tarshish  of  Gen.  x.  4 ;  ©a/xrbs  Si 
QaptTfii,  oStws  yap  ^/coAtiTO  rh  iraXaihv  7j  KiAifcio 
(Ant.  i.  6,  §  1).     Cilicia  was  from  its  geogrup!iica. 


a  Uence  the  close  connection  which  exiHte(  b«twaei 
Syria  and  Cilicia,  as  Indicated  in  Acts  xv.  23,  41 
Ual.  i.  21. 


CINNAMON 

MJsitioa  tlie  high  road  between  Syria  and  the  West;  I 
It  was  also  the  native  country  of  St.  Paul:  hence  it  | 
iras  visited  by  him,  first,  soon  after  his  conversion  | 
(Gal.   i.   21;  Acts  ix.  oO),  on  which  occasion  he 
probably  founded  the  church  there ;  <*  and  again  in 
his  second  aixjstohcal  journey,  when  he  entered  it 
on  the  side  of  Syria,  and  crossed  Antitaurus  by  the 
Pylae  Cihciae  into  hycaonia  (Acts  xv.  41). 

W.  L.  B. 

CINNAMON  C?^?^,  lT22n  :  Kivvd/jiw^ov- 
'Himamomum),  a  well-known  aromatic  substance, 
the  rind  of  the  Lauras  cinnamomum,  called  Ko- 
runda-yauhah  in  Ceylon.  It  is  mentioned  in  Ex. 
XXX.  23  as  one  of  the  component  parts  of  the  holy 
anointing  oil,  which  Moses  was  commanded  to  pre- 
pare; in  I'rov.  vii.  17  as  a  perfume  for  the  bed; 
and  in  Cant.  iv.  14  as  one  of  the  plants  of  the 
garden  which  is  the  image  of  the  spouse.  In  Rev. 
xviii.  13  it  is  enumerated  among  the  merchandise 
of  the  great  Babylon.  "  It  was  imported  into 
JudiEa  by  the  PhoBniciiuis  or  by  the  Arabians,  and 
is  now  found  in  Sumatra,  Borneo,  China,  &c.,  but 
chiefly,  and  of  the  best  quality,  in  the  S.  W.  part 
of  Ceylon,  where  the  soil  ia  light  and  sandy,  and 
the  atmosphere  moist  with  the  prevalent  southern 
winds.  The  stem  and  boughs  of  the  cinnamon-tree 
are  surrounded  by  a  double  rind,  tlie  exterior  being 
whitish  or  gray,  and  almost  inodorous  and  tasteless ; 
but  the  inner  one,  which  consists  properly  of  two 
closely  connected  rinds,  furnishes,  if  dried  in  the 
Bun,  that  much-valued  brown  cinnamon  which  is 
imported  to  us  in  the  shape  of  fine  thin  barks, 
eight  or  ten  of  which,  rolled  one  into  the  other,  form 
Bometimes  a  quill.     It  is  this  inner  rind  which  is 

^--called  in  Ex.  xxx.  23,  □W3"]p3n,  "  spicy  cin- 
namon "  (Kalisch  ad  be).  From  the  coarser  pieces 
oil  of  cinnamon  is  obtained,  and  a  finer  kind  of  oil 
is  also  got  by  boiling  the  ripe  fruit  of  the  tree. 
This  last  is  used  in  the  comiwsition  of  incense,  and 
diffuses  a  most  delightful  scent  when  burning. 

Herodotus  (iii.  Ill)  ascribes  to  the  Greek  word 
Kiyva.fj.'j}ij,ov  a  Phoenician,  i.  e.  a  Semitic  origin. 
His  words  are  :  upvidas  Se  Xeyovm  fj.ey(iKa9 
tpopffiv  ravra  ra,  Kcippea,  ra  ■rjjj.e?^  airh  ^oiv'iKuy 
fxadovTes  kivvolixoiixov  KaAeojxev. 

The  meaning  of  the  Ileb.  root  C^O  is  doubtful. 
The  Arab.   *JLJ>  =  '^  smell  offensively  like  rancid 

nut-oil.  Gesenius  suggests  that  the  word  might 
Lave  had  the  notion  of  lifting  up  or  standing  up- 
right, like   m"),  1^"^,  ^1'^,  and  so  be  identical 

with  n3  '^,  canna,  calnmus,  which  the  cinnamon- 
rind  resem))les  in  form  when  prepared  for  the 
market,  and  has  hence  been  called  in  the  later 
Latin  cannelh,  in  Italian  cmiella,  and  in  French 
canelle.    Gesenius  (Thes.  1223)  corrects  his  former 

derivation  of  the  word  (in  Lex.  Man.)  from  H^p, 
M  being  contrary  to  grammatical  anaLsiy. 

W.  U. 

The  reader  is  retern-d  to  Sir  E.  Tennent's  Ceyhn 

(i.  59!i)  for  much  inieresting  information  on  the 

lubject  of  tlie  early  history  of  the  cinnamon  plan^ ; 

jhis  writer  believes  that  "  the  earliest  knowled?'' 


CIRCUMCISION 


453 


•  a  Probably  "  churches,"  for  the  plural  (Acts  xv. 
Q)  naturally  refers  to  churches  in  each  of  the  two 
IKirinceB,  not  to  one  church  in  each  of  the  two. 


of  this  substance  possessed  by  the  Western  natioM 
was  derived  from  China,  and  that  it  first  reached 
India  and  Phoenicia  overland  by  way  of  Persia;  at 
a  later  period  when  the  Arabs,  '  the  merchants  of 
Sheba,'  competed  for  the  trade  of  Tyre,  and  earned 
to  her  the  chief  cf  all  spices '  (Ez.  xxvii.  22),  their 
suppUes  were  drawn  hicm  iheii  Al'rican  possessions, 
and  the  cassia  of  the  Troglodytic  coast  suppknted 
the  cinnamon  of  the  far  East,  and  to  a  great  extent 
excluded  it  from  the  market." 

With  regard  to  the  origin  of  the  word,  it  ia 
probable  that  it  is  derived  from  the  Persian  "  Cin- 
namon" i.  e.  "  Chinese  amomum '  (see  Tenneut 
in  I.  c).  Dr.  Royle,  however,  conjectures  that  il 
is  aOied  to  the  Cingalese  Cacynnami,  "  sweet  wood," 
or  the  Malagan  Kaimanis.  The  brothers  C.  G 
and  Th.  F.  L.  Nees  von  Esenbeck  have  pubhsbed 
a  valuable  essay,  "  De  Cinnamomo  Bisputatii " 
{Anuxnitatet  botan.  Bonnense.s,  Fasc.  i.  Bonnse, 
1823,  4to),  to  which  the  reader  is  referred  for 
additional  information.  W.  H. 

CIN'NEROTH,  ALL  (n'l-)?"p-b3  :  wSffw 
tV  Xej/^e/)«'fl;  [Vat.  Xe^po^ ;  Alex.  Xevepefl:] 
universam  Ctneroth),  a  district  named  with  the 
"land  of  Naphtali"  and  other  northern  places  as 
having  been  laid  waste  by  Benhadad  king  of  Damas- 
cus, the  ally  of  Asa  king  of  Judah  (i  K.  xv.  20). 
It  probably  took  its  name  from  the  adjacent  city  or 
hike  of  the  same  name  (in  other  passages  of  the 
A.  V.  [in  modem  editions]  spelt  Chinnekoth), 
and  was  possibly  the  small  enclosed  district  [3  miles 
long  and  1  wide]  north  of  Tiberias,  and  by  the  side 
of  the  lake,  afterwards  known  as  "  the  plain  of 
Gennesaret."  The  expression  "All  Cinnercth" 
is  uimsual  and  may  be  compared  with  "All 
Bithron,"  —  probably,  like  this,  a  district  and  not 
a  town.  G. 

CIRA'MA.  The  people  of  Cirama  {Ik  Kipa/xa^i 
[Vat.  Ketpa/jL-,  Alex.  Kipafxa-]  Gramas)  and  Gah- 
des  came  up  with  Zorobabel  from  Babylon  (1  Esdr. 
v.  20).     [Kamah.] 

CIRCUMCISION  (nbna :  irfpiroyu^:  «>- 

cumcisio)  was  peculiarly,  though  not  exclusively,  a 
Jetmsh  rite.  It  was  enjoined  ujwn  Abraham,  the 
father  of  the  nation,  by  God,  at  the  institution, 
and  as  the  token,  of  the  Covenant,  which  assured 
to  him  and  his  descendants  the  promise  of  the 
Messiah  (Gen.  xvii.).  It  was  thus  made  a  neces- 
sary condition  of  Jewish  nationality.  Every  male 
child  was  to  be  circumcised  when  eight  days  old 
(Lev.  xii.  3)  on  pain  of  death;  a  penalty  which,  in 
the  case  of  Moses,  appears  to  have  been  demanded 
of  the  father,  when  the  Lord  "  sought  to  kill  him  '• 
because  his  son  was  uncircumcised  (ICx.  iv.  24-26). 
If  the  eighth  day  were  a  Sabbath  the  rite  was  not 
postponed  (John  vii.  22,  23).  Slavts,  whethw 
home-boni  or  purchased,  were  circumcised  (Geu. 
xvii.  12,  13);  and  foreigners  must  have  their  male« 
circumcised  before  they  could  be  allowed  to  partake 
of  the  passover  (Ex.  xii.  48),  or  become  Jewish 
citizens   (Jud.   xiv.   10.     See  also  Esth.  viii.   17, 

I  wnere  for  Heb.  D^'TrT\n^,  "  became  Jews,"  the 
LXX.  have  irepiere/jLOvro  koL  'JovSaC^ov).  The 
operation,  which  was  performed  with  a  sharp  instru- 
ment (Ex.  iv.  25;  Josh.  v.  2  [Knife]),  was  a 
painful  one,  at  least  to  grown  persons  (Gen.  xxxiv. 
25;  Josh.  V.  8).  It  seems  to  have  been  customary 
to  name  a  child  when  it  was  circun  cised  (Luko  L 
59). 


i64 


CIRCUMCISION 


Various  explanations  have  been  given  of  the  fact, 
that,  though  the  Israelites  practised  circumcision 
in  Kgypt,  they  ii^lected  it  entirely  during  their 
lourneying  in  the  wilderness  (Josh.  v.  5).  The 
most  satisfactory  account  of  the  matter  appears  to 
be,  that  the  nation,  while  bearuig  the  punishment 
of  disobedience  in  its  forty  years'  wandering,  was 
regarded  as  under  a  temporary  rejection  by  God, 
and  was  therefore  prohibited  from  using  the  sign 
of  the  Covenant.  This  agrees  with  the  mention 
of  their  disobedience  and  its  punishment,  which 
immediately  follows  in  the  passage  in  Joshua  (v.  6), 
and  with  the  words  (v.  9),  "  This  day  have  I  rolled 
away  the  reproach  of  Egypt  from  off  you."  The 
"  reproach  of  Egypt "  was  the  threatened  taunt  of 
(heir  former  masters  that  God  had  brought  them 
Lito  the  wilderness  to  slay  them  (Ex.  xxxii.  12; 
Num.  xiv.  13-16;  I>eut.  ix.  28),  which,  so  long  as 
they  remauied  uncircumcised  and  wanderers  in  the 
desert  for  their  sin,  was  in  danger  of  falling  upon 
them.  (Other  views  of  the  passage  are  given  and 
discussed  in  Keil's  Onnmentary  on  Joshua,  in 
Clark's  Theol.  Libr.,  p.  129,  &c.) 

The  use  of  circumcision  by  other  nations  beside 
the  Jews  is  to  be  gathered  almost  entirely  from 
sources  extraneous  to  the  Bible.  The  rite  has  been 
found  to  prevail  extensively  lioth  in  ancient  and 
modem  times ;  and  among  some  nations,  as,  for  in- 
stance, the  Abyssinians,  Nubians,  modern  Egypt- 
ians, and  Hottentots,  a  simikr  custom  is  said  to  be 
practiced  by  both  sexes  (see  the  Penny  Cyclojxedia, 
article  Circumcigion).  The  Biblical  notice  of  the 
rite  describes  it  as  distinctively  Jewish ;  so  that  in 
the  N.  T.  "  the  circumcision  "  (^  irfpirofi-i))  and 
the  uncircumcision  {j^  aKpofiuffria)  are  frequently 
used  as  synonyms  for  the  Jews  and  the  Gentiles. 
Circumcision  certainly  belonged  to  the  Jews  as  it 
did  to  no  other  people,  by  virtue  of  its  divine  insti- 
tution, of  the  rehgious  privileges  which  were  at- 
tached to  it,  and  of  the  strict  regulations  which 
enforced  its  observance.  Moreover,  the  0.  T.  his- 
tory incidentally  discloses  the  fact  that  many,  if 
not  all,  of  the  nations  with  whom  they  came  in 
contact  were  uncircumcised.  One  tribe  of  the  Ca- 
naanites,  the  Hivites,  were  so,  as  appears  from  the 
story  of  Ilanior  and  Shechein  (Gen.  xxxiv.).  To 
the  Philistines  the  epithet  "  uncircumcised  "  is  con- 
stantly applied  (Judg.  xiv.  3,  &c.  Hence  the  force 
of  the  narrative,  1  Sam.  xviii.  25-27).  From  the 
great  unwillingness  of  Zipporah  to  allow  her  son  to 
be  circumcised  (Ex.  iv.  25),  it  would  seem  that  the 
Midianites,  though  descended  from  AbraJiam  by 
Keturah  (Gen.  xxv.  2),  did  not  practice  the  rite. 
The  expression  "lying  uncircumcised,"  or  "lying 
with  the  uncircumcised,"  as  use<l  by  Ezekiel  (c. 
xxxii.)  of  the  Egyptiiins,  Assyrians,  and  othei-s, 
does  not  necessarily  atiirm  any  thing  either  way,  as 
'o  the  actual  practice  of  circumcision  by  those  na- 
iona.  The  origin  of  the  custom  amongst  one  large 
«ection  of  those  Gentiles  who  follow  it,  is  to  be 
R)imd  in  the  Biblical  record  of  the  circumcision  of 
Ishniael  (Gen.  xvii.  25).  Josephus  relates  that  the 
Arabians  circumcise  after  the  thirteenth  year,  be- 
cause Ishmael,  the  foimder  of  their  nation,  was  cir- 
♦umcised  at  that  age  {Ant.  i.  12,  §  2;  see  Thane's 
Worf.  J'^f/ypf-  ch.  ii.).  Though  Mohammed  did  not 
enjoin  circumcision  in  the  Koran,  he  was  circum- 
cised himself,  accortlins;  to  the  custom  of  his  coun- 
try; and  circumcision  is  now  as  common  amongst 
the  Mohammedans  as  amongst  the  .lews. 

Anotlier  passiige  in  the  Bible  has  been  thought 
by  louie  to  speak  of  certain  Gentile  nations  as  cir- 


CIRCUMCISION 

cumcised.  In  Jer.  iz.  25,  2U  (Heb.  24,  25)  tht 
expression  (n^~iy3  V^!2" -3,  ver.  24)  which  i» 
translated  in  the  A.  V.  "all  them  which  are  cir- 
cumcised with  the  uncircumcised,"  is  rendered  bj 
Michaelis  and  Ewald  "  all  the  uncircumcised  cir- 
cumcised ones,"  and  the  passage  understood  to  de 
scribe  the  Egyptians,  Jews,  Edomites,  Ammonites 
and  Moabitcs,  as  alike  circumcised  in  flesh  and  un- 
circumcised in  heart.  But,  whatever  meaning  ht 
assigned  to  the  particular  expression  (Kosenmiillei 
agrees  with  the  A.  V. ;  Maurer  suggests  "  circum- 
cised in  foreskin"),  the  next  verse  makes  a  plain 
distinction  between  two  classes,  of  which  all  the 

Gentiles  (D"^_")2n"72),  including  surely  the 
Egyptians  and  others  just  named,  was  one,  and  the 
house  of  Israel  the  other;  the  former  Ijeing  uncir- 
cumcised both  in  flesh  and  heart,  the  latter,  though 
possessing  the  outward  rite,  yet  destitute  of  the  cor  • 
responding  state  of  heart,  and  therefore  to  be  vis- 
ited as  though  uncircumcised.  The  difficulty  that 
then  arises,  namely,  that  the  Egyjjtians  are  called 
imcircumcised,  whereas  Herodotus  and  others  state 
that  they  were  circumcised,  has  been  obviated  by 
supposing  those  statements  to  refer  only  to  the 
priests  and  those  initiated  into  the  mysteries,  so 
that  the  nation  generally  might  still  be  spoken  of 
as  uncircumcised  (Herod,  ii.  36,  37, 104;  and  Wes- 
seling  and  Biilir  in  loc).  The  testimony  of  Herod- 
otus must  be  received  with  caution,  especially  as  he 
asserts  (ii.  104)  tliat  the  Syrians  in  Palestine  con- 
fessed to  having  received  circumcision  from  the 
Egj-ptians.  If  he  means  the  Jews,  the  assertion, 
though  it  has  been  ably  defended  (see  Spencer,  de 
Leg.  Jlebi:  i.  5,  §  4)  cannot  be  reconciled  with 
Gen.  xvii.;  John  vii.  22.  If  other  S.>Tian  tribes 
are  intended,  we  have  the  contradiction  of  Josephus, 
who  writes,  "  It  is  evident  that  no  other  of  the 
Syrians  that  live  in  Palestine  besides  us  alone  are 
circumci-sed  "  (Ant.  viii.  10,  §  3.  See  Whiston's 
note  there).  Of  the  other  nations  mentioned  by 
Jeremiah,  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  were  de- 
scended from  Ix>t,  who  had  left  Abraham  before  he 
received  the  rite  of  circumcision ;  and  the  Edomites 
cannot  be  shown  to  have  been  circumcised  until 
they  were  compelled  to  be  so  by  Hyrcanus  (Joseph. 
Ant.  xiii.  9,  §  1).  The  subject  is  fully  discussed 
by  MichaeHs  ( Commentaries  on  the  Laws  of  Moses, 
iv.  3,  clxx.xiv.-clxxxvi.). 

The  process  of  restoring  a  circumcised  person  to 
his  natural  condition  by  a  surgical  operation  was 
sometimes  undergone  (Celsus,  de  Re  Mtdica,  vii. 
25).  Some  of  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  wishing  to  assimilate  themselves  to  the 
heathen  around  them,  built  a  gymnasium  (-yi/juw- 
a-iov)  at  Jerusalem,  and  that  they  might  not  be 
known  to  he  Jews  when  they  apj)eared  naked  in 
the  games,  " made  themselves  uncircumcised"  (1 
Maco.  i.  15,  (TToirjaai'  eavroh  aKpo^varias  •  X^ce- 
runt  sibi  pr<tjmtia;  Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  §  5,  1,  r^v 
Twv  alSoiwv  irepiTO(jJ>)V  ittiKoKvirTdv,  k.  t.  K.)- 
Against  having  recourse  to  this  practice,  from  an 
excessive  anti-judaistic  tendency,  St.  Paul  cautions 
the  Corinthians  in  the  words  "  Was  any  one  called 
beine  circumcised,  let  him  not  become  uncircum- 
cised "  (;u7j  4inffwdae<a,  1  Cor.  vii.  18).  See  the 
I'lssay  of  Groddcck,  De  Judveis  jnceputium,  &c.,  in 
Schi  ttgen's  H<tr.  Hebi:  ii. 

The  attitude  which  Christianity,  at  its  introduc- 
tion, asRtmied  towards  circumcision  was  one  of  ab- 
solute hostility,  so  far  as  the  necessity  of  the  rit« 
to  salvation,  or  its  jwssessiou  of  any  religious  or 


CIS 

inoml  worth  were  concerned  (Acts  xv. ;  Gal.  v.  2). 
But  while  the  Apostles  resolutely  forbade  its  im- 
position by  authority  on  the  Gentiles,  they  made 
no  objection  to  its  practice,  as  a  mere  maiter  of 
feeling  or  expediency.  St.  Paul,  who  would  by  no 
means  consent  to  the  demand  for  Titus,  who  was  a 
Greek,  to  be  circumcised  (Gal.  ii.  3-5),  on  another 
occasion  had  Timothy  circumcised  to  conciliate  the 
Jews,  and  that  he  might  preach  to  them  with  more 
effect  as  being  one  of  themselves  (Acts  xvi.  3). 
The  Abysshiian  Christians  still  practice  circum- 
cision as  a  national  custom.  In  accordance  with 
the  spirit  of  Christianity,  those  who  ascribed  effi- 
cacy to  tlie  mere  outward  rit«,  are  spoken  of  in  the 
N.  T.  almost  with  contempt  as  "the  concision "  or 
"amputation  "  (r^v  Kararoix-fiv);  while  the  claim 
lo  be  the  true  circumcision  is  vindicated  for  Chris- 
tiana themselves  (PhO.  iii.  2,  3).  An  ethical  idea 
is  attached  to  circumcision  even  in  the  0.  T.,  where 
uncircumcised  hps  (Ex.  vi.  12,  30),  or  ears  (Jer.  vi. 
10),  or  hearts  (Lev.  xxvi.  41)  are  spoken  of,  i.  e., 
either  stammering  or  dull,  closed  as  it  were  with  a 

foreskin  (Gesen.  Heb.  Lex.  s.  v.  V"^^),  or  rather 
rebelhous  and  unholy  (Deut.  xxx.  6;  Jer.  iv.  4), 
because  circumcision  was  the  symbol  of  purity  (see 
Is.  Iii.  1).  Thus  the  fruit  of  a  tree  is  called  uncir- 
cumcised, or  in  other  words  unclean  (Lev.  xix.  23). 
In  the  N.  T.  the  ethical  and  spiritual  idea  of  purity 
and  holiness  is  fully  developed  (Col.  ii.  11,  13; 
Rom.  ii.  28,  29).  T.  T.  P. 

CIS  (Rec.  T.  Kls  [and  so  written  because  the 
Greek  alphabet  did  not  express  s/t]  ;  Lachm.  [Tisch. 
Treg.]  with  [Sin.]  A  B  C  D,  Keis-  Cis),  Acts 
xiii.  21.     [Kisii,  1.] 

CI'SAI  [2  syl.]  (Kio-aroj;  [Vat.  Alex.  FA. 
Kiiffatos'-]  Cis),  Esth.  xi.  2.     [KisH,  2.] 

CISTERN  (^12,  from  "lS3,  diff  or  bore, 
Gesen.  176:  usually  xdKKOi'  cisterna  or  lacus),  a 
receptacle  for  water,  either  conducted  from  an  ex- 
ternal spring,  or  proceeding  from  rain-fall. 

The  dryness  of  the  summer  months  between  May 
and  September,  in  SjTia,  and  the  scarcity  of  springs 
in  many  parts  of  the  country,  make  it  necessary  to 
collect  in  reservoirs  and  cisterns  the  rain-water,  of 
which  abundance  falls  in  the  intermediate  period 
(Shaw,  Travels,  335;  S.  Jerome,  quoted  by  Har- 
mer,  i.  148;  Robinson,  i.  4-30;  Kitto,  Phys.  Geogr. 
of  H.  L.  302,  303).     Tlius  the  cistern  is  essentially 

distinguished  from  the  living   spring  Xl'S,  ^Ain; 

but  from  the  well  "1^5,  Beer,  only  in  the  fact 
that  Beer  is  almost  always  used  to  denote  a  place 
ordinarily  containing  water  rising  on  the  spot,  while 

1*2,  Bor,  is  often  used  for  a  dry  pit,  or  one  that 
may  be  left  dry  at  plea.sure  (Stanley,  S.  <f  P.  512, 
514).  [Aix;  Well.]  The  larger  sort  of  public 
tanks  or  reservoirs,  in'  Arabic,  Birkek,  Hebrew  Be- 
rccak,  are  usually  called  in  A.  V.  "pool,"  while 
for  the  smaller  and  more  private  it  is  convenient  to 
reserve  the  name  cistern. 

Both  birkehs  and  cisterns  are  frequent  through- 
out the  whole  of  Syria  and  Palestine,  and  for  the 
construction  of  them  the  rocky  nature  of  the  ground 
affords  peculiar  facilities  either  in  original  excava- 
tion, or  by  enlargement  of  natural  cavities.  Dr. 
Hobinson  remarks  that  the  inhanitants  of  all  the 
niti  country  of  Judah  and  Benjamin  are  in  the 
habit  of  collecting  water  during  the  rainy  seas«n  m 
iuiks  and  cisterns,  in  the  cities  and  fields,  and 
30 


CISTERN 


466 


along  the  high  roads,  for  the  sustenance  of  them- 
selves and  their  flocks,  and  for  the  comfort  of  the 
passing  traveller.  Many  of  these  are  obviously  an- 
tique, and  exist  along  ancient  roads  now  deserted. 
On  the  long  forgotten  way  from  Jericho  to  Bethel, 
"broken  cisterns"  of  high  antiquity  are  found  at 
regular  intervals.  Jerusalem,  described  by  Strabo 
as  well  supplied  with  water,  in  a  dry  neighborhood 
(xvi.  760),  depends  mainly  for  this  upon  its  cis- 
terns, of  which  almost  every  private  house  pos-sesses 
one  or  more,  excavated  in  the  rock  on  wliich  the 
city  is  built.  The  following  are  the  dimensions  of 
4,  belonging  to  the  house  in  which  Dr.  Robinson 
resided.  (L)  15  ft.  X8X  12  deep.  (2.)  8X4 
X15.  (3.)  10X10X15.  (4.)  30X30X20. 
The  cisterns  have  usually  a  round  oj^ening  at  the 
top,  sometimes  built  up  with  stonework  above,  and 
furnished  with  a  curb  and  a  wheel  for  the  bucket 
(I'xcl.  xii.  6),  so  that  they  have  externally  much 
the  appearance  of  an  orduiary  well.  The  water  ia 
conducted  into  them  from  the  roofs  of  the  houses 
during  the  rainy  season,  and  with  care  remains 
sweet  during  the  whole  summer  and  autumn.  In 
this  manper  most  of  the  larger  houses  and  public 
buildings  are  suppUed  (Robinson,  i.  324-5).  Jose- 
phus  {B.  J.  fv.  4,  §  4)  describes  the  abundant  pro- 
vision for  water  supply  in  the  towers  and  fortresses 
of  Jerusalem,  a  supply  which  has  contributed 
greatly  to  its  capacity  for  defense,  while  the  dryness 
of  the  neighborhood,  verifying  Strabo's  expression 
t)]v  KVKKcfi  x'^pttf  fX"'"  ^vvpav  /cat  auvSpov,  has 
in  all  cases  hindered  the  ojierations  of  besiegers. 
Thus  Hezekiah  stopped  the  supply  of  water  outside 
the  city  in  anticipation  of  the  attack  of  Sennach- 
erib (2  Chr.  xxxii.  3,  4).  The  progress  of  Antio- 
chus  Sidetes,  u.  c.  134,  was  at  first  retarded  by 
want  of  water,  though  this  want  was  afterwards 
unexpectedly  relieved  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  8,  §  2; 
Clinton,  iii.  331).  Josephus  also  imputes  to  divine 
interposition  the  supply  of  water  witli  which  the 
army  of  Titus  was  furnished  aft«r  suffering  from 
want  of  it  {B.  J.  v.  9,  §  4).  'llie  crusaders  also, 
during  the  siege  A.  d.  1099,  were  harassed  by  ex- 
treme want  of  water  while  the  besieged  were  fully 
supplied  (^latth.  Paris,  Hist.  pp.  46,  49,  ed.  Wat.). 
The  defense  of  Miisada  by  Joseph,  brother  of  Ilerod, 
against  Antigonus,  was  enabled  to  be  prolonged, 
owing  to  an  unexpected  replenishing  of  the  cisterns 
by  a  shower  of  rain  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  15,  §  2),  and 
in  a  subsequent  passage  he  describes  the  cisterns 
and  reservoirs,  by  which  that  fortress  was  plenti- 
fully supplied  with  water,  as  he  had  previously  done 
in  the  case  of  Jerusalem  and  Macha;rus  (B.  J.  iv. 
4,  §  4,  iv.  G,  §  2,  vii.  8,  §  3).  lienjamin  of  Tudela 
says  very  httle  water  is  found  at  Jerusalem,  but  the 
inhabitants  drink  rain-water,  which  they  collect  in 
their  houses  (Early  Trnv.  p.  84). 

Burckhardt  mentions  cisterns  belonging  to  pri- 
vate houses,  among  other  places,  at  Sermein,  near 
Aleppo  (Syi-ia,  p.  121),  El  Bara,  in  the  Orontes 
valley  (p.  132),  Dhami  and  ISIissema  in  the  Lejah 
(pp.  110,  112,  118),  Tiberias  (p.  331),  Kerek  in 
Moab  (p.  377),  Mount  Tabor  (p.  334).  Of  some 
at  Hableh,  near  Gilgal,  the  dimensions  are  given 
by  Robinson:— (L)  7  ft.  X  5X3  deep.  (2.) 
Nearly  the  same  as  (1 ).  (3.)  12X9X8.  They 
have  one  or  two  stpps  to  descend  into  them,  as  is 
the  case  with  one  near  Gaza,  now  disused,  described 
by  Sandys  as  "  a  mighty  cistern,  filled  only  by  the 
rain-water,  and  descended  into  by  stairs  of  stone" 
(Sandys,  p.  150;  Robinson,  ii.  39).  Of  those  st 
Hableh,  some  were  covered  with  flat  stones  resUug 


466 


CITHERN 


on  arclies,  some  eiiHi-ely  open,  and  all  evidently  an- 
cient (Hobinson,  iii.  137). 

Empty  cisterns  were  sometimes  used  as  prisons 
Mid  places  of  confinement.  Joseph  was  cast  into  a 
"pit,"  "112  (Gen.  xxxvii.  22),  and  his  "dun- 
Sjeon  "  in  Egypt  is  willed  by  the  same  name  (xli. 
34).  Jeremiah  was  thrown  into  a  miry  though 
empty  cistern,  whose  depth  is  indicated  by  the 
cords  use<l  to  let  him  down  (Jer.  xxxviii.  6).  To 
this  prison  tnulition  has  assigned  a  locality  near 
the  gate  called  Herod's  gate  (Uasselquist,  p.  140; 
Maundrell,  Kiirly  Tniv.  p.  448).  Vitruvius  (viii. 
7)  describes  the  method  in  use  in  his  day  for  con- 
structing water  tanks,  I)ut  the  native  rock  of  Pal- 
estine usually  supersetled  the  necessity  of  more  art 
in  this  work  than  is  sutficient  to  excavate  a  basin 
of  the  retjuired  dimensions. 

The  city  of  Alexandria  is  supplied  with  water 
contabied  in  arched  cisterns  supiwrted  by  pillars, 
extending  under  a  great  part  of  the  old  city  (Van 
Egmont,  Travels,  ii.  134).     [Pool;  Well.] 

H.  W.  P. 
CITHERN  {=cit/mra,  KiOdpa,  1  Mace.  iv. 
54),  a  nuisic;il  instrument  most  probably  of  Greek 
origin,  employed  by  tlie  Chaldeans  at  balls  and 
routs,  and  introduced  by  the  Hebrews  into  Pales- 
tme  on  their  return  thither  after  the  Bab3lonian 
Captivity.  The  cithern  was  of  the  guitar  species, 
and  was  known  at  a  later  period  as  the  Cittern, 
under  which  name  it  is  mentioned  by  the  old  dram- 
atists as  having  constituted  part  of  the  furniture 
of  a  barber's  shop.  Of  the  same  species  is  the 
C^tfier  or  Zither  of  Southern  Germany,  Tyrol,  and 
Switzerland. 

With  respect  to  the  shajie  of  the  Cithern  or 
Cithara  mentioned  in  the  Aiiocrvpha,  the  opinion 
of  the  leiirned  is  divided :  according  to  some  it  re- 
■embled  in  form  the  (Jrcek  Delta  (A),  others  repre- 
sent it  as  a  half -moon,  and  others  again  like  the 
modem  guitar.  In  many  eastern  countries  it  is 
still  in  use,  with  strings  varying  in  number  from 
three  to  twenty-four.  Under  the  name  of  Kuolliir, 
the  traveller  Niebuhr  describes  it  as  a  wooden  plate 
or  dish,  with  a  hole  beneath  and 
a  piece  of  skin  stretched  above 
like  a  drum.  Two  sticks,  joined 
after  the  manner  of  a  fan,  pass 
through  the  skin  at  the  end,  and 
where  the  two  sticks  stand  apart 
they  are  connected  by  a  traps- 
versal  piece  of  wood.  From 
the  uiiijer  end  of  this  wooden 
triangle  to  the  point  below  are 
fastened  five  chords,  which  at  a 
little  distance  above  their  junc- 
tion, i«ss  over  a  bridge,  like  the 
strings  of  a  violin.  The  chords 
ire  made  to  vibrate  by  means  of  a  leather  thong 
fiistened  to  one  of  the  lateral  sticks  of  the  triangle 
n  Mendelssohn's  edition  of  the  Psalms  represen- 
ations  are  given  of  the  several  musical  instruments 
met  with  in  the  sacred  l)Ooks,  and  Kmlhir  or  Koth- 
ros  is  described  by  the  accompanying  figure. 

The  Cithara,  if  it  be  not  the  same  with,  resem- 
bles very  closely,  the  instruments  mentioned  in  the 

book  of  Psalms  under  the  denominations  of  T)32', 

^^)  ^5.^»  respectively  rendered  in  the  A.  V. 

Jiaip,"  "psaltery,"  "organ."    In  Chaldee,  Cithara 

m  tnoalatetl  O'Tinp,  the  Keri  for  Dhnn\': 


CITIES 

(Dan.  iii.  5).  In  the  A.  V.  Dliri"^  is  rendeitid 
"  harp,"  and  the  same  word  is  employed  nistead  of 
Cithern  (1  Mace.  iv.  54)  in  Robert  Barker's  edition 
of  the  KiujUsh  Bible,  London,  1615.  Geseniua 
considers  Cithara  as  the  same  with  harj);  but  Lu- 
ther translates  KtOdpats  by  mit  Pfei/en,  "with 
pipes."  (See  Biour  to  Mendelssohn's  Psalms,  2d 
Pref.;  Niebuhr,  Travels;  Furst's  Concwdance; 
Gesenius  on  the  word  DT^Hi?.)         D.  W.  M. 

CITIES.  (1.)  □■'H^,  plur.  of  both  l''^^,  Mr 
and  also  "1^^,  '/r,  fk)m  ^^17,  to  keep  watch  —  Geg. 
p.  1004,  5;  once  (Judg.  x.  4)  in  plur.  S'^'T}?,  for 


Cithern. 


the  sake  of  a  play  with  the  same  word,  jJur.  of 

"l^.V,   a  young  ass:  ir6\us:  civiiates,  or  urbes. 

(2.)  nnp,  Kirjath;    once   in   dual,    L:\n;j-|,7, 

Kiiy'athaim  (Num.  xxxii.  37),  from  H^^f^,  approach 
as  an  enemy,  prefixed  as  a  name  to  many  names  of 
towns  on  both  sides  of  the  Jordan  existing  before 
the  conquest,  as  Kirjath-Arba,  probably  the  most 
ancient  name  for  city,  but  seldom  used  in  prose  as 
a  general  name  for  town  (Ges.  p.  1236 ;  Stanley, 
-S.  (f  P.  App.  §  80). 

The  cLissification  of  the  human  race  into  dwellers 
in  towns  and  nomad  wanderers  (Gen.  iv.  20,  22) 
seems  to  l)e  intimated  by  the  etymological  sense  of 
both  words,  ^Ar,  or  '/r,  and  Kirjath,  namely,  as 
places  of  security  against  an  enemy,  distinguished 
from  the  unwalled  village  or  hamlet,  whose  resist- 
ance is  more  easily  overcome  by  the  marauding 
tribes  of  the  desert.  This  distinction  is  found  act- 
ually existing  in  countries,  as  Persia  and  Arabia,  in 
which  the  tent-dwellers  are  found,  like  the  Recha- 
bites,  almost  side  by  side  with  the  dwellers  in  cities, 
sometimes  even  sojourning  within  them,  but  not 
amalgamated  with  the  inhabitants,  and  in  general 
making  the  desert  their  home,  and,  unlike  the 
Rechabites,  robbery  their  undissembled  occupation 
(Judg.  v.  7;  Jer.  xxxv.  9,  11;  Fraser,  Persia,  366, 
380;  Malcolm.  ,S/-<'^7)('so/Pemr7, 147-156;  Hurck- 
hax^t.  Notes  on  Bedemins,  i.  157;  Wellsted,  Travels 
in  Arabia,  i.  335;  Porter,  Damascus,  ii.  96,  181, 
188;  Vaux,  Nineveh  and  Persepolis,  c.  ii.  note  A; 
Uyard,  Nineveh,  ii.  272;  Nin.  ^  Bab.  141). 
[Villages.] 

The  earliest  notice  in  Scripture  of  city-building 
is  of  Enoch  by  Cain,  in  the  land  of  his  "  exile  " 

(Ti3,  Nod,  Gen.  iv.  17).  After  the  confusion  of 
tongues,  the  descendants  of  Nimrod  founded  Batel, 
l<>ech,  Accad,  and  Calneh,  in  the  land  of  Shinar, 
and  Asshur,  a  branch  from  the  same  stock,  built 
Nineveh,  Rehoboth-by-the-river,  Calali,  and  Resen, 
the  last  being  "  a  great  city."  A  subsequent  pas- 
sage mentions  Sidon,  Gaza,  Sodom,  Goniorrali,  Ad- 
mah.  /el>oim,  and  Lasha,  as  cities  of  the  Canaan- 
ites,  but  without  implying  for  them  aritiquity  equal 
to  that  of  Nineveh  and  the  rest  (Gen.  x.  10-12,  19, 
xi.  3,  9,  xxxvi.  37).  Sir  H.  Rawlinson  suj)poses, 
(1)  that  the  expedition  of  Chedorlaomer  (Gen.  xiv.) 
was  prior  to  the  building  of  Babylon  or  Nineveh, 
indicating  a  migration  or  conquest  from  Persia  or 
Assyria;  (2)  that  by  Nimrod  is  to  be  understood 
not  an  individual,  but  a  name  denoting  the  "  set- 
tlers" in  the  Assyrian  plain;  and  (3)  that  the 
names  Rehoboth,  Calah,  &c.,  when  first  mentioned 
only  denoted  sites  of  buildings  afterwards  erected. 
He  supposes  that  Nineveh  was  built  about  1254 


CITIES 

B  C,  and  Calab  about  a  century  later,  while  Bab- 
ylon appears  to  have  existed  in  the  15th  century 
B.  C.  if  this  be  correct,  we  must  infer  that  the 
places  then  attacked,  Sodom,  GomoiTah,  &c.,  were 
rities  of  higher  antitiuity  thau  Nineveh  or  Babylon, 
uiasinuch  as  when  they  were  destroyed  a  few  years 
later,  they  were  cities  in  every  sense  of  the  term. 
The  name  Kirjathaim,  "double-city"  (Ges.  p. 
1236),  indicates  an  existing  city,  and  not  only  a  site. 
It  may  be  added  that  the  remains  of  civic  buildings 
existing  in  Moab  are  evidently  very  ancient,  if  not, 
in  some  cases,  the  same  as  those  erected  by  the  ab- 
original Emims  and  Kepliaims.  (See  also  the  name 
Avitli,  'ruins,"  Ges.  p.  1000;  Gen.  xix.  1, 29,  xxxvi. 
35;  Is  xxiii.  13;  AVilkinson,  .iJnc.  I'^gypt.  i.  308; 
Layard,  Nin.  <f  Bab.  p.  532;  Porter.  Damascus,  i. 
309.  ii.  190;  Rawlinson,  Outlines  of  Assyr.  Hist, 
4,  5.)  But  though  it  apjxsars  probable  that,  what- 
ever dates  may  be  assigned  to  t!ie  building  of  Bab- 
ylon or  Nineveh  in  their  later  condition,  they  were 
in  fact  rebuilt  at  those  epochs,  and  not  founded  for 
the  first  time,  and  that  towns  in  some  fonn  or  other 
may  have  occupied  the  sites  of  tlie  later  Nineveh 
or  Calah;  it  is  quite  clear  that  cities  existed  in 
Syria  prior  to  the  time  of  Abraham,  who  himself 
came  from  "  Ur,"  the  "  city  "  of  the  Chaldaeaus 
(Ges.  p.  55;  Rawlinson,  p.  4). 

The  earliest  description  of  a  city,  properly  so 
called,  is  that  of  Sodom  (Gen.  xix.  1-22);  but  it 
is  certain  that  from  very  early  times  cities  existed 
on  the  sites  of  Jerusalem,  Hebron,  and  Damascus. 
The  last,  said  to  be  the  oldest  city  in  the  world, 
must  from  its  unrivalled  situation  have  always  com- 
manded a  congregated  population ;  Hebron  is  said 
to  have  been  built  seven  years  before  Zoan  (Tanis) 
In  Egypt,  and  is  thus  the  only  Syrian  town  which 
presents  the  elements  of  a  date  for  its  fomidation 
(Num.  xiii.  22;  Stanley,  S.  (|-  P.  p.  409;  Joseph. 
Ant.  i.  6,  §  4;  Conybeare  and  Howson,  Life  utuI 
Ep.  of  St.  Paul,  i.  94,  96). 

But  there  can  Ije  no  doubt  that,  whatever  date 
may  be  given  to  Egyptian  civilization,  there  were 
inhabited  cities  in  Egypt  long  before  this  (Gen.  xii. 
14,  15 ;  jMartineau,  Jiast.  Life.  i.  151 ;  Wilkinson, 
i.  307 ;  Did.  of  Geor/i:  art.  Tanis).  The  name, 
however,  of  Hebron,  Kirjath-Arba,  indicates  its  ex- 
btence  at  least  as  early  as  the  time  of  Abraham, 
as  the  city,  or  fortified  place  of  Arba,  an  aborigmal 
province  of  southern  P;jestine  (Gen.  xxiii.  2 ;  Josh, 
liv.  15).     The  "tower  of  lidar,"  near  Bethlehem, 

or  "  of  flocks  "  "17.8  'H'J^j  indicates  a  position 
fortified  against  marauders  (Gen.  xxxv.  21). 
Whether  "  thf  cit)'  of  Shalem  "  be  a  site  or  an 
existing  town  cannot  be  determined,  but  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  situation  of  Shechem  is  as 
well  identified  ui  the  present  day,  as  its  importance 
as  a  fortified  place  is  plain  from  the  Scripture  nar- 
rative (Gen.  xxxiii.  18,  xxxiv.  20,  26;  Robinson, 
ii.  287).  On  the  whole  it  seems  plain  that  the  Ca- 
uaanite,  who  was  "  in  the  land  "  before  the  coming 
f  Abraham,  had  already  built  cities  of  more  or  less 
kiiportanee,  which  had  been  largely  increased  by 
the  time  of  the  return  from  I^gypt. 

Even  before  the  time  of  Abraham  there  were 
cities  in  ICgypt  (Gen.  xii.  14,  15;  Num.  xiii.  22; 
Wilkinson,  i.  4,  5).  The  Israelites,  during  their 
wjourn  there,  wei-e  employed  in  budding  or  forti- 
fying the  "  treasure  cities  "  of  Kthora  (Abbnsieh) 
»nd  liaamses  (Ex.  i.  11;  Ilerod.  ii.  158;  Winer, 
Gesenius,  s.  vv. ;  Robinson,  i.  54,  55)'  but  their 
^toral  habits  uuike  it  unlikely  that  they  should 


CITIES  4G7 

build,  still  less  fortify,  cities  >f  their  owii  in  Grosben 
(Gen.  xln.  34,  xlvii.  1-11). 

Meanwhile  the  settled  inhabitants  of  Syria  on 
both  sides  of  the  Jordan  had  gix)wn  in  power  ana 
in  number  of  "  fenced  cities."  In  the  kingdom  of 
Sihon  are  many  names  of  cities  preserved  to  the 
present  day ;  and  in  the  kingdom  of  Og,  in  Bashau, 
were  GO  "great  cities  with  walls  and  brazen  bars," 
besides  unwalled  villages  ;  and  also  23  cities  iu 
Gilead,  which  were  occupied  and  perhaps  partly 
rebuilt  or  fortified  l)y  the  tribes  on  the  Kist  of  Jor- 
dan (Num.  xxi.  21,  32,  33,  35,  xxxii.  1-3,  34,  42; 
Ueut.  iii.  4,  5,  14;  Josh,  xi.,  xiii.;  1  K.  iv.  13; 
1  Chr.  ii.  22;  Burckhardt,  Syria,  pp.  311,  457, 
Porter,  Ditniascus,  ii.  195,  196,  206,  259,  275). 

On  the  west  of  Jordan,  whilst  31  "royal"  cities 
are  enumerated  (Josh,  xii.),  in  the  district  assigned 
to  Judah  125  "cities"  with  villages  are  reckoned 
(Josh.  XV.);  in  Benjan»hi  26;  to  Simeon  17;  Zab- 
uluu  12;  Issachar  16;  Asher  22;  Naphtali  19; 
Dan  17  (Josh,  xviii.,  xix.).  But  from  some  of 
these  the  possessors  were  not  exijelled  till  a  late  pe- 
riod, and  Jerusalem  itself  was  not  cai)tured  till  the 
time  of  David  (2  Sam.  v.  6-9). 

l'"ix)m  this  time  the  Hebrews  became  a  city- 
dwelling  and  agricultural  rather  than  a  j)astoraI 
people.  David  enlarged  Jerusalem,  and  Solomon, 
besides  embellishing  his  citpital,  also  built  or  re- 
built Tadmor,  Palmyra,  Gezer,  lieth-horon,  Hazor, 
and  Megiddo,  besides  store-eities  (2  Sam.  v.  7,  9, 
10;  1  K.  ix.  15-18;  2  Chr.  viii.  6).  To  Solomon 
also  is  ascribed  by  eastern  tradition  the  building 
of  Persepolis  (Chardin,  Voyat/e,  viii.  390;  Man- 
delslo,  i.  4;  Kuran,  ch.  xxxviii.). 

The  works  of  Jeroboam  at  Shechem  (1  K.  xii. 
25;  Judg.  ix.  45),  of  Rehoboam  (2  Chr.  xi.  5-10), 
of  Baaslia  at  Rama,  interrupted  by  Asa  (IK.  xv. 
17,  22),  of  Omri  at  Samaria  (xvi.  24),  the  rebuild- 
ing of  Jericho  in  the  time  of  Ahab  (xvi.  34),  the 
works  of  Jehoshapliat  (2  Chr.  xvU.  12),  of  Jotham 
(2  Chr.  xxvii.  4),  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem,  and 
later  still,  the  works  of  Herod  and  his  family,  be- 
long to  their  respective  articles. 

Collections  of  houses  in  Sp'ia  for  social  habita- 
tion may  be  classed  under  three  heads:  —  (1)  cit- 
ies; (2)  towns  with  citadels  or  towers  for  resort 
and  defense;  (3)  unwalled  vUlages.  The  cities 
may  be  assumed  to  have  been  in  almost  all  cases 
"fenced  cities,"  i.  e.  posses.sing  a  wall  with  towers 
and  gates  (Lev.  xxv.  29;  Deut.  ix.  1;  Josh.  ii.  15, 
vi.  20;  1  Sam.  xxiii.  7;  1  K.  iv.  13;  2  K.  vi.  26, 
vii.  3,  xviii.  8,  13;  Acts  is.  25);  and  as  a  mark 
of  conquest  was  to  break  down  a  portion,  at  least, 
of  the  city  wall  of  the  captured  place,  so  the  first 
care  of  the  defenders,  as  of  the  Jews  after  their 
return  from  captivity,  was  to  rebuild  the  fortifica- 
tions (2  K.  xiv.  13,  22;  2  Chr.  xxvi.  2,  6,  xxxiii 
14;  Neh.  iii.,  iv.,  vi.,  vii.;  1  Mace.  iv.  60, 61,  x.  45, 
Xen.  Hell.  ii.  2,  §  15). 

But  around  the  city,  especially  in  peaceable  times, 

lay  undefended  suburbs  (n^ti?"^3^,  TrepurTrfJpia, 

suburbana.  1  Chr.  vi.  57  if. ;  Num.  xxxv.  1-5,  Josh. 
xxi.),  to  which  the  privileges  of  the  city  extended. 
The  city  thus  became  the  citadel,  while  the  popula- 
tion overflowed  into  the  suburbs  (1  Mace.  xi.  61). 
The  absence  of  walls  as  indicating  security  in  peace- 
able times,  combined  with  populousness,  as  was  tha 
case  in  the  fltarishiug  period  of  Egypt,  is  illustrat- 
ed by  the  prophet  Zechariah  (ii.  4;  1  K.  iv.  25; 
Martineau,  Last.  Life,  i.  306). 

Acoordiug  tr^  Ersteru  custom,  special  cities  wen 


468  CITIES 

■ppoiiiled  to  fiirnigh  special  supplies  for  the  service 
of  tlie  state ;  cities  of  store,  for  chariots,  for  horse- 
men, for  building  purposes,  for  provision  for  tlie 
poyal  taUe.  Sj)ccial  governors  for  tliese  and  their 
«ui  rounding  districts  were  appointed  by  David  and 
by  Solomon  (I  K.  iv.  7,  ix.  19;  1  Chr.  xxvii.  25; 
2  Chr.  xvii.  12,  xxi.  3;  1  Mace.  x.  39;  Xen.  AnaA. 
i.  4,  §  10).  To  this  practice  our  Ix)rd  alludes  in 
his  paralile  of  the  pounds,  and  it  agrees  with  tlie 
tliwjry  of  Hindoo  government,  which  was  to  be 
ci)n<lucted  by  lords  of  single  townships,  of  10,  100, 
ov  lOOl)  towns  (Luke  xix.  17,  19;  Elphinstone, 
Jmlia,  ch.  ii.,  i.  39,  and  Ajyp.  v.  p.  485). 

To  tlie  l.evites  48  cities  were  assigned,  distribut- 
ed throughout  the  country,  togetlier  with  a  certain 
amount  of  suburban  ground,  and  out  of  these  48, 
13  were  sjiocially  reserved  for  the  family  of  Aaron, 
9  ill  Judah  and  4  in  Benjamin,  and  6  as  refuge 
cities  (Josh.  xxi.  13,  42),  but  after  the  division  of 
the  kingdoms  tlie  Levites  in  Israel  left,  their  cities 
and  resorted  to  Judah  and  Jerusalem  (2  Chr.  xi. 
13,  14). 

Tlie  internal  govermncnt  of  Jewish  cities  was 
vested  l)cfore  the  Captivity  in  a  council  of  elders 
with  judges,  who  were  required  to  be  priests :  Jose- 
phus  says  seven  judges  with  two  Levites  as  officers, 
inrrjpiTM  (l^ut.  xxi.  5,  19,  xvi.  18,  xix.  17;  Kuth 
iv.  2;  Joseph.  Ant.  iv.  8,  §  14).  Under  tlie  kings 
a  president  or  governor  appears  to  have  been  ap- 
pointed (1  K.  xxii.  26;  2  Chr.  xviii.  25);  and 
judges  were  sent  out  on  circuit,  who  referred  mat- 
ters of  doubt  to  a  council  composed  of  priests,  Le- 
vites, and  elders,  at  Jerusalem  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  4,  xxvi. 
29;  2  Chr.  xix.  5,  8,  10,  11).  After  the  Captivity 
Kzra  made  similar  arrangements  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  judges  (I'Izr.  vii.  25).  In  the  time  of  Jo- 
sephus  there  apjiear  to  have  been  councils  in  tlie 
proxincial  towns,  with  presidents  in  each,  under  the 
directions  of  the  great  council  at  Jerusalem  (.Jo- 
seph. Aiit.  xiv.  9,  §  4;  B.  J.  ii.  21,  §  3;  Itt.  12, 
13,  27,  34,  57,  Gl,  08,  74).     [Samieuhim.] 

In  many  I'Lastcrn  cities  much  space  is  occupied 
Ly  gardens,  and  thus  the  size  of  tlie  city  is  much 
increased  (Niebuhr,  Voyage,  ii.  172,  239;  Cony- 
beare  and  Howson,  i.  96;  EoOien,  p.  24(*).  The 
vast  extent  of  Nhieveh  and  of  Babylon  may  thus 
be  in  part  accounted  for  (Diod.  ii.  70 ;  Quint.  Curt. 
V.  i.  2();  Jon.  iv.  11;  Chardin,  Voy.  vii.  273,  284; 
Porter,  JJimasnts,  i.  153;  P.  della  Valle,  ii.  33). 
In  niost  Oriental  cities  the  streets  are  extremely 
narrow,  sddoni  allowing  more  than  two  loaded 
.tamels,  or  one  camel  and  two  foot  passengers,  to 
pass  each  other,  thougli  it  is  clear  that  some  of  the 
utreets  of  Nineveh  must  have  been  wide  enough  for 
jhariots  to  pass  each  other  (Nah.  ii.  5;  Olearius, 
Trnv.  pp.  294,  309 ;  Burckhardt,  Trav.  in  Arabia, 
i.  188;  Buckingham,  Arab  Tribes,  p.  330;  Mrs. 
P(X)le,  Knyimhw.  in  Jiyypt,  i.  141).     The  word  for 

Btreets  used  by  Nalium  —  Til  .2m,  from  ^rT^, 

broad,  TtXaTeiat  —  is  used  also  of  streets  or  broad 
places  ill  Jenisalem  (Prov.  i.  20 ;  Jer.  v.  1,  xxii.  4 ; 
Cant.  iii.  2);  and  it  may  be  remarked  that  the 
r\aTf7ai  into  which  tlie  sick  were  brought  to  re- 
ceive the  shadow  of  St.  Peter  (Acts  v.  15)  were 
more  likely  to  lie  the  ordinary  streets  tlian  the 
gpecial  j/iizze  of  the  city.  It  seems  likely  that  the 
Immense  WJiicoiirse  wliich  resorted  to  .lerusalem  at 
ilie  feasts  would  induce  wider  streets  than  in  other 
cities.  Herod  Imilt  in  Aiitioch  a  wide  street  paved 
irith  stone,  and  having  covered  ways  on  each  side. 
Ajjripiia  II.  piived  Jerusalem  with  white  stone  (Jo- 


CITIES   OF  REFUGE 

aeph.  Am.  xvi.  5,  §  2,  3,  xx.  9,  §  7 ;.  The  Stiiughl 
street  of  Damascus  is  still  clearly  defined  aiid  recog 
nizable  (Irby  and  Mangles,  v.  86,  Kobinson,  iii 
4.54,  455). 

In  buihling  Caesarea,  Josephus  says  that  Herod 
was  careful  to  cairy  out  the  drainage  cffectuallj 
(Joseph.  Anl.  xv.  19,  §  6);  we  cannot  determine 
whether  the  internal  commerce  of  Jewish  cities  w^aa 
can-ied  on  as  now  by  means  of  bazaars,  but  we 
read  of  the  bakers'  street  (Jer.  xxxvii.  21),  and  Jo- 
sephus speaks  of  the  wool  market,  the  hardware 
market,  a  place  of  blacksmiths'  shops,  and  the 
clothes  market,  at  Jerusalem  {B.  J.  v.  8,  §  1). 

The  open  spaces  (nKarelai)  near  the  gates  cf 
towns  were  in  ancient  times,  as  they  are  still,  used 
as  places  of  assembly  by  the  eldf-rs,  of  holding 
courts  by  kings  and  judges,  and  of  general  resort 
by  citizens  (Gen.  xxiii.  10;  Kuth  iv.  1;  2  Sam.  xv. 
2,  xviii.  24;  2  K.  vii.  1,  3,  20;  2  Chr.  xviii.  9, 
xxxii.  G;  Neh.  viii.  13;  Job  xxix.  7;  Jer.  xvii.  19; 
Matt.  vi.  5;  Luke  xiii.  26).  ITiey  were  also  used 
as  places  of  public  exposure  by  way  of  punishment 
(Jer.  XX.  2;  Am.  v.  10). 

Prisons  were  under  the  kingly  government,  with- 
in the  royal  precinct  (Gen.  xxxix.  20;  IK.  xxii. 
27 ;  Jer.  xxxii.  2 ;  Neh.  iii.  25 ;  Acts  xxi.  34,  xxiii. 
35). 

Great  pains  were  taken  to  supply  both  Jerusalem 
and  other  cities  with  water,  both  by  tanks  and  cis- 
terns for  rain-water,  and  by  reservoirs  supplied  by 
aqueducts  from  distant  springs.  Such  waa  the 
fountain  of  Gihoii,  the  aqueduct  of  Ilezckiah  (2  K. 
XX.  20 ;  2  Chr.  xxxii.  30 ;  Is.  xxii.  9 ),  and  of  Solo- 
mon (Eccl.  ii.  6),  of  which  last  water  is  still  con- 
veyed from  near  Bethlehem  to  Jerusalem  (Maun- 
driell,  J'Jarly  Trav.  p.  457;  Kobinson,  i.  347,  348). 
Josephus  also  mentions  an  attempt  made  by  Pilate 
to  bring  water  to  Jerusalem  (Ant.  xviii.  3,  2). 
[Conduit.] 

Burial-places,  except  in  special  cases,  were  out- 
side the  city  (Num.  xix.  11,  16;  Matt.  viii.  28; 
Luke  vii.  12;  John  xix.  41;  Heb.  xiii.  12). 

H.  W.  P. 

CITIES  OF  REFUGE    (tC^i/Sn  "^n^, 

from  ^j'p,  to  contract  [take  in,  i.  e.  a  fugitive, 
hence,  cities  of  receptum],  Gcsen.  p.  1216:  ir6\eis 
Tuv  (pvyaSevTtjplwv,  <f>vyaStmripia,  (pvyaStta 
opjMi  in  Juffitiforum  attxUin ,  pnvsklid ,  separata, 
vrbes  fuyitivirrum).  Six  I.evitical  cities  sjiecially 
chosen  for  refuge  to  the  involuntary  homicide  until 
released  from  banishment  by  tlie  deatli  of  the  high- 
priest  (Num.  XXXV.  6,  13,  15;  Josh.  xx.  2,  7,  9). 
[BixioD,  liKVENGEK  OF.]  Tlierc  wert!  three  on 
each  side  of  Jordan.  (1.)  Kedesii,  m  Naphtali, 
Keiles,  about  twenty  miles  V..  S.  E.  fn)m  Tyro 
twelve  S.  S.  W.  from  Batwis  (1  Chr.  vi.  76;  Kob 
inson,  ii.  439;  Benj.  of  Tudela,  Early  Trav.  p.  89) 
(2.)  Sheciiem,  in  Mount  Ephraim,  Nabulits  (Josh. 
xxi.  21 :  1  Chr.  vi.  67 ;  2  Chr.  x.  1 ;  Kobinson,  ii 
287,  288).  (3.)  Hehkon,  in  Judah,  eUKhulU 
The  two  last  were  ro3al  cities,  and  the  litter  sacer- 
dotal also,  inliabited  by  David,  and  foitified  by  Ke- 
holxiam  (Josh.  xxi.  13;  2  Sam.  v.  5;  1  Chr.  vi.  55 
xxix.  27;  2  Chr.  xi.  10;  Kobinson,  i.  213,  ii.  89). 
(4.)  On  the  E.  side  of  Jordan  —  Bezku,  in  the 
tribe  of  Keuben,  in  the  plains  of  Moab,  said  in  th« 
Gemara  to  lie  opposite  to  Hel)ron,  pcrliaps  Bonor 
but  the  site  has  not  jet  been  found  (Deut.  iv.  43 
Josh.  XX.  8,  xxi.  36 ;  1  Mace.  v.  26 ;  Joseph.  Am 
iv.  7,  §  4;  Reland,  p.  662).     (5.)  Kamoth-GH' 


CITIMS 

BAD,  in  the  tribe  of  Gad,  supposed  to  be  on  or 
near  the  site  of  ts-Hzalt  (IJeut.  iv.  43;  Jjsh.  xxi. 
38;  1  K.  xxii.  3;  Keland,  iii.  966).  (6.)  Golan, 
in  Bashan,  in  the  half-tribe  of  iManasseh,  a  town 
whose  site  has  not  been  ascertained,  but  which 
doubtless  gave  its  name  to  the  district  of  Gauloni- 
tis,  Jutdnn  (Deut.  iv.  43;  Josh  xxi.  27;  1  Chr.  vi. 
71;  Joseph.  Ant.  iv.  7,  §  4;  Keland,  p.  815;  Por- 
ter, Damascus,  ii.  251,  254;  Burckhardt,  Syina,  p. 
286). 

llie  Gemara  notices  that  the  cities  on  each  side 
of  the  Jordan  were  nearly  opposite  each  other,  in 
accordance  with  the  direction  to  divide  the  land 
ui'o  tliree  parts  (Deut.  xix.  2;  Kelaud,  iii.  6C2). 
Maimonides  says  all  the  48  Levitical  cities  had  the 
privilege  of  asylum,  but  that  the  six  refuge-cities 
were  reiiuired  to  receive  and  lodge  the  homicide 
gratuitously  (Calmet,  On  Num.  xxxv.). 

Most  of  the  Rabbinical  refinements  on  the  Law 
are  stated  under  Bumjd,  Keve>'ger  of.  To 
them  may  be  added  the  following.  If  the  homi- 
cide committed  a  fresh  act  of  manslaughter,  he  was 
to  flee  to  another  city ;  but  if  he  were  a  Levite,  to 
wander  from  city  to  city.  An  idea  prevailed  that 
when  the  Jlessiah  came  three  more  cities  would  be 
added;  a  misinterpretation,  as  it  seems,  of  Deut. 
xix.  8,  9  (Lightfoot,  Cent.  Chor.  clii.  208).  The 
altar  at  Jerusalem,  and,  to  some  extent  also,  the 
city  itself,  possessed  the  privilege  of  asylum  under 
similar  restrictions;  a  privilege  claimed,  as  regards 
the  former,  successfully  by  Adonijah  and  in  vain 
by  Joab ;  accorded,  as  regards  the  city,  to  Shimei, 
but  forfeited  by  him  (1  K.  i.  53,  ii.  28,  33,  36,  46). 

The  directions  respecting  the  refuge-cities  pre- 
«ent  some  difficulties  in  interpretation.  The  Levit- 
ical cities  were  to  have  a  space  of  1000  cubits 
(about  583  yards)  beyond  the  city  wall  for  pasture 
and  other  purposes.  Presently  after,  2000  cubits 
are  ordered  to  be  the  suburb  limit  (Num.  xxxv.  4, 
5).  The  solution  of  the  difficulty  may  be,  either 
the  2000  cubits  are  to  be  added  to  the  1000  as 
"fields  of  the  suburbs"  (Lev.  xxv.  34)  as  appears 
to  have  been  the  case  in  the  gift  to  Calel),  which 
excluded  the  city  of  Hebron,  but  included  the 
"fields  and  villages  of  the  city  "  (Josh.  xxi.  11, 12, 
Patrick),  or  that  the  additional  2000  cubits  were 
a  special  gift  to  the  refuge-cities,  whilst  the  other 
Levitical  cities  had  only  1000  cubits  for  suburb. 
Calmet  supposes  the  line  of  2000  cubits  to  be  meas- 
ured parallel,  and  the  1000  perpendicular  to  the 
city  wall;  an  explanation,  however,  which  supposes 
all  the  cities  to  be  of  the  same  size  (Calmet,  On 
Num.  xxxv.). 

Tlie  right  of  asylum  possessed  by  many  Greek 
and  Roman  towns,  especially  Ephesus,  was  in  pro- 
cess of  time  much  abused,  and  was  curtailed  by 
Tiberius  (Tac.  Ann.  iii.  60,  63).  It  was  granted, 
under  ceitain  limitations,  to  churches  by  Christian 
emperors  (Cod.  i.  tit.  12;  Gibbon,  eh.  xx.  iii.  35, 
Smith).  Hence  came  the  right  of  sanctuary  pos- 
lessed  by  so  many  churches  in  the  middle  ages 
(Hallam,  Middle,  Ages,  eh.  ix.  pt.  1,  vol.  iii.  p.  302, 
1th  ed.).  H.  W.  ^. 

CIT'IMS  {Kiritoi  [rather  Kirie^l;  A.ex, 
•- zTiojoc  Ceto"),  1  Mace.  viii.  5.     [Chiih.m.] 

CITIZENSHIP  {-rroMTfia:  dvi^na).  The 
nae  of  this  term  in  Scripture  has  exclusive  reference 
k)  the  usages  of  the  Roman  empire;  in  the  Hebrew 
»mmonwealth,  which  was  framed  on  a  basis  of  re- 
Igious  rather  than  of  political  privUeges  and  distinc- 
tions, tha  idea  of  the  commouwealth  was  merged 


CLAUDIA  469 

in  that  of  the  congregation,  to  which  every  Hebrew, 
and  even  strangers  under  certain  restrictions,  wen> 
admitted.  [CoN<ii{K<;ATiON;  STKANtiKK».]  ITn 
privilege  of  Roman  citizenship  was  widely  extended 
under  the  emjxrrors;  it  was  originally  acquired  iu 
various  ways,  as  by  purchase  (Acts  xxii.  28;  Cic 
ad  Fam.  xiii.  36;  Dion  Cass.  Ix.  17),  by  militarj 
services  (Cic.  pro  Balb.  22;  Suet.  Awj.  47),  by 
favor  (Tac.  Illst.  iii.  47),  or  by  manumission.  The 
right  once  obtained  descended  to  a  man's  children 
(Acts  xxii.  28).  The  Jews  had  rendered  signal 
services  to  Julius  Csesar  in  the  Egj-ptian  war  (Jo- 
seph. Ant.  xiv.  8,  §  1,  2),  and  it  is  not  improbuble 
that  many  obtained  the  freedom  of  the  city  on  that 
ground:  certain  it  is  that  great  numbers  of  Jews, 
who  were  Roman  citizens,  were  scattered  over 
Greece  and  Asia  Minor  {Ant.  xiv.  10,  §  13,  14). 
Among  the  privileges  attached  to  citizenship,  we 
may  note  that  a  man  could  not  be  bound  or  impris- 
oned without  a  formal  trial  (Acts  xxii.  29),  still 
less  be  scourged  (Acts  xvi.  37 ;  Cic.  in  Verr.  v.  63, 
66);  tlie  simple  assertion  of  citizenship  was  suffi- 
cient to  deter  a  magistrate  from  such  a  step  (Acts 
xxii.  25  ,s  Cic.  in  Verr.  v.  62),  as  any  infringement 
of  the  privilege  was  visited  with  severe  pimishment. 
A  Jew  could  only  plead  exemption  from  such  treat- 
ment before  a  Roman  magistrate ;  he  was  still  liable 
to  it  from  Jewish  authorities  (2  Cor.  xi.  24 ;  Seld. 
de  Si/n.  ii.  15,  §  11 ).  Another  privilege  attaching 
to  citizenship  was  the  appeal  from  a  provincial  tri- 
bunal to  the  emperor  at  Rome  (Acts  xxv.  11). 
[See  the  addition  to  Appeal,  Amer.  ed.] 

W.  L.  B. 
CITRON.     [Api'le-tree.] 

CLAU'DA  {KKavSr],  Acts  xxvii.  16;  called 
Gaudos  by  Mela  and  Pliny,  K\adSos  by  Ptolemy, 
and  KAauS/o  in  the  Stndiasmug  Claris  Mnyni:  it 
is  still  called  Clavda-nesa,  or  Uaudonesi,  by  the 
Greeks,  which  the  Italians  have  corrupted  into 
Gozzo).  This  small  island,  miimportant  in  itself 
and  in  its  history,  is  of  very  great  geographical  im- 
portance in  reference  to  the  removal  of  some  of  the 
difficulties  connected  with  St.  Paul's  shipwreck  at 
Melita.  The  position  of  Clauda  is  nearly  due  W. 
of  Cape  Matala  on  the  S.  coast  of  Crete  [Fair 
Havexs],  and  nearly  due  S.  of  Phcexice.  (See 
Ptol.  iii.  17,  §  1;  Stadiasm.  p.  496,  ed.  GaO.) 
The  ship  was  seized  by  the  gale  a  little  after  pass- 
ing Cape  Matala,  when  on  her  way  from  Fair  Ha- 
vens to  Phcenice  (Acta  xxvii.  12-17).  Tlie  storm 
came  down  from  the  island  («ot'  ai/rris,  v.  14), 
[?  see  under  Crete],  and  there  was  danger  lest 
the  ship  should  be  driven  into  the  African  Syrtia 
(v.  17).  It  is  added  that  she  was  driven  to  Clauda 
and  ran  luider  the  lee  of  it  (v.  16).-  We  see  at 
once  that  this  is  in  harmony  with,  and  confirmatory 
of,  the  arguments  derivable  from  all  the  other  geo- 
graphical circumstances  of  the  case  (as  well  as  from 
the  etymology  of  the  word  Euroclydon  or  Euro- 
Aquilo),  which  lead  us  to  the  conclusion  that  tha 
gale  came  from  the  N.  E.,  or  rather  E.  N.  E. 
Under  the  lee  of  Clauda  there  would  be  smooth 
water,  advantage  of  which  was  taken  for  the  pur- 
pose of  getting  the  boat  on  board  and  making 
preparations  for  riding  out  the  gale.  [Ship.] 
(Smith,  Voy.  and  Shipioreck  of  St.  Paul,  2d  ed. 
pp.  92,  98,  253.)     [3d  ed.  1866,  pp.  94,  100,  250.] 

J.  S.  H. 

CLAXJ'DIA  {K\avUa),  a  Christian  f^mali 
mentioned  in  2  Tim.  iv.  21,  as  saluting  Timotheua. 
There  is  reason  for  supposing  that  this  Cl&iidia 


470 


CLADDIA 


iras  a  British  maiden,  daughter  of  Icing  Cogidub- 
nua,  an  ally  of  Home  (Tacit.  Ayrkol.  1-t),  who 
toolc  the  name  of  his  imperial  patron,  Tiberius 
Claudius.  Slie  ai)i)ears  to  have  become  the  wife 
of  Pudens,  wlio  is  mentioned  in  the  same  verse. 
(See  Martial,  lib.  iv.  Epiyr.  13.)  This  Pudens,  we 
gather  from  an  inscription  found  at  Chichester,  and 
now  in  the  gardens  at  Goodwood,  was  at  one  time 
in  close  connection  with  kuig  Cogidubnus,  and  gave 
an  area  for  a  temple  of  Neptune  and  Minerva, 
which  was  built  by  that  king's  authority.  And 
Claudia  is  said  hi  Martial  (xi.  53)  to  have  been 
OBnUeig  BriUmnLs  ediln.  Moreover,  she  is  there 
also  called  Jiufiria.  Now  Poniponia,  wife  of  the 
late  commander  in  Britain,  Aulus  Plautius,  under 
whom  Claudia's  father  was  received  into  aUiance, 
belonged  to  a  house  of  which  the  Hufi  were  one  of 
the  chief  branches.  If  she  herself  were  a  Kufa, 
and  Claudia  her  protegee,  the  latter  might  well  be 
called  Kufina;  and  we  know  that  Poniponia  was 
tried  as  sujterstitwnui  exievnoi  red  in  the  year  57, 
Tacit.  Ann.  xii.  32;  so  that  there  are  many  circum- 
stances concurrent,  tending  to  give  verisimilitude 
to  the  conjecture.  See  Archdeacon  Williams's 
pamphlet,  "  On  Pudens  and  Claudia;  "  —  an  arti- 
cle in  the  (Juarterly  Review  for  July,  1858,  entitled 
"  The  Romans  at  Colchester;  "  —  and  an  Hxcursus 
in  Alford's  Greek  Testament,  vol.  iii.  Prolegg.  p. 
104.  in  which  the  contents  of  the  two  works  first 
mentioned  are  embodied  in  a  summary  form. 

H.  A. 
*  Conybeare  and  Howson  also  are  disposed  to 
adopt  the  foregoing  view  of  the  personal  and  his- 
torical relations  of  Pudens  and  Claudia  (Life  nnd 
Epistles  of  Paid,  ii.  594,  Amer.  ed.).  One  obvious 
exegetical  difficulty  is  that  Linus  stands  nearer  than 
Pudens  to  Claudia  in  the  order  of  the  names  (2 
Tim.  iv.  21 ),  and  if  Claudia  was  the  wife  of  either, 
it  is  arbitrary  to  make  her  the  wife  of  the  latter 
rather  than  of  the  former.  The  reply  made  to  this 
is  that  the  amanuensis,  confused  by  Paul's  rapid 
'dictation,  may  have  wTitten  down  the  names  incor- 
rectly. The  German  critics,  as  De  Wette,  Matthies, 
Huther  (ui  Meyer's  Comm.  ub.  das  N.  Test.), 
Wiesinger,  find  no  such  pohit  of  contact  here 
between  secular  and  sacred  history,  but  pass  over 
the  name  simply  with  the  remark  that  Claudia  is 
otherwise  unknown.  Winer  and  Ilerzog  have  no 
articles  on  the  name.  The  comljinations  which 
the  writers  a.ssume  who  maintain  that  Claudia  was 
a  British  princess,  are  strained  and  hypothetical. 
Pudens  and  Claudia  were,  confessedly,  everyday 
names  among  the  Romans,  and  therefore  prove 
nothing  as  to  the  identity  of  the  persons.  The 
character  of  Martial  forbids  the  idea  that  he  could 
have  had  intimate  friends  among  the  friends  of  St. 
Paul;  and  still  more,  his  invoking  on  them  the 
favor  of  heiitlien  gods  on  the  occasion  of  their 
niarriatre  (iv.  13)  shows  that  they  were  still  addicted 
to  idolatry  and  not  worshippers  of  the  true  God. 
The  -'inscription  found  at  Chichest«r"  also  (see 
above)  represents  Pudens  as  a  pagan.  To  meet 
these  points,  we  are  required  to  "suppose  either 
that  Pudens  concealed  his  faith,  or  that  his  rel- 
atives, in  tlicir  anxiety  to  shield  him,  did  idol- 
*trou8  acts  in  his  name"  (Life  and  Epistles  of 
fiitd,  ii.  595).  Nortli  of  th(!  Tweed  this  ingenious 
theory  of  tlie  Briti.*li  origin  of  Claudia  has  found 
nuch  less  favor.  See  tlie  objections  to  it  forcibly 
rtated  in  Dr.  Kitto's  Cyrl.  of  BiU.  Lit.  i.  529,  3d 
ed.,  18t!2.  The  writer  of  the  article  there  points 
Ttxi  a  near  approach,  at  W<sl,  to  a  serious  chron- 


CLAY 

ological  difficulty.  "  Paul's  Pudens  and  Claudia, 
if  husband  and  wife,  must  have  been  married  W 
fore  A.  D.  67,  the  latest  date  that  can  be  assigned 
to  Paul's  writing.  But  Martial's  epigram  must 
have  been  written  after  this,  perhaps  several  years 
after,  for  he  came  to  Rome  only  in  a.  d.  6fi ;  so 
that  if  they  were  married  persons  in  07,  it  is  not 
Ukely  Martial  would  celebrate  their  nuptials  years 
after  this."  II. 

CLAU'DIUS  (KA.auS(oj;  in  fuU,  Tiberius 
Claudius  Nero  Dnisus  (iermanicus),  fourth  lionian 
emperor,  successor  of  Caius  Caligula,  i-cigned  firom 
41  to  54  A.  n.  Me  was  son  of  Nero  Drusus,  wai 
bom  in  Lyons,  Aug.  1,  h.  c.  9  or  10,  and  lived  pii- 
vate  and  unknown  till  the  day  of  his  being  called 
to  tlie  throne,  January  24,  A.  n.  41.  He  was 
nominate<l  to  the  supreme  power  mainly  through 
„he  influence  of  Ilerod  Agrijuia  the  I'irst  (Joseph. 
Ant.  xix.  2,  §§  1,  3,  4;  Suet.  Clmd.  p.  10);  and 
when  on  the  throne  he  pro^'ed  himself  not  ungrate- 
ful to  him,  for  he  enlarged  the  territory  of  Agrippa 
by  adding  to  it  Juda-a,  Samaria,  and  some  districts 
of  Lebanon,  and  apjwiiited  his  brother  Herod  to 
the  kingdom  of  Chalcis,  (Joseph.  Ant.  xix.  5,  §  6; 
Dion  Cass.  Ix.  8),  giving  to  this  latter  also,  after 
his  brother's  death,  the  presidency  over  the  Temple 
at  Jerusalem  (.loseph.  Ant.  xx.  1,  §  3).  In  Clau- 
dius's reign  there  were  several  famines,  arising  from 
unfavorable  hanests  (Dion  Cass.  Ix.  11;  Euseb. 
Chron.  Armen.  i.  2G9,  271;  Tacit.  Ann.  xii.  13), 
and  one  such  occurred  in  Palestine  and  Syria  (Acts 
xi.  28-30)  under  the  procurators  Cuspius  Padua 
and  Tilicrius  Alexander  (Joseph.  Ant.  xx.  2,  §  6, 
and  5,  §  2),  which  perhaps  lasted  some  years. 
Claudius  was  induced  by  a  tumult  of  the  Jews  in 
Rome,  to  expel  them  from  the  city  (Suet.  Clnud- 
p.  25,  "  Judieos  inipulsore  Chresto  assidue  tumultu- 
antes  Roma  expulit;  "  cf.  Acts  xviii.  2).  It  is  prob- 
able that  Suetonius  here  refers  to  some  open  dis- 
sension between  Jews  and  Christians,  but  when  it, 
and  the  consequent  edict,  took  place,  is  very  uncer- 
tain. Orosius  (Hi.<  vii.  6)  fixes  it  in  the  9th  year 
of  Claudius,  A.  i>.  49  or  50;  referring  to  Joscphus, 
who,  however,  says  nothing  about  it.  Pearson 
(Annal.  Pnnl.  p.  22)  thinks  the  12th  year  more 
probable  (a.  d.  62  or  53).  As  Anger  remarks  (De 
lemjmnim  in  Acti.s  App.  rnfitme,  p.  117),  tlie  edict 
of  expulsion  would  hardly  be  pultlished  as  long  aa 
Ilerod  Agrippa  was  at  Rome,  t.  e.  before  the  year 
49.  Claudius,  after  a  weak  and  foolish  reign  ("non 
princiiwm  se.  sed  nimistrum  egit,"  Suet.  p.  •>:)). 
was  poisoned  liy  his  fourth  wife  Agrippina.  the 
mother  of  Nero.  (Tac.  Ann.  xiL  60,  7:  Suet. 
Cl'ind.  pp.  44,  45;  Joseph.  Ant.  xx.  8,  §  1;  Ii.  J 
ii.  12.  §  8),  October  13.  A.  i>.  54.  H.  A. 

CLAU'DIUS  LYS'IAS.  [Ly.mas.] 
CLAY  ("■  "'^.''  :  irr)\<Js:  Inimm  or  luium),  a  sal 
imentary  earth,  touch  and  plastic,  arising  from  tlic 
disintegration  of  feldspar  and  similar  minerals,  and 
always  containing  silica  and  alumina  combined  in 
variable  proiiortions.  As  the  sediment  of  water 
remaining  in  pits  or  in  streets,  the  word  is  use<l 
frequently  in  O.  T.  (e.  (/.  Is.  Ivii.  20;  Jer.  xxxviii. 
6;  Ps.  xviii.  42),  and  in  N.  T.  (irn\6s,  John  ix.  6) 
a  mixture  of  sand  or  dust  with  spittte.  It  is  also 
found  in  the  sense  of  potter's  clay  (Is.  xii.  25) 
The  alluvial  soils  of  Palestine  would  no  doul)t  sup- 
ply material  for  pottery,  a  manufacture  wiiich  w« 
know  was,  as  it  still  is,  carrie<l  on  in  the  country 
(Jer.  xviii.  2,  6),  but  our  knowledge  on  the  subjert 
is  so  small  as  to  afibrd  Uttle  or  no  means  of  deter 


CLEAlSr 

Bluing,  and  the  clay  of  Palestine,  like  that  of 
Egypt,  is  probably  more  loam  than  clay  (Birch, 
Uiat.  of  Pottery,  i.  55,  152).  [Potteky.]  The 
word  most  commonly  used  for  "  potter's  clay  "  is 

"l^h  (Ex.  i.  14;  Job  iv.  19;  Is.  xxix.  16;  Jer. 
xviii.  4,  &c.).  Bituminous  shale,  convertible  into 
clay,  is  said  to  exist  largely  at  the  source  of  the 
Jordan,  and  near  the  Dead  Sea.  The  great  seat 
of  the  pottery  of  the  present  day  in  Palestine  is 
Gaza,  where  are  made  the  vessels  in  dark  blue  clay 
BO  frequently  met  with. 

The  use  of  cLay  in  brick-making  is  described 
elsewhere.     [Buick.] 

AnDther  use  of  clay  was  in  sealing  (Job  xxxviii. 
14).  The  bricks  of  Assyria  and  Egypt  are  most 
commonly  found  stamped  either  with  a  die  or  with 
marks  made  by  the  fingers  of  the  maker.  Wine 
jars  in  Egypt  were  sometimes  sealed  with  clay; 
mummy  pits  were  sealed  with  the  same  substance, 
and  remains  of  clay  are  stiU  found  adhering  to  the 
8tone  door-jambs.  Our  Lord's  tomb  may  have  been 
thus  sealed  (Matt,  xxvii.  66),  as  also  the  earthen 
vessel  containing  the  evidences  of  Jeremiah's  pur- 
chase (.fer.  xxxii.  14).  So  also  in  Assyria  at 
Kouyunjik  pieces  of  fine  clay  have  been  found 
bearing  impressions  of  seals  with  AssjTian,  Egypt- 
ian, and  Phoenician  devices.  Tlie  seal  used  for 
public  documents  was  rolled  on  the  moist  clay,  and 
the  tablet  .v:is  then  placed  in  the  fire  and  baked. 
The  practice  of  sealing  doors  with  clay  to  facilitate 
detection  in  case  of  malpractice  is  still  conmion  in 
the  liast  (Wilkinson,  Aiic.  Egypt,  i.  15,  48,  ii. 
364;  Layanl,  Niii.  <f  Bab.  pp.  15^,  158, 608;  Herod. 
ii.  38;  Jlarnier,  06s.  iv.  376).  [Bkick;  Potteky; 
Seals.]  H.  W.  P. 

*  CLEAN.     [Unclean  Meats;  Unclean- 

NESS.] 

CLEM'ENT  (K\i7/iT?s:  ^Clemens;  clement] 
Phil.  iv.  3),  a  fellow-laborer  of  St.  Paul,  when  he 
was  at  Philippi  (for  so  the  text  implies).  It  was 
generally  believed  in  the  ancient  church,  that  this 
Clement  was  identical  with  the  Bishop  of  Home, 
who  afterwards  became  so  celebrated.  Whether 
this  was  so,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  The  practice 
of  supposing  N.  T.  characters  to  be  identical  with 
persons  who  were  afterwards  known  by  the  same 
names,  was  too  frequent,  and  the  name  Clemens  too 
common,  for  us  to  be  able  to  pronounce  on  the 
question.  The  identity  is  asserted  in  Euseb.  //. 
E.  iii.  4;  Origen,  vol.  i.  p.  232,  ed.  Lommatzsch; 
and  Jerome,  Soiptor.  Eccl.  p.  176  a.  Chrysostom 
does  not  mention  it.  H.  A. 

CLE'OPAS  {K\e6was),  one  of  the  two  dis- 
•aples  who  were  going  to  Emmaus  on  the  day  of 
:he  resurrection,  when  Jesus  himself  drew  near  and 
talked  with  them  (I^uke  xxiv.  18).  Eusebius  in  his 
Onomristtcon  makes  him  a  native  of  Emmaus.  It 
l»  a  question  whether  this  Cleopas  is  to  be  con- 
lidered  as  identical  with  Cleophas  (accur.  Clopas) 
or  AlphKus  in  John  xix.  25.  [Alph.eus.]  Their 
identity  was  assumed  by  the  later  fathers  and 
ihurch  historians.  But  Eusebius  (//.  Vi.  iii.  11) 
frites  the  name  of  Alphteus,  Joseph's  brother,  Clo- 
pas, not  Cleopas.  And  Chrysostom  and  Theodoret, 
an  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians,  call  James  the  Just 
the  son  of  Clopas.  Besides  which,  Clopas,  or  Al- 
ahieus,  is  an  Aramaic  name,  whereas  Cleopas  is  a 
Greek  name,  probably  contracted  from  KAecJirarpoy, 
•a  'Avrliras  from  'Ayriwarpos.  Again,  as  we  find 
die  wife  and  children  of  Clopas  constantly  with  tl  •> 


CLOUD 


471 


family  of  Joseph  at  the  time  of  our  Lord's  minia- 
try,  it  is  nrol)able  that  he  him.self  was  dead  bcfor« 
that  time.  On  the  whole,  then,  it  seems  aifer  to 
doubt  the  identity  of  Cleopas  with  Clopas.  Of 
the  further  history  of  Cleopas  nothing  is  known. 

H.  A. 
CLEOPAT  RA  (KAeoTrarpa),  the  name  of 
numerous    Egyptian   princesses  derived   from  the 
daughter  of  Antiochus  III.,  who  married  Ptolemy 
V.  Epiplianes,  b.  c.  193. 

1.  "The  wife  of  Ptolemy"  (Esth.  xi.  1)  was 
probably  the  granddaughter  of  Antiochus,  and  wife 
of  Ptol.  VI.  Pliilometor.     [Ptol.  Philometor.] 

2.  A  daughter  of  Ptol.  VI.  Philometor  and 
Cleopatra  (1),  who  was  married  first  to  Alexander 
Balas,  B.  c.  150  (1  Jlacc.  x.  58),  and  afterwards 
given  by  her  father  to  Demetrius  Nicator  when  he 
invaded  Syria  (1  JIacc.  xi.  12;  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  4, 
§  7).  During  the  captivity  of  Demetrius  in  Parthia 
[Demetkil's]  Cleopatra  married  his  brother  Anti- 
ochus VII.  Sidetes,  and  was  probably  privy  to  the 
murder  of  Demetrius  on  his  return  to  Syria  b.  c. 
125  (App.  Sijr.  c.  08:  yet  see  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  9, 
§  3;  Just,  xxxix.  1).  She  afterwards  murdered 
Seleucus,  her  eldest  son  by  Demetrius  (App.  Syi: 
c.  69) ;  and  at  length  was  herself  poisoned  «.  C.  120 
by  a  draught  which  she  had  prepared  for  her  second 
son  Antiochus  VIII.,  because  he  was  unwilling  to 
gratify  the  ambitious  designs  which  she  formed 
when  she  raised  him  to  tlie  throne  (Justin,  xxxix 
2).  B.  F.  W. 

CLE'OPHAS.     [Cleopas;  Alph.eus.] 

*  CLERK.     [Town  Clerk.] 

*  CLIFT,  an  old  form  of  deft,  Ex.  xxxiii.  22 
(cf.  Is.  ii.  21);  Is.  Ivii.  5.  So  'in  Job  xxx.  6,  A. 
V.  ed.  1611,  where  cliff  has  been  injudiciously  sub- 
stituted in  modem  editions.  CH/t,  however,  ap- 
pear to  be  used  for  cliff  in  the  margin  of  the  A. 
v..  Is.  xxxii.  14,, as  it  is  elsewhere  in  old  English 
writers.  A. 

*  CLOAK.     [Dress.] 

*CLO'PAS  {KKwiras-  Cleophns),  John  xix. 
25,  marg.,  the  correct  form  for  Cleophas  in  the  text 
of  the  A.  V.     See  Alpileus.  A. 

CLOTHING.     [Dress.] 

CLOUD  {^}y)'  The  word  C^'W'^U??,  so  ren- 
dered  in  a  few  places,  properly  means  "  vapors,"  the 
less  dense  form  of  cloud  which  rises  higher,  and 
is  often  absorbed  without  falling  in  rain;  Arab. 
S     ^-'  S     o^ 

p\.Mi^  and  *>-(jio.     Tlie  word  2V,  sometimes 

rendered  "cloud,"  means  merely  "darkness,"  and 
is  applied  also  to  " a  thicket"  (Jer.  iv.  20).  The 
shelter  given,  and  refreshment  of  raui  promised, 
by  clouds,  give  them  tlieir  peculiar  prominence  in 
Oriental  imagery,  and  the  individuiil  cloud  in  that 
ordinarily  cloudless  region  becomes  well  defined  and 
is  dwelt  upon  like  the  individual  tree  m  the  bare 
landscape  (Stanley,  S.  </•  P.  p.  140).  Similarly, 
when  a  cloud  a-^pears,  rain  is  ordinarily  appre- 
hended, and  thus  the  "  cloud  without  rain  "  becomet 
a  proverb  for  the  man  of  promise  without  perform- 
ance (Prov.  xvi.  15;  Is.  xviii.  4,  xxv.  5;  Jude  12; 
comp.  Prov.  xxv.  14).  The  cloud  is  of  course  a 
figure  of  transitoriness  (Job  xxx.  15;  Hos.  vi.  4), 
and  of  whatever  intercepts  divine  favor  or  human 
supplication  (l^m.  ii.  1,  iii.  44).  Being  the  lejwt 
substantial  of  visible  forms,  undefined  in  shape, 
and  unresti-ained  in  position,  it  is  the  one  amons^at 


47ti 


CLOUD 


material  tiling  which  suggests  most  euailj  spiritual 
boiig.  Hence  it  is,  so  to  s])eak,  the  recognized 
.naciiinerv  liy  which  supernatural  api^eiirances  are 
iiitroducetl  (Is.  xix.  1;  Ez.  i.  4;  Itev.  i.  7,  and 
piissim),  or  the  veil  lietween  tilings  visible  and  in- 
visible; but,  more  especially,  a  mysterious  or  super- 
natural cloud  is  the  symbolical  seat  of  the  Divine 
presen<«  itself — the  phenomenon  of  deity  vouch- 
safed by  Jehovah  to  the  prophet,  the  priest,  the 
king,  or  the  people.  Sometimes  thick  darkness, 
sometimes  intense  luminousness,  often,  apparently, 
and  es|->ecially  by  night,  an  aetual  fire  (as  in  the 
descent  of  Jehovah  on  Sinai,  Ex.  xix.  18),  is  attrib- 
uted to  this  glory-cloud  (Deut.  iv.  11;  Ex.  xl. 
35,  xxxiii.  22,  23;  2  Sam.  xxii.  12,  13).  Such  a 
bright  cloud,  at  any  rate  at  times,  visited  and  rested 
on  the  Mercy  Seat  (Ex.  xxix.  42,  43;  1  K.  viii. 
11;  2  Clir.  V.  14;  Ez.  xliii.  4)  and  was  by  later 
writers  named  Shekinah.  For  the  curious  ques- 
tions which  the  Rabbins  and  others  have  raised  con- 
cemuig  it,  e.  (/.  whether  its  light  was  created  or 
not,  whether  the  actual  "light"  created  on  the 
"  first  day  "  (Gen.  i.  3),  or  an  emanation  therefrom, 
Buxtorf 's  history  of  the  Ark,  ch.  xi.-xiv.  (Ugolini, 
vol.  vii.),  may  be  consulted.  H.  H. 

CLOUD,  PILLAR  OF  (73^n  l^'^V). 
This  was  the  active  form  of  the  symbolical  glory- 
cloud,  betokening  God's  presence  to  lead  his  chosen 
host,  or  to  inquire  and  visit  offenses,  as  the  lumin- 
ous cloud  of  the  sanctuary  exhibited  the  same 
under  an  aspect  of  repose.  The  cloud,  which  be- 
came a  pillar  when  the  host  moved,  seems  to  have 


COAL 

rested  at  other  times  on  the  tabernacle,  whence  G<>d 
is  said  to  have  "come  down  in  the  pillar"  (Num. 
xii.  5;  so  Ex.  xxxiii.  9, 10).  It  preceded  the  host, 
apparently  resting  on  the  ark  which  led  the  waj 
(Ex.  xiii.  21,  xl.  36,  &c. ;  Num.  ix.  15-23,  x.  34). 
So  by  night  the  cloud  on  the  tabernacle  becanje 
fire,  and  the  guiding  pillar  a  pillar  of  fire.  A  re- 
markable passage  in  Curtius  (v.  2,  §  7),  descripti\-o 
of  Alexander's  army  on  the  march,  mentions  a 
beacon  hoLsted  on  a  pole  from  head-quarters  33  Um 
signal  for  marching ;  "  observabatur  ignis  noctu,  fti- 
mus  interdiu."  'I'his  was  probably  an  adoption  of 
an  eastern  custom.  Similarly  the  Persians  used  aa 
a  conspicuous  signal,  an  image  of  the  sun  inclosed 
in  crystal  (ib.  iii.  3,  §  9).  Caravans  aie  still  known 
to  use  such  beacons  of  fire  and  smoke;  the  cloud- 
lessness  and  often  stillness  of  the  sky  giving  the 
smoke  great  density  of  volume,  and  boldness  of 
outline.  H.  H. 

♦CLOUTED,  Josh.  ix.  5,  "old  shoes  and 
cloufed"  i.  e.  patched ;  compare clouU,  Jer.  xxxviii. 
11,  12.  A. 

CNI'DUS  (KvlSos)  is  mentioned  in  1  Mace. 
XV.  23,  as  one  of  the  Greek  cities  which  contained 
Jewish  residents  in  tlie  second  century  before  the 
Christian  era,  and  in  Acts  xxvii.  7,  as  a  harbor 
which  wa«  passed  by  St.  Paul  after  leaving  Mjra, 
and  before  running  under  the  lee  of  Crete.  It  was 
a  city  of  great  consequence,  situated  at  the  extreme 
S.  W.  of  tlie  peninsula  of  Asia  Jlinor  [Cauia],  on 
a  promontory  now  called  Cape  Ci'io,  which  projects 
between  the  islands  of  Cos  and  Rhodes  (see  Acta 


Plan  of  Cnidus  and  Chart  of  the  adjoining  coast. 


cd.  1).  •  Cope  Crio  is  in  fact  an  island,  so  joined 
by  an  artificial  causeway  to  the  mainland,  as  to 
bnn  two  harbors,  one  on  the  N.,  the  other  on  the 
8.  ITie  latter  was  the  larger,  and  its  moles  were 
noble  constructions.  All  the  remains  of  Ctiidus 
show  that  it  must  have  been  a  city  of  great  mag- 
nificence. Few  ancient  cities  have  received  such 
imple  illustration  from  travels  and  engravings. 
We  may  refer  to  Beaufort's  Karamania^  Hamil- 
Jon's  Researches,  and  Texier's  Asie  Mineure,  also 
iaborde,  I-eake,  ami  Clarke,  with  the  drawings  in 
the  Ionian  Antiquities,  published  by  the  Dilettanti 
Bociety,  and  the  English  Admiralty  Charts,  Nos. 


1533, 1604.     [Newton,  C.  T.,  Discoveries  at  Hal- 
icamassus,  Omdus,  and  Branchidce,  Lond.  1862  ] 

J.  S.  H. 
COAL.     In  A.  V.  this  word  represents  no  lesi 
than  five  different  Hebrew  words.     (1.)  The  first 

and  most  frequently  used  is  Gacheleik,  j"l..CI 
i&yepa^,  ivepaKii:  pruna,  carbo),  a  live  ember, 
burning  fuel,  aa  distinguished  itom  CP^  (Prov. 
xxvi.  21).  It  is  written  more  fully  in  Pjs.  x.  3 
C>?  "^r?,  and  in  Ez.  i.  13,  Hinya  tt'S  "'bqS 
In  a  Sam.  xxii.  9, 13,  "cools  of  fire"  aro  ptt 


wf 


COAL 

netaphoricall)  for  the  lightnings  proceedijig  frciJi 
Gk^i  (Ps.  sviii.  8,  12,  13,  cxl.  10). 

In  Pi  jv.  XXV.  22  we  have  the  proverbial  expres- 
jion,  "  Thou  shaJt  heap  coals  of  fire  upon  hia  head," 
which  has  been  adopted  by  St.  Paul  in  Rom.  xii. 
20,  and  by  which  is  metaphorically  expressed  the 
burning  shame  and  confusion  which  men  must  feel 
when  their  evil  is  requited  by  good.  In  Ps.  cxx. 
4,  "  coals  "=  burning  brands  of  wood  (not  "juni- 
per," but  broom),  to  which  the  false  tongue  is  com- 
pared (James  iii.  6). 

In  2  Sam.  xiv.  7  the  quenchmg  of  the  live  coal 
18  used  to  indicate  the  threatened  destruction  of 
the  single  remaining  branch  of  the  family  of  the 
widow  of  Tekoah  suborned  by  Joab ;  just  as  Luciau 
Tim.  §  3)  uses  the  word  (wirvpov  m  the  same  con- 

iction. 

The  root  of  H^nS  is  ^Ha,  which  is  possibly 


COAL 


47 


Jhe  same  in  meaning  as  the  Arab.  |»aA,j»,  to  light 
1  fire,  with  the  change  of    /  into  72. 

2.  Pechdm,  CHB  {iax^pa,  &vOpa^  :  carbo, 
j/nina).  In  Prov.  xxvi.  21,  this  word  clearly  sig- 
nifies fuel  not  yet  lighted,  as  contrasted  with  the 
burning  fuel  to  which  it  is  to  be  added;  but  in 

tis.  xliv.  12,  and  liv.  16,  it  means  fuel  lighted,  hav- 
||ng  reference  in  both  cases  to  smiths'  work.     It  is 
-    >    •-' 
erived  from  DH^  :  Arab.  f^,£S»S,  to  be  very 
black. 

The  fuel  meant  in  the  above  passages  is  probably 
liarcoal,  and  not  coal  in  our  sense  of  the  word. 

3.  Retseph,  OT  Ritspdh,  ^y";),  rT5^n  {^uOpa^: 

aladus  in  Is.  vi.  6;  but  in  1  K.  xix.  6,  n3V 

fp^D^"',  is  rendered  by  the  LXX.  iyKpvcplas 
'iAupiTTjs,  and  by  the  Vulg.  panls  subcinericius). 
"Ja  the  nari-ative  of  Elijah's  miraculous  meal  the 
f^ord  is  used  to  describe  the  mode  in  which  the 
fCake  was  baked,  namely,  on  a  hot  stone,  as  is  still 

IBual  in  the  East.     Comp.  the  Arab.  v_aAO\,  a 

I  hot  stone  on  which  flesh  is  laid.  nQ!?"!,  in  Is. 
tvi.  G,  is  rendered  in  A.  V.  "  a  live  coal,"  but  prop- 
l(rly  means  "  a  hot  stone."  The  root  is  ^-:^"^,  to 
pby  stones  together  as  a  pavement. 

4.  ^^!';"^.  in  Hab.  iii.  5,  is  rendered  in  A.  V. 
*bumin£r  coals,"  and  in  the  margin  "burning  dis- 
ases."    The  former  meaning  is  supported  by  Cant. 

.  riii.  6,  the  latter  by  Deut.  xxxii.  2-1.     According 

■  to  the  Rabbinical  writers,  ^''!?'?.  =  ^  vl'  i>™««- 

5.  S^6c^-.  — In  Lam.  iv.  8,  l"in*p72  Tftt^H 

S"lSn  is  rendsred  in  A.  V.  "their  visage  is 
bLifiker  than  a  coal,"  or  in  the  marg.  "  darker  than 
bU^kness."    "nntT  is  found  but  this  once,  and 

rignifies  to  be  black,  from  root  "IfTf*'.  The  LXX. 
fender  it  by  dcrjSjA??,  the  Vulg.  by  carbones.  In 
rther  forms  the  word  is  frequent,  and  Shihor  is  a 
isual  name  for  the  Nile.  [Shihok.]  W.  D 
There  can,  we  think,  be  no  doubt  that  the  fuel 

ienotod  by  the  Heb.  words   gacheleth  ('"iTPrT?) 

^  pechdm  (Cn^)  is  charcoal,  and  not  mineral 


coal.  ThLte  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  the  ancient 
Hebrews  were  acquainted  with  the  substance  we 
now  denominate  "coal;"  indeed  it  seems  prettj 
clear  that  the  ancients  generally  used  charcoal  foi 
their  fuel ;  and  although  there  is  a  passage  in  The- 
ophrastus  {Fr.  ii.  61,  ed.  Schneider)  from  which 
we  leam  that  fossil  coal  was  fomid  in  Liguria  and 
Elis,  and  used  by  "  the  smiths,"  yet  its  use  must 
have  been  very  limited.  The  houses  of  the  ancient 
Greeks  and  Romans  were  without  chimneys  in  our 
sense  of  the  word  (see  this  subject  admirably  dis- 
cussed by  Beckmann,  Hist.  Invent,  i.  295).  As  the 
houses  had  merely  an  opening  in  the  centre  of  the 
roof,  the  burning  of  "  coal "  would  have  made  even 
their  kitchens  intolerable.  Little  as  has  been  done 
for  the  zoology  and  botany  of  Palestine,  still  leas 
has  been  done  for  its  geology.  "Indications  of 
coal  are  exhibited,"  says  Kitto  (Pliys.  Hist.  Pal. 
p.  67),  "in  various  parts  of  the  Lebanon  inoun- 
tauis;  here  and  there  a  narrow  seam  of  this  min- 
eral protrudes  through  the  superincumbent  strata 
to  the  surface;  and  we  leani  from  Mr.  Elliot  (ii. 
257)  that  the  enterprise  of  Mohammed  Ali  has  not 
suffered  even  this  source  of  national  wealth  to 
escape  his  notice."  At  Cornale,  8  miles  from  Bei- 
rut, and  2500  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  where 
the  coal-seams  are  3  feet  in  thickness,  good  coal  ia 
obtained,  whence  it  was  transported  on  muies  to 
the  coast. 

The  following  works  contain  all  that  is  at  pres- 
ent known  respecting  the  geology  of  Syria:  — 
Lyneh's  United  States  Exploring  Expedition  to 
the  Dead  Sea  and  the  River  Jordan;  Russegger'i 
Geognostiche  Karte  des  Libanon  und  Antilibanon ; 
Kitto's  Physical  History  of  Palestine ;  Dr.  Bow- 
ring's  Repm-t  on  the  Commercial  Statistics  of 
Syria.  W.  H. 

*  The  Greek  words  in  the  X.  T.  for  "  coals  " 
(Rom.  xii.  20)  and  "  fire  of  coals  "  (John  xviii.  18, 
and  xxi.  9)  are  &i/6paKes  and  ayOpuKid,  i-  c.  char- 
coal or  coal  made  of  wood.  The  incident  of  Peter's 
warming  himself  at  such  a  fire  on  the  night  of  the 
crucifixion,  tallies  both  with  the  chmate  of  the 
country  at  the  end  of  March  or  beginning  of  April, 
and  with  the  present  customs  of  the  people.  The 
nights  at  Jerusalem,  at  that  season  of  the  year, 
are  cool,  though  the  days  may  be  warm.  The  air, 
after  sundown,  becomes  chiUy,  and,  under  the  open 
sky,  a  person  needs  to  increase  his  raiment  or  have 
recourse  to  a  fire.  Coal  is  one  of  the  articles  of 
fuel  which  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  burn  at  the 
present  day.  Much  of  the  wood  which  they  con- 
sume, says  Tobler  {Denkbldtter  aus  Jerusalem,  p. 
180),  and  probably  much  of  that  out  of  which  the 
coal  is  made,  is  procured  from  the  region  of  Hebron. 
This  writer  mentions  also  that  the  coal  fire  is  often 
built,  especially  in  houses  of  the  better  class,  in  a 
vessel  like  a  brazier,  around  which  the  family 
gather,  and,  with  out-stretched  hands,  stand  and 
warm  themselves.  It  is  a  custom,  as  he  remarks 
(Denkbldtter,  p.  181),  that  vividly  recalls  the  an- 
cient scene  in  the  court  of  the  high-priest  (kuI 
idepfiaivovTO,  John  xviii.  18). 

Dr.  Robinson  furnishes  an  outline  of  the  re- 
sults of  the  observations  of  such  professional  explor- 
ers as  Seetzen,  Russegger,  Schu])ert,  Anderson, 
and  others,  in  relation  to  the  "  Geological  Fesi- 
tures  "  of  Palestine  (chapter  iv.  Phys.  Ueogr.  p. 
311  ff.j,  which  the  general  reader  will  find  con- 
venient and  interesting.  Mr.  Gage  has  inserted  in 
his  Ritter's  Ueogrnphy  of  Pale.it ine,  iii.  351  fS. 
(Appendix)  the  elaborate  articles  on  the  "  Fonna^ 


474 


COAST 


tion  of  the  Basin  of  the  Dead  Sea,"  and  other  re- 
lated topics  by  M.  Ix)uis  Lartet,  etc.,  etc.,  trans- 
lated by  Mr.  Grove  from  the  French.  Mr.  Grove 
deals  larijely  with  questions  of  this  nature  in  his 
article  on  Ska,  The  Salt,  in  this  Dictionary. 
(See  additions  in  Amer.  ed.)  On  that  particular 
subject,  and  on  the  geology  of  the  country  gener- 
ally, we  have  much  valuable  information  in  Mr. 
Tristram's  Larul  of  Israel  (scattered  through  the 
work,  but  especially  in  chapter  xv.).  H. 

*  COAST  (derived  through  the  French  coste, 
ftinn  the  Latin  coUa^  "a  rib,"  "side"),  stands  often 
in  the  A.  V.  for  "  border  "  (.Judg.  xi.  20;  1  Sam. 
V.  6;  IMatt.  viii.  34,  &c.).  The  present  usage  re- 
stiicts  the  term  to  the  sea-shore.  H. 

COAT.     [Dkess.] 

*  COAT  OF  MAIL,  1  Sam.  xvii.  5,  38. 
See  Arms,  II.  §  1,  p.  161. 

COCK  (aAe'/CTcop:  (/alius).  There  appears  to 
be  no  mention  of  domestic  poultry  in  the  0.  T., 
tlie  passages  where  the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  (as  in 
I'rov.  XXX.  31;  Is.  xxii.  17) «  read  aAe'/CTtop  and 
gallus  having  no  reference  to  that  bird.  In  the 
N.  T.  the  "cock"  is  mentioned  in  reference  to  St. 
Peter's  denial  of  our  Ix)rd,  and  indirectly  in  the 
word  a\eKTopo<pa}fia  (Matt.  xxvi.  34;  Mark  xiv. 
30,  xiii.  35,  Ac).  The  origin  of  the  numerous  va^ 
rieties  of  our  domestic  poultry  is  undoubtedly  Asi- 
atic, but  there  is  considerable  doubt  as  to  the 
precise  breed  whence  they  were  sprung,  as  well  as 
to  the  locality  where  they  were  found.  Temminck 
is  of  opinion  tliat  we  are  chiefly  indebted  to  the 
Malay  Gallus  Giijantetis  and  the  Indian  G.  Ban- 
kiva  for  our  domestic  birds.  We  know  that  the 
domestic  cock  and  hen  were  early  knowi  to  the  an- 
cient Greeks  and  Romans.  I'isthetserus  (Aristoph. 
Aves,  483)  calls  the  cock  the  Persian  bird  (nepax- 
xbs  opvis)-  It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  the 
Greeks  obtained  domestic  birds  from  Persia.  As 
no  mention  is  made  in  the  0.  T.  of  these  birds, 
and  as  no  figures  of  them  occur  on  the  Egyptian 
monuments  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  I'Sgypt.  i.  234,  ed. 
1854),  we  are  incUned  t«  thitik  that  they  came  into 
Judaea  with  the  Romans,  who,  as  is  well  known, 
prized  these  birds  both  as  articles  of  food  and  for 
cock-fighting.  The  Mishna  (Baba  Kama,  vii.  7) 
says  "  they  do  not  rear  cocks  at  Jerusalem  on  ac- 
count of  the  holy  things;"''  and  this  assertion 
has  by  some  been  quoted  as  an  objection  to  the 
evangelical  history.  On  this  subject  a  writer  in 
Harris  (Diet,  of  Nat.  Hist,  of  Bib.  p.  72,  ed.  1833), 
very  properly  remarks,  "  If  there  was  any  restraint 
in  the  ase  or  domestication  of  this  bird  it  must 
have  been  an  arbitrary  practice  of  the  Jews,  but 
could  not  have  been  binding  on  foreigners,  of  whom 
many  resided  at  Jerusalem  as  officei-s  or  traders." 
ITioinson  (Land  and  Book,  p.  672)  says  the  fowls 
are  now  common  in  Jerusalem,  "  that  they  swarm 
round  every  door,  share  in  the  food  of  their  pos- 
lessors,  are  at  home  among  the  children  in  every 
room,  roost  over  head  at  night,  and  with  their 
«ckle  ard  crowing  are  the  town  clock  and  the 
momii.g  bell  to  call  up  sleepers  at  early  dawn." 
As  to  the  cock-crowinff  see  Time.  W.  H. 

COCKATllICE.  A  not  very  happy  render- 
ng  by  tho  A.  V.  of  the  Hebrew  words  tzijih'dni 


o  •  So  the  Vulg.  in  I?,  xxii.  17,  but  not  the  LXX. 
W»  hare  oXeKTpvdv,  gaJliis,  In  3  Mace.  t.  23.        H. 
b  *  Ugbtfoot  has  shown  that  the  Talmud  is  not  con- 


CCELESYRIA 

C'^^?!;)  and  tzepha'  (37?*;).  See  Prov  nilL 
32,  margin ;  Is.  xi.  8,  lix.  5 ;  Jer.  viii.  17.  Th« 
cockatrice  is  a  fabulous  animal  concerning  which 
absurd  stories  are  told.     [Adder.]  W.  H. 

COCKLE  (^t^^*2,  boshdh:  fidros:  spina) 
occurs  only  in  Job  xxxi.  40:  "Let  thistles  grow 
instead  of  wheat,  and  cockle  instead  of  barley." 

The  plural  form  of  a  Heb.  noun,  namely,  D^t?'S2 
(biusMm),  is  found  in  Is.  v.  2,  4,  A.  V.  "  wild 
grapes."  It  is  uncertain  whether  these  two  wordg 
denote  "  noxious  weeds  "  generally,  or  some  partic- 
ular plant.  Celsius  has  argued  in  favor  of  the  aco- 
nite, the  Aconitum  Napellm,  which  however  is 
quite  a  mountain  —  never  a  field  —  plant.  He 
traces  the  Hebrew  name  to  a  Persian  word  (Bisk) 
of  somewhat  similar  fonn.  The  bcushim  of  Isaiah 
(/.  c),  which  the  LXX.  render  "  thorns  "  i&Kavdai), 
the  Vulg.  labmscce,  are  by  some  thought  to  be  the 
fruit  of  the  Vitis  labittsca  of  Linnaeus,  a  N.  Amer- 
ican plant!  Hasselquist  thought  he  had  discovered 
the  beushim  in  the  berries  of  the  hoary  nightshade,  ' 
which  the  Arabs  call  anib-ed-<lib,  i.  e.  "wolfs 
grape."  He  says  (Trav.  p.  290),  "the  prophet 
could  not  have  found  a  plant  more  opposite  to  the 
vine  than  this,  for  it  grows  much  in  the  vineyards, 
and  is  very  pernicious  to  them."  Some,  as  Park- 
hurst  (Lex.  Iltb.  s.  v.),  beUeve  some  "  stinking 
weed  "  is  intended  by  boshdh,  in  Job  I.  c,  frouj  the 

root  t?  N2,  "to  smell  as  carrion."  If  the  word 
denotes  a  plant  in  so  limited  a  sense,  we  would  sug- 
gest the  hound's  tongue  ( Cynoglossum ),  which  has 
Uterally  a  carrion  smell.  But  we  are  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  boslidh  and  bevshim  denote  any  bad 
weeds  or  fruit :  the  bevshim  of  the  prophet's  vine- 
yard may  thus  be  understood  to  represent  "  sour  or 
bad  grapes;  "  with  which  view  accord  the  carrpMi 
of  Aquila  and  the  anXyi  of  Symmachus  (see  also 
Hiller,  Hierophyt.  i.  293),  and  the  boshdh  of  Job 
(I.  c.)  may  denote  bad  or  smutted  barley.  The 
bunt  or  stinking  rust  ( Uredo  foelida )  which  some- 
times attacks  the  ears  of  wheat  and  barley  is  char- 
acterized by  its  disgusting  odor,  which  property 
would  suit  the  etymology  of  the  Hebrew  name ;  or 
the  word  may  probably  denote  some  of  the  useless 
grasses  which  have  somewhat  the  appearance  of 
barley,  such  as  Ilwdeum  munnum,  &c.     W.  H. 

CCELESYR'IA  (KoIKv  'Zvpia:  Cmlesyria), 
"the  hollxm  Syria,"  was  (strictly  speaking)  the 
name  given  by  the  Greeks,  after  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander, to  the  remarkable  valley  or  hollow  {koiKio.) 
which  intervenes  between  Libanus  and  Anti-Liba- 
nus,  stretching  from  lat.  33°  20'  to  34°  40',  a  dis- 
tance of  nearly  a  hundred  miles.  As  applisd  to 
this  region  the  word  is  strikingly  descriptive.  Dio- 
nysius  the  geographer  well  observes  upon  this,  in 
the  lines  — 

Hi/  KoiAiji'  iviiTOv(Tiv  Inuiw/iov,  ovvfK  op'  avrrji' 

MeVoTji'  ico'i  YdauoA.!)^  bpeuiv  Svo  npuiva  cYouo-ti'. 

Pfrieg.  899,  900. 

A  modem  traveller  sa3's,  more  particularly  — 
"  We  finally  looked  down  on  the  vast  green  and 
red  valley  —  green  from  its  yet  unripe  com,  red 
from  its  vineyards  not  yet  verdant  —  which  divide* 
the  range  of  Lebanon  and  Anti-Lebanon ;  the  for- 
mer reaching  its  highest  point  m  the  snowy  crest 


sistent  with  itself  on  thi?  point  (Hor.  Hebr.  on  Matt 
xxvi.  34).  See  aliio  Triedlieb's  ArtiuUl.  dei  Leident 
gesehichte,  p.  88  H. 


COFFER 

o  the  north,  behind  which  lie  thj  Cedars,  the  lat- 
ler,  in  the  still  more  snowy  crest  of  Hermon  —  the 
julmiuation  of  the  range  being  thus  in  the  one  at 
the  northern,  in  the  other  at  the  soutnern  extremity 
of  the  valley  which  they  bound.  The  view  of  this 
great  valley  is  chiefly  remarkable  as  being  exactli/ 
to  the  eye  what  it  is  on  maps  —  the  'hollow'  be- 
tween the  two  mountain  ranges  of  Syria.  A  screen 
through  which  the  Leontes  (Litany)  breaks  out, 
closes  the  south  end  of  the  plain.  There  is  a 
similar  screen  at  the  north  end,  but  too  remote  to 
be  visible"  (Stanley's  -SV/j.  cf  Pal.  p.  407).  The 
plain  gradually  rises  towards  its  centre,  near  which, 
but  a  little  on  the  soutliern  declivity,  stand  the 
ruins  of  Ba  tlbek  or  Heliopolis.  In  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  Baalbek  rise  the  two  streams  of 
the  Orontes  (Nahr-el-Asy)  and  the  Litany,  which 
flowing  in  opposite  directions,  to  the  N.  W.  and 
the  S.  E.,  give  freshness  and  fertility  to  the  tract 
mclosed  between  the  mountain  ranges. 

The  term  Ctele-Syria  was  also  used  in  a  much 
wider  sense.  In  the  first  place  it  was  extended  so 
as  to  include  the  inhabited  tract  to  the  east  of  the 
Anti-Libanus  range,  between  it  and  the  desert,  in 
which  stood  the  great  city  of  Damascus ;  and  then 
it  was  further  carried  on  upon  that  side  of  Joi-dan, 
through  Trachonitis  and  Peroea,  to  Idumsea  and 
the  bordei-s  of  l"^ypt  (Strab.  xvi.  §  21;  Polyb.  v. 
80,  §  3;  Joseph.  Ant.  i.  11,  §  5).  Ptolemy  (v.  15) 
and  Jo.sephus  (Ant.  xiii.  13,  §  2)  even  place  Scy- 
thopolis  in  Ccele-Syria,  though  it  was  upon  the 
west  side  of  Jordan;  but  they  seem  to  limit  its 
extent  southwards  to  about  lat.  31°  30',  or  the 
country  of  the  x\mmonites  (Ptol.  v.  15 ;  Joseph,  i. 
11).  Ptolemy  distinctly  includes  in  it  the  Damas- 
cus country. 

None  of  the  divisions  of  SjTia  (Ai'am)  in  the 
Jewish  Scriptures  apjiear  to  correspond  with  the 
Cccle-SjTia  of  the  Greeks  ;  for  there  are  no 
grounds  for  supposing,  with  Calmet  (Diet,  of  the 
Bible,  art.  Calesyria),  that  "  Syria  of  Zobah  " 
is  Coele-Syria.  Ccele-Syria  seems  to  have  been 
included  under  the  name  of  "  Syria  of  Damascus  " 

('^^^?"'^~'^))  and  to  have  formed  a  portion  of 
that  kingdom.  [Aram.]  The  only  distinct  ref- 
erence to  the  region,  as  a  separate  tract  of  country, 
which  the  Jewish  Scriptures  contain,  is  probably 
that  in  Amos  (i.  5),  where  "  the  inhabitants  of  the 
plain  of  Aven"  (^IS'n^r)?!,  BikcUh-Aven)  axe 
threatened,  in  conjunction  with  those  of  Damascus. 
Bikath  is  exactly  such  a  plain  as  Coele-Syria  (Stan- 
ley's Palestine,  Append,  p.  484),  and  the  expression 
Bikath-Avtn,  "  the  plain  of  Idols,"  would  be  well 
applied  to  the  tract  immediately  around  the  great 
sanctuary  of  Baalbek.  [Avkn.]  In  the  Apocry- 
phal Books  there  is  frequent  mention  of  Coele-Syria 
'»i  a  somewhat  vague  sense,  nearly  as  an  equivalent 
;or  Syria  (1  Esdr.  ii.  17,  24,  27,  iv.  48,  vi.  29,  vii. 
1,  viii.  67 ;  1  Mace.  x.  60 ;  2  Maec.  iii.  5,  8,  iv.  4, 
viii.  3,  X.  11).  In  all  these  cases  the  word  is  given 
b  A.  'V.  as  Celosykia.  G.  K. 

COFFER  (T3~IS,  probably  from  *n,  <o  be 
rtoved:  et/xa'  cnp.iella),  a  movable  box  hanging 
torn  the  side  of  a  cart  (1  Sam.  vi.  8,  11,  15) 
This  word  is  found  nowhere  else,  and  in  each  of 
tlie  above  examples  has  the  definite  article,  as  if  of 
some  special  significance.  H.  W.  P. 

COFFIN.     [Burial.] 

*  A  few  points  require  notice  under  this  head, 
»hich  are  not  foimd  under  Burial.     One  is  that 


COFFIN  475 

in  Gen.  I  26,  the  body  of  Joseph,  after  being  em- 
balmed, is  said  to  have  be«i  put  into  a  "  coffin ' 

(A.  V.)  or  wooden  chest  (*(1"''*).     Objectora  havt 

urged  from  this  expression  that  the  writer  of  Gen- 
esis was  ignorant  of  I'lgyptian  customs,  and  hence 
could  not  have  been  Moses,  if  Moses  was  born  and 
brought  up  in  Egypt.  But  this  objection  mis- 
states the  usage  in  such  cases.  Basaltic  sarcophagi 
were  very  uncommon,  and,  as  the  general  rule,  the 
mummy  was  placed  in  a  wooden  coHin.  Herodotus 
says  expressly  (ii.  86)  that  the  body,  after  being 
duly  prepared,  was  "given  back  to  the  relatives, 
who  inclosed  it  in  a  wooden  case  which  they  made 
for  the  purpose,  shaj^ed  into  the  figure  of  a  man." 
See  Kawlinson's  Herochtus,  ii.  143,  and  Hengsten- 
bei^'s  Die  Biicher  Moseys  und  jKgypten,  p.  71 
(Kobbins's  trans,  p.  76).  "  If  a  massive  tomb  or 
lofty  pyramid  had  been  erected  to  his  memory,  and 
if  liis  mortal  remains  had  been  deposited  thei-e  like 
those  of  the  pruices  of  I^ypt,  it  would  have  been 
supjwsed  that  his  bwly  would  remain  in  li'gypt  till 
the  day  of  doom.  But  he  would  not  permit  this 
to  be  done;  he  '  took  an  oath  of  the  children  of 
Israel  that  they  should  carry  up  his  bones '  from 
Egypt  to  Canaan ;  and  he  was  content  with  a  simple 
coffin  of  wood."     (Wordsworth,  Genesis,  p.  197.) 

"  Coffin,"  the  marg.  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  for 
<rop6s  in  Luke  vii.  14,  is  probably  more  correct  than 
"  bier  "  in  the  text.  The  pi'oper  Greek  for  "  bier  " 
is  (pepeTpov,  kKivi),  \exos  (in  modem  Greek  |uAo- 
Kp40aTov)-  With  this  stricter  meaning  we  must 
infer  that  the  cofiin  was  an  open  one,  since  other- 
wise the  young  man  whom  the  Saviour  restored  to 
life  could  not  have  "  sat  up  "  at  once,  as  he  did  in 
obedience  to  our  Lord's  command.  But  if  aop6s 
refers  to  the  bier  or  Utter  on  which  the  body  was 
carried,  it  must  be  from  an  accommodated  sense  of 
the  word,  corresponding   perhaps  to  the   Hebrew 

n^C,  as  in  2  Sam.  iii.  31.     (Comp.  Lightfoot, 

nor.  Hebr.  on  Luke  vii.  12,  14.)  This  latter  ex- 
planation is  not  necessary.  Nearly  all  admit  that 
the  coffin  was  not  only  sometimes  used  among  the 
Hebrews,  but  was  occasionally  at  least,  if  not  as  a 
general  rule,  so  made  as  to  be  ojien  at  the  top. 
See  Winer,  Realw.  ii.  16;  Herzog,  Jieal-Encykl.  i. 
773 ;  Paulus,  Comm.  ub.  das  N.  Test.  i.  834. 

The  present  customs  of  Palestine  are  not  incon- 
sistent with  either  view.  We  are  permitted  to  lay 
before  the  reader  the  following  statement  of  Dr. 
Van  Dyck.  "  At  present  coffins  are  used  only  in 
the  cities,  and  even  there  they  have  been  in  use  for 
only  a  comparatively  short  period.  The  general 
way  of  burial  is  to  array  the  corpse  in  its  be»t 
dress,  as  if  it  were  living,  and  lay  it  on  a  bier  with 
no  covering  at  all,  or  with  a  cloak  thrown  over  the 
body,  leaving  the  face  exjwsed.  The  shroud,  a 
long  piece  of  white  cotton  stuff",  is  wrapped  around 
the  body  at  the  grave.  The  grave  has  at  the  bot- 
tom, on  all  four  sides,  a  ledge  of  stones  built  up 
against  its  sides  high  enough  to  allow  the  body  to 
be  deix)sited  in  the  niche  thus  made,  and  be  cov- 
ered with  boards,  the  ends  of  which  rest  on  this 
ledge  and  prevent  the  earth  from  actually  touching 
the  body  I  have  attended  scores  of  funerals  on 
Lebanon,  and  I  never  saw  a  corpse  carried  that 
could  not  have  sat  up  at  onee  had  it  been  restored 
to  life.  In  Beirut  coffins  have  more  recently 
come  into  use,  which  may  be  left  uncovered  until 
the  grave  is  reached,  or,  as  is  often  the  case  with 
Christians,  they  are  closei?  at  the  house  or  church. 


476  COLA 

Mohatmuedang  in  Beirut  carry  the  dead  a>  the 
grave  oa  a  bier,  as  above  lueiitioued,  auJ  i.hen 
$o/iietimes  put  the  body  into  a  rude  coffin  at  the 
grave."  II. 

CO'LA  {XcaKd;  Alex.  Ku\a--  [Sin.  Vulg. 
omit]),  a  place  named  with  Ciiobai  (Jud.  xv.  4, 
only),  the  position  or  real  name  of  which  has  not 
liecn  ascertained.  Simouis  (Otumi.  N.  T.  170) 
Buj,'gests  Ahd-mecJtolafi. 

COLHO'ZEH  (n]rn-b3  laUseetnf/]  :  [in 
Neh.  iii.  15,]  XoKfCe;  [Vat.  omits;  in  xi.  5,  Xo- 
\a^d,  Vat.  FA.  XaAea :]  Choilioza),  a  man  of 
tlie  tribe  of  Judah  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (Neh. 
iii.  15,  xi.  5). 

CO'LIUS  (K«6ioy:  [Vat.  Kwyoi;  Aid.]  Alex. 
KdiKios'-  Cdmis),  1  I'^dr.  ix.  23.     [Kklaiah.] 

COLLAR.  For  the  profier  sense  of  this  term, 
as  it  occurs  in  Judg.  viii.  26,  see  Eakiungs.    llie 

expression  ''wS  {(it  (he  coUar)  in  Job.  xxx.  18,  is 

better  read  as  'V2'l>  (comp.  Job  xxxiii.  6),  in  which 
case  the  sense  would  be  "it  bindeth  me  as  my 
coat,"  referring  to  the  close  Jit  of  the  cet/ionttk. 

The  ''E,  UteraUy  the  "  mouth,"  as  a  part  of  a  gar- 
ment, refers  to  the  orifice  for  tlie  head  and  neck, 
but  we  question  whether  it  would  be  applied  to  any 
other  robe  tlian  the  sacerdotal  ephod  (Ex.  xxxix. 
23;  Ps.  cxxxiii.  2).  The  authority  of  the  LXX. 
(.Za-rep  rh  irfpta-rS/itov),  of  the  Vulg.  (qimsi  c(tpi- 
tw\  and  of  Gesenius  {Thts.  p.  1088),  must  how- 
ever be  cited  in  fevor  of  the  ordinary  rendermg. 

W.  L.  B. 

COLLEGE,  THE  (n3t?.^an :  i,  fuur^A: 
Sec-wula).  In  2  K.  xxii.  14  it  is  said  in  the  A.  V. 
that  Huldah  the  prophetess  "  dwelt  in  Jerusalem 
in  the  coUeye,''  or,  as  the  margin  has  it,  "  in  the 
second  part."  The  same  part  of  the  city  is  un- 
doubtedly alluded  to  in  Zeph.  i.  10  (A.  V.  "  the 
second  ").  Our  translators  derived  their  rendering 
"  tlie  college "  from  the  Targum  of  Jonathan, 
which  has  "Iwuseof  instruction,"  a  school-hoiLse 
supposed  to  have  been  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Temple.  This  translation  must  have  been  based 
upon  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  fiiUJineh,  "  rejie- 
tition,"  which  has  been  adopted  by  the  Peshito- 
Syriac,  and  the  word  was  thus  taken  to  denote  a 
place  for  the  repetition  of  the  law,  or  perhaps  a 
place  where  copies  of  the  law  were  made  (corap. 
iMit.  xvii.  18;  Josh.  viii.  32).  liashi,  after  quot- 
ing the  rendering  of  the  Targum,  says,  "  there  is 
a  gate  in  (he  [Temple]  court,  the  name  of  which 
is  the  gate  of  lluldali  in  the  treatise  Afiddolk  [i. 

3],  and  some  translate  Hlt'^Tiill  without  tlie  wall, 
V<<tween  the  two  walls,  which  was  a  second  f)art 
'mislineli)  to  tlie  city."  The  latter  is  substantially 
the  opinion  of  the  author  of  Qucest.  in  Libr.  Rty. 
attributed  to  Jerome.  Keil's  explanation  ( Conim. 
in  loc.)  is  prolvably  the  true  one,  that  the  MisJineh 
was  the  "  lower  city,"  called  by  Josephus  ^  iAXrj 
ir6\ti  (Ant.  xv.  11,  §  5),  and  built  on  the  hill 
Akra.  Ewald  (on  Zeph.  i.  10)  renders  it  A'ea- 
t/ult.,  tiiat  is,  Beeztha,  or  New  Town. 

Others  have  explained  the  word  as  denoting  the 
Jliiarter  of  the  city  allotted  to  the  Invites,  who 
were  a  second  or  inferior  order  as  compared  with 
tlie  iiriests,  or  to  the  priests  who  were  second  in 
rank  as  compared  with  the  high-priest.  Junius 
Uid  Tremellius  render  "  in  parte  secunda  ab  eo," 


COLLOrS 

(hat  is,  firam  the  king,  the  position  of  IIuldaL'i 
house,  next  the  king's  palace,  accounting  for  the 
fact  that  she  was  first  apjiealcd  to.  Of  conjecturei 
like  these  there  is  no  end.  W.  A.  W. 

*  In  Neh.  xi.  9,  the  A.  V.  has  the  erroiieoua 
construction,   "was  second  over  the  city."      The 

Hebrew,  n^t^'D  '^'^VT^,  means  the  city  second  m 
order  =  the  second  city,  t.  e.  the  second  part  of  it 
(Ktidiger,  Ges.  T/us.  iii.  1151,  psirs  urbis  secunda- 
ria), which  Josephus  (Ant.  xv.  11,  §  5)  calls  Uie 
other  city,  rijy  HWrjv  v6\iv,  namely,  the  lower 
city,  or  Akra  (Robinson,  Bibl.  Rts.  i.  412).  The 
Syriac  version  follows  the  true  construction,  and 
translates,  "was  governor  over  the  second  city," 

In  the  same  sense  the  word  nDtTfi  alone  is 
used  in  2  K.  xxii.  14,  and  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  22  (A. 
V.  in  both  passages,  "college"),  and  in  Zeph. 
i.  10  (A.  V.  "second").  The  Latin  Vulgate,  in 
2  K.  and  2  Chr.,  translates,  "  quae  habitabat  in 
Jerusalem  in  Secunda;  "  and  in  Zeph.,  "et  ululatos 
e  Secunda,"  as  in  tlie  A.  V. 

The  absurd  idea  of  a  "  college  "  was  received  by 
the  first  Christian  Hebraists,  at  the  time  of  the 
Reformation,  from  their  Jewish  teachers.  The 
Targum  of  Jonathan,  2  K.  xxii.  14,  acting  the 
interpreter  here  as  elsewhere  (Herzog's  Iieal-En~ 

cyM.  XV.  678)  has  S^l^^^S  D"*?,  house  of  in- 
st7tu:fion,  school,  and  is  followed  in  the  SjTiac  ver- 
sion of  the  parallel  passage  in  2  Chr.  xxxiv.  22. 
Accordingly,  Sebastian  MUnster  (Hebrew  Bible, 
with  Latin  translation  and  notes,  Basle,  1546) 
translates,  in  2  K.  "in  domo  doctrinse;"  with 
the  annotation :   "  Exponunt  hie  commuuiter  He- 

brsei   TllWl^    pro  Wni'O  H'^n ;  vel,  ut  Chal. 

interpres  vertit,  K3^v1S  i'T'S,  id  est,  domus 
doctrinfe  seu  studii  legis  divinae."  He  adds,  from 
the  Rabbinic  writers  :  "  Eratque  certus  quidam 
locus  juxta  templum,  in  quo  docti  quiqne  convenie- 
bant,  et  conferebant  de  lege  et  vaticiniis  propheta- 
runi."  Having  no  Targum  on  the  parallel  passage 
in  2  Chr.,  he  there  retained  the  renderuig  of  the 
Latin  V^ulgate. 

This  Rabbinic  notion  thus  became  current  among 
Christian  scholars,  and  was  at  length  incorporated 
in  our  authorized  English  version. 

It  is  interesting  to  trace  this  rendering  of  the 
A.  V.  in  the  earlier  stages  of  our  vernacular  Bible. 
Coverdale's  Bible  (first  published  in  1535)  has  in 
2  K.  xxii.  14,  "  she  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  in  the 
second  porte  "  (probably  a  misprint  for  "  parte," 
which  appears,  in  his  version  of  the  parallel  passage 
in  2  Chr.).  Matthew's  Bible,  so  called  (1537), 
generally  understood  to  be  essentially  Tj-ndalo's 
version  of  the  Old  Testament,  has  in  both  passages, 
"dwelt  in  Jerusalem  in  the  second  ward."  Craii- 
mer's  Bible  (1540)  has  in  2  K.,  "  in  the  holism 
of  the  doctrine,"  but  in  2  (Jhr.  "  within  the  sec'iid 
wall;'"  followed  in  both  passages  by  the  Bishops' 
Bible  (1568).  The  Geneva  version  (1560)  has  ic 
2  K.,  "  in  the  college,"  2  Chr.  "  within  the  college '' 
(with  the  marginal  note  on  the  former  passage 
"  or,  the  house  of  doctrine,  which  was  near  to  th« 
temple,"  Ac.,  as  in  the  Rabbinic  commentaries  re- 
f«rred  to  alwve),  and  in  l)Oth  passages  was  folJowet 
by  King  James's  revisers.  T.  J.  C. 

*  COLLOrS  stands  in  Job  xv.  27  for  nD''2L 


COLOIifY 

irhich  means  simply  "fat"  or  "fatness."  It  is 
laid  to  be  a  Yorkshire  word,  still  used,  signifying 
inunps  or  slices  of  meat  (Eastwood  and  Wright's 
BiJ)le  Word-book,  p.  114).  As  "  fatness  "  occurs 
just  before,  the  translators  may  have  wished  to 
rary  the  expression,  or  may  have  been  guided  by 
japrice.  Dr.  Coiiant  ( Trandution  of  the  Book  of 
Job,  p.  54)  renders  "fatness  "  in  one  line  of  the 
parallelism,  and  "  fat "  in  the  other.  H. 

COLONY,  a  designation  of  Philippi,  the  cel- 
ebrated city  of  Macedonia,  in  Acts  x\'i.  12.  After 
the  battle  of  Actium,  Augustus  assigned  to  his 
veterans  those  parts  of  Italy  which  had  espoused 
the  cause  of  Antony,  and  transported  many  of  the 
expelled  inhabitants  to  Philippi,  Dyrrachium,  and 
other  cities  (Dion  Cass.  li.  4).  In  this  way  Phi- 
lippi was  made  a  Roman  colony  with  the  "  Jus  Its.1- 
Lcum  "  (comp.  Dig.  50,  tit.  15,  s.  8),  and  accord- 
ingly we  find  it  described  as  a  "  colonia  "  both  in 
inscriptions  and  upon  the  coins  of  Augustus. 
(Orelli,  Imcr.  512,  3G58,  3746,  4064;  liasche,  vol. 
iii.  pt.  2,  p.  1120.)  On  the  "Jus  Italicum,"  see 
Diet,  of  Ant.,  arts.  Cohnin  and  Latinitas. 

*  Traces  of  this  colonial  rank  of  Philippi  appear 
at  the  present  time  among  the  ruins  on  the  ground. 
iTie  traveller  even  at  Neapolis  {Kavalla),  the  sea- 
port of  the  ancient  city,  sees  around  him  Latin 
inscriptions  on  sarcophagi,  tablets,  and  fallen  col- 
umns. Two  of  the  epitaphs  there  contain  the  name 
of  Claudius,  the  emperor  who  was  on  the  throne 
when  Paul  passed  through  Neapolis  to  the  colony 
where  he  gathered  his  first  church  in  Europe. 
At  the  distance  of  half  an  hour  before  coming  to 
the  ancient  sit«,  stands  a  massive  block  of  marble 
which  no  doubt  once  supported  a  statue  or  some 
monumental  column,  on  which  the  names  of  "  Caius 
Vibius  et  Cornelius  (Juartus  "  are  distinctly  legible, 
with  other  Roman  letters  not  easily  deciphered. 
Near  them  are  also  Turkish  cemeteries  with  frag- 
ments of  marble  at  the  head  of  the  graves,  oljtained 
evidently  from  Philippi,  on  which  Latin  letters  and 
occasionally  entire  words  are  found.  On  some  of 
the  stones  among  the  ruins  at  Philippi  are  Greek 
inscriptions;  but  those  in  Latin  are  far  more  nu- 
merous. Many  of  tlie  seats  of  the  theatre,  or 
amphitheatre,  which  rise  in  tiers,  one  above  another, 
on  the  sides  of  the  hill,  are  marked  with  what 
Beem  to  be  the  names  of  the  owners,  nearly  all  of 
which  are  in  Latin.  The  remarkable  tomb,  mono- 
lithic, except  the  lid  or  roof,  12  feet  long,  8j  high, 
and  6  wide,  situated  near  one  of  the  roads  which 
intersect  the  plain,  was  a  Roman  sepulchre,  as  the 
mutilated  epitaph  on  it  shows  beyond  a  doubt. 
We  evidently  have  before  us  there  the  ruins  of  a 
Roman  city  on  Greek  soil. 

Nothing  can  be  more  unstudied  than  the  way  in 
which  this  Roman  relationship  of  Philippi  shows 
itself  in  the  text  of  I>uke.  After  speaking  of  the 
seizing  of  Paul  and  Silas  by  a  mob,  and  their  being 
Iragged  before  the  rulers  (&pxovTes)  of  the  city 
.Acts  xvi.  19),  Luke  suddenly  drops  that  term,  and 
in  the  next  verse,  speaks  of  officers,  whom  he 
denominates  "  commanders  "  {frrparriyol).  The 
feet  now  was  that  in  a  Roman  colony  the  chief 
magistrates,  instead  of  being  caUed  duumrli-i  or 
quatuoifiri  (the  number  was  not  always  the  same), 
i^quently  took  the  name  of  i/i-cetores  as  one  o*" 
peater  honor,  and  that  in  Greek  was  ffrf.arriyol. 
This  is  the  only  occasion  in  the  book  of  Acts  on 
irhich  Luke  has  made  use  of  this  peculiar  designa- 
tion :  and  it  la  the  only  occasion,  as  far  as  appears,  on 


COLORS  477 

which  he  could  have  introduced  it  with  pn^priety. 
It  occurs  five  times  in  this  brief  recital,  and  showi 
that  the  government  of  this  particular  city  {itSKit, 
KoKwyia)  was  modelled  after  the  Roman  form.* 
It  is  also  at  Phihppi  only  that  the  "  rod-bearers  " 
or  "  lictors  "  (^a/85oi5xo»)i  holding  one  of  the  most 
distinctive  of  all  the  Roman  insignia,  make  theit 
appearance.  (See  Pauly's  RiMUEncykl.  ii.  507,  1st 
ed.;  Wetstein,  iVo?;.  Test.  ii.  556;  KnmofA,  Acta 
Apoit.  p.  543;  I.«chler's  AjMstelyesch.  p.  231,  and 
SchaflT's  Am.  ed.  p.  306;  Conybeare  &  Howscr.'s 
Life  and  Letters  of  Paid,  i.  345,  Amer.  ed. ;  and 
Bibl.  Sacra,  Oct.  1860,  pp.  866-898.)  H. 

COLORS.  The  terms  relative  to  color,  oc- 
curring in  the  Bible,  may  be  arranged  in  tvra 
classes,  the  first  including  those  applied  to  the  de- 
script.on  of  natural  objects,  the  second  those  arti- 
ficial mixtures  which  were  employed  in  dyeing  or 
painting.  In  an  advanced  state  of  art,  such  a  dis- 
tinction can  hardly  be  said  to  exist;  all  the  hues 
of  nature  have  been  successfully  imitated  by  the 
artist;  but  among  the  Jews,  who  fell  even  below 
their  contemporaries  in  the  cultivation  of  the  fine 
arts,  and  to  whom  painting  was  unknown  mitil  a 
late  period,  the  knowledge  of  artificial  colors  was 
very  restricted.  Dyeing  was  the  object  to  which 
the  colors  known  to  them  were  applied.  So  exclu- 
sively indeed  were  the  ideas  of  the  Jews  limited  to 
this  application  of  color,  that  the  name  of  the  dye 
was  transferred  without  any  addition  to  the  ma- 
terial to  which  it  was  applied.  The  Jews  were  not 
however  by  any  means  insensible  to  the  influence 
of  color :  they  attached  definite  ideas  to  the  various 
tints,  according  to  the  use  made  of  them  in  robes 
and  vestments:  and  the  subject  exercises  an  im- 
portant influence  on  the  interpretation  of  certain 
portions  of  Scripture. 

1.  The  natural  colors  noticed  in  the  Bible  are 
white,  black,  red,  yellow,  and  green.  It  will  be 
observed  that  only  three  of  the  prismatic  colors 
are  represented  in  this  Ust;  blue,  indigo,  violet, 
and  orange  are  omitted.  Of  the  three,  yeUmo  is 
very  seldom  noticed ;  it  was  apparently  regarded  as 
a   shade    of  green,  for   the    same  term  greenish 

iVnTiT)  is  applied  to  gold  (Ps.  bcviii.  13),  and  to 
the  leprous  spot  (Lev.  xiii.  49),  and  very  probably 
the  golden  i^TV^)  or  yellow  hue  of  the  leprous  hair 
(Lev.  xiii.  30-32)  difiered  little  from  the  greenish 
spot  on  the  garments  (Lev.  xiii.  49).  Green  is 
frequently  noticed,  but  an  examination  of  the  pas» 
sages  in  which  it  occurs,  wiU  show  that  the  refer- 
ence is  seldom  to  color.     The  Hebrew  terms  are 

raanan  (^^."2)  and  yarah  (p'T'^;  the  first  of 
these  appUes  to  what  is  vigorous  and  flourishing  ^ 
hence  it  is  metaphorically  employed  as  an  image 
of  prosperity  (Job  xv.  32;  Ps.  xxxvii.  35,  Hi.  S, 
xcii.  14 ;  Jer.  xi.  16,  xvii.  8 ;  Dan.  iv.  4 ;  Hos.  xiv. 
3);  it  is  invariably  employed  wherever  the  expres- 
sion "  f/reen  tree  "  is  used  in  connection  with  idol- 
atrous sacrifices,  as  though  with  the  view  of  con- 
veying the  idea  of  the  outspreading  branches  which 
served  as  a  canopy  to  the  worshippers  (Deut.  xii. 
2;  2  K.  xvi.  4/;  elsewhere  it  is  used  of  that  which 
isfresl,  as  oU  (Ps.  xcii.  10),  and  newly  plucked 
boughs  (Cant.  i.  16).     The  other  term,  ydriik,  has 


«  *  Walch,  in  his  Dissertationes in  Acta  Apoatolorum 
(STpanryol  PkUippensium,  iii.  281-302),  treats  ftally  of 
thU  municipal  peculiarity  of  Philippi.  B 


478  COLOKh 

toe  radical  signification  of  putting  forth  haves, 
^/routing  (Gesen.  Thes.  p.  632):  it  is  used  indis- 
sriminately  for  all  productions  of  the  earth  fit  for 
food  (Gen.  i.  30,  ix.  3;  Ex.  x.  15;  Num.  xxii.  4; 
Is.  XV.  6 ;  cf.  ■)(\a>p6s.  Rev.  viii.  7,  ix.  4),  and  again 
for  all  kinds  of  garden  herbs  (Deut.  xi.  10;  IK. 
xxi.  2 ;  2  K.  xix.  26 ;  Prov.  xv.  17 ;  Is.  xxxvii.  27 ; 
contrast  the  restricted  application  of  our  greens); 
when  applied  to  grass,  it  means  specifically  the 

yotmg^  fresh  grass  (MQ?"^,  Ps.  xxxvii.  2),  which 
springs  up  in  the  desert  (Job  xxxix.  8).  Elsewhere 
it  describes  the  sickly  yellowish  hue  of  mildewed 
com  (Deut.  xxviii.  22;  1  K.  viii.  37;  2  Chr.  vi. 
28;  Am.  iv.  9;  Hag.  ii.  17);  and  lastly,  it  is  used 
for  the  entire  absence  of  color  produced  by  fear 
(Jer.  XXX.  6;  compare  x^.<»/'<^s»  ^'-  ^-  376);  hence 
■X\<i>p6s  (Kev.  vi.  8)  describes  the  ghastly,  livid  hue 
of  dft'ith.  In  other  passages  "green"  is  errone- 
ously used  in  the  A.  V.  for  loidte  (Gen.  xxx.  37 ; 
Esth.  i.  6),  young  (Lev.  ii.  14-,  xxiii.  14),  moist 
(Judg.  xvi.  7,  8),  sappy  (Job.  viii.  16),  and  uniijxc 
(Cai:t.  ii.  13).  Thus  it  may  be  siiid  that  green  is 
never  used  in  the  Bible  to  convey  the  impression 
o*  proper  color. 

The  only  fundamental  color  of  which  the  He- 
brews appear  to  have  had  a  clear  conception  was 
red ;  and  even  this  is  not  very  often  noticed.  They 
had  therefore  no  scientific  knowledge  of  colors,  and 
we  cannot  but  think  that  the  attempt  to  explain 
such  passages  as  Itev.  iv.  3  by  the  rules  of  philo- 
sophicai  truth,  must  fail  (see  Hengstenberg,  Comm. 
bi  loc.).  Instead  of  assuming  that  the  emerald 
represents  green,  the  jasper  ytlkno,  and  the  sardine 
red,  the  idea  intended  to  be  conveyed  by  these  im- 
ages may  be  simply  that  of  pure,  brilUnnt,  trans- 
parent light.  The  emerald,  for  instance,  was 
chiefly  prized  by  the  ancients  for  its  glittering, 
scintillating  qualities  {ouy\-l)us,  Orpheus  de  lap.  p. 
608),  whence  perhaps  it  derived  its  name  {a-fudpay- 
Sos,  from  fiap/xalpfiv)-  The  jasper  is  character- 
ized by  St.  Jolin  himself  (Kev.  xxi.  11)  as  lieing 
crystal-clear  {icpvo-Ta\\l(wy),  and  not  as  having  a 
certain  hue.  The  sardine  may  be  compared  with 
the  amber  of  Ez.  i.  4,  27,  or  the  burnished  brass 
of  Dan.  X.  6,  or  again  the  fine  brass,  "  as  if  burn- 
ing in  a  furnace,"  of  Kev.  i.  15,  each  conveying  the 
impression  of  the  color  of  fire  in  a  state  of  pure  in- 
candescence. Similarly  the  beryl,  or  rather  the 
chrysolite  (the  Hebrew  Tharsls),  may  be  selected 
by  Daniel  (x.  6)  on  account  of  its  transparency. 
An  exception  may  be  made  perhaps  in  regard  to 
the  sapphire,  ui  as  far  as  its  hue  answers  to  the 
deep  blue  of  the  firmament  (Ex.  xxiv.  10 ;  cf  liz.  i. 
20,  X.  1),   but  even  in   this  case  the  pellucidity 

(rT357>  omitted  in  A.  V.,  Ex.  xxiv.  10)  or  polish 
of  the  stone  (comp.  Lam.  iv.  7)  forms  an  important, 
if  not  the  main,  element  in  the  comparison.  The 
highest  development  of  color  in  the  mind  of  the 
Hebrew  evidently  was  light,  and  hence  the  pretlom- 
inance  given  to  ivhite  as  its  representative  (comp. 
the  connection  between  \fvK6s  and  lux).  This 
feeling  apjiears  Ixjth  in  the  more  numerous  allusions 
t)  it  than  to  any  other  color  —  in  the  variety  of 
terms  by  which  tliey  discrinunated  the  shades  from 

%  pule,  dull  tint  (nn3,  blackish,  Lev.  xiii.  21  ff.) 
jp  to  the  most  brilliant  splendor  ("IHT,  Ez.  viii. 
2;  Dan.  xii.  3)  —  and  in  the  comparisons  by  which 
they  sought  to  heighten  their  ideas  of  it,  an  in- 
itance  of  which  occurs  in  the  three  accounts  of  the 


COLORS 

Transfiguration,  where  the  countenance  arid  rol  ei 
are  descril)ed  as  like  "  the  sun  "  and  "  the  light,' 
(Matt.  xvii.  2),  "shining,  exceeding  white  aa 
snow"  (Mark  ix.  3),  "glistening"  (Luke  ix.  29). 
Snow  is  iiaeil  eleven  times  in  a  similar  way;  the 
sun  five  times;  wool  four  times;  milk  once.  In 
some  instances  the  point  of  the  comparison  is  not 
so  obvious,  e.  g.  in  Job  xxxviii.  14,  "they  st.and 
as  a  garment  "  in  reference  to  the  white  color  of  the 
Hebrew  dress,  and  in  Ps.  Ixviii.  13,  where  the 
glancing  hues  of  the  dove's  plumage  suggested  an 
image  of  the  brilliant  efl:ect  of  the  white  holyday 
costume.  Next  to  white,  black,  or  rather  durk. 
holds  the  most  prominent  place,  not  only  as  its  op- 
posite, but  also  as  representing  the  complexion  of 
the  Orientals.  There  were  various  shades  of  it, 
including  (he  broion  of  the  Nile  water  (whence  its 
name  Sihor)  —  the  reddish  tint  of  early  dawn,  to 
which  the  complexion  of  the  bride  is  likened  (Cant, 
vi.  10),  as  well  as  the  lurid  hue  produced  by  a 
flight  of  locusts  (Joel  ii.  2)  — and  the  darkness  of 
blackness  itself  (I>am.  iv.  8).  As  before,  we  have 
various  heightening  images,  such  as  the  tents  of 
Kedar,  a  flock  of  goats,  the  raven  (Cant.  i.  5,  iv.  1, 
v.  11)  and  sackcloth  (Rev.  vi.  12).  Red  waa  also 
a  color  of  which  the  Hebrews  had  a  vi^d  concep- 
tion; this  may  be  attributed  partly  to  the  preva- 
lence of  that  color  in  the  outward  aspect  of  the 
countries  and  peoples  with  which  they  were  famil- 
iar, as  attested  by  the  name  Mom,  and  by  the 
words  adamnli  (earth),  and  adam  (man),  so  tenned 
either  as  Ijeing  formed  out  of  the  red  earth,  or  as 
being  red  in  comparison  with  the  fair  color  of  the 
Assyrians,  and  the  black  of  the  Ethiopians.  Red 
was  regarded  as  an  element  of  personal  l)eauty; 
comp.  1  Sam.  xvi.  12;  Cant.  ii.  1,  where  the  lily  is 
the  red  one  for  which  Syria  was  famed  (Plin.  xxi. 
11);  Cant.  iv.  3,  \i.  7,  wliere  the  complexion  is 
compared  to  the  red  fruit  of  the  pomegranate ;  and 
I>am.  iv.  7,  where  the  hue  of  the  skin  is  redder 
than  coral  (A.  V.  "rubies")  contrasting  with  the 
white  of  the  garments  before  noticed.  The  three 
colors,  white,  black,  and  red,  were  sometimes  in- 
termixed in  animals,  and  gave  rise  to  the  terms, 

"iny,  "dappled"    (A.   V.   "white"),   probably 

white  and  red  (Judg.  v.  10);  Tp^,  "  ringstraked," 
either  with  white  bands  on  the  legs,  or  white-footed ; 
1P3,  "speckled,"  and    W^^,   "spotted,"  white 

and  black;  and  lastly  "T"12l,  "piebald"  (A.  V. 
"grisled  "),  the  spots  lieing  larger  than  in  the  two 
former  (Gen.  xxx.  32,  35,  xxxi.  10)  i  the  latter  ter.n 
is  used  of  a  horse  (Zech.  vi.  3,  6)  with  a  symlwlical 
meaning:  Hengstenberg  (Chrisiol.  in  loc.)  consid- 
ers the  color  itself  to  be  unmeaning,  and  that  the 
prophet  has  added  the  term  strong  (A.  V.  "  bay  ") 
by  way  of  explanation;  Ilitzig  {Comm.  in  loc.)  ex- 
plains it,  in  a  peculiar  manner,  of  the  complexion 
of  the  EgjTitians.  It  remains  for  us  now  to  notice 
the  various  terms  applied  to  these  three  colors. 

1.  White.  The  most  common  tenn  is  ]3^ , 
which  is  applied  to  such  objects  as  milk  (Gen.  xnx. 
12),  manna  (Ex.  xvi.  31),  snow  (Is.  i.  18),  horses 
(Zech.  i.  8),  raiment  (Eccl.  ix.  8);  and  a  cognate 
word  expres.ses  the  color  of  the  moon  (Is.  xxiv.  23) 

ny,  dazzling  white,  is  applied  to  the  complexioj 

(Cant.  v.  10);  "l^Hj  »  term  of  a  later  age,  to  snow 
(Dan.  vii.  9  only),  and  to  the  paleness  of  shame  (It 


COLORS 

nix.  22,  Tin); :i''27,  to  the  hair  aloue.  An- 
c^thei'  class  of  terms  arises  from  fhe  textures  of  a 
naturally  white  color,  as  127117  and  ^^2.  These 
words  appear  to  have  been  originally  of  foreign  ori- 
gin, but  were  connected  by  the  Hebrews  with  roots 
in  their  own  language  descriptive  of  a  white  color 
(Gesen.  Thesaur.  pp.  1!)0,  1384).  The  terms  were 
without  doubt  primarily  api)lied  to  the  material; 
but  the  idea  of  color  is  also  prominent,  particularly 
in  the  description  of  the  curtains  of  the  tabernacle 
(Ex.  xxvi.   1),    and   the   priests'    vestments    (Ex. 

xxviii.  C).  Ii7tt7  is  also  appUed  to  white  marble 
(Esth.  i.  6,'  Cant.  v.  15);  and  a  cognate  word, 
IW^W,  to  the  lily  (Cant.  ii.  16).  In  addition  to 
these  we  meet  with  "l^PI  (fivacros,  Esth.  i.  6,  \Tii. 

15),  and  DS"^-  («a/"ro(ros;  A.  V.  "green," 
Esth.  i.  6),  also  I'escriptive  of  white  textures. 

White  was  symbolical  of  innocence :  hence  the 
raiment  of  angels  (Mark  xvi.  5;  John  xx.  12),  and 
of  glorified  saints  (Itcv.  xix.  8,  14),  is  so  described. 
It  was  also  symbolical  of  joy  (Eccl.  ix.  8);  and, 
lastly,  of  victory  (Zech.  vi.  3;  Rev.  vi.  2).  In  the 
Revelation  the  term  \evK6s  is  applied  exclusively 
to  what  belongs  to  Jesus  Christ  (Wordsworth's 
Apoc.  p.  105). 

2.  Black.  The  shades  of  this  color  are  ex- 
pressed in  the  terms  nnt£7,  applied  to  the  hair 
(Lev.  xiii.  31;  Cant.  v.  11);  the  complexion  (Cant. 
i.  5),  particularly  when  affected  with  disease  (Job 

XXX.  30);  horses  (Zech.  vi.  2,  6):  D^PT,  literally 
icm-ched  (^ai6s;  A.  V.  "brown,"  Gen.  xxx.  32), 
applied  to  sheep ;  the  word  expresses  the  color  pro- 
duced by  uifluence  of  the  sun's  rays :  "^"!T|7,  literally 
to  be  dirty,  applied  to  a  complexion  blackened  by 
sorrow  or  disease  (Job  xxx.  30);  mourner's  robes 
(Jer.  viii.  21,  xiv.  2;  compare  sordlcke  vesies);  a 
clouded  sky  (1  K.  xviii.  45);  night  (Mic.  iii.  6; 
Jer.  iv.  28;  Joel  ii.  10,  iii.  15);  a  turbid  brook 
(whence  possibly  Ivedron),  particularly  when  ren- 
dered so  by  melted  snow  (Job  vi.  16).  Black,  as 
being  the  opjwsite  to  white,  is  symbolical  of  evil 
(Zech.  vi.  2,  6 ;  Kev.  vi.  5). 

3.  Red.  DIW  is  applied  to  blood  (2  K.  iii. 
22);  a  garment  sprinkled  with  blood  (Is.  Ixiii.  2); 
a  heifer  (Num.  xix.  2);  pottage  made  of  lentiles 
(Cien.  XXV.  30);  a  horse  (Zech.  i.  8,  vi.  2);  wine 
(Prov.  xxiii.  31);  the  complexion  (Gen.  xxv.  25; 

Cant.  V.  10;  Lam.  iv.  7).  D^P"1M  is  a  slight 
degree  of  red,  reddish,  and  is  appUed  to  a  leprous 
ipot  (I.ev.  xiii.  19,  xiv.  37).  pntt7,  literally /ox- 
colored,  bay,  is  applied  to  a  horse  (A.  V.  "speck- 
led; "  Zech.  i.  8),  and  to  a  species  of  vine  bearing 
a  purple  grape  (Is.  v.  2,  xvi.  8) :  the  translation 
"bay"  in  Zech.  vi.  3,  A.  V.  is  incorrect.  Tlie 
corresponding  term  in  Greek  is  irv^pos,  literally 
red  ns  fire.  Thi"*  color  was  symbolical  of  blood- 
»hed  (Zech.  vi.  2;  Kev.  vi.  4,  xii.  3). 

II.  Artificial  Coloks.  The  art  of  extract- 
ing dyes,  and  of  applying  them  to  various  textures, 
appears  to  have  been  known  at  a  very  early  period. 
We  read  of  scarlet  tliread  at  the  time  of  Zarah's 
birth  (Gen.  xxxviii.  28);  of  blue  and  purple  at  the 
time  of  the  Exodus  (Ex.  xxvi.  1).  There  is  how- 
Mfer  no  evidence  to  show  that  the  Jews  themselves 


COLORS  479 

were  at  that  period  acquainted  with  the  art:  tht 
profession  of  the  dyer  is  not  noticed  in  the  Bibte, 
though  it  is  referred  to  in  the  Talmud.  They  were 
probably  uidebted  both  to  the  Egyptians  and  the 
rhoenicians ;  to  the  latter  for  the  dyes,  and  to  the 
former  for  the  mode  of  applying  them.  The  purple 
dyes  which  they  chiefly  used  were  extracted  by  the 
Phoenicians  (Ez.  xxvii.  16;  Plin.  ix.  60),  and  in 
certain  districts  of  Asia  Minor  (Hom.  11.  iv.  141  ■ 
especially  Thyatba  (Acts  xvi.  14).  It  does  no. 
appear  that  those  particular  colors  were  used  in 
Egypt)  the  Egyptian  colors  being  produced  from 
various  metallic  and  earthy  substances  (Wilkinson, 
Anc.  Egypt,  iii.  301).  On  the  other  hand,  there 
was  a  remarkable  similarity  in  the  mode  of  dyeing 
in  Egypt  and  Palestine,  inasmuch  as  the  color  wa« 
apphed  to  the  raw  material,  previous  to  the  pro- 
cesses of  spinning  and  weaving  (Ex.  xxxv.  25, 
xxxix.  3;  Wilkinson,  iii.  125).  The  dyes  consisted 
of  purples,  light  and  dark  (the  latter  being  the 
"blue"  of  the  A.  V.),  and  crimson  (scarlet,  A. 
v.):  vermilion  was  introduced  at  a  late  period. 

1.  Purple  iT^'p)^  '■  Chaldaic  torm,  ^l?"]^, 

Dan.  V.  7,  16:  iroptpvpa:  2^rpura).  This  coloi 
was  obtained  from  the  secretion  of  a  species  of  shell- 
fish (Phn.  ix.  60),  the  Murex  trunculus  of  Linnaeus, 
which  was  found  ui  various  parts  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean Sea  (hence  called  irop<pvpa  8a\acr<rla,  1  Mace. 
iv.  23),  particularly  on  the  coasts  of  Phoenicia 
(Strab.  xvi.  p.  757),  Africa  (Strab.  xvii.  p.  835), 
Laeonia  (Hor.  Od.  ii.  18,  7),  and  Asia  Mmor. 
[Elishah.]  The  derivation  of  the  Hebrew  name 
is  uncertain :  it  has  been  connected  with  the  San- 
skrit rayaman,  "  tinged  with  red ;  "  and  again  \vith 
arghamana,  "costly"  (Hitzig,  Comment,  in  Dan. 
V.  7).  Gesenius,  however  {Thesaur.  p.  1263),  con- 
siders it  highly  improbable  that  a  color  so  peculiar 
to  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  shoidd  be  de- 
scribed by  a  word  of  any  other  than  Semitic  origui, 

and  connects  it  with  the  root  DS^,  to  heap  up  or 
overlay  with  color.  The  coloring  matter  was  con- 
tained  in  a  small  vessel  in  the  throat  of  the  fish ; 
and  as  the  quantity  .amounted  to  only  a  single  drop 
in  each  animal,  the  value  of  the  dye  was  propor- 
tionately high :  sometimes,  however,  the  whole  fish 
was  cruslied  (PUn.  ix.  60).  It  is  difficult  to  state 
with  precision  the  tint  described  under  the  Hebrew 
name.  The  Greek  equivalent  was,  we  know,  ap- 
plied with  great  latitude,  not  only  to  aU  colors  ex- 
ti  acted  from  the  shell-fish,  but  even  to  other  brill- 
iant colors:  thus  in  John  xix.  2,  IfiAriov  nopcfur 
p(,C,.  =  x^«M^s  kokkIvt),  in  Matt,  xxvii.  28  (cf. 
PUn.  ix.  62).  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  Latin 
purpureus.  The  Hebrew  term  seems  to  be  applied 
in  a  similarly  broad  sense  in  Cant.  vii.  5,  where  it 
either  =  black  (comp.  v.  11),  or,  still  better,  shining 
with  oil.  Generally  speaking,  however,  the  tint 
must  be  considered  as  having  been  defined  by  the 
distinction  between  the  purple  proper,  and  the 
other  puiple  dye  (A.  V.  "blue"),  which  was  pro- 
duced from  another  species  of  shell-fish.  The  Lat- 
ter was  undoubtedly  a  dark  violet  tint,  while  the 
former  haa  a  light  reddish  tinge.  Robes  of  a  pur- 
ple color  were  worn  by  kings  (Judg.  viii.  26),  and 
by  the  highest  officers,  civil  and  rehgious ;  thus 
Mordecai  (ICsth.  viii.  15),  Daniel  (A.  V.  "scarlet," 
Dan.  V.  7,  16,  29),  and  Andronicus,  the  deputy  of 
Antiochus  (2  Mace.  iv.  38),  were  invested  with 
purple  in  token  of  the  offices  they  held  (cf.  Xen. 
Anab.  i.  5,  §  8):  so  also  Jonathan,  as  high-pricat 


480  COLORS  COLORS 

generally  renders  it  k6kkivov,  occasionally  with  tht 
addition  of  such  terms  as  KfKKwirntvov  (Ex.  xxvi. 
1))  or  Siavei/rjfffAfvov  (Ex.  xxviii.  8);  the  Vulgate 
has  it  generally  cuccinum,  occasionally  coccus  bis 
iinctus  (Ex.  xxviii.  8),  apparently  following  (he 
erroneous  interpretation  of  Aquila  and  SynimachiLs 
who  render  it  Si^cKpos,  doubk-dyed  (Ex.  xxv.  4) 

as  though  from  njtt,',  to  repeat.  The  process  of 
double-dyeing  was  however  peculiar  to  the  Tyrian 
purples  (Plin.  ix.  39).  The  dye  was  produced  from 
an  insect,  somewhat  resembling  the  cochineal,  which 
is  found  in  considerable  quantities  in  Armenia  and 
other  eastern  countries.  The  Arabian  name  of  the 
insect  is  kertnez  (whence  crimson) :  the  Linnajan 
name  is  Coccus  Ilicis.  It  frequents  the  boughs  of 
a  species  of  ikx :  on  these  it  Lays  its  eggs  in  groups 
which  become  covered  with  a  kind  of  down,  so  that 
they  present  the  appearance  of  vegetable  galls  or 
excrescences  from  the  tree  itself,  and  are  de.scril)ed 
as  such  by  Pliny,  xvi.  12.  The  dye  is  procured 
from  the  female  grub  alone,  which,  when  alive,  is 
about  the  size  of  a  kernel  of  a  cherry  and  of  a  dark 
amaranth  color,  but  when  dead  shrivels  up  to  the 
size  of  a  grain  of  wheat,  and  is  covered  with  a  bluish 
mould  (Parrot's  Journey  to  Ararat,  p.  114).  The 
general  character  of  the  color  is  expressed  by  the 

Hebrew  term  V^^H  (Is-  Ixiii.  1),  lit.  shnrj),  and 
hence  dazzling  (compare  the  expression  XP'^'M"  ofij), 
and  in  the  Greek  Ka/jLirpd  (Luke  xxiii.  11),  com- 
pared with  KOKKivT)  (Matt,  xxvii.  28).  The  tint 
produced  was  cnmson  rather  than  scarlet.  The 
only  natural  object  to  which  it  is  applied  in  Script- 
ure is  the  lips,  which  are  compared  to  a  scarlet 
thread  (Cant.  iv.  3).  Josephus  considered  it  as 
symbolical  of  fire  {ArU.  iii.  7,  §  7;  cf.  Phil.  i.  536). 
Scarlet  threads  were  selected  as  distinguishing 
marks  from  ♦.heir  brilliancy  (Gen.  xxxviii.  28;  Josh, 
ii.  18,  21);  and  hence  the  color  is  expressive  of 
what  is  excessive  or  ylai-ing  (Is.  i.  18).  Scarlet 
robes  were  worn  by  the  luxurious  (2  Sam.  i.  24 : 
Prov.  xxxi.  21;  Jer.  iv.  30;  Lam.  iv.  5;  Rev.  xvii. 
4,  xviii.  12,  16);  it  was  also  the  appropriate  hue 
of  a  warrior's  dress  from  its  similarity  to  blood 
(Nah.  ii.  3;  cf.  Is.  ix.  5),  and  was  especially  wurn 
by  officers  in  the  Roman  army  (Plin.  xxii.  3 ;  Matt. 
xxvii.  28). 

The  three  colors  above  des^ubed,  puqile,  blue, 
and  scarlet,  together  with  white,  were  employed  in 
the  textures  used  for  the  curtains  of  the  tabernacle 
and  for  the  sacred  vestments  of  the  priests.  The 
four  were  used  in  combination  in  the  outer  curtains, 
the  vail,  the  entrance  curtain  (Ex.  xxvi.  1,  31,  36), 
and  the  gate  of  the  court  (Ex.  xxvii.  16):  as  abo 
in  the  high-priest's  ephod,  girdle,  and  breastplate 
(Ex.  xxviii.  5,  6,  8,  15).  The  three  first,  to  the 
exclusion  of  white,  were  used  in  the  pomegranates 
about  the  hem  of  the  high-priest's  robe  (Ex.  xxviii. 
33).  The  loops  of  the  curtains  (Ex.  xxvi.  4),  the 
lace  of  the  high-priest's  breastplate,  the  robe  of  the 
ephod,  and  the  lace  on  his  mitre  were  exclusivelv 
of  blue  (Ex.  xxviii.  28,  31,  37).  Cloths  for  wrap- 
ping the  sacred  utensils  were  either  blue  (Num.  iv. 
6),  scarlet  (8),  or  purple  (13).  Scarlet  thread  was 
specified  in  connection  with  the  rites  of  cleansing 
the  leper  (I^v.  xiv.  4,  6,  51),  and  of  burning  the 
red  heifer  (Num.  xix.  6),  apparently  for  the  purpose 
of  binding  the  hyssop  to  the  cedar  wood.  Th^ 
Joe  dye  was  procured,  and  which  gave  name  to  the  hangings  for  the  court  (Ex.  xxvii.  9,  xxxnii.  9), 
jolor  occasionally  without  any  addition,  just  as  the  coats,  mitres,  bonnets,  and  breeches  of  th« 
riiiiiion  is  derived  from  wrmiculu$.     The  LXX.  ipriests,  were  white  (Ex.  xxxix.  27,  28).     The  appli 


(I  ilacc.  X.  20,  G4,  xi.  58).  They  were  also  worn 
by  the  wealthy  and  luxurious  (Jer.  x.  9;  Ez.  xxvii. 
7;  Luke  xvi.  19;  Kev.  xvii.  4,  xviii.  16).  A  simi- 
lar value  was  attached  to  purple  robes  both  by  the 
Greeks  (Hom.  Od.  xix.  225;  Ilerod.  ix.  22;  Strab. 
xiv.  648),  and  by  the  Romans  (V'irg.  Geory.  ii. 
495;  llor.  Ep.  12,  21;  Suet.  Cces.  43;  Nero,  32). 
Of  the  use  of  this  and  the  other  dyes  in  the  text- 
ures of  the  tabernacle,  we  shall  presently  speak. 

2.  Blue  (i1~  j/H  :  uaKivOos,  vaKivQivos,  6Ko- 
fr6p<pvpos,  Num.  iv.  7:  hyncinthus,  hyacinthinus). 
This  dye  was  procured  from  a  species  of  shell-fish 
found  on  the  coast  of  Phoenicia,  and  called  by  the 
Hebrews  Chilzon  (Targ.  Pseudo-Jon.,  in  Deut. 
xxsiii.  19),  and  by  modern  naturalists  Helix 
lanthitui.  The  Hebrew  name  is  derived,  according 
to  Gesenius  {Thesnur.  p.  1502),  from  a  root  signi- 
fying to  unshell ;  but  according  to  Hitzig  ( Com- 
ment, in  Ez.  xxiii.  6),  from  V  j5,  in  the  sense  of 
dulled,  blunted,  as  opposed  to  the  brilliant  hue  of 
the  pro[ier  purple.  The  tint  is  best  explained  by 
the  statements  of  Josephus  {Ant.  iii.  7,  §  7)  and 
Philo  that  it  was  emblematic  of  the  sky,  in  which 
case  it  represents  not  the  light  blue  of  our  northern 
climate,  but  the  deep  dark  hue  of  the  eastern  sky 
{aepos  he  avfx^oKov  vdKii/dos,  /j.f\a?  ykp  ovros 
ipvaei,  Phil.  0pp.  i.  536).  The  term  adopted  by 
the  LXX.  is  applied  by  classical  writers  to  a  color 
approaching  to  black  (Hom.  Od.  vi.  231,  xxiii.  158; 
Theoc.  Id.  10,  28);  the  flower,  whence  the  name 
was  boiTowed,  being,  as  is  well  known,  not  the 
modern  hyacinth,  but  of  a  dusky  red  color  (Jer- 
ruffineus,  Virg.  Geory.  iv.  183;  ccelestis  luminis 
hyacinthm,  Colura.  ix.  4,  4).  The  A.  V.  has 
rightly  described  the  tint  in  Esth.  i.  6  (margin)  as 
violet;  the  ordinary  term  blue  is  incorrect:  the 
Lutheran  translation  is  still  more  incorrect  in  giving 
it  ffelbe  Seide  (yellow  silk),  and  occasionally  simply 
Seide  (Ez.  xxiii.  6).  This  color  was  used  in  the 
same  way  as  purple.  Princes  and  nobles  (Ez.  xxiii. 
6;  Ecclus.  xl.  4),  and  the  idols  of  Babylon  (Jer.  x. 
9),  were  clothed  in  robes  of  this  tint:  the  riband 
and  the  fringe  of  the  Hebrew  dress  was  ordered  to 
he  of  this  color  (Num.  xv.  38):  it  was  used  in  the 
tapestries  of  the  Persians  (Esth.  i.  6).  The  effect 
of  the  color  is  well  described  in  Ez.  xxiii.  12,  where 

such  robes  are  termed  /I vD^  ^11727,  7vbes  of 
perfection,  i.  e.  gorgeous  robes.  We  may  remark, 
in  conclusion,  that  the  LXX.  treats  the  term  IfrTri 
(A.  V.  "  badger")  as  indicative  of  color,  and  has 
translated  it  vaKlvdivos,  iantliinus  (Ex.  xxv.  5). 

3.  ScAiiLEi  (Ckimson,  Is.  i.  18;  Jer.  iv.  30). 
The  terms  by  which  this  color  is  expressed   in 

Hebrew  vary;  sometimes  "^"IXD  simply  is  used,  as 

inGen.  xxxviii.  28-30;  sometimes  "Jtt?  n^Y'^ri, 

as  in  Ex.  xxv.  4;  and  sometimes  ^^"ID  simply, 

OS  in  Is.  i.  18.  The  word  b"^P"l3  (A.  V.  "  crim- 
son; "  2  Chr.  ii.  7,  14,  iii.  14)  was  introduced  at  a 
late  period,  probably  from  Armenia,  to  express  the 
same  color.     The  first  of  these  terms  (derived  from 

n3^,  to  shine)  expresses  the  brilliancy  of  the  color; 

the  second,  HV  vin,  the  imrm,  or  grub,  whence 


COLORS 

cttion  of  these  colors  to  the  service  of  the  tabernacle 
has  led  Mrriters  both  in  ancient  and  modern  times 
to  attach  some  symbolical  meaning  to  them:  refer- 
ence has  already  been  made  to  the  statements  of 
Phiio  and  Josephns  on  this  subject:  the  words  of 
the  latter  are  as  follow:  rj  ^vaffos  t^v  yTjv  a.Ki(rr\- 
uaiveiv  eoiKe,  Sia  rh  e|  auros  avelo'Sai  rh  \iv.iv 
5J  re  Trop(pvpa  t)}v  QaXaaarav,  rrS  irecpoivix^o.'-  toD 
k6x^ov  t'o  a'i/xarr  rhv  5e  aipa  fiovKerai  ST/AaOi/ 
6  udKivdjs-  Kal  6  cpoTvL^  5'  hy  slfrj  r^Kix-qpiov  rod 
TTvpis,  Aid.  iii.  7,  §  7.  The  sulyect  has  been  fol- 
lowed up  with  a  great  variety  of  interpretations, 
more  or  less  probable.  Without  entering  into  a 
disquisition  on  these,  we  will  remark  that  it  is  un- 
necessary to  assume  that  the  colors  were  originally 
selected  with  such  a  view;  their  beauty  and  costli- 
nws  is  a  sufficient  explanation  of  the  selection. 


COLOSSE 


481 


4.  Vermilion  ("'tK't?^ :  n'lXros'  stnopis).  Thia 

was  a  pigment  used  in  fiesco  paintings,  either  foi 
drawing  figures  of  idols  on  the  walls  of  temples  (Ea. 
xxiii.  14),  for  coloring  the  idols  themselves  (Wisd 
xiii.  14),  or  for  decorating  the  walls  and  beams  of 
houses  (Jer.  xxii.  14).  The  (ireek  term  filXros  i» 
applied  lx>th  to  minium,  red  lead,  and  riibricn,  red 
ochre ;  the  Latin  sinopis  describes  the  best  kind  of 
ochre,  which  came  from  Sinope.  Vermilion  was  r 
favorite  color  among  the  Assyrians  (Kz.  xxiii.  14„ 
as  is  still  attested  by  the  sculptures  of  Nimroud 
and  Khorsabad  (Layard,  ii.  303).  W.  L.  B. 

COLOS'SE  (more  properly  COLOS'S^,  Ko- 
Aoo-erai,  Col.  i.  2;  but  the  preponderance  of  MS. 
authority  is  in  favor  of  KoAocrcroi,  Colassce,  a  forrj. 


Colosse. 


used  by  the  Byzantine  writers,  and  which  perhaps 
represents  the  provincial  mode  of  pronouncing  the 
name.  On  coins  and  inscriptions,  and  in  classical 
writers,  we  find  KoA.30-(ra!.  See  EUicott,  ((./  A)r'. ). 
A  city  in  the  upper  part  of  the  liasin  of  the  Mtean- 
(ler,  on  one  of  its  affluents  named  the  Lycus. 
ILierapolis  and  Laodicea  were  in  its  immediate 
I  e'ghborhood  (Col.  ii.  1,  iv.  13,  15,  KJ;  see  Uev. 
i.  11,  iii.  14).  Colossae  fell,  as  these  other  two 
cit'tg  rose,  ui  importance.  Herodotus  (vii.  .10) 
and  .^snophon  (A nab.  i.  -i,  §  0)  speak  of  it  as  a 
city  cf  considerable  cMisefpience.  Stralio  (xii. 
p.  576 )  describes  it  as  only  a  ir6\i(rua.  not  a  ir6- 
>.t;  yet  elsewhere  (p.  .578)  he  implies  that  it  had 
some  mercantile  importance  ;  and  Pliny,  in  St. 
Paul's  time,  describes  it  (v.  41)  as  one  of  the  "  cel- 
eberrima  oppida"  of  its  district.  Colosste  was 
situated  close  to  the  great  road  which  led  from 
Ephesus  to  the  luiphrates  Hence  our  impulse 
would  be  to  conclude  that  St.  Paul  passed  this 
way,  and  founded  or  confirmed  the  Colossian 
Clwuch  311  bis  third  missionary  journey  (Acts 
i.riii.   2'i.    vix.    1).       He    might    »"<o   easilv   have 


visited  Colossae  during  the  prolonged  stay  at  Eph- 
esus, which  immediately  followed  The  most  com- 
petent commentators,  however,  agree  in  thinking 
that  Col.  ii.  1  proves  that  St.  Paul  had  never  been 
there,  when  the  Epistle  was  written.  Theodoret's 
argument  that  he  must  have  visited  Colossag  on  the 
journey  just  referred  to,  because  he  is  said  to  have 
gone  through  the  whole  region  of  Phrygia,  may  be 
proved  fallacious  from  geographical  considerations: 
Colossffi,  though  ethnologically  in  Phrygia  (Herod. 
I.  c,  Xen.  /.  c),  was  at  this  period  politically  in  the-' 
province  of  Asia  (see  l!ev.  /.  c).  That  the  Apostle 
hoped  to  visit  the  place  on  being  delivered  from  his 
Roman  imprisonment  is  clear  from  Philemon  22 
(compare  Phil.  ii.  24).  Philemon  and  his  slave 
Onesimus  were  dwellers  in  Colossas.  So  also  were 
Archippus  and  Epaphras.  From  Col.  i-  7,  iv.  12, 
it  has  been  naturally  concluded  that  the  latter  Chris- 
tian was  the  founder  of  the  Colossian  Church  (see 
Alfnrd's  Prulegomeni  to  Gr.  Tiast.  vol.  iii.  p.  ^^). 
[Ehvphras.]  The  worship  of  angels  mentioned 
by  ttie  Apostle  (Col.  ii.  18)  curiously  reappears  in 
Christian  times  in  connection  with  one  of  the  topo 


482  COLOSSIANS 

graphical  features  of  the  place.  A  church  in  honor 
of  the  archangel  .Michael  was  erected  at  the  entrance 
(rf  a  chaain  in  con.sequence  of  a  legend  connected 
with  an  inundation  (I  lartlcy's  Researches  in  Greece, 
p.  52),  and  tliere  is  good  reason  for  identifying  this 
chasm  with  one  which  is  mentioned  hy  Herodotus. 
This  kind  of  superstition  is  mentioned  by  Tlieodo- 
ret  as  subsisting  in  his  time;  also  by  the  Byzan- 
tme  writer  Nicetas  Choniates,  who  was  a  native  of 
this  place,  and  who  says  that  Colossae  and  Chonap 
ffere  the  same.  The  neighborhood  (visited  by 
Pococke)  was  explored  by  Mr.  Arundell  {Seven 
Churches,  p.  158;  Asia,  Minor,  ii.  160);  but  Mr. 
Hamilton  was  the  first  to  determine  the  actual 
site  of  the  ancient  city,  wliich  appears  to  be  at 
some  little  distance  from  the  modern  village  of 
Chonas  {Researches  in  A.  M.  i.  508).    J.  S.  H. 

COLOSSIANS,    THE     EPISTLE    TO 

THE,  was  written  by  the  Apostle  St.  Paul  during 
his  first  captivity  at  Home  (Acts  xxviii.  10),  and 
apparently  in  that  portion  of  it  (Col.  iv.  3,  4)  when 
the  Apostle's  imprisonment  had  not  assumed  the 
more  severe  character  which  seems  to  be  reflected 
in  the  Epistle  to  the  Philippians  (ch.  i.  20,  21,  30, 
ii.  27),  and  which  not  improbably  succeeded  the 
death  of  Burros  in  a.  d.  62  (Clinton,  Fasti  Rom. 
i.  44),  and  the  decline  of  the  influence  of  Seneca. 

This  important  and  profound  epistle  was  ad- 
dressed to  the  Christians  of  the  once  large  and  in- 
flue::tial,  hut  now  smaller  and  declining,  city  of 
Coiossa;,  and  was  delivered  to  them  by  Tychicus, 
whom  the  Apostle  had  sent  l)Oth  to  them  (ch.  iv. 
7,  8)  and  to  the  churcJi  of  ICphesus  (Eph.  vi.  21-), 
to  inquire  into  their  state  and  to  administer  ex- 
hortation and  comfort.  The  epistle  seems  to  have 
been  called  forth  by  the  information  St.  Paul  had 
received  from  Epaphras  (ch.  iv.  12;  Philem.  23) 
and  from  Onesimus,  both  of  whom  appear  to  have 
been  natives  of  Colossse,  and  the  former  of  whom 
was,  if  not  the  special  founder,  yet  certainly  one 
of  the  very  earliest  preachers  of  the  gospel  in  that 
city.  The  main  object  of  the  epistle  is  not  merely, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Philippians,  to 
exhort  and  to  confirm,  nor,  as  in  that  to  the  Ephe- 
sians,  to  set  forth  the  great  features  of  the  church 
of  the  chosen  in  Christ,  but  is  especially  designed 
to  warn  the  Colossians  against  a  spirit  of  semi-Ju- 
daistic  and  semi-Oriental  philosophy  which  was 
corrupting  tlie  simplicity  of  their  belief,  and  was 
noticeably  tending  to  obscure  the  eternal  glory  and 
dignity  of  Christ. 

This  main  desigti  is  thus  carried  out  in  detail. 

After  his  usual  salutation  (ch.  i.  1,  2)  the  Apostle 
returns  thanks  to  (Jod  for  the  faith  of  the  Colos- 
sians, the  spirit  of  love  they  had  shown,  and  the 
progress  wliich  the  Gospel  had  made  among  them, 
as  preached  by  Epaphras  (ch.  i.  3-8).  This  leads 
him  to  pr,ay  without  ceasing  that  they  may  be 
fruitful  in  good  works,  and  especially  thankful  to 
the  Father,  who  gave  them  an  inheritance  witli  His 
taints,  and  translated  them  into  the  kingdom  of 
His  Son  —  His  Son,  the  image  of  the  invidUe  God, 
the  first-boni  before  every  creature,  the  Creator  of 
%11  things  earthly  and  heavenly,  the  Head  of  the 
church.  He  in  whom  all  things  consist,  and  by 
wnoni  all  things  have  been  reconciled  to  the  etenial 
Fatlier  (ch.  1.  !)-20).  Tliis  reconciliation,  the 
Apostle  reminds  them,  was  exemplified  in  their  own 
cases ;  they  were  once  alienated,  but  now  so  recon- 
tilod  as  to  be  presented  lioly  and  blameless  before 
'iod,    if  only   they   continued    firm  in  the  faith, 


COLOSSIANS 

and  were  not  moved  from  the  hope  )i  which  titi 
Gospel  was  the  source  and  origin  (ch.  i.  21-i{4). 
Of  this  Gospel  the  Apostle  declares  himself  tht 
minister;  the  mystery  of  salvation  was  that  for 
which  he  toiled  and  for  which  he  suffered  (ch.  i. 
24-29).  And  his  sufferings  were  not  only  for  the 
church  at  large,  but  for  them  and  others  whom  he 
had  not  personally  visited,  —  even  that  they  might 
come  to  the  full  knowledge  of  Chtist,  and  might 
not  fall  victims  to  plausible  sophistries :  they  were 
to  walk  in  Christ  and  to  be  built  on  Him  (ch.  ii. 
1-7).  Especially  were  they  to  l>e  careful  that  no 
philosophy  was  to  lead  them  from  Him  in  whom 
dwelt  all  the  fullness  of  the  Godhead,  who  was  the 
head  of  all  spiritual  jxrwers,  and  who  had  quick- 
ened them,  forgiven  them,  and  in  His  death  ha»i 
triumphed  over  all  the  hosts  of  darkness  (ch.  ii. 
8-15).  Surely  with  such  spiritual  privileges  they 
were  not  to  be  judged  in  the  matter  of  mere  cere- 
monial observances,  or  beguiled  into  creature-wor- 
ship. Christ  was  the  head  of  the  body;  if  they 
were  truly  united  to  Him,  to  what  need  were  bodily 
austerities  (ch.  ii.  16-23).  They  were,  then,  to 
mind  things  above  —  spiritual  things,  not  carnal 
ordinances,  for  their  hfe  was  hidden  icith  ChriU 
(ch.  iii.  1-4):  they  were  to  mortify  their  membeii 
and  the  evil  principles  in  which  they  once  walked 
the  old  man  was  to  be  put  off,  and  the  new  mat 
put  on,  in  which  all  are  one  in  Christ  (ch.  iii.  5- 
12).  Eurthermore,  they  were  to  give  heed  to  spe- 
cial duties ;  they  were  to  be  forgiving  and  loving,  as 
was  Christ.  In  the  consciousness  of  His  abiding 
word  were  they  to  sing ;  in  His  name  were  they  to 
be  thankful  (ch.  iii.  13-17).  Wives  and  husbands, 
cliildren  and  parents,  were  all  to  perform  theur 
duties ;  servants  were  to  be  faithful,  masters  to  be 
just  (ch.  iii.  18-  iv.  1). 

In  the  last  chapter  the  Apostle  gives  further  spe- 
cial precepts,  strikingly  similar  to  those  given  to 
his  Ephesian  converts.  They  were  to  pray  for  the 
Apostle  and  for  his  success  in  preaching  the  Gos- 
pel, they  were  to  walk  circumspectly,  and  to  be 
ready  to  give  a  seasonable  answer  to  all  who  ques- 
tioned them  (ch.  iv.  2-7).  Tychicus,  tlie  besirer 
of  the  letter,  and  Onesimus,  would  tell  them  all  the 
state  of  the  Apostle  (ch.  iv.  7-9):  Aristarchus  and 
others  sent  them  friendly  greetings  (ch.  iv.  10-14). 
With  an  injunction  to  interchange  this  letter  with 
that  sent  to  the  neighboring  church  of  Laodicea 
(ch.  iv.  16),  a  special  message  to  Archippus  (ch.  iv. 
17),  and  an  autograph  salutation,  this  short  but 
striking  epistle  comes  to  its  close. 

With  regard  to  its  genuineness  and  authenticity. 
it  is  satisfactory  to  be  able  to  say  with  distinctness 
that  there  are  no  grounds  for  doubt.  Theextfrnal 
testimonies  (Just.  M.  Tryjiho.  [c.  85,]  p.  3]1  b; 
Theophil.  ad  Autol.  ii.  [c.  22,]  p.  100,  ed.  Ccl, 
1686;  Irenaeus,  ITm:  iii.  14, 1 ;  Clem.  Alex.  Strom. 
i.  [c.  1,]  p.  325,  iv.  [c.  7,]  p.  588,  al.,  ed.  Potter; 
TertuU.  de  Prcescr.  c.  7 ;  dt  Resurr.  c.  23;  Origen, 
contra  Cels.  v.  8)  are  explicit,  and  the  internal  ar- 
guments, founded  on  the  style,  balance  of  sentences, 
positions  of  adverbs,  uses  of  the  relative  pronoun, 
participial  anacolutha,  —  unusually  strong  and  well- 
defined.  It  is  not  right  to  suppress  the  fact  that 
Mayerhoff  (Z>er  Biief  an  die  Kol.  Iterl.  1838)  and 
Baiu-  {Der  Aposlel  Pnulus,  p.  417)  have  delil>erat<;ly 
rejected  this  epistle  as  claiming  to  lie  a  production 
of  St.  Paul.  The  first  of  these  critics,  howevw 
has  been  briefly,  but,  as  it  would  seem,  completeh 
answeiwl,  by  Meyer  {Comment,  p.  7):  an<l  to  tht 
second,  hi  his  subjective  and  anti-historicnl  attempi 


COLOSSIANS 

to  make  individual  writings  of  tlie  N.  T.  mere  the- 
38ophistic  productions  of  a  later  Gnosticism,  the 
intelligent  and  critical  reader  will  naturally  yield 
but  little  credence.  It  is  indeed  remarkable  that 
the  strongly  marked  peculiarity  of  style,  the  nerve 
»nd  force  of  the  arguments,  and  the  originality  that 
ippears  in  every  paragraph  should  not  have  made 
both  these  writers  pause  in  their  ill-considered  at- 
tack on  this  epistle. 

A  few  special  points  demand  from  us  a  brief 
notice. 

1.  The  opinion  that  this  epistle  and  those  to  the 
Kphesians  and  to  Philemon  were  written  during 
the  Apostle's  impiisonment  at  Caesarea  (Acts  xxi. 
27-xxvi.  32),  i.  e.  between  Pentecost  A.  d.  58  and 
the  autumn  of  a.  d.  60,  has  been  recently  advocated 
by  several  writers  of  ability,  and  stated  with  such 
cogency  and  clearness  by  Meyer  {Einleit.  z.  Ephes. 
p.  15  ff.),  as  to  deserve  some  consideration.  It 
will  be  ibund,  however,  to  rest  on  ingeniously  urged 
plausibililies;  whereas,  to  go  no  further  than  the 
present  epistle,  the  notices  of  the  Apostle's  impris- 
onment in  ch.  iv.  .3,  4, 10,  certainly  seem  historically 
inconsistent  with  the  nature  of  the  imprisonment 
at  Caesarea.  The  permission  of  Felix  (Acts  xxiv. 
2-3)  can  scarcely  be  strained  into  any  degree  of 
liberty  to  teach  or  preach  the  Gospel,  while  the 
facts  recorded  of  St.  Paul's  imprisonment  at  Rome 
(Acts  xxviii.  23,  31)  are  such  as  to  harmonize  ad- 
mirably with  the  freedom  in  this  respect  which  our 
present  epistle  represents  to  have  been  accorded 
both  to  the  Apostle  and  his  companions :  see  ch.  iv. 
11,  and  comp.  De  Wette,  Einleit.  z.  Coloss.  pp.  12, 
13;  Wieseler,  Chronol.  p.  -120. 

2.  The  nature  of  the  erroneous  teaching  con- 
demned in  this  epistle  has  been  very  differently 
estimated.  Three  opinions  only  seem  to  deserve 
any  serious  consideration ;  (a)  that  these  erroneous 
teachers  were  adherents  of  Neo-Platonism,  or  of 
some  forms  of  Occidental  philosophy;  (6)  that  they 
leaned  to  Essene  doctrines  and  practices;  (c)  that 
they  advocated  that  admixture  of  Christianity, 
Judaism,  and  Oriental  philosophy  which  afterwards 
became  consolidated  into  Gnosticism.  Of  these  (a) 
has  but  little  in  its  favor,  except  the  somewhat 
vague  t^rm  (pi\o<TO(j)la  (ch.  ii.  8),  which,  however, 
it  seems  arbitrary  to  restrict  to  Grecinn  philosophy ; 
(6)  is  much  more  plausible  as  far  as  the  usages 
alluded  to,  but  seems  incoasistent  both  with  the 
exclusive  nature  and  circumscribed  localities  of 
Elssene  teaching;  (c)  on  the  contrary  is  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Gentile  nature  of  the  church  of  Co- 
lossae  (ch.  i.  21),  with  its  very  locality  —  speculative 
and  superstitious  Phrygia  —  and  with  that  tendency 
to  associate  Judaical  observances  (ch.  ii.  16)  with 
more  purely  theosophistic  speculations  (ch.  ii.  18), 
whish  became  afterwards  so  conspicuous  in  de- 
Teloped  Gnosticism.  The  portions  hi  our  analysis 
»f  the  epistle  marked  in  italics  serve  to  show  how 
.leeply  these  peiTerted  opinions  were  felt  by  the 
Apostle  to  strike  at  the  doctrine  of  the  eternal  God- 
head of  Christ. 

3.  The  striking  similarity  between  many  por- 
tions of  this  epistle  and  of  that  to  the  Ephesians 
las  given  rise  to  much  speculation,  both  as  U)  the 
eason  of  this  studied  similarity,  and  as  to  the 

priority  of  order  in  respect  to  composition.  These 
Doiiits  cannot  here  be  discussed  at  length,  but  must 
»e  somewhat  briefly  dismissed  with  the  simple  ex- 
frfcssion  of  an  opinion  that  the  similarity  may  rea- 
tonably  W  accounted  for,  (1)  by  the  proximity  ir> 
"Jme  at  whicli  the  two  epistles  were  written :   (2 


COLOSSIANS  483 

by  the  high  probability  that  in  two  <rities  of  Asia 
within  a  moderate  distance  from  f>ne  another,  tliero 
would  be  many  doctrinal  prejudices,  and  many 
social  relations,  that  would  call  forth  and  need  pre- 
cisely the  same  language  of  warning  and  exhorta- 
tion. The  priority  in  composition  must  remain  a 
matter  for  a  reasonable  difference  of  opinion.  To 
us  the  shorter  and  perhaps  more  vividly  expressed 
Epistle  to  the  Colossians  seems  to  have  been  first 
written,  and  to  have  suggested  the  more  compre- 
hensive, more  systematic,  but  less  individualizing, 
epistle  to  the  church  of  I]phesus. 

For  further  information  the  student  is  directed  to 
Davidson's  Introduction,  ii.  39-1  fF. ;  Alford,  Pro- 
legom.  to  N.  T.  iii.  33  ft'. ;  and  the  introduction  to 
the  excellent  Commentary  of  Meyer. 

The  editions  of  this  epistle  are  very  numerous. 
Of  the  older  commentaries  those  of  Davenant,  Ex- 
pos. Ep.  PauU  ad  Col,  ed.  3;  Suicer,  in  Ep.  Pavlt 
fid  Col.  Comment.,  Tig.  1699,  may  be  specified ;  and 
of  modern  commentaries,  those  of  Hiihr  (Has.  1833\ 
OLshausen  (Kinigsb.  1840),  Huther  (Hamb.  1341, 
a  very  good  exer/efiad  commentary),  De  Wett« 
(Leipz.  1847),  Meyer  (Giitt.  1848);  and  in  our  own 
country  those  of  EsuAie  (Glasg.  [also  New  York] 
18.56),  Alford  (Lond.  1857),  and  I-LUicott  (Und. 
1858).  C.  J.  E. 

*  Later  editions  of  Commentaries  —  Meyer, 
1865;  Alford,  1865;  EUicott,  1865,  and  Amer. 
reprint,  1865.  Other  recent  works  —  Ewald,  Send- 
schreihen  des  Aposteh  Paidus,  1857;  Schenkel, 
Brief e  an  die  Ephes.,  PhUipp.  u.  Kolosser,  1862; 
Dr.  Karl  Braune,  Die  Bit.  an  die  Epheser,  Ko- 
losser, Philipper,  1867  (intended  as  a  substitute  for 
Schenkel  on  these  epistles  in  Lange's  Bibelwerk); 
Bleek,  Vorlesungen  ub.  die  Bi-iefe  an  die  Kolosser, 
u.  s.  w.,  1865,  and  Einl.  in  das  N.  Test.,  1862,  p.  434 
ff.;  Wordsworth,  Greek  Testament,  1866  (4th  ed.); 
and  .7.  Llewelyn  Uavies,  The  Epistles  of  St.  Paid 
to  Ote  Ephesians,  tJie  Colossians,  and  Philemon, 
mth  Introductions  and  Notes,  lx)nd((n,  1866.  There 
are  many  good  thoughts  on  this  epistle,  exegeticJ 
and  practical,  though  quaintly  expressed,  in  Trapp'a 
Commentary  on  the  New  Testament,  pp.  613-21 
(Webster's  ed.,  I.«ndon,  1865). 

For  a  vindication  of  the  genuineness  of  the  epistle 
in  opposition  to  the  Tubingen  critics,  see  Klcipper, 
De  Oriffine  Epp.  ad  Ephesios  et  Colosse7ises, 
Gryph.  1853,  and  Riibiger,  De  Chrislologia  Paul- 
ina c(m,tra  Baurium.  Commentatio,  Vratisl.  1852. 
Prof.  Weiss  also  defends  the  genuineness  of  the 
epistle  against  Baur's  assumptions  (Herzog's  Real- 
Encykl.  xix.  717-723).  But  as  to  the  place  wher» 
it  was  written,  he  sides  with  those  who  maintain 
that  Paul  was  imprisoned  at  the  time  at  Caesarea 
and  not  at  Rome.  He  insists  with  special  earnest- 
ness on  the  fact  that  in  Philem.  ver.  22  the  Apostle 
intimates  that  he  might  be  expected  soon  at  Colos- 
sae;  whereas  he  appears  from  PhiL  ii.  24  to  be  medi- 
tating a  journey  to  Macedonia  and  not  to  Asia  Miimr, 
on  regaining  his  liberty.  But  the  implication  here 
that  Paul  could  not  have  taken  Colossae  and  Mace- 
donia in  his  way  on  the  same  journey  (provided  lie 
was  at  Rome),  seems  not  well  founded.  For,  cross- 
ing from  Italy  to  Dyrrachium,  he  could  traverse  llie 
Egnatian  Way  through  Macedonia  to  Philippi,  and 
then  embarking  at  Neapolis  (Kavalla),  the  port  of 
Philippi,  procee<l  to  Troas  or  the  mouth  of  the  Cay- 
ster,  and  thence  to  Ephesus  or  Colossae  as  his  plan 
might  require.  Pressens^  also  assigns  the  Colossian 
epistle  to  Caesarea  (Hist,  des  trois premiers  Siecles, 
ii.  55  ff.);  but  natural  as  it  may  seem  that  Pou) 


184  COME   BY 

ihould  liave  written  to  the  Asiatic  churches  during 
khe  two  years  that  he  was  kept  at  Csesarea,  that  con- 
(ideratiou  (on  vvliich  Pressense  mainly  relies)  can 
hardly  have  more  weight  than  the  opposite  consid- 
eration that  Paul  micrht  be  expected  also  to  writ« 
to  the  Colossians  while  he  was  at  Koine.  The  fuller 
doctrinal  development  in  the  letters  to  the  Colossians 
and  the  Ephesians  favors  a  later  rather  than  an  eariier 
period  in  the  history  of  these  churches.  The  same 
writer's  allegation  that  Paul  must  have  written  this 
group  of  letters  (Colossians,  Ephesians,  Philemon) 
at  Caesarea,  because  a  slave  like  Onesimus  could  not 
have  been  the  apostle's  fellow-prisoner  at  Rome, 
where  his  captivity  was  less  rigorous  than  at  Cses- 
area, is  inconclusive ;  for  in  fact  there  is  no  evidence 
at  all  that  Onesimus  was  a  prisoner  anywhere. 

Yet  it  should  be  stated  there  is  a  strong  current 
of  opiniou  wnong  critics  at  present  in  favor  of  Cies- 
area.  In  support  of  that  view,  see  especially  Reuss, 
Geschichte  ckr  keil.  Sch-iften,  p.  100  ff.  (3te  Aufl.). 
Biittger,  Meyer,  Thiersch,  Schenkel,  Laurent  (Neu- 
iest.  Studien,  p.  100  fF.),  and  others,  advocate  the 
Bame  opinion.  On  the  other  hand,  Hemsen,  Cred- 
ner,  Guericke,  Ewald,  Neander,  Lange,  Bleek, 
Braune  (in  Lange's  Bibeliverk),  and  nearly  all  the 
English  critics,  refer  the  epistle  to  Paid's  first  Ro- 
man captivity.  lUeek  in  his  Vorlesungen  and 
Einkitunf/,  mentioned  above,  states  very  fully  and 
forcibly  the  grounds  for  this  conclusion.  11. 

*  COME  BY.  "We  had  much  work  to 
come  by  the  boat "  (Acts  xxvii.  16),  irfpiKpareis 
yfveardai  t^s  tTKd<j>T)s,  ht.  "  to  become  masters  of 
the  boat,"  i.  e.  to  secure  it  so  as  to  hoist  it  into 
the  ship  (ver.  17).  A. 

*  COMFORTER.  One  of  the  titles  and 
offices  of  the  Spirit  (which  see). 

COMMERCE  (1.  n^np,  Gesen.  p.  946: 
iffiropla--  negotiatio;  from  "IHO,  a  merchant, 
from  ^HD,  travel,  Ez.  xxvii.  15;  A.  V.,  merchan- 
dise, traffic:  2.  nbp~l,  Gesen.  p.  1289 :  Ez.  xxvi. 
12,  rh  utrdpxopra,  negotiaiiones ;  in  xxviii.  5,  16, 
18,  ifnTTopla,  negotiatio,  from    -5"^,  travel). 

From  the  time  that  men  began  to  Uve  in  cities, 
trade,  in  some  shape,  must  have  been  carried  on 
to  supply  the  town-dwellers  vrith  necessaries  (see 
Heeren,  Afr.  Nat.  i.  4G9),  but  it  is  also  clear  that 
international  trade  must  have  existed  and  affected 
to  some  extent  even  the  pastoral  nomad  races,  for 
we  find  that  Abraham  waa  rich,  not  only  in  cattle, 
but  in  silver,  gold,  and  gold  and  silver  plate  and 
ornaments  (Gen.  xiii.  2,  xxiv.  22,  53);  and  furtlier, 
that  gold  and  silver  in  a  manufactured  state,  and 
Bilver,  not  improbably  in  coin,  were  in  use  both 
among  the  settled  inhabitants  of  Palestine  and  the 
pastoral  tribes  of  Syria  at  that  date  (Gen.  xx.  16, 
xxiii.  16,  xxxviii.  18;  Job  xhi.  11),  to  whom  those 
metals  must  in  all  probability  have  been  imported 
ft«m  other  countries  (Hussey,  Anc.  Weights,  c.  xii. 
3,  p.  193;  Kitto,  Phjfs.  Hist,  of  Pal,  p.  109,  110; 
Herod,  i.  215). 

Among  trading  nations  mentioned  in  Scripture, 
F^ypt  holds  in  very  early  times  a  prominent  poM- 
tion,  though  her  external  trade  was  carried  on,  not 
by  her  own  citizens,  but  by  foreigners,  chiefly  of 
the  nomad  races  (Heeren,  Afr.  Nat.  i.  468,  ii.  371, 
572).  It  was  an  Ishmaelite  caravan,  ktden  with 
ipices,  which  carried  Joseph  into  Egypt,  and  the 
account  shows  thiit  slaves  formed  sometimes  a  part 


Ct)MMERCE 

of  the  merchandise  imported  (Gen.  ixnii.  S5^ 
xxxix.  1;  Job  vi.  19).  From  Egypt  it  is  liLdj 
that  at  all  times,  but  especially  in  times  of  general 
scarcity,  corn  would  be  exported,  which  was  paid 
for  by  the  non-exporting  nations  in  silver,  which 
was  always  weighed  (Gen.  xli.  57,  xhi.  3,  25,  35, 
xhii.  11,  12,  21).  These  caravans  also  brought  the 
precious  stones  as  well  as  the  spices  of  India  into 
Egypt  (Ex.  XXV.  3,  7;  Wilkinson,  Anc.  Eg.  ii.  235, 
237).  Intercourse  with  Tjtc  does  not  appear  to 
have  taken  place  till  a  later  period,  and  thus,  though 
it  caimot  be  deteimined  whether  the  purple  in 
which  the  Egyptian  woolen  and  linen  cloths  were 
dyed  was  brought  by  land  from  Phoenicia,  it  is 
certain  that  colored  cloths  had  long  been  made  and 
dyed  in  Egypt,  and  the  use,  at  least,  of  then, 
adopted  by  the  Hebrews  for  the  tabernacle  as  early 
as  the  time  of  Moses  (Ex.  xxv.  4,  5;  Heeren,  Asiat 
Nut.  i.  352;  Herod,  i.  1).  The  pasture-ground  of 
Shechem  appears  from  the  story  of  Joseph  to  have 
lain  in  the  way  of  these  caravan  journeys  (Gen. 
xxxvii.  14,  25;  Saalschiitz,  Arch.  Jlebr.  15.  1 
159). 

At  the  same  period  it  is  clear  that  trade  was 
;arried  on  between  Babylon  and  the  Syrian  cities, 
and  also  that  gold  and  silver  ornaments  were  com 
mon  among  the  Syrian  and  Ambian  races;  a  trade 
which  was  obviously  carried  on  by  land-carriage 
(Num.  xxxi.  50;  Josh.  vii.  21;  Judg.  v.  30,  viii. 
24;  Job  vi.  19). 

Until  the  time  of  Solomon  the  Hebrew  natior 
may  be  said  to  have  had  no  foreign  trade.  Foreign 
trade  was  indeed  contemplated  by  the  Law,  and 
strict  rules  for  niorahty  in  commercial  dealings  were 
laid  down  by  it  (Deut.  xxviii.  12,  xxv.  13-16;  Lev. 
xix.  35,  36),  and  the  tribes  near  the  sea  and  the 
Phoenician  territory  appear  to  have  engaged  to 
some  extent  in  maritime  affairs  (Gen.  xlix.  13; 
Deut.  xxxiii.  18;  Judg.  v.  17),  but  the  spirit  of  the 
Law  was  more  in  fevor  of  agriculture  and  against 
foreign  trade  (Deut.  xvii.  16,  17 ;  I^v.  xxv. ;  Joseph, 
c.  Apion.  i.  12).  Solomon,  however,  organized  an 
extensive  trade  with  foreign  countries,  but  chiefly, 
at  least  so  far  as  the  more  distant  nations  were 
concerned,  of  an  import  character.  He  imported 
hnen  yam,  horses,  and  chariots  from  Egypt.  Of 
the  horses  some  apfjear  to  have  been  resold  to 
Syrian  and  Canaanite  princes.  For  all  these  he 
paid  in  gold,  which  was  imported  by  sea  from  India 
and  Arabia  by  his  fleets  in  conjunction  with  the 
Phoenicians  (Heeren,  As.  Nat.  i.  334;  1  K.  x.  22- 
29;  Ges.  p.  1202).  It  was  by  Phoenicians  also 
that  the  cedar  and  other  timber  for  his  great  archi- 
tectural works  was  brought  by  sea  to  Joppa,  whilst 
Solomon  found  the  provisions  necessary  for  the 
workmen  in  Mount  Lebanon  (1  K.  t.  6,  9;  2  Chr. 
ii.  16). 

'I'he  united  fleets  used  to  sail  into  the  Indian 
Ocean  every  three  years  from  Elath  and  Ezic  ngeber, 
ports  on  the  iElanitic  gulf  of  the  Red  Sea,  which 
David  had  probably  gained  from  I^dom,  and  brought 
back  gold,  silver,  ivory,  sandal-wood,  ebony,  pre- 
cious ^nes,  ape»,  and  peacocks.  Some  of  these  may 
have  come  from  India  and  Ceylon,  and  some  from 
the  coasts  of  the  Persian  Gulf  and  the  E.  coast  of 
Africa  (2  Sam.  viii.  14;  IK.  ix.  26,  x.  11,  22;  2 
Chr.  viii.  17;  H«.  iii.  114;  Livingstone,  Travels, 
pp.  637,  662). 

But  the  trade  which  SoJomon  took  so  mnch  paini 
to  encourage  was  not  a  maritime  trade  only.  H« 
built,  or  more  probably  fortified,  Baalbec  and  Pal 
m}Ta;  the  latter  at  least  expressly  as  a  cauravu 


COMMERCE 

itation  for  the  lan<l<;ojnmerce  with  eastern  and 
louth-eastem  Asia  (1  K.  ix.  18). 

After  his  death  the  maritime  trade  declined,  and 
in  attempt  made  by  Jehosliapl'.at  to  revive  it  proved 
unsuccessful  (1  K.  xxii.  48,  49)  [TAasiiisii, 
Ophir].  We  know,  however,  that  Phcenicia  waa 
supplied  from  Judaea  with  wheat,  honey,  oil,  and 
balm  (1  K.  v.  11;  Ez.  xxvii.  17;  Acts  xii.  20; 
Joseph.  B.  J.  ii.  21,  §  2;  Vit.  13),  whilst  Tyrian 
dealers  brought  fish  and  other  merchandise  to 
.lerusaiem  at  the  time  of  the  return  from  captivity 
(Neh.  xiii.  16),  as  well  as  timber  for  the  rebuilding 
of  the  temple,  which  then,  as  in  Solomon's  time, 
was  brought  by  sea  to  Joppa  (Kzr.  iii.  7).  Oil  was 
exported  to  Egypt  (Hos.  xii.  1 ),  and  fine  linen  and 
orij.amental  girdles  of  domestic  manufacture  were 
*)11  to  the  merchants  (Prov.  xxxi.  24). 

The  successive  invasions  to  which  Palestine  was 
(subjected,  involving  both  large  abstraction  of,treas- 
ure  by  invaders  and  heavy  imposts  on  the  inhab- 
itants to  purchase  immunity  or  to  satisfj  demands 
for  tribute,  must  have  impoverished  the  country 
&x)m  time  to  time  (under  liehoboam,  1  K.  xiv.  20 ; 
Asa,  XV.  18;  Joash,  2  K.  xii.  18;  Amaziah,  xiv. 
13;  Ahaz,  xvi.  8;  Hezekiah,  xviii.  15, 16;  Jehoahaz 
and  Jehoiakim,  xxiii.  33,  35;  Jehoiachin,  xxiv.  13), 
but  it  is  also  clear,  as  the  denunciations  of  the 
prophets  liear  witness,  that  much  wealth  must  some- 
where have  existed  in  the  country,  and  much  foreign 
merohandise  have  been  imported ;  so  much  so  that, 
in  the  language  of  I'Izekiel,  Jerusalem  appears  as 
the  rival  of  T)Te,  and  tlirough  its  port,  Joppa,  to 
have  carried  on  trade  with  foreign  countries  (Is.  ii. 
6,  16,  iii.  21-23 ;  Hos.  xii.  7 ;  Ez.  xxvi.  2 ;  Jonah 
i.  3;  Heeren,  As.  Nut.  i.  p.  328). 

Under  the  Maccabees  Joppa  was  fortified  (1  Mace, 
xiv.  34),  and  later  still  (Jaesarea  was  buUt  and  made 
a  port  by  Herod  (Joseph.  Ant.  xv.  9,  §  6;  Acts 
sxvii.  2).  Joppa  became  afterwards  a  haunt  for 
pirates,  and  was  taken  by  Cestius;  afterwards  by 
Vespasian,  and  destroyed  by  him  (Strab.  xvi.  p. 
759;  Joseph.  B.  J.  ii.  18,  §  10,  iii.  9,  §  1). 

The  internal  trade  of  the  Jews,  as  well  as  the 
external,  was  much  promoted,  as  was  the  case  also 
in  Egypt,  by  the  festivals,  which  brought  large 
numbers  of  persons  to  Jerusalem,  and  caused  great 
outlay  in  victims  for  sacrifices  and  in  incense  (1  K. 
viii.  63;  Heeren,  Afr.  Nat.  ii.  363). 

The  places  of  public  market  were,  then  as  now, 
chiefly  the  open  spaces  near  the  gates,  to  which 
goods  were  ijrought  for  sale  by  those  who  came 
from  the  outside  (Neh.  xiii.  15,  16;  Zeph.  i.  10). 

The  traders  in  later  times  were  allowed  to  intrude 
into  the  temple,  in  the  outer  courts  of  which  victims 
were  publicly  sold  for  the  sacrifices  (Zech.  xiv.  21 ; 
Matt.  xxi.  12;  John  u.  14). 

In  the  matter  of  buying  and  selling  great  stress 
b  laid  by  the  Law  on  fairness  in  dealing.  Just 
weights  and  balances  are  stringently  ordered  (I>ev. 
lix.  35,  36;  Deut.  xxv.  13-16).  Kidnapping  slaves 
ia  fjrbidden  under  the  severest  penalty  (Ex.  xxi. 
16:  Deut.  xxiv.  7).  Trade  in  swine  was  forbidden 
»y  the  Jewish  doctors  (Surenhus.  Mishn.  de  damn. 
\  7,  vol.  iv.  p.  60;  lightfbot,  //.  H.  on  Mntth. 
viii.  33;  Winer,  Handel;  Saalschiitz,  Arch.  Hebr. 
t.  15,  16).  H.  W.  P. 

*  For  further  information  on  this  subject,  see 
•iie  art.  Phcknicians,  III.;  Tychsen,  De  Comrt< 
ti  Navi(j.  Hebrceorum,  nnte  Exilium  Babylanicum 
ID  the  Ccrnim.  Soc.  Reg.  Sci.  Gotting.,  vol.  xvi. 
;i808;  CI.  hist.,  pp.  150-179;  Vincent,  Commerce 
■/  tie  Ancients  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  2  vols,  i^oud. 


CONCUBINE  485 

1807  4to;  F.  M.  Hubbard,  Commer-ce  of  Andet^ 
Egypt,  in  the  Bibl.  Repos.  for  April  1836,  vii.  364^ 
390;  Commerce  of  Ancient  Babylon,  ibid.  July 
1837,  X.  33-66 ;  Albert  Barnes,  The  Ancient  Comr- 
merce  of  Western  Asia,  in  the  Amer.  Bibl.  Repot. 
Oct.  1840,  and  Jan.  1841,  2d  ser.,  iv.  310-328,  v. 
48-74;  J.  W.  Gilbart,  Lectures  on  Ancient  Com- 
merce, I>ond.  1847,  1853,  repr.  in  Hunt's  Mer- 
chanVs  Mag.  vol.  xix. ;  and  Winer,  Bibl.  Reaiw. 
art.  Handel.  A. 

*  COMPASS.  To  "fetch  a  compaas"  (2 
Sam.  V.  23;  2  K.  iii.  9;  Acts  xxviii.  13)  is  to 
"  make  a  circuit,"  "  go  round."  A. 

*  COMPEL  (A.  V.  m  Matt.  v.  41,  Mark  rv. 
21).     See  Angareuo. 

CONANFAH  (=in^"'323  [Keri,  whom  Jeho- 
vah creates'] :  Xeovfvlas ;  Alex.  Xaixevias  •  Chone- 
nias),  one  of  the  chiefs  C^T'tt^)  of  the  Invites  in 
the  time  of  Josiah  (2  (3hr.  xxxv.  9).  The  san^e 
name  is  elsewhere  given  in  the  A.  V.  [as]  CoN,>- 

NIAH. 

»  COJU^CISION.  So  Paul,  by  the  use  of  an  ab- 
stract term  for  the  concrete  (Phil.  iii.  2),  denorainatea 
the  Judaizers  who  insisted  on  circumcision  as  neces- 
sary for  Gentile  converts.  They  carried  their  zeal 
so  far,  and  so  monstrously  perverted  the  real  char- 
acter of  the  rite,  that  instead  of  a  name  which  per- 
haps they  were  disposed  to  think  honorable  to  them 
—  7]  irepiTOfii]i  "the  circumcision," — they  might 
more  justly  be  called  ri  KaTarofii},  "the  concision  " 
or  "mutilation."  The  article  before  the  names  jwints 
out  the  persons  as  well  known.  This  is  the  more 
approved  explanation  (Itengel,  Meyer,  Weiss,  Wie- 
singer,  Ellicott,  Wordsworth,  Alford).  l"or  Paul's 
use  of  such  paronomastic  expressions,  see  Wilke's 
Nevlest.  Rhetor,  p.  413,  and  Winer's  NetUest. 
Gi-amm.  §  68,  2  (6te  Aufl.).  H. 

CONCUBINE.  It'?.^''?  appears  to  have  been 
included  under  the  general  conjugal  sense  of  the 

word  n*'9S,  which  in  its  limited  sense  is  rendered 

T  • ' 
"  wife."  The  positions  of  these  two  among  the 
early  Jews  cannot  be  referred  to  the  standard  of 
our  own  age  and  country ;  that  of  concubine  being 
less  degraded,  as  that  of  wife  was,  especially  owing 
to  the  sanction  of  polygamy,  less  honorable  than 
among  ourselves.  The  natural  desire  of  offspring 
was,  in  the  Jew,  consecrated  into  a  religious  hojje 
which  tended  to  redeem  concubinage  from  the 
debasement  into  which  the  grosser  motives  for  its 
adoption  might  have  brought  it.  The  whole  ques- 
tion must  be  viewed  from  the  point  which  touches 
the  interests  of  propagation,  in  virtue  of  which  even 
a  slave  concubine  who  had  many  children  would 
become  a  most  important  person  in  a  family,  espe- 
cially where  a  wife  was  barren.  Such  was  the  true 
source  of  the  concubinage  of  Nachor,  Abraham,  and 
Jacob,  which  indeed,  in  the  two  latter  cases,  lost 
the  nature  which  it  has  in  our  eyes,  through  the 
process,  analogous  to  adoption,  by  which  the  off- 
spring was  regarded  as  that  of  the  wife  herself. 
From  all  this  it  follows  that,  save  in  so  far  as  the 
latter  was  generally  a  slave,  the  difference  between 
wife  and  concubine  was  less  marked,  owing  to  the 
absence  of  moral  stigma,  than  among  us.  VVe  must 
therefore  beware  of  regarding  as  essential  to  the 
relation  of  concubinage,  what  really  pertained  to 
that  of  bondage. 

The  concubine's  condition  was  a  definite  one,  and 


180 


CONCUBINE 


(uite  independent  of  tlie  fact  of  there  being  another 
rouian  having  the  rights  of  wife  towards  the  same 
man.  The  difference  probably  lay  in  the  absence 
of  the  right  of  the  libtUm  dkwtii,  without  which 
the  wife  could  not  be  repudiated,  and  in  some  par- 
ticulars of  treatment  and  consideration  of  which  we 
are  ignonuit ;  also  in  her  condition  and  rights  on 
the  deatli  of  her  lord,  rather  than  m  the  absence 
of  nuptial  ceremonies  and  dowry,  which  were  non- 
essential ;  yet  it  is  so  probable  that  these  last  did 
twl  pertain  to  the  concubine,  that  the  assertion  of 
the  Gemai-a  {Hierosol.  Chtluixjth,  v.)  to  that  effect, 
though  controverted,  may  be  received.  The  doc- 
trine that  a  concubine  also  could  not  be  dismissed 
without  a  formal  divorce  is  of  later  origm  —  not 
that  such  dismissfUs  were  more  frequent,  probably, 
than  those  of  wives  —  and  negatived  by  the  silence 
of  Ex.  3cxi.  and  Deut.  xxi.  regarding  it.  From 
this  it  seems  to  follow  that  a  concubine  could  not 
become  a  wife  to  the  same  man,  nor  vice  verftd, 
unless  in  the  improbable  case  of  a  wife  divorced 
returning  as  a  concubine.  With  regard  ta  the 
children  of  wife  and  concubine,  there  was  no  such 
difference  as  our  illegitimacy  implies;  the  latter 
were  a  supplementary  family  to  the  former,  their 
names  occiu-  in  the  patriarchal  genealogies  (Gen. 
xxii.  24;  1  Chr.  i.  32),  and  their  position  and 
provision,  save  in  the  case  of  defect  of  those  former 
(in  which  case  they  miglit  probably  succeed  to 
landed  estate  or  other  chief  hostage),  would  depend 
on  the  father's  will  (Gen.  xxv.  6).  The  state  of 
concubinage  is  assumed  and  provided  for  by  the 
law  of  Moses.  A  concubine  would  generally  be 
eitlier  (1)  a  Hebrew  girl  bought  of  her  father,  i.  e. 
a  slave,  which  alone  the  Rabbins  regard  as  a  lawful 
connection  (Maimon.  Ilalach-Mtlakim,  iv.),  at  least 
for  a  private  person;  (2)  a  Gentile  captive  taken  in 
war;  (3)  a  foreign  slave  bought,  or  (4)  a  Canaanitish 
woman,  bond  or  free.  The  rights  of  (1)  and  (2) 
were  protected  by  law  (Ex.  xxi.  7 ;  Deut.  xxi.  10), 
but  (3)  was  unrecognized,  and  (4)  prohibited.  Free 
Hebrew  women  also  might  become  concubines.  So 
Gideon's  concubine  seems  to  have  been  of  a  famUy 
of  rank  and  influence  in  Shechem,  and  such  was 
probably  the  state  of  the  Levite's  concubine  (Judg. 
XX.).  The  ravages  of  war  among  the  male  sex,  or 
the  mipoverishment  of  families,  might  often  induce 
this  condition.  The  case  (1 )  was  not  a  hard  lot. 
The  passage  in  Ex.  xxi.  is  somewhat  obscure,  and 
stiems  to  mean,  in  brief,  as  follows :  —  A  man  who 
jought  a  Hebrew  girl  as  concubine  for  himself 
might  not  treat  her  as  a  mere  Hebrew  slave,  to  be 
Bent  "  out "  (t.  e.  in  the  seventh,  v.  2),  but  might, 
if  she  displeased  him,  dismiss  her  to  her  father  on 
redenjption,  i.  e.  repayment  probably  of  a  part  of 
what  he  pwiid  for  her.  If  he  had  taken  her  for  a 
concubine  for  his  son,  and  the  son  then  married 
another  woman,  the  concubine's  position  and  rights 
were  secured,  or,  if  she  were  refused  these,  she 
became  free  without  redemption.  Further,  from 
the  provision  in  the  case  of  such  a  concubine  given 
oy  a  man  to  his  son,  that  she  should  be  deidt  with 
'after  the  manner  of  daughters,"  we  see  that  the 
servile  merged  in  the  connubial  relation,  and  that 
her  children  must  have  been  free.  Yet  some  degree 
of  contempt  attached  to  the  "  handmaid's  son  " 

vHEiN^S),  used  reproachfully  to  the  son  of  a  con- 

eubme  merely  in  Judg.  ix.  18 ;  see  also  Ps.  cxvi. 
16.  The  provisions  relating  to  (2)  are  merciful  and 
^nsiderate  to  a  rare  degree,  but  overlaid  by  the 
Rnbbia  with  distorting  con^ments. 


CONDUIT 

In  the  books  of  Samuel>nd  Kings  the  concubina 
mentioned  belong  to  the  king,  and  their  conditioi. 
and  numb<a-  cease  to  be  a  guide  to  the  genera, 
practice.  A  new  king  stepped  mto  the  rights  of 
his  predecessor,  and  by  Solomons  time  the  custoir 
had  approximated  to  that  of  a  Persian  harem  (S 
Sam.  xii.  8,  xvi.  21;  1  K.  ii.  22).  To  seize  on 
royal  concubines  for  his  use  was  thus  an  usurper's 
&-st  act.  Such  was  probably  the  intent  of  Abner's 
act  (2  Sam.  iii.  7),  and  similarly  the  request  on 
behalf  of  Adonijali  was  construed  (1  K.  ii.  21-24). 
For  fuller  information  Selden's  treatises  c/e  U.tmt: 
Htbrvea  and  de  Jure  Natur.  et  Gtnt.  v.  7,  8,  and 
especially  that  de  Successionthus,  cap.  iii  ,  may  with 
some  caution  (since  he  leans  somewha;  easily  to 
rabbhiical  tradition)  be  consulted;  also  the  treatises 
Svtak,  Kkldushin,  and  Chetitbolh  in  the  Geuiara 
Hierosol.,  and  that  entitled  Sanhedrin  in  the 
Gem^ra  Babyl.  The  essential  portions  of  all  these 
are  collected  in  Ugolini,  vol.  xxx.  de  Uxtyre 
Hebiad.  H.  II. 

CONDUIT  (nbVip  :  b^payteySs:  aquceduc- 

tus ;  a  trench  or  water-course,  fiwm  H  v2?,  to  ascend, 
Gesen.  p.  1022). 

1.  Although  no  notice  is  given  either  by  Script- 
ure or  by  Josephus  of  any  connection  between  the 
pools  of  Solomon  beyond  Bethlehem  and  a  supply 
of  water  for  Jerusalem,  it  seems  unlikely  that  so 
large  a  work  as  the  pools  should  be  constructed 
merely  for  irrigating  his  gardens  (Eccl.  ii.  6),  and 
tradition,  both  oral  and  as  represented  by  Tal- 
mudical  writers,  ascribes  to  Solomon  the  formation 
of  the  original  aqueduct  by  which  water  was  brought 
to  Jei-usalem  (Maundrell,  Early  Trav.  p.  458; 
Hasselquist,  Ti^av.  146;  Ijghtfoot,  Desa:  Tempi. 
c.  xxiii.  vol.  i.  p.  612;  Hobinson,  i.  265).  Pontius 
Pilate  applied  the  sacred  treasure  of  the  Corban  to 
the  work  of  bringing  water  by  an  aqueduct  from  a 
distance,  Josephus  says  of  300  or  400  stadia  (B.  J. 
ii.  9,  §  4),  but  elsewliere  200  stadia,  a  distance 
which  would  fairly  correspond  with  the  length  of 
the  existing  aqueduct  with  all  its  turns  and  wind- 
ings (Ant.  xviii.  3,  §  2;  Williams,  Ilult/  City,  ii. 
501).  His  application  of  the  money  in  this  man- 
ner gave  rise  to  a  serious  disturbance.  Whether 
his  work  was  a  new  one  or  a  reparation  of  Solomon's 
original  aqueduct  cannot  be  determined,  but  it 
seems  more  than  probable  that  the  ancient  work 
would  have  been  destroyed  in  some  of  the  various 
sieges  since  Solomon's  time.  The  aqueduct,  though 
much  injured,  and  not  serviceable  for  water  beyond 
Bethlehem,  still  exists:  the  water  is  convey<id  firom 
the  fountains  which  supply  the  pools  abcut  two 
miles  S.  of  Bethlehem.  The  water-course  then  passes 
from  the  pools  in  a  N.  E.  direction,  and  winding 
round  the  hUl  of  Bethlehem  on  the  S.  side,  is  car- 
ried sometimes  above  and  sometimes  below  the 
surface  of  the  ground,  partly  in  earthen  piixs  and 
partly  in  a  channel  about  one  foot  square  of  rough 
stones  laid  in  cement,  till  it  approiiches  Jerusalem. 
There  it  crosses  the  valley  of  Hinnom  at  the  S.  W. 
side  of  the  city  on  a  bridge  of  nine  arches  at  a 
point  above  the  pool  called  Birkel-es-Sulkin,  ther 
returns  S.  E.  and  E.  along  the  side  of  the  valley 
and  under  the  wall,  and  continuing  its  course  along 
the  east  side  is  finally  conducted  to  the  Hanim.  It 
was  repairefl  by  Sultan  Mohanmtad  Ibn-Kalann  o' 
I'^gypt  a!x)ut  a.  n.  1300  (Williams,  Ifolij  City,  ii 
4it8;  Haumer,  Pfd.  p.  280;  Robinson,  i.  265-267 
347,  476,  iii.  247). 


OONBY 

St.  Amoiij;  the  works  of  Hezekiah  he  is  said  to 
Biiv«  stx)pi)e(l  the  ••  upper  water-course  of  Gihon," 
Mid  brought  it  down  straight  to  tlie  W.  side  of  the 
city  of  David  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  30).  The  dii-ection  of 
this  water-course  of  course  depends  on  the  site  of 
Gilion.  Dr.  Robinson  identities  this  with  the  large 
pool  called  Birlcet-es-  Mamilla  at  the  head  of  the 
valley  of  Ilinnoni  on  the  S.  W.  side  of  Jerusalem, 
and  considers  the  lately  discovered  subterranean 
conduit  within  the  city  to  be  a  brai.ch  from  Heze- 
kia'n's  water-course  (lioh.  iii.  243-4,  i.  327 ;  Ges. 
pp.  8l6,  1395).  Mr.  Williams,  on  the  other  hand, 
places  Gihon  on  the  N.  side,  not  far  from  the  tombs 
of  the  kings,  and  supposes  the  water-course  to  have 
brought  water  in  a  S.  direction  to  the  temple, 
whence  it  flowed  ultimately  into  the  I'ool  of  Siloam, 
ot  Lower  Pool.  One  argument  which  recommends 
this  view  is  found  in  the  account  of  the  interview 
between  the  emissaries  of  Sennacherib  and  the 
officers  of  Hezekiah,  which  took  place  "  by  the  con- 
duit of  the  upper  pool  in  the  highway  of  the  fuller's 
field  "  (2  K.  xviii.  17),  whose  site  seems  to  be  indi- 
cated by  the  "  fuller's  monument "  mentioned  by 
Josephus  as  at  the  N.  E.  side  of  the  city,  and  by 
the  once  well-known  site  called  the  Camp  of  the 
Asspians  (Joseph.  B.  J.  v.  4,  §  2,  7,  §  3,  and  12, 
§  2).     [Gihon;  jEuusALEii.]  H.  W.  P. 

CONEY  (1p^  •  ^aainrovs,  x'"P''7P'^^^"'^» 
V.  I.  Xa.yw6s  '•  chmrogryllus,  herinacetts,  lepus- 
ctdiis),  a  gregarious  animal  of  the  class  Pachyder- 
mata,  wliich  is  found  in  Palestine,  living  in  the 
caves  and  clefts  of  the  rocks,  and  has  been  erro- 
neously identified  with  the  Kabbit  or  Coney.     Its 

scientific  name  is  Ilynix  Synacus.  The  ^Gtt?  is 
mentioned  four  times  in  the  0.  T.  In  Lev.  xi.  5 
and  in  Deut.  xiv.  7  it  is  declared  to  be  uncle;in, 
because  it  chews  the  cud,  but  does  not  divide  the 
hoof.  In  Ps.  civ.  18  we  are  told  "  the  rocks  ai-e  a 
refuge  for  the  coneys,"  and  in  Prov.  xxx.  2G  that 
"  tlie  coneys  are  but  a  feeble  folk,  yet  make  they 
their  houses  in  the  rocks."     The  Hyrax  satisfies 


CONEY 


487 


Hyrax  Syriacus.     (From  a  specimen  in  the  British 
Museum.) 

sxactly  the  expressions  in  the  two  la.st  passages; 
and  its  being  reckoned  among  the  ruminating  an- 
imals is  no  difficulty,  the  hare  being  also  errone- 
ously placed  by  the  sacred  writers  in  the  same  class, 
because  the  action  of  its  jaws  resembles  that  of  the 
ruminating  animals.  Its  color  is  gray  or  brown  on 
the  back,  white  on  the  belly ;  it  is  like  the  alpine 
marmot,  scarcely  of  the  size  of  the  domestic  cat, 
having  long  hair,  a  very  short  tail,  and  round  ears. 
It  is  very  common  in  Syria,  especially  on  tt"^  ridges 
of  Lebanon,  and  is  found  also  in  Arabia  Petr*a, 
Upper  Egypt,   Abyssinia,  and   Palestine   (Wilson, 


Lniufs  of  the  Bibk,  ii.  28  ff.).  The  Arab*  call  tht 
)ZW  o«'  wabr;  but  among  the  southern  Arabi 

we  find  the  term  ,.yJi3,  thofun=shdphdn  (Fresnd 

in  Adatic  Jouiti.  Jime,  1838,  p.  514).  The  Am- 
haric  name  is  ashkoko,  under  which  name  the  hy- 
rax is  described  by  Bruce,  who  also  gives  a  figure 
of  it,  and  mentions  the  fact  that  the  Arabs  also 

called  it  Jo'w*u|  ^Aj   *-»-&•    "sheep  of    the 

children  of  Israel."  The  hyrax  is  mentioned  by 
Robinson  (iii.  387),  as  occurring  in  the  sides  of 
the  chasm  of  the  Litany  opposite  to  BelAl.  He 
says  that  it  is  seen  coming  out  of  the  clefts  of  the 
rocks  in  winter  at  midday ;  in  summer  only  towairla 

evening.     The  derivation  of  ^Stt^  from  the  unusitl 

root,  ^i'^'j  to  hide,  chiefly  in  the  earth,  is  obv  )n3. 

W  ". ». 
The  Hyrax  Syrincus  is  now  universally  aliowed 
to  be  the  shdphdii  of  the  Bible,  and  the  point  may 
fairly  be  considered  satisfactorily  settled.  The 
"coney"  or  rabbit  of  the  A.  V.,  although  it  suita 
the  Scriptural  allusions  ui  every  particular,  except 
in  the  matter  of  its  ruminatiiig,  is  to  be  rejected,  as 
the  rabbit  is  nowhere  found  in  the  Bible  lands; 
there  are  several  species  or  varieties  of  hare,  but 
the  rabbit  is  not  known  to  exist  there  in  a  wUd 
state."  The  Jerboa  (Dipus  ^yyptius)  which  Bo- 
chart  {[Iltroz.  ii.  409),  Rosenmiiller  (Schol.  in  Lev. 
xi.  5),  and  others  have  sought  to  identify  with  the 
shdphdn,  must  also  be  rejected,  for  it  is  the  nature 
of  the  jerboas  to  inhabit  sandy  places  and  not  stony 
rocks.  It  is  curious  Ivj  find  Bochart  quoting  Ara- 
bian writers,  in  order  to  prove  that  the  wubr  de- 
notes the  jerboa,  whereas  the  description  of  this 
animal  as  given  by  Damir,  Giauliai'i,  and  others, 
exactly  suits  the  hyrax. 

"The  u'dbr"  says  Giauhari,  "is  an  arimal  less 
than  a  cat,  of  a  brown  color,  without  a  tail,"  upon 
which  Damir  correctly  remarks,  "  when  he  says  it 
has  no  tail,  he  means  that  it  has  a  very  short  one." 
Now  this  description  entirely  puts  the  jerboa  out 
of  the  question,  for  all  the  species  of  jerboa  are 
remarkable  for  their  long  tails. 

With  regard  to  the  localities  of  the  n^Tax,  it 
does  not  appear  that  it  is  now  very  common  in  Pal- 
estine, though  it  is  occHsionally  seen  in  the  hilly 
parts  of  that  country.  Schubert  says  "of  the 
Wober  {Hyrax  Syruteits),  we  could  discover  no 
trace  in  either  Palestine  or  Syria;  "  upon  this  Dr. 
Wilson  (Lands  of  the  Bible,  ii.  28)  remarks,  "We 
were,  we  believe,  the  first  European  travellers  who 
actually  noticed  this  animal  within  the  proper 
bounds  of  the  Holy  Land,"  this  was  amongst  the 
rocks  at  Mar  Saba.  Bruce,  however,  noticed  these 
animals  plentifsdly  in  Lebanon,  and  among  the  rocks 
at  the  Pharan  Promontorium  or  Cape  Mohammed, 
near  the  Gulf  of  Suez ;  and  Shaw  ( Trav.  ii.  160, 
8vo  ed.)  also  saw  the  hyrax  on  Lebanon,  and  says 
"  it  is  common  in  other  places  of  this  country." 
Dr.  Hooker  in  his  recent  journey  to  the  l>ebanon 
and  Palestine  saw  no  hyrax  anywhere,  and  says  he 


«  Russell  (Aleppn,  a.  159,  2A  ed.)  mentions  rabbits    cieat  Hebrews  hai/  ?ver  seen  imported   specimens   of 


u  being  occasionally  bred  in  houses.  "  for  the  use  of 
the  Franks  "  at  Aleppo ;  and  adds  that  th^  fur  of  the 
white  and  black  rabbit  is  much  worn,  and  that  the 
Atter  kind  is  imported  from  Europe.     Kveu  if  the  an- 


the  rabbit,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  would  hare 
been  included  under  the  Hebrew  term  t^-neb,  which  il 
the  Anibic  name  at  Aleppo  botli  of  tliii  animal  anit 
the  harn. 


188  OONFECTION 

VM  told  it.  IB  confined  to  the  nterile  hills  of  the  Jor- 
ilau  and  l)e:ia  StM  valleys  "iilj;  Thomson  (J.diul 
and  Book,  p.  2J8)  speaks  only  »»f  one  individual 
amonw  the  ruins  of  the  Castle  of  Kiirein." 

Heniprich  {SyinttaUe  Pliys.  p.  i.)  enumerates 
three  s])ecies  of  hyrax,  and  gives  the  localities  as 
follows:  II.  Syriiriis,  Mount  Sinai;  //.  Iiiibtssin- 
icus,  uioimtuins  on  the  coast  of  Al>yssinia;  —  this 
b  tlie  Ashkuico  of  Bruce  —  and  IJ.  rujicfim,  Uon- 
gaia.  The  Amharic  name  (rf  Ashkoko  is,  accord- 
ing to  liruce,  derived  from  '■  the  long  herinaceous 
hairs  which  like  small  thorns  grow  ahout  liis  back, 
and  which  in  Amhara  are  called  Ashok."  A  tunie 
hyrax  was  kept  by  Bruce,  who  from  the  action  of 
the  aniniars  jaws  was  led  into  the  error  of  suppos- 
ing that  "it  chewed  the  cud;  "  it  is  worthy  of  re- 
mark that  the  poet  Cowper  made  the  same  mistake 
with  respect  to  his  tame  hares.  The  flesh  of  the 
hyrax  is  said  to  resemble  the  rabbit  in  flavor;  the 
Arabs  of  Mount  Sinai  esteem  it  a  delicacy ;  the  Chris- 
tians of  Abyasinia  do  not  eat  its  flesh,  uor  do  the 
Mohammedans:  see  Oedmann  (  Wrtimch.  Samni. 
pt.  V.  ch.  ii.).  Hemprich  stiites  that  the  urine  of 
the  Cai)e  hyrax  (//.  cnpensh),  as  well  as  that  of 
the  Asiatic  species,  is  regarded  as  medicinal.  See 
also  Spannan  {Truv.  p.  ;j24)  and  Thunberg  (Trav. 
i.  1!)0).  I'his  is  confirmatory  of  the  remarks  of  an 
Ambic  writer  cited  by  Bochart  (flieroz.  ii.  413). 

'ITie  hyrax  is  zoologically  a  very  interesting  an- 
imal, for  although  in  some  resijects  it  resembles  the 
Raltntia,  in  which  order  this  genus  was  originally 
placed,  its  true  affinities  are  with  the  rhinoceros; 
its  molar  teetli  differ  only  in  size  from  those  of  that 
great  pachyde.-m.  Accordingly  Dr.  Gray  pkces  the 
hyrax  in  his  sub-family  Ehirwce'iina,  family  £le- 
phantkluB ;  it  is  about  the  size  of  a  rabbit,  which  in 
some  of  its  habits  it  much  resembles ;  the  animals 
are  generally  seen  to  congregate  in  groups  amongst 
the  rocks,  in  the  cavities  of  which  they  hide  them- 
selves when  alarmed;  they  are  herbivorous  as  to 
diet,  feeding  on  grass  and  the  young  shoots  of 
shrubs.  Some  observers  have  remarked  that  an 
old  male  is  set  as  a  sentry  in  the  vicinity  of  their 
holes,  and  that  he  uttei's  a  sound  like  a  whistle  to 
apprise  his  companions  when  danger  threatens;  if 
this  is  a  fact,  it  forcibly  illustrates  Prov.  xxx.  24, 
21,  where  the  shaphdn  is  named  as  one  of  the  four 
things  upon  earth  which,  though  little,  "  are  ex- 
ceeding wise."  W.  H. 

*  CONFECTION  (Ex.  xxx.  35,  st-rnds  for 
oouipound  or  mixture,  a  l..atui  sense  of  the  word. 

H. 

•  CONFIRMATION.    [Bai-tism,  p.  844.] 
CONGREGATION    {ni3?,   bn^,    from 

^'^Cj  to  call  =  convocalhn :  avtnxywyit ;  tKKKrf 
ffla,  in  Deut.  xviii.  16,  xxiii.  1 :  conijr^yatio,  tcck- 
na,  ctttus}.  This  term  describes  the  Hebrew  people 
in  its  collective  capacity  under  its  peculiar  aspect 
as  a  holy  community,  held  together  by  religious 
rather  than  political  bonds.  Sometimes  it  is  used 
in  a  lnx)ad  sense  as  inclusive  of  foreign  settlers 
(Ex.  xii.  19);  but  more  properly,  as  exclusively  ap- 
iropriate  to  the  Hebrew  element  of  the  population 
^Num.  XV.  lo);  in  each  case  it  expresses  the  idea 
af  the   lioinan    ('idtus  or  the   Greek   iroA(T«/o. 


<•  *  Mr.  Tristmm ,  wlio  as  a  naturalist  wag  the  mckrv  ear- 
Best  in  liis  elTorts,  caught  one  of  these  uulmals  (which 
It  ill  extremely  difficult  to  do)  among  the  clifts  on  tti« 
>J.  W  ante  of  th«  Dead  Sea,  and  describvs  it  as  au- 


CONGREGATIOIf 

Every  circumcised  Hebrew  (n"^*M :  air.  ix^' 
iiuliytnn ;  A.  V.  "  houie-boni,  bom  in  the  land,' 
the  term  specially  descripti>e  of  the  Isu^oelitc  in  op 
po.sition  to  the  non-Israelite,  Ex.  xii.  19:  Lev.  xvi 
29;  Num.  ix.  14)  w.ts  u  member  of  lue  coiigr^gft. 
tiori,  and  took  part  in  its  proceedings,  probablj 
from  the  time  that  he  bore  arms.  It  is  in'portau^ 
however,  to  obsene  that  he  acquired  no  political 
rights  in  his  individual  capacity,  but  only  as  a 
member  of  a  liotue;  for  ilie  basis  of  the  Hebrew 
iwlity  was  the  house,  whence  was  formed  in  aii 
iiscending  scale  the  fa iiiily  or  collection  of  housta, 
the  Iriht  or  collection  of  fiamilies,  and  the  amffre- 

(jation  or  collection  of  tribes.  Strangers  (D^^S'i 
settled  in  the  land,  if  circumcised,  were  with  cer- 
tain exceptions  (Dcut.  xxiii.  1  ff.)  admitted  to  the 
privilege  of  citizenship,  and  are  spoken  of  as  inem- 
l>ers  of  the  congregation  in  its  more  extended  ap- 
plication (Ex.  xii.  19;  Num.  jx.  14,  xv.  15);  it 
api)eors  doubtful,  however,  whether  they  were  repre- 
sented in  tiie  congregation  in  its  corporate  capacity 
as  a  deliberative  body,  as  they  were  not,  strictly 
speaking,  members  of  any  house;  their  position 
probaldy  resembled  that  of  the  irpS^eyot  at  Athens. 
The  congregation  occupied  an  important  position 
under  the  Theocracy,  as  the  comitia  or  national 
parliament,  invested  with  legislative  and  judicial 
powers.  In  this  capacity  it  acted  through  a  sys- 
tem of  patriarchal  representation,  each  house,  fam- 
ily, and  tribe  being  represented  by  its   Lead  or 

fatlier.    These  delegates  were  named  rT^Vn  ^3f7t 

{■Kpeafiirepoi-  Benioresf  "elders");  ^^5^273  {ip- 
Xovres'  j^fincipes  ;  "princes");  and  sometimes 
C^S^'^r?  {iiriK\7iT0i'.  quirocalMintui;l;ium.  xvi.  2-, 

A.  V.  "renowned,"  "famous").  The  number  of 
these  representatives  being  inconveniently  large  for 
ordinary  business,  a  further  selection  was  made  by 
Moses  of  70,  who  formed  a  species  of  standing 
committee  (Num.  xi.  IG).  Occasionally  indeed  the 
wliole  body  of  the  people  was  assembled,  the  mode 
of  summoning  being  by  the  sound  of  the  two  sil- 
ver trumpets,  and  the  place  of  meeting  the  door 
of  the  tabernacle,  hence  usually  called  the  taber- 
nacle of  the  congregation  [IV"^^,  lit.  jJace  of 
mttting)  (Num.  x.  3):  the  occasions  of  such  gen- 
eral assemblies  were  solemn  religious  services  (Ex. 
xii.  47;  Num.  xxv.  6;  Joel  ii.  15),  or  to  receivs 
new  commandments  (Ex.  xix.  7,  8;  l^ev.  viii.  4). 
The  elders  were  summoned  by  the  call  of  one  trum- 
pet (Num.  X.  4),  at  the  command  of  the  supreme 
governor  or  the  high-priest;  they  representee!  the 
whole  congr^ation  on  various  occasions  of  public 
interest  (Ex.  iii.  16,  xii.  21,  xvii.  5,  xxiv.  1);  they 
acted  as  a  court  of  judicature  in  capital  olfensea 
(Num.  XV.  33,  xxxv.  12),  and  were  charged  with 
the  execution  of  the  sentence  (l^v.  xxiv.  14;  Num. 
XV.  35);  they  joined  in  certain  of  the  sacrifices 
(Lev.  iv.  14,  15);  and  they  exercised  the  usual 
rights  of  soverMgnty,  such  as  declaring  war,  making 
peace,  and  concluding  treaties  (.Josh.  ix.  15).  The 
l)eople  were  strictly  bound  by  the  acts  of  their  rep- 
resentatives, even  in  cases  where  they  disapproved 
of  them  (Josh.  ix.  18).     After  the  occupation  of 


swering  perfectly  to  what  is  said  in  ProT.  xxx  24,  36 
both  as  to  its  feebleness  and  its  singular  cunning  aii4 
power  of  self-preservation.  See  his  Land  */  l^ael,  2i 
«a.  p.  358  (Loudon,  1866).  H. 


CONIAH 

3ie  land  of  (Janaan,  the  congregatioi.  was  assembled 
)nly  on  matters  of  tlie  highest  impoitance.  The 
ielegates  were  summoned  by  messengers  (2  Chr. 
Kxx.  6 1  to  such  places  as  might  be  appointed,  most 
frequently  to  Mizpeli  (-'udg.  x.  17,  xi.  11,  xx.  1; 
1  Sam.  vii.  5,  x.  17;  1  Mace.  iii.  46);  they  came 
attended  each  with  his  band  of  retainers,  so  that 
the  number  assembled  was  very  considerable  (-'udg. 
XX.  2  fF.).  On  one  occasion  we  hear  of  the  congre 
^tion  being  assembled  for  judicial  purposes  (J udg. 
sx.);  on  other  occasions  for  religious  festivals  (2 
Chr.  XXX.  5,  xxxiv.  2i) ) ;  on  others  for  the  election 
of  kings,  as  Saul  (1  Sam.  x.  17),  David  (2  Sam.  v. 
1),  Jeroboam  (1  K.  xii.  20),  Joash  (2  K.  xi.  19), 
Josiah  (2  K.  xxi.  24),  Jehoahaz  (2  K.  xxiii.  30), 
and  Uzziah  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  1).  In  the  later  periods 
of  Jewish  history  the  congregation  was  represented 
by  the  Sanhedrim;  and  the  term  arvvayuyii,  which 
in  the  LXX.  is  applied  exclusively  to  the  congre- 
gation itself  (for  the  place  of  meeting  iyi^  '''I7W 
is  invariably  rendered  r)  (XKriv)]  rod  ixaprvpiou,  tab- 
emaculum  testimanii,  the  word  '^^'^^  being  con- 
sidered =i^^^l?\  was  transferred  to  the  places  of 
worship  established  by  the  Jews,  wherever  a  certain 
number  of  families  were  collected.         W.  L.  B. 

*"  Congregation,"  assembly  of  the  people,  is 
the  profjer  rendering  of  e/c/cAijeria  in  Acts  vii.  38, 
instead  of  "  church  "  (A.  V.).  That  is  the  render- 
ing in  the  older  ICnglish  versions  (Tyndale's,  Cran- 
mer's,  the  Genevan).  Stephen  evidently  refers  in 
that  passage  to  the  congregation  of  the  Hebrews 
assembled  at  Sinai,  at  the  time  of  the  promulgation 
of  the  law.  So  nearly  all  the  best  critics  (Bengel, 
Kuinoel,  Olshausen,  Ue  Wette,  Meyer,  Lechler, 
Alford).  H. 

CONFAH.     [Jecoxiah.] 

CONONI'AH  (=in^3213  [whom  Jehovah  es- 
tablishes] :  Xoouevias ;  [Vat.  in  ver.  12  Xoifnevias ;] 
Alex.  Xoi>xf via.s  ■  Chonenias),  a  I^evite,  ruler  (T^^lD) 
of  the  offerings  and  tithes  in  the  time  of  Hezekiah 
(2  Chr.  xxxi.  12,  13).     [See  Coxaniah.] 

CONSECRATION.     [Pkikst.] 

*  CONVENIENT  signifies  "becommg,  fit- 
ting, appropriate"  in  several  passages,  e.  g.  Prov. 
XXX.  8;  Jer.  xl.  4;  Ptom.  i.  28;  Eph.  v.  4;  Philem. 
ver.  8.  It  occurs  once  in  the  dedication  of  James's 
translators.  It  is  the  rendering  of  avfj/coj'  and 
KaOTjKov  in  the  N.  T.,  and  was  an  ancient  I^atin 
sense  of  the  word.  It  belongs  to  the  class  of  terms 
of  which  Archbishop  Whately  remarks  that  "  they 
are  much  more  likely  to  perplex  and  bewilder  the 
reader,  than  those  entirely  out  of  use.  The  latter 
only  leave  him  in  darkness ;  the  others  mislead  him 
by  a  false  light."  See  his  Bacon's  Essays  •  with 
Annotations  (Essay  xxiv.  p.  259,  5th  ed.  Boston, 
1863).  H. 

*  CONVERSATION  is  never  used  in  the 
A.  V.  in  its  ordinary  sense,  but  always  denotes 
"  course  of  life,"  "  conduct."  In  the  N.  T.  n,  com- 
monly represents  the  Greek  of acrrpoc^T) ;  once  rpS- 
iroy.  In  Phil.  iii.  20,  "our  conversation  is  in 
Searen,"  it  is  the  rendering  of  iroXirfvyLt  The 
^bable  meaning  is  well  expressed  by  Wakefield's 
innalation,  "  we  are  citizens  of  heaven."         A. 

CONVOCATION  (S"jr?n,  from  SH"  vo- 
nre;  comp.  Num.  x.  2;  Is.  i.  13).  This  terra  is 
applied  invariably  to  meetings  of  a  i-eliffious  char- 


COOKING  489 

acter,  in  contradistinction  to  congregation,  in  which 
political  and  legal  matters  were  occa.sionally  settled 

Hence  it  is  connected  with  tt7"Tp,  holij,  and  is  ap- 
plied only  to  the  Sabbath  and  the  great  ainiual 
festivals  of  the  Jews  (Ex.  xii.  Hi;  I.ev.  xxiii.  2  ff. ; 
Num.  xxviii.  18  ff.,  xxix.  1  ff.).  With  one  excep- 
tion (Is.  i.  13),  the  word  is  peculiar  to  the  Penta- 
teuch. The  LXX.  treats  it  as  an  adjective  = 
K\r)T6s,  iiriKKriros'-,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  A.  V.  is  correct  in  its  rendering. 

W.  L.  B. 

COOKING.  As  meat  did  not  form  an  ai-ticle 
of  ordinary  diet  among  the  Jews,  the  art  of  cook- 
ing was  not  carried  to  any  perfection.  The  di.'K- 
culty  of  preserving  it  from  putrefacl  ion  necessi- 
tated the  inmiediate  consumption  of  an  animal, 
and  hence  few  were  slaughtered  except  for  puiiioses 
of  hospitality  or  festivity.  The  proceedings  on 
such  occasions  appear  to  have  been  as  follows :  ( )n 
the  arrival  of  a  guest  the  animal,  either  a  k:J, 
lamb,  or  calf,  was  killed  ((Jen.  xviii.  7;  Luke  xv. 
23),  its  throat  being  cut  so  that  tlie  blood  might 
be  poured  out  (Lev.  vii.  26);  it  was  then  tlay<Nl 

and  was'ready  either  for  roasting  (H^^),  or  twil- 

ing  (vCl'S)  :  in  the  former  case  the  anim:d  was 
presen-ed  entire  (I'"x.  xii.  46),  and  roasted  eitiier 
over  a  fire  (Ex.  xii.  8)  of  wood  (Is.  xUv.  16),  or 
perhaps,  as  the  mention  of  fiie  im})lies  another 
method,  in  an  oven,  consisting  simply  of  a  hole  dug 
in  the  earth,  well  heated,  and  covered  up  (Burck- 
hardt.  Notes  on  Bedouins,  i.  240);  the  Paschal 
lamb  was  roasted  by  the  first  of  these  methods  (Ex. 
xii.  8,  9;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  13).  lioiling,  however,  was 
the  more  usual  method  of  cooking,  both  in  tlie  case 
of  sacrific&s,  other  than  the  Paschal  lamb  (Le\'.  viii. 
31),  and  for  domestic  use  (E^x.  xvi.  23),  so  much 

so  that  pWlL^=to  cook  generally,  includuig  even 
roasting  (Deut.  xvi.  7).  In  this  case  the  animal 
was  cut  up,  the  right  shoulder  being  first  taken  off 
(hence  the  priest's  joint,  Ixv.  vii.  32),  and  the 
other  joints  in  succession;  the  flesh  was  sep;tvated 
from  the  bones  and  minced,  and  the  bones  tliem- 
selves  were  broken  up  (Mic.  iii.  31;  the  whole  m.as» 
was  then  thrown  into  a  caldron  (lOz.  xxiv.  4,  5) 
filled  with  water  (Ex.  xii.  9),  or,  as  we  may  infer 
from  V.x.  xxiii.  19,  occiisionally  with  milk,  as  is 
still  usual  among  the  Arabs  (Burckhardt,  Notes, 
i.  63),  the  prohil)ition  "not  to  seethe  a  kid  in  hia 
mother's  milk "  having  reference  apparentl}-  to 
some  heathen  pi-actice  connected  with  the  offering 
of  the  first- fruits  (Ex.  I.  c. ;  xxxiv.  26),  which  ren- 
dered the  kid  so  prepared  unclean  food  (Deut.  xiv. 
21).  The  caldron  was  toiled  over  a  wood  fire  (Ez. 
xxiv.  10);  the  scum  which  rose  to  the  surface  was 
from  time  to  time  removed,  otherwise  the  meat 
would  turn  out  loathsome  (6);  salt  or  spices  were 
thrown  in  to  season  it  (10);  and  when  sufficiently 

boiled,  the  meat  and  the  broth  (p1^ :  ^u>fx6if 
LXX.:  jm,  Vulg.),  were  served  up  separately 
(Judg.  vi.  19),  the  broth  being  used  with  unleav- 
ened bread,  and  butter  (Gen.  xviii.  8),  as  a  sauce 
for  dipping  morsels  of  bread  into  (Burckhardt's 
Notes,  i.  63).  Sometimes  the  meat  was  so  highly 
ipiced  that  its  flavor  could  hardly  be  distinguisiied ; 

such  dishes  were  called  □"'SptpD  (Gen.  xxvii.  4; 
Prov.  xxiii.  3).  There  is  a  .striking  similarity  in 
the  culinary  operations  of  the  Hebrews  and  Egypt- 
ians (Wilkuwon's  Anc.  Egypt,  ii.  374  ff.).     Veiji- 


400  coos 

atabira  wete  usually  Ijoiled,  and  sened  up  as  pottage 
(Gen.  XXV.  29;  2  K.  iv.  38).  Fish  was  also  cooked 
(ixOvos  OTTToC  ixtpos-  piscis  assi;  Luke  xxiv.  42), 
probaljly  broiled.  The  cooking  was  in  early  times 
performed  by  the  mistress  of  the  household  (Gen. 

xviii.  6);  professional  cooks  (D^n2^)  were  after- 
wards employed   (1  Sam.  viii.   13,  ix.  23).     The 

utensils  retinired  were  —  C^H'^S  {x"Tp6iro5(s  ■■ 
chyti-o/Kx/eK),  a  cooking  range,  having  places  for  two 
or  more  jwts,  probably  of  earthenware  (l^v.  xi  35) ; 

"'^*?  (\€'j37?$:  Itbts),  a  caldron  (1  Saiu.  ii.  14); 
•l!?T5  {Kptdypa'  J'uscinuln),  a  large  fork  or  flesh- 
hook;  "1^3  (Kf$ns--  oUa),  a  wide,  open,  metal  ves- 
lel,  resembling  a  fish-kettle,  adapted  to  be  used  as 
a  wash-jx)t  (I's.  Ix.  8),  or  to  eat  from  (Ex.  xvi.  3); 

"I^"t2,  in,  nnv>i2,  pots  probaWy  of  earthen- 
irare  and  high,  but  how  differing  from  each  other 
does  not  appear;  and,  lastly,  Hnb^,  or  D^nibVj 
dishes  (2  K.  ii.  20,  xxi.  13;  Prov.  xix.  24,  A.  V. 
"bosom").  W.  L.  B. 

CO'OS  (Rec.  Text,  eiy  rijv  Kwu;  Lachm.  [aiid 
Tisch.]  with  ABC  [DE  Sin.],  K«),  Acts  xxi.  1. 
[Cos.] 

COPPER  (nirn^.  This  word  in  the  A.  V. 
is  always  rendei-ed  "brass,"  except  in  Vj'.r.  viii.  27. 
See  Bkass).  Tliis  metal  is  usually  found  as  pyrites 
(sulphuret  of  copper  and  iron),  nialacliite  (carb.  of 
copper),  or  in  the  state  of  oxide,  and  occasionally 
in  a  native  state,  principally  in  the  New  \\'orld.  It 
was  ahnost  exclusively  used  by  the  ancients  for 
common  purpses;  for  which  its  elastic  and  ductile 
nature  rendered  it  practically  available.  It  is  a 
question  whether  in  the  earhest  times  iron  was 
known  {fxeKas  S'  ovk  etr/fe  alSripos,  Hes.  Oj>j).  et 
Dies,  149;  Lucr.  v.  1285  ff.).  In  India,  how- 
ever, its  manufacture  has  been  practiced  from  a 
very  ancient  date  by  a  process  exceedingly  simple, 
and  possibly  a  siuiilar  one  was  employed  by  the  an- 
cient Egyptians  (Napier,  Anc.  Workers  in  Metal, 
p.  137).  There  is  no  certain  mention  of  iron  in 
the  Scriptures;  and,  from  the  allusion  to  it  as 
known  to  Tubalcain  (Gen.  iv.  22),  some  have  ven- 
tured to  doubt  whether  in  that  place  7T"12  means 
iron  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  Egypt  iii.  242). 

"We  read  in  the  Bible  of  copper,  possessed  in 
countless  abundance  (2  Chr.  iv.  18),  and  used  for 
e^'ery  kind  of  instrument;  as  chains  (Judg.  xvi. 
21),  jiUlnrs  (1  K.  vii.  15-21),  lavers,  the  gresit  one 
beinj,'  called  "the  copper  sea"  (2  K.  xxv.  13; 
1  Chr.  xviii.  8),  and  the  other  temple  vessels. 
Tliese  were  made  in  the  foundry,  with  tiie  assist- 
MIC!!  of  Hiram,  a  Phtenician  (1  K.  vii.  13),  although 
the  lews  were  net  ignorant  of  metallurgy  {Vjt.  xxii. 
18:  Dent.  iv.  20,  Ac),  and  appeal*  to  have  worked 
thiir  own  mines  (Dent.  viii.  9;  Is.  Ii.  1).  We  rciul 
ld9  of  eopixir  mirrors  (Ex.  xxxviii.  8;  Job  xxxvii. 
]8).  sin^e  tlie  metal  is  susceptible  of  brilliant  (wlish 
(2  Chr.  IV.  Ki);  and  even  of  copper  arms,  as  helmets, 
ipeais.  ic.  (1  Sam.  xvii.  5,  6,  38;  2  Sam.  xxi.  16). 
The  Hxi)i-es.sion  "bow  of  steel,"  in  Job  xx.  24,  Ps. 
iviii.  34.  should  be  rendered  "  bow  of  co]if)er,"  since 
Jie  term  for  steel  is  rT^bs  or  l'')!:-!Jp  ^.T"'3 
[ruirllurn  iron).  'Hi  •>  coiild  hardly  have  applied 
topper  to  thase  purpo  ;"s  without  ]k  ssessing  some 
ludicio;i«  system  of  allojs,  or  perhaps  some  forgot- 


CORAL 

ten  secret  for  rendering  the  metal  harder  aiid  moM 
elastic  than  we  can  make  it. 

It  has  been  maintained  that  the  cutting-tools  of 
the  Egyptians,  with  which  they  worked  the  granitl 
and  porphyry  of  their  monuments,  were  made  oi 
bronze,  in  which  copper  was  a  chief  ingredient 
The  arguments  on  this  point  are  found  m  Wilkin- 
son, iii.  249,  &c.,  but  they  are  not  conclusive. 
There  seems  no  reason  why  the  art  of  making  iron 
and  excellent  steel,  which  has  been  for  ages  prac- 
ticed in  India,  may  not  have  been  equally  known 
to  the  Egyptians.  The  quickness  with  which  iron 
decomposes  will  fully  account  for  the  non-discoxery 
of  any  runains  of  steel  or  iron  implements,  l-'or 
analyses  of  the  bronze  tools  and  articles  found  in 
Egypt  and  AssjTia,  see  Napier,  p.  88. 

The  only  place  in  the  A.  V.  where  "copper  "  is 
mentioned  is  V^r.  viii.  27,  "  two  vessels  of  fiiie  cop 
per,  precious  as  gold  "  (cf.  1  Esdr.  viii.  57;  (tkh/ij 
XoXkov  aTlK^ovTOs,  Sid<popa,  iTriOvfirird  iv  XP^ 
(rl(f;  ceiis  fulyentis;  "vases  of  Cwinthian  bras^." 
Syr.;  "ex  orichalco,"  Jun.),  perhaps  similar  to 
those  of  "  bright  brass  "  in  1  K.  vii.  45;  Dan.  x.  6. 
They  may  have  been  of  oriehalcum,  like  the  Per- 
sian or  Indian  vases  found  among  the  treasures  of 
Darius  (Aristot.  de  Mtrab.  Ausadt).  There  were 
two  kinds  of  this  metal,  one  natural  (Serv.  ml  yEn. 
xii.  87),  which  Pliny  (//.  N.  xxxiv.  2,  2)  says  had 
long  been  extinct  in  his  time,  but  which  Chardin 
alludes  to  as  found  in  Sumatra  under  the  name 
Calmbae  (Kosenm.  /.  c);  the  other  arlijictal  (iden- 
tified by  some  with  ijKtKrpoy,  whence  the  mistaken 
spelling  aM7-i-chalcum),  which  Bochart  {IHeroz.  vi. 
ch.   16,  p.   871   ff.)  considers  to  be  the  Hebrew 

7pC'n,  a  word  compounded  (he  says)  of  li'Hp 

(copper)  and  Chald.  S^lj?»  (?  gold,  Ez.  i.  4,  27, 
viii.  2);  i)\(KTpou,  LXX. ;  eltctrum,  Vulg  {a\k6- 
Tvnov  xp""''^"!',  Hesych. ;  to  which  Suid.  adds, 
fiffityfiffov  ud\Q)  Kol  Xidlcp).  On  Uiis  substa;ice 
see  Pausan.  v.  12;  Plin.  xxxiii.  4,  §  23.  Gcseniug 
considers  the  ;(oAKoAi/3a>'ov  of  Kev.  i.  15  to  be 

Xa^Khs  \tvap6s  =  ^^^^  H;  he  differs  from  Bo- 
chart,  and  argues  that  it  means  merely  "  smooth  oi 
polished  brass." 

In  Ez.  xxvii.  13,  the  importation  of  copper  ves- 
sels to  the  markets  of  Tyre  by  merchants  of  Jar 
van,  Tubal,  and  Meshecb,  is  alluded  to.  Probably 
these  were  the  Moscbi,  Ac,  who  worked  the  cop- 
per mines  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Cau- 
casus. 

In  2  Tim.  iv.  14,  x<t^Kf"s  is  rendered  "coppw- 
smith,"  but  the  term  is  perfectly  general,  and  ii 
used  even  for  workers  hi  iron  (Od.  ix.  391);  x''^^' 
Kevs,  ■jtSs  rexf^'^'V^i  i^^l  6  apyvpoK6iros  Koi  u 
Xpva-ox^os  (Ile-sych.). 

"Copper''  is  used  for  money,  Ez.  xvi.  30  (A.  V. 
"filtbiness  );  ^|e'x€Oj  rhv  x'^f*^''  "^ov,  LXX.; 
"etfiisumestcES  tuum,"  Vulg.;  and  in  N.  T.  (xoA.- 
Kovs,  TovTO  4w\  Ypi;(roD  /col  rod  dpyioov  (Ktyoy, 
Hesycli.).  F.  W.  F. 

*  COPTIC  VERSION.     [Vkh.sk.ns,  An- 

CIENT  (EuyiTIAN).] 

*  COR  C^S  :  K6pos'  cm-m)  a  me:wure  of  ca- 
pacity, the  same  as  the  homer  (Ez.  xlv.  14;  1  K 
iv.  22  and  v.  11,  marg.;  IV.r.  vii.  22,  niaig).  See 
Weights  and  Mkasi'iiks,  II.  §  2.  A. 

CORAL  (n'lQS"^,  raiiwtli:  fifriwna:  Symm 
w^7jA(£;  'VuiiQ:  serlcum,  exctUa)  occurs  >nly,  a 


CORBAN 

he  somewhat  doubtful  rendering  of  the  Hebrew 
rdmoth,  in  Job  xxviii.  18,  "  No  mention  shall  be 
iiade  of  coral  (i-ainoi/i,  margin)  or  of  pearls,  for 
Ae  price  «f  wisdom  is  above  rubies;  "  and  in  Ez. 
Kvii.  16,  where  coral  is  enumerated  amongst  the 
wares  which  Syria  brought  to  the  markets  of  Tyre. 
The  old  versions  fail  to  afford  us  any  clew;  the 
LXX.  gives  merely  the  etymological  meaning  of  the 
Hebrew  term  "lofty  things;"  the  Vulg.  in  Ez. 
(I.  c.)  reads  "silk.''  Some  have  conjectured  "rhi- 
noceros skins,"  deriving  the  original  word  from 
ree7n  (the  unicorn  of  the  A.  V.),  which  word,  how- 
ever, has  nothing  to  do  with  this  animal.  [Uni- 
COKN.]  Schultens  {Comment,  in  Jobum,  1.  c.) 
gives  up  the  matter  in  despair,  and  leaves  the  word 
untranslated.  Many  of  the  Jewish  rabbis  under- 
stand "  red  coral  "  by  ramoth.  Gesenius  ( Tins. 
B.  v.)  conjectures  "black  coral"  (?),  assigning  the 
red  kind  to peninim  ("rubies,"  A.  V.):  see  Ruby. 
Michaelis  {Suppl.  Lex.  fled?:  p.  2218)  translates 
rdmoth  by  Ln/ndes  gazellorum,  i.  e.  L.  bezoardici, 
OS  if  from  7-«m,  an  Arabic  name  for  some  species  of 
gazelle.  The  Lapis  bezonrdiciis  of  Lumaeus  de- 
jiotes  the  calcareous  concretions  sometimes  found  in 
the  stomach  of  the  Indian  gazelle,  the  Sasin  {Anti- 
lope  cervicapra,  Pallas).  This  stone,  which  pos- 
sessed a  strong  aromatic  odor,  was  formerly  held  in 
high  repute  as  a  talisman.  The  Arabian  physi- 
cians attributed  valuable  medicinal  properties  to 
these  concretions.  The  opinion  of  Michaelis,  that 
ramoth  denotes  these  stones,  is  little  else  than  con- 
jecture. On  the  whole,  we  see  no  reason  to  be  dis- 
satisfied with  the  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  "  Coral " 
has  decidedly  the  best  clami  of  any  other  substances 
to  represent  the  rdmoth.  The  natural  upward 
form  of  growth  of  the  Cornllium  rvbrum  is  well 
suited  to  the  etymology  of  the  word.  The  word 
rendered  "  price  "  in  Job  xxviii.  18,  more  properly 
denotes  "a  drawing  out;"  and  appears  to  have 
reference  to  the  manner  in  which  coral  and  pearls 
were  obtained  from  the  sea,  either  by  diving  or 
dredging.  At  present,  Mediterranean  corals,  which 
constitute  an  imjwrtant  article  of  commerce,  are 
broken  off  from  the  rocks  to  which  they  adhere  by 
long  hooked  poles,  and  thus  "  drawn  out."  With 
regard  to  the  estimation  in  which  coral  was  held 
by  the  Jews  and  other  Orientals,  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  coral  varies  in  price  with  us.  Fine 
compact  specimens  of  the  best  tints  may  be  worth 
as  much  as  ^  10  per  oz.,  while  inferior  ones  are 
perhaps  not  worth  much  more  than  a  shilling  per 
lb.  Pliny  says  {N .  //.  xxxii.  2)  that  the  Indians 
valued  coral  as  the  Romans  valued  pearls.  It  is 
possible  that  the  Syrian  traders,  who  as  Jerome  re- 
oiarks  (Rosenmiiller,  Scliol.  in  Ez.  xxvii.  16),  would 
In  his  day  run  all  over  the  world  "  lucri  cupiditate," 
Tiay  have  visited  the  Indian  seas,  and  brought 
home  thence  rich  coral  treasures;  though  they 
would  also  readily  procure  coral  either  from  the 
Red  Sea  or  the  Mediterranean,  where  it  is  abund- 
antly found.  Coral,  Mr.  King  uiforms  us,  often 
occurs  in  ancient  Egyptian  jewelry  as  beads,  and 
eut  into  charms.  W.  H. 

CORBAN  (72l*1p  [offei-ing]:  SUpoV-  oblatio; 
la's.  T.  Kop$au  expl.  by  Supov,  and  in  Vulg.  do- 
^um .  tsed  only  in  I>ev.  and  Num.,  except  in  Ez. 
tx.  28,  xl.  43),  an  offering  to  God  of  any  sort, 
>kx>dy  or  bloodless,  but  particularly  ir  fulfillment 
rf  a  vow.  The  law  laid  down  rules  for  vows,  (1 ) 
iffinnative;  (2)  negative.  Hy  the  former,  persons, 
wimala,  and  property  niiglit  be  devoted   to   God. 


CORD  401 

but,  with  certain  limitations,  they  were  redeemank 
by  money  payments.  By  the  latter,  persons  inter 
dieted  themselves,  or  were  interdicted  by  theii 
parents  from  the  use  of  certain  things  lawful  in 
themselves,  as  wine,  either  for  a  limited  or  an  un- 
limited period  (l>ev.  xxvii.;  Num.  xtx.;  Judg.  xiU. 
7;  Jer.  xxxv. ;  Joseph.  Anl.  iv.  4,  §  4;  5.  7.  ii.  15, 
§  1 ;  Acts  xviii.  18,  xxi.  2-3,  24).  Upon  these  rules 
the  traditionists  enlarged,  and  laid  down  that  a 
man  might  interdict  himself  by  vow,  not  only  frou' 
using  for  himself,  but  from  giving  to  another,  or 
receiving  from  him  some  particular  object  whethei 
of  food  or  any  other  kind  whatsoever.  The  thing 
thus  interdicted  was  considered  as  Corban,  and  the 
form  of  interdiction  was  virtually  to  this  effect: 
"  1  forbid  myself  to  touch  or  be  concerned  in  any 
way  with  the  thing  forbidden,  as  if  it  were  devoted 
by  law,"  i.  e.  "let  it  be  Corban."  So  far  did  they 
carry  the  principle  that  they  even  held  as  binding 
the  incomplete  excLimations  of  anger,  and  called 

them  niT^,  handles.  A  person  might  thur.  ex- 
empt himself  from  assisting  or  receiving  assistance 
from  some  particular  [lerson  or  persons,  as  parents 
in  distress'  and  in  short  from  any  inconvenient  ob- 
ligation under  plea  of  corban,  though  by  a  legal 
fiction  he  was  allowed  to  suspend  the  restriction  in 
certain  cases.  It  was  with  practices  of  this  sort 
that  our  Lord  found  fault  (Matt.  xv.  5 ;  Mark  vii. 
11),  as  annulling  the  spirit  of  the  law. 

Theophrastus,  quoted  by  Josephus,  notices  the 
system,  miscalling  it  a  Phoenician  custom,  but  in 
naming  the  word  corban  identifies  it  with  Judaism. 
Josephus  calls  the  treasury  in  which  offerings  for 
the  temple  or  its  services  were  deposited,  Kop^avas, 
as  in  Matt,  xxvii.  6.  Origen's  account  of  the  cor- 
ban-system  is  that  children  sometimes  refused  as- 
sistance to  parents  on  the  ground  that  tht'v  had 
already  contributed  to  the  poor  fund,  from  wliich 
they  alleged  their  parents  might  be  relieved  (Jo- 
seph. B.  J.  ii.  9,  §  4:  Ap.  i.  22;  Mishna,  [ed.]  Su- 
renhus.,  de  Votu,  i.  4,  ii.  2;  Cappellus,  Grotius, 
Hammond,  Lightfoot,  Ilor.  Ilebr.  on  Matt.  xv.  6; 
Jahn,  Arch.  Bibl.  v.  §  ;}92,  394).  [Al.ms;  Vows; 
Okfekings.]  H.  W.  P. 

COR'BE  {Xop^i\  [Aid.  Kop/3€:]  Chm-aba),  1 
Esdr.  v.  12.  This  name  apparently  answers  tr> 
Zaccai  in  the  lists  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

CORD  (bari,  -^i:^^  "in^p,  nhv).  of 

the  various  purposes  to  which  cord,  including  under 
that  term  rope  and  twisted  thongs,  was  applied,  the 
following  are  specially  worthy  of  notice.     (1.)  For 

fastening  a  tent,  in  which  sense  "^H^p  is  more 

particularly  used  (e.  g.  Ex.  xxxv.  18,  xxxix.  40;  Is. 
liv.  2).  As  the  tent  supplied  a  favorite  image,  of 
the  human  body,  the  cords  which  held  it  in  its 
place  represented  the  principle  of  life  (Job  iv.  21, 
"Are  not  their  tent-cords  (A.  V.  "excellency") 
torn  away?";  Eccl.  xii.  6).  (2.)  For  leading  or 
binding  animals,  as  a  halter  or  rein  (Ps.  cxviii.  27 ; 
Hos.  xi.  4),  whence  to  "  loosen  the  cord  "  (Job  xxx 
11)  =  to  free  irom  authority.  (3.)  For  yoking 
them  either  to  a  cart  (Is.  v.  18)  or  a  plough  (Job 
xxxix.  10).  (4.)  For  binding  prisoners,  more  par- 
ticularly P.llV  (Judg.  XV.  13;  Ps.  ii.  3,  cxxix.  4; 
Ez.  iii.  25),  whence  the  metaphorical  expression 
"bands  of  luve"  (Hos.  xi.  4).  (5.)  For  bow- 
strings (Ps.  xi.  2),  made  of  catgut ;  such  are  spoken 

of  in  Judg.  xvi.  7  (□"Tib  D^in";,  A.  V.  "  trreo 


492 


CORDS  OF  SHEOL 


wi*Ji8 ;  "  but  more  properly  pevpai  uypai,  fresh  or 
nioiiit  l)OW-«trings).  (6.)  For  the  ropes  or  "  tack- 
tings  "  of  a  vessel  (Is.  xsxiii.  23).  (7.)  For  meas- 
uring ground,   the  full  expression  being    ^?n 

n^P  (2  Sam.  viii.  2;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  55;  Am.  tU.  17; 
Zech.  ii.  1) :  hence  to  "  east  a  cord  "  =  to  assign  a 
property  (Mic.  ii.  5),  and  cord  or  line  became  an 
expression  for  an  inheritance  (.Josh.  xvii.  14,  xix.  9; 
Ps.  xvi.  6;  Kz.  xlvii.  13),  and  even  for  any  defined 
district  (e.  g.  the  line,  or  tract,  of  Aryob,  Deut.  iii. 
4).  [Chkbel.]  (8.)  For  fishing  and  snaring 
[Fishing;  Fowling;  Hunting].  (9.)  For  at- 
tiiching  articles  of  dress;  as  the  ■uyreaihen  chains 

{iHDV),  which  were  rather  twisted  cords,  worn  by 
the  high-priests  (Ex.  xxviii.  14,  22,  24,  xxxix.  15, 
17).  (10.)  For  fastening  awnings  (Esth.  i.  6). 
(11.)  For  attaching  to  a  plummet.  The  line  and 
plummet  are  emblematic  of  a  regular  rule  (2  K. 
xxi.  13;  Is.  xxviii.  17);  hence  t«  destroy  by  line 
and  plummet  (Is.  xxxiv.  11;  I>am.  ii.  8;  Am.  vii. 
7)  has  been  understood  as  :=  regular,  systematic 
destruction  {ad  fwrmam  ei  libiU'im,  Gesen.  Tlies. 
p.  125):  it  may  however  be  referred  to  the  carpen- 
ter's level,  which  can  only  be  used  on  a  flat  surface 
(comp.  Thenius,  Comm.  in  2  K.  xxi.  13).  (12.) 
For  drawing  water  out  of  a  well,  or  raising  heavy 
weights  (Josh.  ii.  15;  Jer.  xxxviii.  6,  13).  To 
place  a  rope  on  the  head  (1  K.  xx.  31)  in  place  of 
the  ordinary  head-dress  was  a  sign  of  abject  sub- 
mission. The  materials  of  which  cord  was  made 
varied  according  to  the  strength  required;  the 
strongest  rope  was  probably  made  of  strips  of  camel 
hide,  as  still  used  by  the  Bedouins  for  drawing 
water  (Burclihardt's  Notes,  i.  46);  the  Egyptians 
twisted  these  strips  together  into  thongs  for  sandals 
tnd  other  purposes  (Wilkinson,  Arte.  Jigypt.  iii. 
145).  The  finer  sorts  were  made  of  flax  (Is.  xix. 
9).  Tlie  fibre  of  the  date-palm  was  also  used  (Wil- 
kinson, iii.  210);  and  probably  reeds  and  ruslies 
of  various  kinds,  as  implied  in  the  origin  of  the 
word  ffxotyloy  (PHn.  xix.  9),  wliich  is  generally 

used  by  the  LXX.  33  =  750,  and  more  particu- 
larly in  the  word  ^^OJS  (Job.  xli.  2),  which  pri- 
marily means  a  reed ;  in  the  Talmud  (Ervihin,  fol. 
58)  bulruslies,  osier,  and  flax  are  enumerated  as  the 
materials  of  which  rope  was  made ;  in  the  Mishna 

{Sotah,  i.  §  6)  the  ""ISQ  b^FI  is  explained  as 
funis  nmineits  seu  snlif/nus.  In  the  N.  T.  the 
term  <rxo"'^a  is  applied  to  the  whip  which  our 
Saviour  made  (John  ii.  15),  and  to  the  ropes  of  a 
ship  (Acts  xxvii.  32).  Alford  understands  it  in 
the  former  passage  of  the  rushes  on  which  the  cat- 
tle were  littered ;  but  the  ordinary  rendering  cwds 
teenis  more  consistent  with  the  nse  of  the  term 
ebewhere.  W.  L.  B. 

♦  CORDS  OF  SHEOL.  [Snares  of 
>EATH,  Amer.  ed.] 

CO'RE  (Koi)*',  N.  T.  6  K. :  Core),  Ecehis.  xlv. 
lS;Judell.     [Kokah,  1.] 

CORIANDER  ("T2 :  KipioV-  coriandium). 
The  plant  called  Cor-inrtdrwn  gativum  is  found  in 
Egypt,  Persia,  and  India  (Plin.  xx.  82),  and  has  a 
round  tall  stalk;  it  bears  umbelliferous  white  or 
reddit^h  flowers,  from  which  arise  globular,  graj-ish, 
ipicy  seed-corns,  marked  with  fine  strife.  It  is 
pttuch  cultivated  in  the  south  of  Europe,  as  its  seeds 
IM  used  by  confectioners  and  druggists.    The  Car- 


CORINTH 

thaginians  called  it  yoiTi  =  T3  (Diosoorid.  iii.  94) 
The  etymology  is  uncertain,  though  it  is  not  im- 
possible that  the  striated  appearance  of  the  seed-vei' 

sels  may  have  suggested  a  name  derived  from  T^2 
to  cut  (Gesen.).  It  is  mentioned  twice  in  the  Bibl* 
(Ex.  xvi.  31;  Num.  xi.  7).  In  both  passages  the 
manna  is  likened  to  coriander-seed  as  to  form,  and 
in  the  former  passage  as  to  color  also.        W.  D. 

COR'INTH  (KSptyOos:  [Corinthug]).  This 
city  is  alike  remarkal)le  for  its  distinctive  geograph- 
ical position,  its  eminence  in  Greek  and  Roman 
history,  aiid  its  close  connection  with  the  early 
spread  of  Christianity. 

(Jeographically  its  situation  was  so  marked,  that 
the  name  of  its  Isthmus  has  be«i  given  to  every 
narrow  neck  of  land  between  two  seas.  Thus  it 
was  "the  bridge  of  the  sea"  (Pind.  Nem.  vi.  44) 
and  "  the  gate  of  the  Peloponnesus"  (Xen.  Ages. 
2).  No  invading  anny  co\ild  enter  the  Morea  by 
land  except  by  this  way,  and  without  forcing  some 
of  tlTC  defenses  wliich  have  been  raised  from  one  sea 
to  tlie  other  at  various  intervals  between  the  great 
Persian  war  and  the  recent  struggles  of  the  Turks 
with  the  modem  Greeks,  or  with  the  Venetians. 
But,  besides  this,  the  site  of  Corinth  is  distin- 
guished by  another  conspicuous  physical  feature  — 
namely,  the  Acrucm-inthvs,  a  vast  citadel  of  rock, 
which  rises  abruptly  to  the  height  of  2000  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  the  summit  of  wliich 
is  so  extensive  that  it  once  contained  a  whole  town. 
The  view  from  this  eminence  is  one  of  the  most  cel- 
ebrated in  the  world.  Besides  the  mountains  of 
the  Morea,  it  embraces  those  on  the  northern  shore 
of  the  Corinthian  gulf,  with  the  snowy  heights  of 
Parnassus  conspicuous  above  the  rest.  To  the 
east  is  the  Saronic  gulf,  with  its  islands,  and  the 
hills  round  Atljens,  the  Acropolis  itself  being  dis- 
tinctly visible  at  a  distance  of  45  miles.  Immedi- 
ately below  the  .\crocorinthus,  to  the  north,  wa» 
the  city  of  Corinth,  on  a  table-land  descending  in 
terraces  to  the  low  plain,  wliich  lies  between  Cen- 
cliresB,  the  harbor  on  the  Saronic,  and  I>echa>uin, 
the  harbor  on  the  Corinthian  gulf. 

The  .HJtuation  of  (^orinth,  and  the  possession  of 
these  eastern  and  western  harbors,  are  the  secrets 
of  her  history.  The  earliest  passage  in  her  prog- 
ress to  eminence  was  probably  Phcenician.  But 
at  the  most  remote  perio<l  of  which  we  have  any 
sure  record  we  find  tlie  (keeks  established  here  in 
a  position  of  wealth  (Horn.  //.  ii.  570;  Pind.  01. 
xiii.  4),  and  mihtary  strength  (Thucyd.  i.  13). 
Some  of  the  earliest  efforts  of  Greek  ship-building 
are  connected  with  Corinth;  and  her  colonies  to 
the  westward  were  among  the  first  and  most  flour- 
ishing .sent  out  from  Greece.  So  too  in  the  latest 
nassages  of  Greek  history,  in  the  struggles  with 
Macedonia  and  Rome,  Corinth  held  a  conspicuous 
place.  After  the  battle  of  ChKronea  (b.  c.  338) 
the  Macedonian  kings  placed  a  garrison  in  the 
Acrocorinthus.  After  the  battle  of  Cynoscephalse 
(B.  c.  197)  it  was  occupied  by  a  Roman  garrison 
Corinth,  however,  was  constituted  the  head  of  the 
Achaean  league.  Here  the  Roman  ambassadors 
were  maltreated :  and  the  consequence  was  the  ut- 
ter ruin  and  destruction  of  the  city. 

It  is  not  the  true  Greek  Corinth  with  which  w« 
have  to  do  in  the  life  of  St.  Paul,  but  the  Corinth 
which  was  rebuilt  and  established  as  a  Roman  col- 
ony. The  distinction  between  the  two  must  ht 
carefully   remembered.     A  period  of  a  buodrei 


CORINTH 

fears  intervened,  during  which  the  place  was  al- 
most utterly  desolate.  The  merchants  of  the 
fathmus  retired  to  Delos.  ("he  presidency  of  the 
(sthmian  games  wiis  given  to  tlie  people  of  Sicyon. 
Corinth  seemed  blotted  from  tlie  map;  till  Julius 
Caesar  refounded  the  city,  which  thenceforth  was 
called  Cokmia  Julia  Coiinthus.  The  new  city  was 
hardly  less  distinguished  than  the  old,  and  it  ac- 
quired a  fresh  importance  as  the  metropolis  of  the 
Roman  province  of  Aciiaia.  We  find  Gallio, 
brother  of  the  philosopher  Seneca,  exercising  the 
functions  of  proconsul  here  (Achaia  was  a  senato- 
rial province)  during  St.  Paul's  first  residence  at 
Corinth,  in  the  reign  of  Claudius. 

This  residence  continued  for  a  year  and  six 
months,  and  the  circumstances,  which  occurred 
during  the  course  of  it,  are  related  at  some  length 
(Acts  xviii.  1-18).  St.  Paul  had  recently  passed 
through  Macedonia.  He  came  to  Corinth  from 
A'^hen8;  shortly  after  his  arrival  Silaa  and  Timo- 


CORINTH  493 

theus  came  from  Macedonia  and  rejoined  him ;  and 
about  this  time  the  two  epistles  to  the  Thessalo- 
nians  were  written  (probably  a.  d.  52  or  53).  It 
was  at  Corinth  that  the  apostle  first  became  ac- 
quainted with  Aquila  and  Priscilla;  and  shortly 
after  his  departure  Apollos  came  to  this  city  from 
Ephesus  (Acts  xviii.  27). 

Corinth  was  a  place  of  great  mental  activity,  ag 
well  as  of  commercial  and  manufacturing  enter- 
prise. Its  wealth  was  so  celebrated  as  to  be  pro- 
verbial; so  were  the  vice  and  profligacy  of  itH 
inhabitants.  The  worship  of  Venus  here  was  at 
tended  with  shameful  licentiousness.  All  these 
points  are  indirectly  illustrated  by  passages  in  the 
two  epistles  to  the  Corinthians,  whith  were  writtei; 
(probably  a.  d.  57)  the  first  from  Ephesus,  tlie 
second  from  Macedonia,  shortly  before  t)ie  second 
visit  to  Corinth,  which  is  briefly  stated  (A«:ts  xx. 
3)  to  have  lasted  three  months.  During  this  visit 
(probably  a.  d.  58)  the  epistle  to  the  liomans  was 


written.  From  the  three  epistles  last  mentioned, 
compared  with  Acts  xxiv.  17,  we  gather  that  St. 
Paul  was  much  occupied  at  this  time  with  a  collec- 
tion for  the  poor  Christians  at  Jerusalem. 

There  are  good  reasons  for  believing  that  wlien 
St.  Paul  was  at  Ephesus  (a.  d.  57)  he  wrote  to  the 
Corinthians  an  epistle  which  has  not  been  preserved 
(see  below,  p.  495);  and  it  is  almost  certain  that 
about  the  same  time  a  short  visit  was  paid  to 
Corinth,  of  wliich  no  account  is  given  in  the  Acts. 

It  has  been  well  observed  that  the  great  number 
of  Latin  names  of  persons  mentioned  in  the  epistle 
to  the  Romans  is  in  harmony  with  what  we  know 
of  the  colonial  origin  of  a  large  part  of  the  popu- 
lation of  Corinth.  From  Acts  xviii.  we  may  con- 
clude that  there  were  many  Jewish  converts  in  the 
Corinthian  church,  though  it  would  appear  (1  Cor. 
xii.  2)  that  the  Gentiles  predominated.  On  the 
other  hand  it  is  evident  from  the  whole  tenor  of 
both  epistles  tliat  the  .ludaizing  element  was  very 
iTong  at  Corinth.  Party-spirit  aiso  was  extit  nely 
jievatutnt,  the  n^nie.^  of  Paul,  Peter,  and  Apollos 


being  used  as  the  watchwords  of  restless  factions. 
.\mong  the  eminent  Christians  who  lived  at  Cor- 
inth were  Stephanas  (1  Cor.  i.  16,  xvi.  15,  17), 
Crispus  (Acts  xviii.  8;  1  Cor.  i.  14),  Cains  (Rom. 
xvi.  23;  1  Cor.  i.  14),  and  Erastus  (Rom.  xvi.  23; 
2  Tim.  iv.  20).  The  epistles  of  Clement  to  the 
Corinthians  are  .among  the  most  interesting  of  the 
post-apostolic  writings."  Corinth  is  still  an  epis- 
copal see.  The  cathedral  church  of  St.  Nicolas, 
"  a  very  mean  place  for  such  an  ecclesiastical  dig- 
nity," used  in  Turkish  times  to  be  in  the  Acrocor- 
inthus.  The  city  has  now  shrunk  to  a  wretched  vil- 
lage, on  the  old  site,  and  bearing  the  old  name, 
which,  however,  is  often  corrupted  into  Gortho. 

Pausanias,  in  describing  the  antiquities  of  Cor- 
inth as  they  existed  in  his  day,  distinguishes  clearly 
between  those  which  belonged  to  the  old  Greek 
city,  and  those  which  were  of  Roman  origin.    Two 

a  *  Of  the  two  epistles  to  the  Corinthians  ascribed 
to  Oiemeut  of  Rome,  only  the  first  is  now  regarcied  ai 
geamue  by  respectable  gnholars  A. 


194  CCRINTH 

relics  of  Roman  work  are  still  to  be  seen,  one  a 
•leap  of  brick-work  which  may  have  been  part  of 
the  baths  erected  by  Hadrian,  the  oU'er  the  remains 
of  an  amphitheatre  with  subterranean  arrangements 
for  gladiators.  Far  more  interesting  are  the  ruins 
of  the  ancient  Greek  temple  —  the  "  old  colunms, 
which  have  looked  down  on  the  rise,  the  prosi)erity, 
and  the  desolation  of  two  [in  fact,  three]  successive 
Coruiths."  At  the  time  of  Wheler's  visit  in  167G 
twelve  columns  were  standing:  before  1795  they 
were  reduced  to  five;  and  further  injury  has  very 
recently  been  inflicted  by  an  earthquake.  It  is 
believed  that  this  temple  is  the  oldest  of  which  any 
remains  are  left  in  Greece.  The  fountain  of  I^ei- 
rene,  "full  of  sweet  and  clear  water,"  as  it  is  de- 
scribed by  Strabo,  is  still  to  be  seen  in  the  Acro- 
corinthus,  as  well  as  the  fountains  ui  the  lower 
city,  of  which  it  was  supposed  by  him  and  Pausa- 
nias  to  be  the  source.  The  walls  on  the  Acrocor- 
Ltthus  were  in  part  erected  by  the  Venetians,  who 
held  Corinth  for  twenty-  five  years  in  the  17th  cen- 
tury. This  city  and  its  neighborhood  have  been 
described  by  many  travellers,  but  we  must  especially 
refer  to  Leake's  Mvren,  iii.  229-304  (Ix)ndon, 
1830),  and  his  PeLrpunntsiaai,  p.  392  (London, 
1846),  Curtius,  Peloptmnesos,  ii.  514  (Gotha,  1851- 
52);  Clark,  Pelo/xmnesus,  pp.  42-61  (I^ndon, 
1858).  There  are  four  German  monographs  on 
the  subject,  Wilckens,  Rerum  Cm-inthiacwum  spec- 
imtn  ad  illmtrationem  utiivsque  Ejnsioke  Paulince, 
Bremen,  1747;  Walch,  Antiquilates  Cwinthiacce, 
Jena,  1761 ;  Wagner,  Rervm  Cwinihincai~um  spec- 
imen, Darmstadt,  1824;  Harth,  Cminthiorum  Coni- 
mevcii  et  Mtrcaturce  HktwwB  Pariicula,  Berlin, 
1844.  [The  eminent  archaiologist,  Rangabes,  has 
i  sketch  of  Corinth,  its  earlier  and  later  history, 
and  its  antiquities,  in  Lis  'EAATji/tKc£,  ii-  287-314. 
-H.] 

This  article  would  be  incomplete  without  some 
notice  of  the  Posidonium,  or  sanctuary  of  Neptune, 
the  scene  of  the  Isthmian  games,  from  which  St. 
Paul  borrows  some  of  his  most  striking  imiigerj 
in  1  Cor.  and  other  epistles.  [See  Gamks,  Amer. 
ed.]  This  sanctuary  was  a  short  distance  to  the 
N.  E.  of  Corinth,  at  the  narrowest  part  of  the  Isth- 
mus, near  the  harbor  of  Schoenus  (now  Kalamaki) 
on  the  Saronic  gulf,  llie  wall  of  the  inclosure 
can  still  be  traced.  It  is  of  an  irregular  shape, 
determined  by  the  form  of  a  natural  platform  at 
the  edge  of  a  ravine.  The  fortifications  of  the 
Isthmus  followed  this  ravine  and  abutted  at  the 
east  upon  the  inclosure  of  the  sanctuary,  which 
thus  served  a  military  as  well  as  a  religious  pur- 
pose. The  exact  site  of  the  temple  is  doubtful, 
and  none  of  the  objects  of  interest  remain,  which 
Pausanias  describes  as  seen  by  him  within  the  in- 
clo-isure:  but  to  the  south  are  the  remains  of  the 
sta<liim  where  the  foot-races  were  run  (1  Cor.  ix. 
24);  to  the  east  are  those  of  the  theatre,  which 
was  probably  the  scene  of  the  pugilistic  contests 
(I'i.  23);  and  abundant  on  the  shore  are  the  small 
green  pine-trees  (ireuxaO  which  gave  the  fading 
wTeath  {ih.  25)  to  the  victors  in  the  games.  An 
inscription  found  here  in  1676  (now  removed  to 
Verona)  affords  a  valuable  illustration  of  the  in- 
terest taken  in  these  games  in  Roman  times  (Bo- 
eckh,  No.  1104).  The  French  map  of  the  Morea 
does  not  include  the  Isthmus ;  so  that,  till  recently, 
Col.  I.«ake's  sketch  (reproduced  by  Curtius)  has 
heen  the  only  trustworthy  representation  of  the 
leene  of  the  Isthmian  games.  But  the  ground  has 
been  more  minutely  examined  by  Mr.  Clark,  who 


CORINTHIANS 

gives  us  a  more  exact  plan.  In  the  liimiediate 
neighborhood  of  this  sanctuary  are  the  traces  of 
the  canal,  which  was  begun  and  discontinued  b) 
Nero  about  the  time  of  St.  Paul's  firet  visit  tc 
Coriiith.  J.  S   H. 


Didrachm  of  Corinth  (Attic  talent).  Obr.,  Head  of 
Minerva,  to  right.  Rev.,  Pegasus,  to  right ;  below, 
?• 

CORINTHIANS,  FIRST  EPISTLE  TO 
THE,  was  written  by  the  Apostle  St.  Paul  toward 
the  close  of  his  nearly  three-year  stay  at  Ephesua 
(Acts  xix.  10,  XX.  31;  see  the  subscription  in  U 
and  in  Copt.  Vers.),  which  we  learn  from  1  Cor. 
xvi.  8,  probably  terminated  with  the  Pentecost  of 
A.  D.  57  or  58.  Some  supposed  allusions  to  the 
passover  in  ch.  v.  7,  8,  have  led  recent  critics  (see 
Meyer  in  loc),  not  without  a  show  of  probabiUty, 
to  fix  upon  Easter  as  the  exact  time  of  composition. 
The  bearers  were  probably  (according  to  the  com- 
mon subscription)  Stephanas,  Fortunatus,  and  Acha- 
ici'.s,  who  had  been  recently  sent  to  the  Apostle, 
and  who,  in  the  conclusion  of  this  epistle  (ch.  xvi. 
17),  are  especially  commended  to  the  honorable  re- 
gard of  the  church  of  Corinth. 

This  varied  and  highly  characteristic  letter  waa 
addressed  not  to  any  party,  but  to  the  whob  body 
of  the  large  (Acts  xviii.  8,  10)  Juda-o-Gentile  (Acta 
xviii.  4)  church  of  Corinth,  and  appears  to  have 
been  called  forth,  1st,  by  the  information  the  Apos- 
tle had  received  from  members  of  the  household  of 
Chloe  (ch.  i.  11)  of  the  divisions  that  were  existing 
among  them,  which  were  of  so  grave  a  nature  as 
to  have  already  induced  the  Apostle  to  desire  Tim- 
othy to  visit  Corinth  (ch.  iv.  17)  after  his  journey 
to  Macedonia  (Acts  xix.  22);  2dly,  by  the  infor- 
mation he  had  received  of  a  grievous  case  of  incest 
(ch.  v.  1),  and  of  the  defective  state  of  the  Corin- 
thian converts,  not  only  in  regard  of  general  habits 
(ch.  vi.  1  ff.)  and  church  discipline  (ch.  xi.  20  fT.), 
but,  as  it  would  also  seem,  of  doctrine  (ch.  xv. ); 
3dly,  by  the  inquiries  that  had  been  specially  ad- 
dressed to  St.  Paul  by  the  church  of  Corinth  on 
several  matters  relating  to  (Christian  practice. 

llie  contents  of  this  epistle  are  thus  extremely 
varied,  and  in  the  present  article  almost  preclude  a 
more  specific  analysis  than  we  here  subjoin.  The 
Apostle  opens  with  his  usual  salutation  and  with 
an  expression  of  thankfulness  for  their  general  state 
of  Christian  progress  (ch.  i.  1-9).  He  then  at  once 
passes  on  to  the  lamentable  divisions  there  were 
among  them,  and  incidentally  justifies  his  own  con- 
duct and  mode  of  preaching  (ch.  i.  10-iv.  16), 
concluding  with  a  notice  of  the  mission  of  Timothy, 
and  of  an  intended  authoritative  visit  on  his  own 
part  (ch.  iv.  17-21).  The  Apostle  next  deals  with 
the  case  of  incest  that  had  taken  place  among  them 
and  had  provoked  no  censure  (ch.  v.  1-8),  noticing 
as  he  passes,  some  previous  remarks  he  had  mad« 
upon  not  keeping  company  with  fornicators  (ch.  v 
9-13).  He  then  comments  on  their  evil  practice 
of  litigation  before  heathen  tribunals  (ch.  vi.  1-JJ). 
and  again  revert*  to  the  plague-spot  in  Corinthiat 
life,  fornication  4nd   uncleanness  (ch.  vi.  9-^) 


CORINTHIANS 

Fhe  last  suoject  naturally  paves  the  way  fo-  his  an- 
nvers  to  their  inquiries  about  marriage  (ch.  vii.  1- 
24),  and  about  the  celibacy  of  virgins  and  widows 
(ch.  vii.  25-40).  The  Ajwstle  next  makes  a  transi- 
tion to  the  subject  of  the  lawfubiess  of  eating  things 
sacrificed  to  idols,  and  Christian  freedom  generally 
(ch.  viii.),  which  leads,  not  unnaturally,  to  a  di- 
gression on  the  manner  in  which  he  waived  his 
apostolic  privileges,  and  performed  his  apostolic 
duties  (ch.  ix.).  He  then  reverts  to  and  concludes 
the  subject  of  the  use  of  things  offered  to  idols  (ch. 
x.-xi.  1),  and  passes  onward  to  reprove  his  con- 
verts for  their  behavior  in  the  assemblies  of  the 
church,  both  in  respect  to  women  prophesying  and 
praying  with  uncovered  heads  (ch.  xi.  2-16),  and 
also  then-  great  irregularities  in  the  eeleljration  of 
the  Ix)rd's  Supper  (ch.  xi.  17-34).  Then  follow 
ftiU  and  minute  instructions  on  the  exercise  of  spir- 
itual gifts  (ch.  xii.-xiv.),  in  which  is  included  the 
noble  panegyric  of  charity  (ch.  xiii.),  and  further  a 
defense  of  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead,  about  which  doubts  and  difficulties  appear  to 
have  arisen  in  this  unhappily  divided  church  (ch. 
XV. ).  The  epistle  closes  with  some  directions  con- 
cerning the  contributions  for  the  saints  at  Jerusa- 
lem (ch.  xvi.  1-4),  brief  notices  of  his  own  intended 
movements  (ch.  xvi.  5-9),  commendation  to  them 
of  Timothy  and  others  (ch.  xvi.  10-18),  greetings 
from  the  churches  (ch.  xvi.  19,  20),  and  an  auto- 
graph salutation  and  benediction  (ch.  xvi.  21-24). 
With  regard  to  the  (/enuineness  and  authenticity 
of  this  epistle  no  doubt  has  ever  been  entertained. 
The  external  evidences  (Clem.  Kom.  acl  Cor.  cc.  47, 
49;  Polycarp,  nd  Phil.  c.  11;  Ignat.  ad  Eph.  c. 
2;  Irenaeus,  Ilcer.  Hi.  11,  9;  iv.  27,  3;  Athenag. 
de  ResuiT.  [c.  18,]  p.  61,  ed.  Col.;  Clem.  Alex. 
Pcedag.  i.  33  [?e.  6,  p.  42  f.  or  117  f.  ed.  Potter] ; 
fertull.  de  Prcesci:  c.  33)  are  extremely  distinct, 
and  the  character  of  the  composition  such,  that  if 
any  critic  should  hereafter  be  bold  enough  to  ques- 
tion the  correctness  of  the  ascription,  he  must  be 
prepared  to  extend  it  to  all  the  epistles  that  bear 
the  name  of  the  great  Apostle.  The  baseless  as- 
sumption of  Bolten  and  Bertholdt  that  this  epistle 
is  a  translation  of  an  Aramaic  original  requires  no 
confutation.  See  further  testimonies  in  Lardner, 
Credibility,  ii.  36  ff.,  8vo,  and  Davidson,  Inti-oduc- 
ti(m,  ii.  253  ff. 

Two  special  points  deserve  separate  consideration : 
1.  The  stale  of  parties  al  Corinth  at  the  time 
of  the  Apostle's  writing.  On  this  much  has  been 
written,  aiid,  it  does  not  seem  too  much  to  say,  more 
ingenuity  displayed  than  sound  and  sober  criticism. 
The  few  facts  supplied  to  us  by  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  and  the  notices  in  the  epistle,  appear  to 
be  as  follows :  —  The  Corinthian  church  was  planted 
by  the  Apostle  himself  (1  Cor.  iii.  6),  in  his  second 
missionary  journey,  after  his  departure  from  Athens 
(Acts  xviii.  1  ff.).  He  abode  in  the  city  a  year  and 
i  half  (ch.  xviii.  11),  at  first  in  the  house  of  Aquila 
and  Priscilla  (ch.  xviii.  3),  and  afterwards,  apparently 
to  mark  emphatically  the  factious  nature  of  the 
conduct  of  the  Jews,  in  the  house  of  the  proselyte 
Justus.  A  shori  time  after  the  A.wstle  had  left 
ihe  city,  the  eloquent  Jew  of  Alexandria,  ApoUos" 
\fter  having  received,  when  at  Ephesus,  more  exact 
instruction  in  the  Gospel  from  Aquila  and  Pri-scilla, 


o  •  See  also  Hilgenfeld,  Die  Christus-Leute  in  Kor- 
;ii«/»,  in  his  Zeitsckr.f.  iviss.  TheoL  1865,  viii.  241-266, 
Ut4  Beyschlag,  Uebet  die  Christuspartei  zu  Korinth, 
ia.  Ou  Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1865,  pp.  217-276.     It  to 


CORINTHIANS  495 

went  to  Corinth  (Acts  xix.  1),  where  he  preuched, 
as  we  may  perhaps  infer  from  St.  Paul's  comments 
on  his  own  mode  of  preaching,  in  a  mamwr  marke*' 
l)y  unusual  eloquence  and  persuasiveness  (conip.  ch. 
ii.  1,  4).  There  is,  however,  no  reason  for  con- 
cluding that  the  su/jstance  of  the  teaching  was  in 
any  respect  different  from  that  of  St.  Paul;  for  see 
ch.  i.  18,  xvi.  12.  This  circumstance  of  the  visit 
of  A  polios,  owing  to  the  sensuous  and  carnal  spiiit 
which  marked  the  church  of  Corinth,  appears  to 
have  formed  the  commencement  of  a  giudual  Jivio- 
ion  into  two  parties,  the  followers  of  St.  Paul,  and 
the  followers  of  Apollos  (coinp.  ch.  iv.  6).  These 
divisions,  however,  were  to  be  multiplied;  for,  as  it 
would  seem,  shortly  after  the  de])arture  of  Apollos 
Judaizing  teachers,  supplied  probably  with  letters 
of  commend.ation  (2  Cor.  iii.  1}  from  the  church  of 
.lerusaleni,  appear  to  have  come  to  Corinth  and  to 
have  preached  the  Gospel  in  a  spirit  of  direct  an- 
tagonism to  St.  Paul  personally,  in  every  way  seek- 
ing to  depress  his  claims  to  be  considered  an  Ajwstle 
(1  Cor.  xi.  2),  and  to  exalt  those  of  the  Twelve, 
and  perhaps  especially  of  St.  Peter  (ch.  i.  12).  To 
this  tliird  party,  which  apjwars  to  have  been  charac- 
terized by  a  spirit  of  excessive  bitterness  and  faction, 
we  may  perhaps  add  a  fourth,  that,  under  the  name 
of  "  the  followers  of  Christ"  (ch.  i.  12),  sought  at 
first  to  separate  themselves  from  the  factious  ad- 
herence to  particular  teachers,  but  eventually  were 
driven  by  antagonism  into  positions  equally  sec- 
tarian and  inimical  to  the  unity  of  the  church.  At 
this  momentous  period,  before  parties  had  become 
consolidated,  and  had  distinctly  withdrawn  from 
communion  with  one  another,  the  Apostle  writes; 
and  in  the  outset  of  the  epistle  (ch.  i.-iv.  21)  we 
have  his  noble  and  impassioned  protest  against  this 
fourfold  rending  of  the  robe  of  Christ.  This  spirit 
of  division  appears,  by  the  good  providence  of  Gcd, 
to  have  eventually  yielded  to  his  Apostle's  rebuke, 
as  it  is  noticeable  that  Clement  of  Rome,  in  hi« 
epistle  to  this  church  (ch.  47),  alludes  to  these 
evils  as  long  past,  and  as  but  slight  compared  to 
those  which  existed  in  his  own  time.  For  further 
information,  beside  that  contained  in  the  writings 
of  Neander,  Davidson,  Conybeare  and  Howson,  and 
others,  the  student  may  be  referred  to  the  special 
treatises  of  Schenkel,  de  Eccl.  Cor.  (Uasel,  1838), 
Kniewel,  Eccl.  Cor.  Bissensiones  (Gedan.  1841), 
Becker,  Partheiungen  in  die  Gemeinde  z.  Km: 
(Altona,  1841),  Riibiger,  Krit.  Unlersuch.  (Bresl. 
1847 ) ;  but  he  cannot  be  too  emphatically  warned 
against  that  tendency  to  constjaict  a  definite  history 
out  of  the  fewest  possible  facts,  that  marks  most 
of  these  discussions." 

2.  The  number  of  epistles  written  by  St.  Paul  to 
the  Corinthian  church.  This  will  probably  remain 
a  subject  of  controversy  to  the  end  of  time.  On 
the  one  side  we  have  the  a  pri&i-i  objection  that 
an  epistle  of  St.  Paul  should  have  ever  l«en  lost  to 
the  church  of  Christ ;  on  the  other  we  have  certain 
expressions  which  seem  inexplicable  on  any  other 
hyiK)thesis.  As  it  seems  our  duty  hen;  to  express 
an  opinion,  we  may  briefly  say  that  the  well-known 
words,  eypmj/a  v/xiv  eV  rfj  iiriffToKfj,  fi^  avvava- 
fiiyvvadai  irSpyois  (ch.  v.  9),  do  certainly  seem  to 
point  to  some  former  epistolary  communication  to 
the  church  of  Corinth  —  not  from  linguistic,  but 


hardly  worth  while  to  refer  more  fuUy  to  the  copioui 
literature  on  this  very  uncertain  subject.  For  a  brief 
revie«  of  the  various  hypotheses,  see  Uoltzuiann  in 
Bunsen'B  BibelwerK.  viii.  434  ff.  ^1866).  A. 


i96  CORINTHIANS 

firom  simple  exegetical  considerations:  for  it  does 
jeem  impossible  eitlier  to  refer  the  definite  fxij 
avvavafilyy.  k.  t.  A.  to  wliat  has  precedHd  in  ver. 
2  or  ver.  6,  or  to  conceive  that  tlie  words  refer  to 
the  command  which  the  Apostle  is  now  givuij;  for 
the  first  time.  The  whole  context  seems  in  favor 
of  a  former  command  given  to  tlie  Corintliians,  but 
interpreted  by  them  so  literally  as  here  to  require 
further  explanation.  It  is  not  riglit  to  suppress  the 
fact  that  the  Greek  commentators  are  of  the  con- 
trary opinion,  nor  must  we  overlook  the  objection 
that  no  notice  has  been  taken  of  the  lost  epistle  by 
any  writers  of  antiquity.  Against  this  last  objec- 
tion it  may  perhaps  be  urged  that  the  letter  might 
have  been  so  short,  and  so  distinctly  occupied  with 
specijic  directions  to  this  pnrticulur  cliurch,  as 
never  to  have  gained  circulation  beyond  it.  Our 
present  epistles,  it  should  be  remembered,  are  not 
addressed  exclusively  to  the  Christians  at  Corinth 
(see  1  Cor.  i.  2;  2  Cor.  i.  1).  A  special  treatise 
on  this  subject  (in  opposition,  however,  to  the  view 
here  taken),  and  the  number  of  St.  Paul's  journeys 
to  Corinth,  has  been  written  by  Miiller,  De  TiUms 
Pcmli  I  tin.,  tj'f.  (IJasil,  18;jl)." 

The  apocryphal  letter  of  the  church  of  Corinth 
to  St.  I'aul,  and  St.  Paul's  answer,  existing  ui 
Armenian,  are  worthless  productions  that  deserve 
no  consideration,  but  may  be  alluded  to  only  as 
perhaps  aflbrding  some  diyht  evidence  of  an  early 
belief  that  the  Apostle  had  written  to  his  converts 
more  than  twice.  The  original  Armenian,  with  a 
translation,  will  be  found  in  Aucher,  Arm.  Gram- 
mar, p.  143-161. 

The  editions  of  [commentaries  on]  these  epistles 
have  been  somewhat  numerous.  Among  the  best 
are  tliose  of  IJilh-oth  (Leipz.  18;J3  [trans,  in  Edin. 
Cab.  Libr.]),  liiickert  {\A\^.  1836-37),  Olshausen 
(Kiinigsb.  1840),  De  Wette  (Leipz.  1845  [3d  Aufl. 
by  Messner,  1855]),  Osiander  (Stuttg.  1847  [2d 
Ep.  1858]),  Meyer  (1845  [4th  Aufl.  1861,  2d  Ep. 
1862]),  and  in  our  own  country,  Peile  (I^nd. 
1848),  Alford  (Und.  1856  [4th  ed.  1865]),  and 
Stanley  (Lond.  1858  [3d  ed.  1865]).      (!.  J.  E. 

*  The  following  works  should  be  added :  Adalb. 
Maier  (Cath.),  Comm.  ub.  din  trsten  Brief  Panli 
an  die  Kwiiither,  1857 ;  Comm.  iib.  d.  ztrtiltn 
Brief,  1865;  Ewald,  Die  Sendsclireiben  des  Ap. 
Paulas,  1857;  Neander,  Ausle(/vnff  der  beiden 
Briefe  an  die  Corintlter  (a  posthumous  work 
edited  by  Beyschlag),  1859;  Chr.  Er.  Kling,  Die 
K(yrintlierbiiefe,  in  lunge's  Bibelwerk,  1861; 
Oliarles  Hodge,  Expomtitm  of  the  First  Kpistle  to 
he  Coi-inthiaw,  New  York,  1857,  12mo,  and  Ex- 
position  of  the  Second  Epistle,  ditto;  Chr.  Words- 
worth, in  his  Gretk  Testament,  vnth  Jnlrorhiction 
and  Notes,  4th  ed.,  1866;  W.  E.  liesser,  St.  Pauli 
erster  Bnef  an  die  Cemnther  (1862),  and  Zweiter 
Biief  (1863),  in  Bibelsttmden  fiir  die  Gemeinde 
ausyele<jt,  regarded  in  Germany  as  one  of  the  best 
specimens  of  a  happy  union  of  accurate  exegesis 
uid  practical  exposition ;  and  J.  C.  K.  von  tiofmann, 
Erstar  Brief  an  die  Korinlher  (1864),  Zweiter 
fi»-ie/'(1866),  in  his  Die  heiliye  Schrift  Neuen 
Testaments  zusammenhanyeml  untersucht,  with 
special  reference  to  the  development  of  the  doctrinal 
ideas.  The  article  by  Holtzniann  (in  Herzog's 
Real-Encykl.  xix.  730-41)  on  tlie  relation  of  the 


a  *  Bleek  also  maintains  the  view  that  Paul  wrote 
■D  epistle  to  the  Corinthiani",  wliich  has  been  lost,  be- 
Cseen  his  Ist  and  2d  epistles  now  extant.  He  states 
Ub  retuons  at  lengtb  for  so  thinking  in  lilg  Eint^  in 


CORINTHIANS 

two  Corinthian  epistles  to  each  other  and  on  tiu 
course  of  thought  pursued  in  them  is  very  good 
On  the  internal  condition  of  the  church  at  Corinth, 
when  Paul  wrote  his  epistles  to  the  Corinthians 
see  Lechler's  Das  apost.  u.  das  nachapost.  Zeitaller 
p.  385  ff.  H. 

CORINTHIANS,  SECOND  EPISTLE 
TO  THE,  was  written  a  few  months  subsequently 
to  the  first,  in  the  same  year,  —  and  thus,  if  the 
dates  assigned  to  the  former  epistle  be  correct,  about 
the  autumn  of  A.  i).  57  or  58,  a  short  time  previous 
to  the  Apostle's  three  months'  stay  in  Acliaia  (Act* 
XX.  3).  The  place  whence  it  was  written  was 
clearly  not  Ephesus  (see  ch.  i.  8),  but  Macedonia 
(ch.  vii.  5,  viii.  1,  ix.  2),  whither  the  A|)os>le  went 
by  way  of  Troas  (ch.  ii.  12),  after  waiting  a  short 
time  in  the  latter  place  for  the  return  of  Titus  (ch. 
ii.  13).  The  Vatican  MS.,  the  bulk  of  later  MSS., 
and  the  old  Syr.  version,  assign  Philippi  as  the 
exact  place  whence  it  was  written ;  but  for  this 
assertion  we  have  no  ceilain  grounds  to  rely  on: 
tliat  the  bearers,  however,  were  Titus  and  his  asso- 
ciates  (LukeV)  is  apparently  substantiated  by  ch 
viii.  23,  ix.  3,  5. 

The  epistle  was  occasioned  by  the  information 
which  the  Apostle  had  received  from  Titus,  and 
also,  as  it  would  certainly  seem  probable,  from 
Timothy,  of  the  reception  of  the  first  epistle.  It 
has  indeed  recently  been  doubted  by  Neander,  De 
Wette,  and  others,  whether  Timothy,  who  had  been 
definitely  sent  t^  Corinth  (1  Cor.  iv.  17)  by  way  of 
Macedonia  (Acts  xix.  22),  really  readied  his  destina- 
tion (comp.  1  Cor.  xvi.  10);  and  it  has  been  urged 
that  the  mission  of  Timothy  would  hardly  have 
been  left  unnoticed  in  2  Cor.  xii.  17, 18  (see  Kiickert, 
Comm.  p.  409).  To  this,  however,  it  has  been 
replied,  apparently  convincingly,  tliat  as  Timothy 
is  an  associate  in  writing  the  ejiistle,  any  notice  of 
his  own  mission  in  tlie  third  person  would  have 
seemed  inappropriate.  His  visit  was  assumed  as  a 
fact,  and  as  one  that  naturally  made  him  an  asso- 
ciate with  the  Apostle  in  writing  to  the  church  he 
had  so  lately  visited. 

It  is  more  difficult  to  assign  the  precise  reason 
for  the  mission  of  'i'itus.  That  he  brought  back 
tidings  of  the  reception  wliieh  St.  Paul's  first  epistle 
had  met  with  seems  perfectly  clear  (ch.  vii.  6  ft".), 
but  whether  he  was  sjiecially  sent  to  ascertain  this, 
or  whether  to  convey  fresh  directions,  cannot  be 
ascertained.  There  is  a  show  of  plausibility  in  the 
supposition  of  Bleek  (Stiul.  «.  Krit.  for  1830,  p. 
625),  followed  more  recently  by  Neander  (PJianz. 
u.  Leit.  p.  437),  that  the  Apofetle  had  made  'litus 
the  bearer  of  a  letter  couclied  in  terms  of  decideil 
severity,  now  lost,  to  wliich  lie  is  to  be  supposed  to 
refer  in  ch.  ii.  3  (compared  with  ver.  4,  9),  vii.  6, 
11  ff.;  but,  as  hiis  been  justly  urged  (see  Meyer, 
Einleit.  p.  3),  there  is  quito  enongh  of  severity  iji 
the  first  epistle  (consider  ch.  iv.  18-21,  v.  2  ff.,  vi. 
5-8,  xi.  17)  to  call  forth  the  Apostle's  affectionate 
anxiety.  If  it  be  desirable  to  hazard  a  conjecture 
on  tcis  mission  of  Titus,  it  would  seem  most  natural 
to  suppose  that  the  return  of  Timothy  and  the  in- 
tolligence  he  conveyed  might  have  been  such  as  to 
make  the  Apostle  feel  the  necessity  of  at  once 
despatching  to  the  contentious  church  one  of  his 
immediate  followers,  with   instructions  to  support 


das  N.  Test.  p.  402  ff  Neauder  also  adopts  the  gam* 
opinion  in  the  4th  ed.  of  his  Gfsrh.  dtr  Fflanzung  (1847) 
and  in  his  Amie^.  der  Brr  nn  die  Cor.  (p.  345),  »ft« 
having  previously  declare  tumself  against  It.       U 


CORINTHIANS 

*nd  strengthen  the  effect  of  the  epistle,  and  to  bring 
back  the  most  recent  tidings  of  the  spirit  that  was 
prevailing  at  (Corinth. 

These  tidings,  as  it  would  seem  from  our  present 
epistle,  were  mainly  favorable;  the  better  part  of 
the  church  were  returning  back  to  their  spiritual 
allegiance  to  their  founder  (ch.  i.  13,  14,  vii.  9,  15, 
16).  but  there  was  stUl  a  faction,  possibly  of  the 
Judaizing  members  (comp.  ch.  xi.  22),  that  were 
Bharpened  into  even  a  more  keen  animosity  against 
the  Apostle  jxrsonaliu  (ch.  x.  1,  10),  and  more 
strenuously  denied  his  claim  to  Apostleship. 

The  contents  of  this  epistle  are  thus  very  varied, 
but  may  perhaps  be  rougldy  divided  into  three 
parts :  —  1st,  the  Apostle's  account  of  the  character 
of  his  spiritual  labors,  accompanied  with  notices  of 
his  affectionate  feelings  towards  his  converts  (ch. 
i.-vii.);  2dly,  directions  about  the  collections  (ch. 
\iii.,  ix.);  3dly,  defense  of  his  own  apostoUcal 
character  (ch.  x.-xiii.  10).  A  close  analysis  is 
scarcely  compatible  with  the  hmits  of  the  present 
article,  as  in  no  one  of  the  Apostle's  epistles  are  the 
changes  more  rapid  and  frequent.  Now  he  thanks 
God  for  their  general  state  (ch.  i.  3  ff.);  now  he 
glances  to  his  purposed  visit  (ch.  i.  15  ff.);  now  he 
iUludes  to  the  special  directions  in  the  first  letter 
(ch.  ii.  3  ff.);  again  he  returns  to  his  own  plans 
(ch.  ii.  12  ff ),  pleads  his  own  apostoUc  dignity  (ch. 
iii.  1  ff. ),  dwells  long  upon  the  spirit  and  nature  of 
his  own  labors  (ch.  iv.  1  ff.),  his  own  hopes  (ch.  v. 
1  ff.),  and  his  own  sufferings  (ch.  vi.  1  ff.),  return- 
ing again  to  more  specific  declarations  of  his 
love  towards  his  children  in  the  faith  (ch.  vi.  11 
ff ),  and  a  yet  further  declaration  of  his  views 
and  feelings  with  regard  to  them  (ch.  vii.).  Then 
again,  in  the  matter  of  the  alms,  he  stirs  up  their 
liberality  by  alluding  to  the  conduct  of  the  churches 
of  Macedonia  (ch.  viii.  1  ff.),  their  spiritual  progress 
(ver.  7),  the  example  of  Christ  (ver.  9),  and  passes 
on  to  speak  more  fully  of  the  present  mission  of 
Titus  and  his  associates  (ver.  18  ff),  and  to  reiterate 
his  exhortations  to  liberality  (ch.  ix.  1  ff ).  In  the 
third  portion  he  passes  into  language  of  severity 
and  reproof;  he  gravely  warns  those  who  presume 
to  hold  Ughtly  his  apostolical  authority  (ch.  x.  1 
ff ) ;  he  puts  strongly  forward  his  apostolical  dignity 
(ch.  xi.  5  ff);  he  illustrates  his  forbearance  (ver.  8 
ff.);  he  makes  honest  boast  of  his  labors  (ver.  23 
flP.);  he  declares  the  revelations  vouchsafed  to  him 
(ch.  xii.  1  ff ) ;  he  again  returns  to  the  nature  of 
his  dealings  with  his  conveits  (ver.  12  ff),  and  con- 
cludes with  grave  and  reiterated  warning  (ch.  xiii. 
1  ff.),  brief  greethigs,  and  a  doxology  (ver.  11-14). 

The  yciiuiiitness  and  nuthtnlicitij  is  supported  l)y 
the  most  decided  external  testimony  (Irenseus,  Ilier. 
iii.  7,  1,  iv.  28,  3;  Athenagoras,  de  Besurr.  [c.  18,] 
p.  61,  ed.  Col. ;  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  iii.  94,  iv.  101 ; 
Liii.  c.  11,  iv.  c.  16,  pp.  544,  608,  ed.  Potter;] 
Tertull.  (k  Pwlkit.  c.  13),  and  by  internal  evidence 
of  such  a  kintl  tliat  what  has  been  said  on  this 
point  hi  respect  of  the  first  epistle  is  here  even  still 
more  applical)le.  The  only  doubts  that  modern 
p8eud( -criticism  has  been  aide  to  bring  forward 
relate  to  the  imity  of  the  epistle,  but  are  not  such 
%s  seem  to  deserve  seri:)us  consideration  (see  Meyer, 
Kinleit.  p.  7). 

The  priiicijjal  historical  difficulty  connected  with 
the  epistle  relates  to  the  numSer  of  visits  made  by 
the  Apostle  to  the  church  of  Corinth.  The  words 
of  this  epistle  (ch.  xii.  14,  xiii.  1,  2)  seem  distmctly 
to  imply  that  St.  I'aul  had  visited  Corinth  twice 
before  the  time  at  which  he  now  writes  St.  Luke, 
32 


CORMORANT 


497 


however,  only  mentions  one  visit  prior  to  that  tbnc 
(Acts  xviii.  1  ff ) ;  for  the  visit  recorded  in  Acti 
XX.  2,  3,  is  confessedly  subsequent.  If  with  Grotius 
and  others  we  assume  that  in  ch.  xii.  14  to'ito* 
belongs  to  tJoijjMS  exa>,  and  not  to  i\df7y  irphs 
v/xas,  we  still  have  in  ch.  xiii.  1,  the  definite  words 
Tphoy  rovTo  epxofJ.ai,  whicli  seem  totally  to  pre- 
clude any  other  meaning  than  this  —  that  the 
Apostle  had  visited  them  timce  before,  and  was  now 
on  the  eve  of  going  a  third  time.  The  ordinary 
subterfuge  that  epxa/Mt  is  here  equivalent  to 
eroi/uLCiis  ix^  iKdelv  (so  actually  A,  the  Arabic 
[lu-p.],  and  the  Coptic  versions)  is  grammatically 
indefensible,  and  woidd  never  have  been  thought 
of  if  the  narrative  of  the  Acts  had  not  seemed  to 
require  it.  We  must  assume  then  that  the  Apostle 
made  a  visit  to  Corinth  which  St.  Luke  was  not 
moved  to  record,  and  which,  from  its  probably  short 
duration,  might  easily  have  been  omitted  in  a  nar- 
rative that  is  more  a  general  history  of  the  church 
in  the  lives  of  its  chief  teachers,  than  a  chronicle 
of  annahstic  detail.  So  Chrysostom  and  his  fol- 
lowers, Qilcumenius  and  Theophylact,  and  in  recent 
times,  Mijller  {De  Tiiinis  Pnuli  Itin.  Basil.  1831), 
Anger  {Rat.  Temp.  p.  70  ff ),  Wieseler  {Cln-onol. 
p.  239),  and  the  majority  of  modern  critics.  It  has 
formed  a  further  subject  of  question  whether,  on 
this  supposition,  the  visit  to  Corinth  is  to  be  re- 
garded only  as  the  return  there  from  a  somewhat 
lengthened  excursion  during  the  18  months'  stay  at 
that  city  (Anger),  or  whether  it  is  to  be  referred  to 
the  period  of  the  3  years'  residence  at  Ephesus.  The 
latter  has  most  supporters,  and  seems  certainly  most 
natural;  see  Wieseler,  Chronol.  1.  c,  and  Meyer. 
EirdeU.  p.  6. 

The  commentaries  on  this  epistle  are  somewhat 
numerous,  and  the  same  as  those  mentioned  in  the 
article  on  the  former  epistle.  [See  the  addition  on 
that  epistle.]  No  portion  of  the  Apostle's  writings 
deserves  more  careful  study,  as  placing  before  us 
the  striking  power  of  Christiim  rhetoric,  which  dis 
tinguished  its  great  and  inspired  author. 

C.  J.  E. 

*  CORIN'THUS.  This  Latm  form  occun 
(for  Corinth)  in  the  A.  V.  in  the  subscription  tc 
the  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  A. 

CORMORANT.  The  representative  in  the 
A.  V.  of  the  Hebrew  words  Math  (nSjv)  and 
slialdc  (TT^tf).     As  to  the  former,  see  Pelican. 

^      '   T    T  ' 

ShdUic  {KarapdHTris  •  mergulus ;  nyclicorax  ?) 
occurs  only  as  the  name  of  an  unclean  bird  in  Lev 
xi.  17 ;  Deut.  xiv.  17.  The  word  has  been  vari- 
ously rendered  (see  Bochart,  Hieroz.  iii.  24),  but 
some  sea  bird  is  generally  understood  to  be  denoted 
by  it.  There  is  some  difficulty  in  identifying  the 
KarapaHTT^s  of  the  LXX. ;  nor  can  we  be  quite  sat- 
isfied with  Oedmann  ( Verm.  Samml.  iii.  c.  vii 
p.  68),  MichaeUs,  Rosenmiiller,  and  others,  that  the 
Solan  goose,  or  gannet  {Sula  alba),  is  the  bird  men- 
tioned by  Aristotle  {Hist.  An.  ii.  12,  §  15;  ix.  13, 
§  1)  and  the  author  of  the  Ixeutics  (Oppian,  ii.  2). 
Col.  H.  Smith  (Kitto's  Cyc.  art.  Snlacli)  has 
noticed  that  this  bird  {KaTa^pdKrris)  is  described 
as  being  of  the  size  of  a  hawk  or  one  of  the  smaller 
gulls  (ojs  01  rccy  Xdpatv  iKdaaopes),  whereas  the 
gannet  is  as  large  as  a  goose.  The  account  given 
in  the  Ixeutics  {I.  c.)  of  this  bird  is  the  fullest  we 
possess;  and  certainly  the  description,  with  the  ex- 
ception above  noted,  is  well  suited  to  the  gannet, 
■whose  habit  of  rismg  high  into  the  air,  and  pw- 


498 


CORN 


tiaUy  closiug  its  wings,  and  then  falling  straight  as 
•D  arrow  on  its  prey,  emerging  again  in  a  few  sec- 
onds, is  graphically  described  in  the  passage  alluded 
to.  It  is  probable  that  the  ancients  sometimes  con- 
fused this  bird  with  some  species  of  tern ;  hence  the 
diiBculty  as  to  size.  Col.  H.  Smith  suggests  tlie 
Caspian  tern  (Sleitia  Cospia)  as  the  representative 
of  the  KaTap^dKTris;  which  opinion  is  however  in- 
admissible, for  tlie  terns  are  known  never  to  dive, 
whereas  tlie  diving  haliits  of  the  KarappiKrris  are 
expressly  mentioned  (KaraSOerai  fifXP^^  opyvias  ^ 
Koi  ■K\eoi>)-  IModern  ornithologists  apply  the  term 
cataractes  to  tlie  diflerent  species  of  skuas  (lestris), 
birds  of  northern  regions,  to  which  the  description 
3f  the  KarappaKTris  is  wholly  inapplicable.  But 
though  the  gannet  may  be  the  Kara^^dKrris  of 
Aristotle  and  tlie  Ixeulics,  it  is  doubtful  wliether 
this  bird  is  found  in  the  Bible-lands,  although  it 
has  a  wide  range,  l)eing  seen  northward  in  New- 
foundland and  in  the  Hebrides,  and  southward  at 
the  Cape  of  G<x)d  Hope.  The  etymology  of  the 
Hebrew  word  {toints  to  some  plunging  bird:  the 
common  cormorant  {PJuddcrocorax  carbo),  which 
some  writers  liave  identified  with  the  shdldc,  is 
unknown  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean;  another 
species  is  found  S.  of  the  Red  Sea,  but  none  on 
the  W.  coast  of  Palestine.  W.  H. 

CORN  (p"^).    Tlie  most  common  kinds  were 

wheat,  n^»7 ;  barley,  nn'S7tp  ;  spelt  (A.  V.,  Ex. 
ix.  32,  and  Is.  xxviii.  25,  "  rie; "  Ez.  iv.  9,  "fitch- 
es") nt3D3  (or  in  plur.  form  C^BS);  and 
millet,  ^n  1  :  oats  are  mentioned  only  by  rabbin- 
ical writers.  The  doubtful  word  TT^'W,  rendered 
"  principal,"  as  an  epithet  of  wheat,  in  the  A.  V. 
of  Is.  xxviii.  25,  is  pmtebly  not  distinctive  of  aoy 
•pecies  of  grain  (see  Gesen.  sub  voc.).  Corn  crops 
are  still  reckoned  at  twentyfold  what  wa.s  sown,  and 
were  anciently  much  more.  "  Seven  ears  on  one 
gtalk  "  (Gen.  xli.  22)  is  no  unusual  phenomenon  in 
Egypt  at  this  day.  The  niany-eivred  stalk  is  also 
common  in  the  wheat  of  Palestine,  and  it  is  of 
course  of  the  bearded  kind.  Tlie  "  heap  of  wheat 
set  about  with  lilies  "  (which  probably  grew  in  the 
field  together  with  it)  may  allude  to  a  custom  of  so 
decorating  the  sheaves  (Cant.  vii.  2).  Wheat  (see 
2  Sam.  iv.  6)  was  stored  in  the  house  for  domestic 
purposes  —  the  "midst  of  the  house"  meaning 
the  part  more  retired  than  the  common  chamber 
where  the  guests  were  iiccommodated.  It  is  at 
present  often  kept  in  a  dry  well,  and  [lerhapg  the 
"ground  corn  "  of  2  Sam.  xvii.  19  was  meant  to 
imply  that  the  well  wa«  so  used.  From  Solomon's 
time  (2  Chr.  ii.  10,  15),  i.  e.  as  agiiculture  became 
developed  under  a  settled  government,  Palestine 
was  a  corn-exporting  country,  and  her  grains  were 
largely  taken  by  her  commercial  neighbor  Tyre  (Ez. 
sxvii.  17;  comp.  Amos  viii.  5).  "  Plenty  of  com  " 
was  part  of  Jacob's  blessing  (Gen.  xxvii.  28;  comp, 
P«.  Ixv.  13).     The  "  store-houses "  mentioned  2 


a  This  seems  the  general  word  for  corn  as  It  grows. 

An  ear  is  n^2tt7  ;    standing  com  is  HttP  ;    the 

word  for  griiin  in  its  final  state  as  fit  for  food  is  "^l?, 

apparently  from  the  same  word,  "13,  pure  :   comp 

g  »  2^ 

A*  Azftb.  ^,  wheat   and  o    ^rr,  i.   e.  w  lifted 

r        '      J- 


CORNBLILts 

Chr.  xxxii.  28  as  built  by  Hezekiah,  were,  perhaps 
the  consequence  of  the  havoc  made  by  the  AssjT 
iaii  armies  (comp.  2  K.  xii.  29);  without  such  pro- 
tection the  country  in  its  exhausted  state  would 
have  been  at  the  mercy  of  the  desert  marauders. 

Grain  crops  were  liable  to   PP'^.t^  "mildew," 

and  P2"!Ttr,  "blasting"  (see  1  K.  viii.  37),  aa 
well  as  of  course  to  fire  by  accident  or  malice  (Ex. 
xxii.  6;  Judg.  xv.  5);  see  further  under  Agkicui^ 
TUKE.  Some  good  general  remarks  wiU  be  found 
in  Saalschuta,  Archdol.  der  Hebr.  H.  II. 

CORNE'LIUS  (Kopy{]\ios),  a  Roman  cen- 
turion of  the  Italian  cohort  stationed  in  Csesares 
(Acts  X.  1,  «fec.),  a  man  full  of  good  works  and  alms 
deeds,  who  was  admonished  in  a  vision  by  an  angel 
to  send  for  St.  Peter  from  Joppa,  to  tell  him  words 
whereby  he  and  his  house  should  be  saved.  Mean- 
time the  Apostle  had  himself  been  prepared  by  a 
symbolical  vision  for  the  admission  of  the  Gentiles 
into  the  Church  of  Christ.  On  his  arriving  at  the 
house  of  Cornelius,  and  while  he  was  explaining  to 
them  the  vision  which  he  had  seen  in  reference  to 
this  mission,  the  Holy  Ghost  fell  on  the  Gentiles 
present,  and  thus  anticipated  the  reply  to  the  ques- 
tion, which  might  still  have  proved  a  difliicult  one 
for  the  Apostle,  whether  they  were  to  be  baptized 
as  Gentiles  into  the  Christian  Church.  They  were 
so  baptized,  and  thus  Cornelius  became  the  first- 
fruit  of  the  Gentile  world  to  Christ.  Tradition  has 
been  busy  with  his  life  and  acts.  According  to 
Jerome  (Adv.  Jmin.  i.  301),  he  built  a  Christian 
Church  at  Csesarea ;  but  later  tradition  makes  him 
Bishop  of  Scamandios  (-riaV),  and  ascribes  to  him 
the  working  of  a  great  miracle  {Menoloff.  Grac.  i 
129).  H.  A. 

*  We  need  not  infer  from  Acts  xv.  7  that  Cor- 
nelius was  actually  the  first  Gentile  convert  who 
believed  the  Gospel  and  was  brought  into  the 
church ;  for  at  the  time  of  his  conversion  and  bap- 
tism, Paul,  the  Apostle  of  the  (jcntiles,  had  lieen 
laboring  several  years,  preaching,  in  all  probability, 
to  some  extent,  in  Arabia,  and  certainly  in  Syria 
and  Cilicia.  It  is  sufficient  to  understand  that  it 
was  so  ordered  of  tiod,  that  Cornelius,  when  he 
embraced  the  Gospel,  should  be  received  into  the 
church  under  such  circumstances  as  to  settle  au- 
thoritatively the  question  of  circumcision  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  Jewish  claim  that  the  rite  was  to  be 
imposed  on  all  Gentile  converts.  The  position  of 
Cornelius  in  this  respect  was  one  of  great  interest, 
and  the  fullness  of  the  account  of  his  reception  into 
the  church  shows  the  importance  which  the  first 
Christians  attached  to  it.  The  precise  relation  of 
(,'ornclius  to  Judaism  before  he  adopted  the  Chris- 
tian faith  is  not  perfectly  clear.  He  had  certainly 
embraced  the  pure  theism  of  the  O.  T.  (tvffffihi 
Koi  (po&ovfjLevos  rhu  &f6v),  but  was  uncircumcised, 
and  may  not  openly  have  professed  the  Jewish  l>e- 
lief.  Neander  thinks  that  he  belonged  at  least  tc 
the  class  of  proselj-tes  of  the  gate.  It  appears  thai 
the  Jews  regarded  him  as  belonging  at  this  time, 


"I^W  (from  'nSt)",  to  break)  means  "grist." 
"Parched  com,"  useful  for  provisions,  as  not  need- 
ing cookery,  is  "^bp,  and  W^bf? :  comp.  the  Ara» 
ij,  to  fry.  «  Pounded  wheat,"  iT^B'^'l,  3  Swa 
xTii.  19,  ProT  xxtU.  22. 


CORNER 

legally  and  socially,  to  a  heathen  coiriivuity  (Acts 
I.  28;  xi.  1  ff.;  xv.  7).     Neander  unfolds  the  hi- 
structive   history   in   a   very   interesting    miuiner , 
(PJlanzunff,  u.  s.  w.  i.   118-131,  4e  Aufl.;   Robm- 
tod's  revised  trans.,  pp.  60-77).  H. 

CORNER.  The  HSS,  or  "comer,"  i.  e.  of 
the  field,  was  not  allowed  (Lev.  xix.  9)  to  be  wholly 
rea[)ed.  It  formed  a  right  of  the  poor  to  carry  off 
what  was  so  left,  and  this  was  a  part  of  the  main- 
tenance from  the  soil  to  which  that  class  were  enti- 
tled. Similarly  the  gleaning  of  fields  and  fruit 
trees  [Gleaning],  and  the  taking  a  sheaf  acci- 
dentally left  on  the  ground,  were  secured  to  the 
poor  and  the  stnmger  by  law  (xxiii.  22;  Deut. 
xxiv.  19-21).  These  seem  to  us,  amidst  the  sharply 
defined  legal  rights  of  which  alone  civilization  is 
cognizant,  loose  and  madequate  provisions  for  the 
relief  of  the  poor.  But  custom  and  common  law 
had  probably  insured  their  observance  (Job  xxiv. 
10)  previously  to  the  Mosaic  enactment,  and  con- 
tinued for  a  long  but  indefinite  time  to  give  practi- 
cal force  to  the  statute.  Nor  were  the  "poor,"  to 
whom  appertained  the  right,  the  vague  class  of 
sufferers  whom  we  understand  by  the  term.  On 
the  principles  of  the  Mosaic  polity  every  Hebrew 
family  had  a  hold  on  a  certain  fixed  estate,  njid 
coidd  by  no  ordinary  and  casual  calamity  be  wholly 
beggared.  Hence  its  indigent  members  had  the 
claims  of  kindred  on  the  "comers,"  &c.,  of  the 
field  wliich  their  landed  brethren  reaped.  Simi- 
larly the  "stranger"  was  a  recognized  dependent; 
"  within  thy  gates  "  being  his  expressive  descrip- 
tion, as  sharing,  though  not  by  any  tie  of  blood, 
the  domestic  claim.  There  was  thus  a  further  se 
curity  for  the  maintenance  of  the  rig'jt  in  its  defi- 
nite and  ascertainable  character.  Neither  do  we, 
in  the  earlier  period  of  the  Hebrew  polity,  closely 
detailed  as  its  social  featiires  are,  discover  any  gen- 
eral traces  of  agrarian  distress  and  the  unsafe  con- 
dition of  the  country  which  results  from  it  —  such, 
for  instance,  as  is  proved  by  the  banditti  of  the 
Herodian  period.  Uavid,  a  popular  leader  (1  Sam. 
xviii.  30,  xxi.  11),  could  only  muster  from  four  to 
six  hundred  men  out  of  all  Judah,  though  "  every 
one  that  was  in  distress,  in  debt,  and  every  one 
that  was  discontented "  came  unto  him  (1  Sam. 
xxii.  2,  XXV.  13).  Further,  the  position  of  the  I>e- 
vittis,  who  had  themselves  a  similar  claim  on  the 
produce  of  the  land,  but  no  possession  in  its  soil, 
would  secure  their  influence  as  expounders,  teach- 
ers, and  in  part  admuiistrat«rs  of  the  law,  in  favor 
of  such  a  claim.  In  the  later  period  of  the  proph- 
ets their  constant  complaints  concerning  the  de- 
frauding the  poor"  (Is.  x.  2:  Amos  v.  11,  viii.  6) 
ueem  to  show  that  such  laws  had  lost  their  practi- 
cal f"rce.  Still  later,  under  the  Scribes,  minute 
legislation  fixed  one-sixtieth  as  the  portion  of  a 
field  which  was  to  be  left  for  the  legal  "corner;  " 
but  provide'!  also  (which  seems  hardly  consistent) 
that  two  fields  should  not  be  so  joined  as  to  leave 
one  corner  only  where  two  should  fairly  be  reck- 
oneil.  'i'he  proportion  being  thus  fixed,  all  the 
grain  might  be  reaped,  and  enough  to  satisfy  the 
r^ulatiou  subsequently  separated  from  the  whole 
crop.  This  "  corner  "  was,  like  the  gleaning,  tithe- 
free.  Certain  fruit-trees,  e.  (j.  nuts,  pomegranates, 
fines,  and  olives,  were  deemed  liabb  to  the  law  of 
the  comer.      Maimonides   indeed  lays  down   the 


CORNET  499 

principle  { Const itutionea  de  donis  paupKi-wii,  cap. 
ii.  1)  that  whatever  crop  or  growth  is  fit  for  food, 
is  kept,  ai'd  gathered  all  at  once,  and  carried  into 
store,  is  hable  to  tha  t  law.  A  Gentile  holding  land 
in  Palestine  was  not  deemed  liable  to  the  obliga 
tion.  As  regards  Jews  an  evasion  seems  to  have 
been  sanctioned  as  follows :  —  Whatever  field  was 
consecrated  to  the  Temple  and  its  services,  was 
held  exempt  from  the  claim  of  the  poor;  an  ownei 
might  thus  consecrate  it  while  the  crop  was  on  it, 
and  then  redeem  it,  when  in  the  sheaf,  to  his  own 
use.  Thus  the  poor  would  lose  the  right  to  the 
'  comer."  This  reminds  us  of  the  "  Corban " 
(Mark  vii.  11 ).  For  further  information,  see  im- 
der  Agicicultuke. 

The  treatise  I'eah,  in  the  Mishna,  may  likewise 
be  consulted,  especially  chap.  i.  2,  3,  4,  5,  6;  ii.; 
iv.  7,  also  the  above-quoted  treatise  of  Maimonides. 

II.  H. 

CORNER-STONE  (nSS  ]5S^ :  \ieos  y»- 
viaios,  or  oKpoywvioios'-  ^7^'S  ancjularis ;  also 
nSS  127^~1,  Ps.  cxviii.  22:  Kf(pa\^  yeeulas-  ca- 
jMt  anyuH),  a  quoin  or  comer-stone,  of  great  im- 
portance in  bmding  together  the  sides  of  a  build- 
ing. Some  of  the  corner-stones  in  the  ancient 
work  of  the  temple  foundations  are  17  or  19  feet 
long,  and  1\  feet  thick  (Robinson,  i.  286).  Cor- 
ner-stones are  usually  laid  sideways  and  endways 
alternately,  so  that  the  end  of  one  appears  above 
or  below  the  side-face  of  the  next.  At  Nineveh  the 
comers  are  sometimes  formed  of  one  angular  stone 
(Layard,  Nin.  ii.  254).  The  expression  in  Ps. 
cxviii.  22  is  by  some  understood  to  mean  the  cop- 
ing or  ridge,  "  coign  of  vantage,"  of  a  building, 
but  as  in  any  part  a  corner-stone  must  of  necessity 
be  of  great  impoitance,  the  phi-ase  "corner-stone" 
is  sometimes  used  to  denote  any  principal  person, 
as  the  princes  of  F^ypt  (Is.  xix.  13),  and  is  thus 
apphed  to  our  Lord,  who,  having  been  once 
rejected,  was  afterwards  set  in  the  place  of  the 
highest  honor  (Is.  xxviii.  16;  Matt.  xxi.  42;  1  Pet. 
ii.  6,  7;  Grotius  on  Ps.  cxviii.  and  Eph.  ii.  20; 
Harmer,  Obi.  ii.  356).  H.  W.  P. 

CORNET  (S/(f>p/;ar,  "ID^tt?  :  aaKTriy^-  Imc 
cina),  a  loud  sounding  instrument,  made  of  the 
horn  of  a  ram  or  of  a  chamois  (sometimes  of  au 
ox),  and  used  by  the  ancient  Hebrews  for  signals, 

for  announcing  the  vS*!"^,  "Jubile"  (Lev.  xxv.  9), 
for  proclaiTning  the  new  year  (Mishna,  Rosh  Ilash- 
shanah,  iii.  and  iv.),  for  the  purposes  of  war  (Jer.  iv. 
5,  19,  eomp.  Job  xxxix.  25^,  as'  weU  as  for  the  sen- 
tinels placed  at  the  watch-towers  to  give  notice  of 

the  approach  of  an  enemy  (li^.  xxxiii.  4,  5).  "^31tZ? 
is  gene-ally  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  trumpet,"  but 
"  cornet  "  (the  more  correct  translation)  is  used  in 
2  Chr.  XV.  14;  Ps.  xcviii.  6;  Hos.  v.  8;  and  1  Chr. 
XV.  28.  It  seems  probable  that  in  the  two  last  in- 
stances the  authors  of  the  A.  V.  would  also  have 
preferred  "  trumpet,"  but  for  the  difficulty  of  find- 
ing different  English  names  in  the  same  passage 
for  two  things  so  nearly  resembling  each  other  in 

meanin<-   as  "^SIIT,   buccina,   and    Chatzotzer&h, 

n"iy"12n,  t^An.     "  Comet "  is  also  employed  xa 


«  The  two  latter  passages,  speaking  of  "  taking  bur- 
lens  of  wheat  from  the  poor,"  and  of  "selling  the 


re  "use  (bSQ)  of  the  wheat,"  t.  e.  perhaps,  the  glean 
in?,  seem  to  point  to  some  special  evasion  of  the  har 
Tjst  laws. 


600 


CORNET 


Dan.  iii.  5,  7,  10,  15,  for  the  Chaldee  notin  TD\1'> 
Keren  (literally  a  horn). 

Oriental  scholars  for  the  most  part  consider  sh6- 
plidr  and  kercn  to  be  one  and  the  same  musical 
instrument;  but  some  Biblical  critics  regard  did- 
phar  and  chatwtzerah  as  belonging  to  the  species 
of  keren,  the  general  term  for  a  horn.  (Joel  Urill, 
in  preface  to  Mendelssohn's  version  of  the  Psalms.) 
Jahn  distinguishes  keren,  "the  honi  or  crooked 
trumpet,"  from  chatzotzerdh,  the  straight  trumpet, 
"an  instrument  a  cubit  in  length,  hollow  through- 
out, and  at  the  larger  extremity  so  shaped  as  to  re- 
semble the  mouth  of  a  short  bill  "  {Archiwluy.  xcv. 
i,  5);  but  the  generally  received  opinion  is,  that 
kcren  is  the  crooked  horn,  and  shqphdr  the  long  and 
straight  one. 

The  sUver  trumpets  (^PS  n"'mJ1!J0)»  which 
Moses  was  cliarged  to  furnish  for  the  Israelites, 
were  to  be  used  for  the  following  purposes:  for 
tlie  calling  together  of  the  assembly,  for  tlie  jour- 
neying of  the  camps,  for  sounding  the  alarm  of 
war,  and  for  celebrating  the  sacrifices  on  festivals 
and  new  moons  (Num.  x.  1-10).  The  divine  com- 
mand tlirough  Moses  was  restricted  to  two  trumpets 
only ;  and  tliese  were  to  lie  sounded  by  the  sons  of 
Aai'on,  the  anointed  priests  of  the  sanctuary,  and 
not  by  laymen.  It  should  seem,  however,  that  at 
a  later  jieriod  an  impression  prevailed,  that  "  whilst 
the  trumjiets  were  suffered  to  be  sounded  only  by 
the  priests  willdn  the  sanctuary,  they  might  be 
used  by  others,  not  of  the  priesthood,  without  the 
■acred  edifice."  (Conrad  Iken's  Antiquilates  Ilt- 
braiccB,  pars  i.  sec.  vii.  "  Baceixiotum  cum  instru- 
mentis  ipsorum.")  In  the  age  of  Solomon  the 
"silver  trumpets"  were  incresised  in  number  to 
120  (2  Chr.  V.  12);  and,  independently  of  the  ob- 
jects for  wliich  they  bad  been  first  introduced,  they 
were  now  employed  in  the  orchestra  of  the  temple 
as  an  accompaniD^ent  to  Bongs  of  thanksgiving  and 
praise. 

Yobel,  v3V,  used  sometimes  for  the  "  year  of 

Jubilee"  (^?"^'n  HZV^'',  eomp.  l.ev.  xxv.  13,  15, 
with  xxv.  38,  40),  generally  denotes  the  institution 
of  Jubilee,  but  in  some  instances  it  is  spoken  of  as 
a  musical  instrument,  resembling  in  its  object, 
if  not  in  its  shape,  the  kerm  and  the  shdphar. 
Gesenius  pronounces  iji'ibH  to  lie  "  an  onomato- 
poetie  word,  signifying  jubi'vm  or  a  joyful  sound, 
■od  hence  applied  to  the  sound  of  a  trumpet  signal, 

like  n5?^"1]^  "  ("alarm,"  Num.  x.  5):  and  Dr. 
Munk  is  of  opinion  that  "le  mot  yobkl  n'est 
qu'une  «^pithete  "  {Palestine,  p.  456  a,  note).  Still 
it  is  dilficult  to  divest  yobel  of  the  meaning  of  a 
sounding  instrument  in  the  following   instances: 

«'  When  the  trumpet  (^5^*n)  soundeth  long,  they 
shall  come  up  to  the  mount "  (Ex.  xix.  13);  "And 
It  shall  come  to  pass  that  when  they  make  a  long 

blast  with  the  ram's  horn  "  ( v31*n  ^Ti'P.rlj  <lo8h. 
vi.  5);  "And  let  seven  priests  bear  seven  tnimpets 
of  rams'  horns "  (D^^?  ^  nS-^2""'tt',   Josh.  \i. 

i). 

The  sounding  of  the  comet  ("IS^ti?  nypH) 
me  the  distincuishing  ritual  feature  of  the  festival 
tppointed  by  Moses  to  be  held  on  the  first  day  of 
Jhe  8e\enth  month  under  the  denomination  of  "  a 

uj  of  bk)whig  trumpet*  "  (nV!l~lJJ1  CT,  Num. 


CORNET 

xxix.  1),  or  "a  memorial  of  blowing  of  tnunpeli" 

(n^!)~in  iT)7},  Lev.  xxiu.  24);  and  that  rite  ii 
still  observed  by  the  Jews  in  their  celebration  of  th« 
same  festival,  which  they  now  call  "  the  day  of  me- 
morial" (7^"^2*Tn  Q"1^),  and  also  "New  Year" 

(n3U?n  tfSn).  "  Some  commentators,"  says 
Kosenmiiller,  "  have  made  this  festivEd  refer  to  tlie 
preservation  of  Isaa«  (Gen.  xxii.),  whence  it  is 
sometimes  called  by  the  Jews,  "the  Binding  of 

Isaac  "  (pn^"^^  J"T!JI7.?!)-  But  it  is  more  probable 
that  the  name  of  the  festival  is  derived  from  the 
usual  kind  of  trumpets  (rams'  horns)  then  in  use, 
and  that  the  object  of  the  festival  was  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  new  year  and  the  exhortation  to  thanks- 
givings for  the  blessuigs  exiierienced  in  the  year 
just  finished.  The  use  of  comets  by  the  priests 
in  all  the  cities  of  the  land,  not  in  Jerusalem  onh 
(where  two  silver  trumpets  were  added,  whilst  th* 
Levites  chanted  the  81st  Psalm),  was  a  suitable 
means  for  that  object "  (Kosenmiiller,  Das  altt  und 
neue  Moryenlund,  vol.  ii.,  No.  337,  on  Lev.  xxiii. 
24). 

Although  the  festival  of  the  first  day  of  the 
seventh  month  is  denominated  by  the  Mishna  "  New 
Year,"  and  notwithstanding  that  it  was  observed 
as  such  by  the  Hebrews  in  the  age  of  the  second 
temple,  there  is  no  reason  whatever  to  believe  that 
it  had  such  a  name  or  character  in  the  times  of 
Moses.  The  Pentateuch  fixes  the  vernal  equinox 
(the  period  of  the  institution  of  the  Passover),  as 
the  commencement  of  tlie  Jewish  year;  but  for 
more  than  twenty  centuries  the  Jews  have  datwl 
their  new  year  from  the  autumnal  equinox,  which 
takes  place  about  the  season  when  the  festival  of 
"  the  day  of  sounding  the  cornet "  is  held.  Kat- 
binical  tradition  represents  this  festival  as  the  anni- 
versary of  the  creation  of  the  world,  but  the  state- 
ment receives  no  support  whatever  from  Scripture. 
On  the  contrary,  Moses  expressly  declares  that  tlie 
month  Abib  (the  Moon  of  tlie  Spring)  is  to  be 
regarded  by  the  Hebrews  as  the  first  mouth  of  the 
j'ear:  —  "  This  month  shall  be  unto  you  the  begin- 
ning  (li'S"!)   of   months;    it  shall  be   the    first 

*  SI)  month  of  the  year  to  you"  (Ex.  xii.  2). 
(Munk,  Palestine,  p.  184  b.) 

The  intention  of  the  appointment  of  the  festival 
"of  the  Sounding  of  the  Comet,"  as  well  as  the 
duties  of  tlie  sacred  institution,  appear  to  be  set 
forth  in  the  words  of  the  prophet,  "  Sound  the 

comet  ("15" IT)  in  Zion,  sanctify  the  fast,  proclaim 
the  solemn  assembly"  (Joel  ii.  15).  Agreeably  tc 
the  order  in  which  this  passage  runs,  the  institution 
of  "the  Festival  of  Sounding  the  Comet,"  siemt 
to  be  the  prelude  and  preparation  for  the  awful 
Day  of  Atonement.  The  Divine  command  for  that 
fast  is  connected  with  that  for  "  the  Day  of  Sound- 

ing  the  Comet"  by  the  conjunctive  particle  T^S. 
'■'■Likexdse  on  the  tenth  day  of  this  seventh  month 
is  the  Day  of  Atonement "  (I^v.  xxiii.  27).     Here 

TT!;^  (likewise)  unites  the  festival  "of  the  Day  of 
Sounding  the  Comet"  with  the  solemnity  of  the 
Day  of  Atonement  precisely  as  the  same  particle 
connects  the  "  Festival  of  Tabemacles  "  with  the  Ob- 
servance of  the  ceremonial  of  "the  fruit  of  the 
Hadnr  tree,  the  palm  branches,"  Ac.  ^.^v.  xxiii 

34-40).     The  word  "  solemn  assembly  "  (n^*'S 


COS 

n  the  verse  from  Joel  quoted  above,  applies  to  the 
'pstival    "  Eighth    day    of    Solemn    Assembly  " 

;n"1!jy  "'3"'nC7)  (Lev.  xxiii.  36),  the  closing  rite 
of  the  festive  cyde  of  Tishri  (see  Religiom  Dis- 
courses of  Kev.  Professor  Marks,  vol.  i.  pp.  291, 
292). 

Besides  the  use  of  the  comet  on  the  festival  of 
"  blowing  the  trumpets,"  it  is  also  sounded  in  the 
synagogue  at  the  close  of  the  service  for  the  day  of 
atonement,  and,  amongst  the  Jews  who  adopt  the 
ritual  of  the  Sephardim,  on  the  seventh  day  of  the 
feast  of  Tabernacles,  known  by  the  post-biblical  de- 
nomination of  "  the  Great  Hosannah  "  (HSV^^'^n 

712"^).  The  sounds  emitted  from  the  comet  in 
m;)dern  times  are  exceedingly  harsh,  although  they 
produce  a  solemn  effect.    Gesenius  derives  the  name 

1S'ltt7  from  "1327  =  Arab.  ySUu,  "  to  be  bright, 

clear"  (compare  mSti?,  Ps.  xvi.  6). 

^  ■  "  D.  W.  M. 

COS  (K&js,  now  Stanchio  or  Stnnko:  [Cww])." 
This  small  island  has  several  interesting  points  of 
connection  with  the  Jews.  It  is  specified,  in  the 
edict  which  resulted  from  the  communications  of 
Simon  Maccabaeus  with  Rome,  as  one  of  the  places 
which  contauied  Jewish  residents  (1  Mace.  xv.  2.3). 
Josephus,  quoting  Strabo,  mentions  that  the  Jews 
had  a  great  amount  of  treasure  stored  there  during 
the  Mithridatic  war  (.Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  7,  §  2). 
From  the  same  source  we  learn  that  Julius  Caesar 
issued  an  edict  in  favor  of  the  Jews  of  Cos  {ibixl. 
10,  §  15).  Herod  the  Great  conferred  many  favors 
on  the  island  (Joseph.  B.  ./.  i.  21,  §  11);  and  an 
inscription  in  Biickh  (No.  2502^  associates  it  with 
Herod  the  tetrarch.  St.  Paul,  on  the  return  from 
his  third  missionary  journey,  passed  the  night  here, 
after  sailing  from  Miletus.  Ihe  next  day  he 
went  on  to  Rhodes  (Acts  xxi.  1).  The  proximity 
Df  Cos  to  these  two  important  places,  and  to  Cni- 


COTTOJf 


601 


retradachm  of  Cos  (Phoenician?  talent).     Obv.,  Head 

if  young   Hercules,   to  rig-ht.      K®"'-)  Mo'^XION 
crab  and  bow  in  case,  all  within  dotted  square. 

ors,  and  its  position  at  the  entrance  to  the  Archi- 
jxjlago  from  the  east,  made  it  an  island  of  consid- 
iouble  consequence.  It  was  celebrated  for  its  light 
woven  fabrics  and  for  its  wines,  —  also  for  a  temple 
of  jfei!ulapius,  to  which  a  school  of  physicians  was 
attiched,  and  which  was  virtually,  from  its  votive 
models,  a  museum  of  anatomy  and  pathology.  The 
emperor  Claudius  bestowed  upon  Cos  the  privilege 
rf  a  free  state  (Tac.  Ann.  xii.  61).  The  chief  town 
(oi  the  same  name)  was  on  the  N.  E.  near  a  prom- 


ontory called  Scandarium :  and  perhaps  it  i»  to  the 
town  that  reference  is  made  in  the  Acts  {I.  c.) 
There  is  a  monograph  on  Cos  by  Kiister  {De  Ct 
Insula,  Halle,  1833),  and  a  very  useful  paper  od 
the  subject  by  Col.  Leake  (in  the  Trans,  of  tht 
Royal  Sac.  of  Literature,  vol.  i.,  second  series). 
An  account  of  the  island  will  be  found  in  Ckrke's 
Travels,  vol.  ii.,  pt.  i.,  pp.  196-213,  and  vol.  ii.,  pt. 
ii.,  pp.  321-333;  but  the  best  description  is  in  Ross, 
Reisen  mich  Kos,  Hulicarnassus,  u.  s.  w.  (Halle, 
1852),  with  which  his  Reisen  auf  den  Griech.  Instin 
should  be  compared,  vol.  ii.  (1843),  pp.  86-92,  vol. 
iii.  (1815),  pp.  126-139.  J.  S.  H. 

CO'SAM  (Kcoo-ctjtt:  Cosan,  a  name  that  occurs 
nowhere  else  either  in  the  0.  T.  or  N.  T.,  aiid  is 
of  doubtful  etymology),  son  of  Elmodam,  aiid  fifth 
before  Zorobabel,  ui  the  line  of  Joseph  the  hus- 
band of  Mary,  Luke  iii.  28.  [GENKALf>GiE.s  of 
Christ.]  A.  C.  H. 

♦COTTAGE.  In  Is.  xxiv.  20  the  Hebrew 
word  713^772,  Melihu'ili,  rendered  "cottage"  iu 
the  A.  v.,  would  be  better  translated  "  hammock." 
See  Bed^  p.  261.  A. 

COTTON  (D?"]?  :  Kdpiraffos,  ra  Kapwia-iva, 
Rsth.  i.  6,  where  the  Vtilg.  has  carbasini  coloris,  OM 
if  a  color,''  not  a  material  (so  in  A.  V.  "green  "), 
weie  intended).     'ITiere  is  a  doubt  whether  under 

tt'tt',  Shesh,  m  the  earlier  and  V^^t  -^"'^i  i"  *■*>* 
later  books  of  the  O.  T.  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  by 
"white  hnen,"  "fine  linen,"  Ac,  cotton  may  have 
been  included  as  well.  Both  shesh  and  biitz  are 
said  by  Gesen.  (s.  v.)  to  be  from  roots  signifying 
originally  mere  whiteness ;  a  sense  said  also  to  in- 
here in  the  word  T?  (perhaps  Arab,  abyad, 
(>^AJi  "  white  "),  used  sometimes  instead  of,  and 
sometimes  together  with  shesh  to  mean  the  fabric. 
In  1'^.  xxvii.  7,  16,  tt-'K.',  shesh,  is  mentioned  as 
imjxjrted  into  Tyre  from  Egypt,  and  biitz  as  from 
Syria.  Each  is  found  in  turn  coupled  with  ^^3~lM 
(jmrpuni),  in  the  seiJseof  "purple and  fine  luien," 
i.  e.  the  most  showy  and  costly  apparel  (comp 
Prov.  xxxi.  22  with  Estli.  viii.  15).  The  dreas  of 
the  Egyptian  priests,  at  any  rate  in  their  niinistio- 
tions,  was  without  doubt  of  linen  (Herod,  ii.  37), 
in  spite  of  Pliny's  assertion  (xix.  1,  2)  that  they 
preferred  cotton.  Yet  cotton  garments  for  the  vor- 
ship  of  the  temples  are  said  to  be  mentioned  in  the 
Ro.setta  stone  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  i^gypt.  iii.  117) 
The  same  with  the  Jewish  ephod  and  other  priestly 
attire,  in  which  we  cannot  suppose  any  carelessneaa 
to  have  prevailed.  If,  however,  a  Jew  happened  to 
have  a  piece  of  cotton  cloth,  he  probably  would  not 
be  deterred  by  any  scruple  about  the  heterogenea 
of  Deut.  xxii.  11  from  wearing  that  and  linen  to- 
gether.    There  is,  however,  no  word  for  the  cotton 

plant  (like  '^"'itT'^p  for  flax)  in  the  Hebrew,  nor 
any  reason  to  suppose  that  there  was  any  early 
knowledge  of  the  fabric. 

The  Egyptian  mummy  swathings  also,  many  o» 
which  are  said  to  remain  as  good  as  when  fresb 


«  •  Stanchio  or  Stanko,  the  present  name  of  Cos,  has 
>  1«en  from  a  slurred  pronunciation  of  is  "iv  Ku)  (mod- 
»rn  Greek),  like  Stambul  from  «  rav  n-oXii/.  H. 

f>  So  l^in,  "white  "  in  A.  V.  ibid.,  is  probably  not 
color,   but  a  stuffy   possibly  silk :    comp.   Arabic  | 


O Y^j  >tareer,  «  silk."    The  T'lD, "  sheets,"  niarg. 

"  shirts,"  of  A.  V.  Judg.  xiv.  12, 13,  and  "  fine  linen," 
Is.  ill  23,  is  perhaps  a  form  of  ttxe  same  word  M 
<riv6iay  MariK  xir.  61. 


602 


COTTON 


loin  the  loom,  ire  decided,  after  much  controversy 
and  minute  analysis,  to  have  been  of  linen,  and 
not  cotton.  The  very  difficulty  of  deciding,  how- 
ever, shows  how  easily  even  scientific  obaervei-s 
may  mistake,  and,  much  more,  how  impossible  it 
would  have  been  for  ancient  popular  writers  to 
avoid  confusion.  Even  Greek  naturalists  sometimes 
clearly  include  "cotton"  under  \lyoy.  The  same 
appears  to  be  true  of  b66vi\-,  odoviov,  and  the  whole 
class  of  words  signifying  white  textile  vegetable 
fabrics.     The  proper  Oriental  name  for  the  article 

DQ^S  (said  to  occur  with  slight  variation  in  Sanskr. 
and  other  Oriental  languages")  is  rendered  "green" 
in  the  A.  V.  of  Esth.  i.  6,  but  Grecized  in  the 
I,XX.  by  KapTTcuriyoLS.  From  the  same  word,  with 
which  either  their  Alexandrian  or  Parthian  inter- 
course might  familiarize  them,  the  Latins  borrowed 
carbasus,  completely  current  in  poetical  use  in  the 
golden  and  silver  jjcriod  of  Latinity,  for  sails,  awn- 
ings, &c.  Varro  knew  of  tree-wool  on  the  author- 
ity of  Ctesias,  contemporary  with  Herodotus.  The 
Greeks,  through  the  commercial  consequences  of 
Alexander's  conquests,  must  ha\'e  known  of  cot- 
ton cloth,  and  more  or  less  of  the  plant.  Amasis '' 
indeed  (about  a.  c.  540)  sent  as  a  present  from 
Egypt  a  corslet  KfKo<rnr]ix(yoy  XP^^V  ""^  ipioiai 
k-wh  IvXov  (Herod,  iii.  47),  which  Pliny  says  was 
Btill  existing  in  his  time  in  a  temple  in  Rhodes,  and 
that  the  minuteness  of  its  fibre  had  provoked  the 
experiments  of  the  curious.  Cotton  was  manu- 
fectured  and  worn  extensively  in  Egypt,  but  extant 
monuments  give  no  proof  of  its  growth,  as  in  tlie 
case  of  flax,  in  that  country  (Wilkinson,  ib.  pp. 
116-139,  and  plate  No.  356);  indeed,  liad  it  been  a 
general  product,  we  could  scarcely  have  missed  find- 
ing some  trace  of  it  on  the  monumental  details  of 
ancient  Egyptian  arts,  trades,  <fec. ;  but,  especially, 
when  Pluiy  (a.  d.  115)  asserts  that  cotton  was  then 
grown  in  Egypt,  a  statement  confirmed  by  .lulius 
Pollux  (a  century  later),  we  can  hardly  resist  the 
inference  that,  at  least  as  a  curiosity  and  as  an  ex- 
periment, some  plantations  existed  there.  This  is 
the  more  likely  since  we  find  the  cotton-/»'ee  (</os- 
sypiuvi  arborc'um,  less  usual  than,  and  distinct  from, 
the  cotton  plant,  ffoss.  herbac.)  is  mentioned  still 
by  Pliny  as  the  only  remnrknble  tree  of  the  adja- 
cent Ethiopia;  and  since  Arabia,  on  its  other  side, 
appears  to  have  known  cotton  <^  firom  time  immemo- 
rial, to  grow  it  in  abundance,  and  in  parts  to  be 
highly  favorable  to  that  product.  In  India,  how- 
ever, we  have  the  earliest  records  of  the  use  of  cot- 
ton for  dress;  of  wliich,  including  the  starching  of 
It,  some  curious  traces  are  found  as  early  as  800  b. 
o.,  in  the  Institutes  of  Manu;  also  (it  is  said,  on 
the  authority  of  Prof.  Wilson)  in  the  Rig- Veda, 
105,  v.  8.  For  these  and  some  other  curious  an- 
tiquities of  the  subject,  see  Royle's  Culture  and 
Commerce  of  Cotlon  in  India,  pp.  117-122. 

Cotton  is  now  both  grovra  and  manufactured  in 
various  parts  of  Syria  and  Palestine,  and,  owing 
probably  to  its  being  less  conductive  of  heat,  seems 
preferred  for  turbans  and  shirts  to  linen ;  but  there 
is  no  proof  that,  till  they  came  in  contact  with  Per- 


COURT 

sia  the  Hebrews  generally  knew  of  it  u  a  diatinel 
fabric  from  linen,  whilst  the  negative  proof  of  lan- 
guage and  the  probabiUties  of  fact  offer  a  strong 
presumption  that,  if  they  obtained  it  at  all  in  com- 
merce, they  confounded  it  with  linen  under  the 
terms  sliesh  or  butz.  The  greater  cleanliness  and 
durability  of  linen  probably  estabUshed  its  superi  • 
ority  over  cotton  for  sepulchral  purposes  in  the  N. 
T.  period,  by  which  time  the  latter  must  have  been 
commonly  known,  and  thus  there  is  no  reason  for 
a.ssigning  cotton  as  the  material  of  the  o66via  and 
ivri(bia  of  which  we  read.  For  the  whole  subject, 
see  "iates's  Textnnum  Aniiqtm-um,  pt.  i.  chap.  vi. 
and  app.  D.  H.  H. 

COUCH.     [Bed.] 

COUNCIL.  (1.)  avy^Spior,  the  great 
council  of  the  Sanhedrim,  which  sat  at  Jerusalem. 
[Sanhef)rim.]  (2.)  ffvveSpia  (Matt.  x.  17. 
Mark  xiii.  9),  the  lesser  courts,  of  which  there  were 
two  at  Jerusalem,  and  one  in  each  town  of  Pales 
tine.  The  constitution  of  these  courts  is  a  doubt- 
ful point;  according  to  Talmudical  writers  the 
numljer  of  judges  was  twenty-three  in  places  where 
there  was  a  population  of  120,  and  three  where  the 
population  fell  below  that  number  (Mishn.  Sanhedi: 
1,  §  6).  Josephus,  however,  gives  a  different  ac- 
count :  he  states  that  the  court,  as  constituted  by 
Moses  (Deut.  x>i.  18;  comp.  Ant.  iv.  8,  §  14),  con- 
sisted of  seven  judges,  each  of  whom  had  two  Le- 
vites  as  assessors ;  accordingly  in  the  reform  which 
he  carried  out  in  Galilee,  he  appointed  seven  judges 
for  the  trial  of  minor  offenses  {B.  J.  ii.  20,  §  5). 
The  statement  of  Josephus  is  generally  accepted  as 
correct ;  but  it  should  be  noticed  that  these  courts 
were  not  always  in  existence;  they  may  have  been 
instituted  by  himself  on  what  he  conceived  to  be 
the  true  Mosaic  model;  a  supposition  which  is  ren- 
dered probable  by  his  further  institution  of  a  coun- 
cil of  Seventy,  which  seiTcd  as  a  court  for  capital 
offenses,  altogether  mdependent  of  the  Sanhedrim 
at  Jerusalem  ( Vit.  §  14;  £.  J.  ii.  20,  §  5).  The 
existence  of  local  courts,  however  constituted,  is 
clearly  implied  in  the  passages  quoted  from  the  N 
T. ;  and  perhaps  the  jiu/f/ment  (Matt.  v.  21)  applies 
to  them.  (3.)  avfi^ovAioy  (Acts  xxv.  12),  a  kind 
of  jury  or  privy  council,  consisting  of  a  certain 
number  of  assessors  {consiliarii,  Suet.  Tib.  33,  55), 
who  assisted  Roman  governors  in  the  administra- 
tion of  justice  and  other  public  matters. 

W.  L.  B. 

COURT,  an  open  inclosure,  applied  in  the  A. 
V.  most  commonly  to  the  inclosures  of  the  Taber- 
nacle and  the  Temple.  The  Hebrew  word  invaria- 
bly used  for  the  former  is  Ckaizer,  "l^p,  from  a 

root,  "1  =  n,  to  surround  (Gesen.  p.  512).  (Seo, 
amongst  others,  Ex.  xxvii.  9,  to  xl.  33 ;  Lev.  vi.  IC ; 
Num.  iii.  26,  &c.)  The  same  word  is  also  most 
frequently  used  for  the  "  courts  "  of  the  Temple, 
as  1  K.  vi.  36,  vii.  8;  2  K.  xxiii.  12;  2  Chr.  xxxiiL 
5;  Ps.  xcii.  13,  &c.  In  2  Chr.  iv.  9,  uid  vi.  13, 
however,  a  difierent  word  is  employed,  apparently 


a  Kurpasa  or  kiirpasum  Is  the  Sanskr.  Kupas  in 
lllndee  means  the  cotton  rose  or  pod  with  seed,  which 
n  the  Bengalee  is  kapas/'e,  and  in  the  Bombay  dialect, 

tOfOO' 

b  So  Borckharilt  (  Trav.  Nub.  App.  iii.  p.  616,  note) 
ciKntlons  a  "  species  of  cuirass  made  of  quilted  cot- 
'on  "  ai  (till  worn  by  certain  tribes  adjacent  to  the 
HtU. 


Arab.    Cotn, 


means:    (1)  any  annual, 


(2)  anything  between  two  leaves ;  (3)  the  well-known 
"cotton"  plant.  This  evolving  of  the  special  froB 
the  general  sense  seems  to  Indicate  that  the  name  "  co* 
ton  "  is  originally  Arabic  ;  though  it  may  be  tra»  Otm 
the  plant  is  Indigenous  in  India. 


COUTHA 

for  the  same  places  —  Azdrdh,  mT^,  from  a  root 

r  1  TT-:' 

}{  similar  meaning  to  the  above,  'i'bis  word  also 
cccurs  in  Ez.  xliii.  14,  17,  20,  xlv.  19  (A.  V.  •'  set- 
tle"), but  perhaps  with  a  different  force.  Chatzer 
also  designates  the  court  of  a  prison  (Neh.  ill.  25 ; 
Jer.  xxxii.  2,  &c.),  of  a  private  house  (2  Sam.  xvii. 
18),  and  of  a  palace  (2  K.  xx.  4;  Esth.  i.  5,  &c.). 
ji  Am.  vii.  13,  where  the  Hebrew  word  is  Beth  = 
i  "house,"  our  translators,  anxious  to  use  a  term 
applicable  specially  to  a  king's  residence,  have  put 
"court."     [House;  Tabernacle;  Temple.] 

The  word  chatzer  is  very  often  employed  for  the 
mclosures  of  the  villages  of  Palestine,  and  under 
the  form  of  Hazer  or  Hazor  frequently  occurs  in 
the  names  of  places  in  the  A.  V.     [Hazer:  Viiy- 

LAGE.]  G. 

*  In  Matt.  xxvi.  69  (ver.  58  may  be  doubtful); 
Mark  xiv.  66  (i)erhap3  also  ver.  54)  and  xv.  16; 
John  xviii.  15,  av\it  should  be  rendered  "court," 
i.  e.  the  quadrangle  around  which  the  house  or 
palace  of  the  high-priest  was  built,  and  not  "  pal- 
ace" or  "hall  '  (A.  v.).  Peter  himself  was  not 
in  the  room  of  the  palace  where  the  Saviour  was 
on  trial,  as  the  English  reader  would  be  led  to  sup- 
pose, but  was  in  the  court  outside.  [See  House; 
Peter.]  H. 

COU'THA  {Kovdi;  [Vat.  omits:]  Phusa),  1 
Esdr.  V.  32.  There  is  no  name  corresponding  with 
this  in  the  lists  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  [He  is 
mentioned  as  one  of  those  whose  sons  were  "  ser- 
vants of  the  temple  "  after  the  return  from  the  Cap- 
tivity. —  H.] 

COVENANT  (n^7?:  Smfl^/trj;  once, 
Wisd.  i.  16,  ffwQi\Kr]  ■  in  0.  T.  fmlus,  pactum  — 
often  interchangeably.  Gen.  ix.,  xvii. ;  Num.  xxv. ; 
in  Apocr.  testamentum,  but  sacrnnientum,  2  I-^sdr. 
il.  7;  sponsiones,  Wisd.  i.  16;  in  N.  T.  teslaintnluia 
[absque  fcedcre,  Rom.  i.  31;  Gr.  curuvOerovs])- 
The  Hebrew  word  is  derived  by  Gesenius  from  the 

root  nn3,  i.  q.  rf^2,  "he  cut,"  and  taken  to 
mean  primarily  "  a  cutting,"  with  reference  to  the 
custom  of  cutting  or  dividing  animals  ui  two,  and 
passing  between  the  parts  in  ratifying  a  covenant 
(Gen.  XV.;  Jer.  xxxiv.  18,  19).     Hence  the  expres- 

»ion  "to  cut  a  covenant"   (H^H^  ^"^"T'Sj  Gen. 

XV.  18,  or  simply  iT^S,  with  ^^"^2  understood, 
1  Sam.  xi.  2)  is  of  frequent  occun-ence.  (Conip. 
ipKia.  Tifxvuv,  refivetv  (nrovSdi,  icere,  feiire, 
permtere  /(Bdus.)     Professor  Lee  suggests  {Iltb. 

Lex.  8.  V.  rr^nS)  that  the  proper  signification  of 
the  word  is  an  eating  together,  or  banquet^  from 
ths  meaning  "  to  eat,"  which  the  root  m2  some- 
times  bears,  because  among  the  Orientals  to  eat 
together  amounts  almost  to  a  covenant  of  friend- 
•hip.  This  view  is  supported  by  (Jen.  xxxi.  46, 
where  Jacob  and  I^aban  eat  together  on  the  heap 
of  stones  which  they  have  set  up  in  ratifying  the 
covenant  between  tliem.  It  affords  also  a  satisfac- 
tory explanation  of  the  expression  "  a  covenant  of 

lalt "  (n^^  '"T*"]?,  diad7}Kri  aKos,  Num.  xviii. 
19;  2  Chr.  xiii.  5),  when  the  Eastern  idea  of  eat- 
ing salt  together  is  remembered.     If.  however,  the 

Ither  derivation  of  H^'^^l  be  adoptcyJ.  this  expres- 
lion  may  be  expla.ned  by  supposing  salt  to  have 
keen  eaten,  or  offered  with  accompanynig  sacrifices, 
HI  occasion  of  very  solemn  covenant'    or  it  may 


CUVENAJfT  608 

be  regarded  as  figurative,  denoting,  either,  from 
the  use  of  salt  in  sacrifice  (Lev.  ii.  13;  Mark  ix 
49),  the  sacredness,  or,  from  the  preserving  quiJi 
ties  of  salt,  the  peipetuity,  of  the  covenant. 

In  the  N.  T.  the  word  5«o9^/fr;  is  frequently, 
though  by  no  means  unifonuly,  translated  testiv- 
ment  in  the  English  Authorized  Version,  whence 
the  two  divisions  of  the  Bible  have  received  their 
common  English  names.  This  translation  is  per- 
haps due  to  the  Vulgate,  which  having  adopted 
ttstamentuia  as  the  equivalent  for  SiadijKtj  in  the 
Apocr.,  uses  it  always  as  such  in  tiie  N.  T.  (see 
above).  There  seems,  however,  to  be  no  necessity 
for  the  introduction  of  a  new  word  conveying  a 

new  idea.  The  LXX.  having  rendered  n^"15 
(which  never  means  toill  or  testament,  but  alwayg 
covenant  or  agreement)  by  SiaO-fiKri  consistently 
throughout  the  0.  T.,  the  N.  T.  writers,  in  adopt- 
ing that  word,  may  naturally  be  supposed  to  intend 
to  convey  to  their  readers,  most  of  them  familiar 
with  the  Greek  0.  T.,  the  same  idea.  Moreover, 
in  the  majority  of  cases  the  same  thing  which  haH 

been  called  a  "  covenant  "  (iT^'l^l)  in  the  0.  T.  is 
referred  to  in  the  N.  T.  (e.  g.  2  Cor.  iii.  14 ;  Heb. 
vii.,  ix. ;  Rev.  xi.  19);  while  In  the  same  context 
the  same  word  and  thing  in  the  Greek  are  in  the 
Englisli  sometimes  represented  by  "  covenant,"  and 
sonjetimes  by  "  testament "  (Heb.  \-ii.  22,  viii.  8- 
13,  ix.  15).  In  the  confessedly  difficult  passage, 
Heb.  ix.  16, 17,  the  word  dtad-fiK-q  has  been  tliought 
by  many  commentators  absolutely  to  reipiire  the 
meaning  of  icill  or  testament.  On  the  other  side, 
liowever,  it  may  be  alleged,  that  in  addition  to  what, 
lias  just  been  said  as  to  the  usual  meaning  of  the 
word  in  N.  T.,  the  word  occurs  twice  in  the  con 
text,  where  its  meaning  must  necessarily  be  tho 

same  as  the  translation  of  n^n2,  and  in  the  un 

questionalile  sense  of  covenant  (cf.  SiadrjKr]  Katirlj, 
Heb.  ix.  15,  with  the  same  expression  in  viii.  8: 
and  SiaO'ljKr],  ix.  16, 17,  with  ver.  20,  and  Ex.  xxiv. 
8).  If  this  sense  of  SiaOr^Kr}  be  retained,  we  may 
either  render  eVi  veKpoh,  "  over,  or  in  the  case  of, 
deatl  sacrifices,"  and  h  ^laQfjxivos,  "  the  mediating 
sacrifice "  (Scholefield's  Hints  for  an.  imprwea 
Translation  of  the  N.  T.),  or  (with  Ebrard  and 
others)  restrict  the  statement  of  ver.  16  to  the  O. 
T.  idea  of  a  covenant  between  man  and  God,  in 
which  man,  as  guilty,  nuist  always  be  represented 
by  a  sacrifice  with  which  he  was  so  completely 
identified,  that  in  its  person  he  (6  SiaOefjifvos,  the 
human  covenanter)  actually  died  (cf.  Matt.  xxvi. 
28). 

In  its  Biblical  meaning  of  a  compact  or  agree- 
ment between  two  parties,  the  word  is  used  —  1. 
Improperly,  of  a  covenant  between  God  and  man. 
Man  not  being  in  any  way  in  the  position  of  an 
independent  covenanting  party,  the  phrase  is  evi- 
dently used  by  way  of  accommodation.  Strictly 
speaking,  such  a  covenant  is  quite  unconditional, 
and  amounts  to  a  promise  (Gal.  iii.  15  ff.,  where 
4Trayye\ia  and  Stad'ftKri  are  used  almost  as  syno- 
nyms) or  act  of  mere  favor  (Ps.  Ixxxix.  28,  whers 

"TDH  stands  in  parallelism  with  i'T^'H!?)  on  God'i 

part.  Thus  the  assurance  given  by  God  after  the 
Flood,  tha*  a  like  judgment  should  not  be  repeated, 
and  that  the  recurrence  of  the  seasons,  and  of  day 
and  night,  snould  not  cease,  is  called  a  covenant 
(Gen.  ix. ;  Jer.  xxxiii.  20).  Generally,  however 
the  form  of  a  covenant  U  maintained  by  tlie  ben* 


601 


COVEKANT 


Ato  which  God  engages  to  be^itow  being  made  by 
him  dependent  upon  the  fulfillment  of  certain  con- 
ditions which  he  imposes  on  man.  Thus  the  cove- 
nant with  Abraham  was  conditioned  by  circumcision 
(Acts  vii.  8),  the  omission  of  which  was  declared 
tantamount  to  a  breach  of  the  covenant  (Gen.  xvii. ) ; 
the  covenant  of  the  priesthood,  by  zeal  for  God,  his 
honor  and  service  (Num.  xxv.  12,  13;  Deut.  xxxiii. 
9;  Neh.  xiii.  29;  Mai.  ii.  4,  5);  the  covenant  of 
Sinai,  by  the  observance  of  the  ten  commandments 
(Kx.  xxxiv.  27,  28;  I>ev.  xxvi.  15),  which  are  there- 
tore  called  "  Jehovah's  covenant  "  (Deut.  iv.  13),  a 
name  which  was  extended  to  all  the  books  of  Moses, 
if  not  to  the  whole  body  of  Jewish  canonical  Script- 
ures (2  Cor.  iii.  13,  1-1).  This  last-mentioned  cov- 
enant, which  was  renewed  at  different  periods  of 
Jewish  history  (Deut.  xxix. ;  Josh.  xxiv. ;  2  Chr. 
XV.,  xxiii.,  xxix.,  xxxiv.;  12zr.  x. ;  Neh.  ix.,  x.),  is 
one  of  the  two  principal  covenants  between  (iod  and 
man.  They  are  distinguished  as  old  and  new  (Jer. 
xxxi.  31-34;  Heb.  viii.  8-13,  x.  16),  with  reference 
to  the  order,  not  of  their  institution  but  of  their 
actual  development  (Gal.  iii.  17);  and  idso  as  being 
the  instruments  respectively  of  bondage  and  free- 
dom (Gal.  iv.  24).  The  latter  of  these  covenants 
appears  to  l)e  represented  in  Gal.  iii.  under  a  twofold 
aspect,  a.s  being  a  covenant  between  the  First  and 
Second  Persons  of  the  blessed  Trinity  (ver.  16  and 
ver.  20,  as  explained  by  Scholefield,  Ellicott,  &c.), 
and  also  a  covenant,  conditioned  by  faith  in  Christ, 
between  God  and  man.  (See  Bishop  Hopkins's 
Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  299-398,  and  H'ilsim  on  the 
Covenants,  for  the  theology  of  the  subject.)  Con- 
sistently with  this  representation  of  God's  dealings 
with  man  under  the  form  of  a  covenant,  such  cov- 
enant is  said  to  be  confirmed  in  conformity  to  hu- 
man custom  by  an  oath  (Deut.  iv.  31 ;  Ps.  Ixxxix. 
3),  to  be  sanctioned  by  curses  to  fall  upon  the  un- 
faithful (Deut.  xxix.  21),  and  to  be  accompanied  by 

a  sign  (jT^S),  such  as  the  rainbow  (Gen.  ix.),  cir- 
cumcision (Gen.  xvii.),  or  the  Sabbath  (Ex.  xxxi. 
16, 17). 

2.  Properly,  of  a  covenant  between  man  and 
man,  i.  e.  a  solemn  compact  or  agreement,  either 
between  tribes  or  nations  (1  Sam.  xi.  1 ;  Josh.  ix. 
G,  15),  or  between  individuals  (Gen.  xxxi.  44),  by 
which  each  party  bound  himself  to  fulfill  certain 
conditions,  and  was  assured  of  receiving  certain  ad- 
vsmtages  In  making  such  a  covenant  God  was 
lolemnly  invoked  as  witness  (Gen.  xxxi.  50),  whence 

the  expjession  "a  covenant  of  Jehovah"  (rT^^IQ 

nin"^,  1  Sam.  XX.  8,  comp.  Ez.  xvii.  19),  and  an 
oath  was  sworn  (Gen.  xxi.  31);  and  accordingly  a 
breach  of  covenant  was  regarded  as  a  very  heinous 

jin  (Ez.  xvii.  12-20).     A  sign  (rfS)  or  witness 

v**?)  of  the  covenant  was  sometimes  framed,  such 
RS  a  gift  (Gen.  xxi.  30),  or  a  pillar,  or  heap  of 
rtonc3  erected  (Gen.  xxxi.  52).  The  mai-riage 
sompiict  is  called  "  the  covenant  of  God,"  Pix)v.  ii. 
17  (see  Mai.  ii.  14).  The  word  covenant  came  to 
be  applied  to  a  sure  ordinance,  such  as  that  of  the 
ihew-bread  (Lew  xxiv.  8);  and  is  used  figuratively 
In  such  expressions  as  a  covenant  with  death  (Is. 
u\'iii.  18),  or  with  the  wild  beasts  (Hos.  ii.  18). 

The    phrases    H"*"}?    ^bs??,    nn_5   ^C;^?H, 
lords  or  men  of  one's  covenant,"  are  employed 
10  denote  confederacy  {Gen.  xiv.  13,  Ob.  7). 

T.  T.  P. 


COVERING  OF  THE  EYES 
*  COVERING   OF   THE    EYES     TU 

Hebrew  word  H^DS  occurs  in  eight  pasfKigen  of 
the  Old  Testament;  'in  six  of  which  (Gen.  xx.  16 
Ex.  xxii.  27,  Job  xxiv.  7,  xxvi.  6,  xxxi.  19,  Is.  L 
3)  it  is  translated  "covering"  in  the  A.  V.;  in 
one  (Ex.  xxi.  10)  it  is  translated  "raiment,"  and 
in  one  (Deut.  xxii.  12)  "vesture." 

The  meaning  of  the  phrase,  "  covering  of  the 
eyes,"  in  Gen.  xx.  16,  and  the  construction  and 
import  of  the  sentence,  are  still  subjects  of  discus- 
sion, even  among  the  latest  interpreters.  "Tot 
psene  exstant  expUcationes,  quot  sunt  inteq)retes  " 
(llos.).  The  points  still  at  issue  have  respect  to 
almost  every  word  in  the  sentence.     The  pronoun 

Sin  (he  or  it)  may  be  referred  (a)  to  Abraham 
himself,  or  (6)  to  the  present  made  to  him.  "  A 
covering  of  the  eyes  "  may  mean  (c)  a  literal  veil, 
or  (fl)  a  veil  in  a  figurative  sense  as  a  protective 
influence,  or  (e)  with  a  different  allusion,  a  means 
of  pacification.  By  "  the  eyes  "  may  be  meant  (/) 
those  of  Sarah  herself,  or  {</)  in  connection  with 

the  following    vD7»  those  of  all  around  her  and 

in  intercourse  with  her.  The  word  "all"  (in  7Dv) 
may  refer  (h)  to  things  (namely,  acts),  or  (t)  to 
persons.  In  the  last  clause,  i^S  may  be  (_/)  a 
preposition,  or  (Ic)  the  sign  of  the  accusative  case, 
after  ''P\r\'2,  or  (l)  as  the  punctators  have  indica- 
ted by  the  Aihnach,  in  connection  with  the  follow- 
ing verb.  The  form  nn~3  maybe  (in)  the  2d 
pers.  fem.  of  the  perfect,  or  (n)  the  participle  used 
as  the  3d  pers.  fem. 

No.  a,  in  conjunction  with  d,  was  well  expressed 
by  Calvin :  "  Docetur  enim  Sara,  maritura  cui 
juncta  est,  instar  veli  esse,  quo  se  tegere  debeat,  ne 
exposita  sit  alienis."  So  Vitringa.  But  Tiele  justly 
objects,  that  in  this  view,  the  present  of  a  thousand 
silverlings,  with  which  Abimelech  prefaces  this  re- 
mark, has  no  significance. 

Ewald  {Ausf.  Lehrb.  p.  281),  combining  a,  d,  g, 
i,  j,  m,  translates  and  explains  tlms :  ^^  fie  is  to  thee 
a  cxxeennr/  of  the  eyes  for  every  one  who  is  wUk 
thee  (so  that,  under  his  protection,  no  impure  eye 
can  with  impunity  venture  to  look  on  thee),  and 
toward  every  one  ;  so  dost  thou  riyht  thyself  {detead 
thy  right)." 

Gesenius,  combining  b,  c,  f,  h,  j,  n,  translates 
and  explains  thus :  "  So  this  (the  thousand  silver- 
lings)  is  to  thee  a  penalty  [satisfaction]  for  all  which 
(has  happened)  with  thee  ami  before  all;  and  she 
was  convicted  (had  nothing  to  say  in  excuse).  Com- 
pare Gen.  xxxii.  21,  /  will  ayrer  his  face  (appease 
him)  with  the  present.'''  So  Keil,  and  also  Delitzsch ; 

except  that  they  take  DnSiJ  (m)  as  the  2d  pen., 

and  v3  (» )  as  referring  to  persons :  "  So  it  is  to 
thee  a  cocerinr/  of  the  eyes  (an  expiatory  gift)  in 
reference  to  all  who  are  with  thee  (because  all  in 
the  household  shared  their  mistress's  dishonor);  *o 
thou  art  rir/hted  (properly,  proved,  namely,  to  be 
the  one  who  suffered  wrong)." 

So  the  passage  is  understood  by  Tuch.  He  takei 
exception,   however  (after  Schumann)  to  Ewald'i 

and  Gesenius's  const'uction  of  the  second  i*1S, 
which  should  be  construed  as  the  one  immediately 
preceding  it;  for  7D  HST  ^jriS  must  not  bl 
arbitraiily  separated  <n  construction  and  refereuM 


cow 

flence  he  tianslates:  '/o/-  all  which  (has  lieen,  or, 
has  taken  place)  with  tine  and  with  all,  that  thou 
aiayest  be  riyhtbd." 

Baumgarten  {Theol.  Comm.  zum  Pent.)  has  re- 
rived  Schroeder's  interpretation  (followed  by  Rosen- 
miiller  and  others),  taking  "covering  o?  the  eyes  " 
(c)  iji  the  sense  of  a  literal  veil ;  not,  however,  as 
Schroeder  viewed  it,  as  the  token  of  a  married 
woman,  hut  simply  as  a  means  of  concealing  her 
beauty,  and  thus  avoiding  the  danger  refen-ed  to  in 
V.  11-     IJaumgarten    supi)Oses  that  after  Athnnch 

the  accusative  construction  is  resumed    in    HS^ 

{k),  taking  nn33  as  the  2d  pers.  perf.  (w),  and 
translates :  "  and  nil  this  (I  do,  or,  I  give)  tlutt  thou 
may  est  be  righted." 

Lange,  understanding  by  "  covering  of  the  face  " 
a  veil  in  the  figurative  sense,  finds  (with  I^e  Clero) 
a  double  meaning  in  the  expression ;  naniely,  a  gift 
of  atonement  and  reconciliation,  which  at  the  same 
time  shall  be  as  a  veil  to  all  eyes,  by  indicating  the 
relation  of  one  married  to  a  husband. 

On  these  views  it  may  be  remarked,  that  the 
form  of  the  expression,  "  covering  of  the  eyes,"  (not 
"of  the  face,")  seems  to  be  decisive  against  the 
supposition  that  a  veil  is  meant,  either  as  worn  by 
Saiuli  for  concealing  her  person  from  the  sight  of 
others,  or  by  them  to  restrict  their  siglit.  In  the 
former  case,  the  expression  should  have  been,  "  cov- 
ering of  the  face  "  (D"'3Q).  A  "  covering  of  the 
eyes,"  in  the  literal  sense,  can  mean  nothing  else 
than  the  repression  of  the  improjjer  use  of  the  eyes, 
as  of  wanton  looks.  This,  with  reference  to  Sarah, 
is  inapjwsite,  as  no  such  fault  is  laid  to  her  charge ; 
and  if  understood  of  others  ("a  covering  of  the 
eyes  to  all  who  are  with  thee"),  a  veil  cannot  be 
meant,  for  tliat  is  used  for  concealment,  and  not 
for  the  purpose  of  obstructing  the  vision.  The  ob- 
jection lies  equally  against  the  supposition  of  a  veil 
in  a  figurative  sense,  since  this  must  conform  to 
the  hteral  and  proper  use  of  the  term. 

The  only  alternative  remaining,  is  to  take  the 
expression,  "  covering  of  the  eyes,"  in  its  strict  and 
proper  sense,  instead  of  a  veil  for  the  face;  either 
with  Ewald,  as  referring  to  Abraham,  her  lawful 
protector  from  the  wanton  gaze  of  others,  or  with 
Gesenius,  as  a  figurative  expression  for  a  j^eace- 
offering.    In  favor  of  the  former,  is  the  juxtaposition 

of  the  pronoun  S^H  {he,  or  it)  with  "  thy  brother," 
making  this  its  most  natural  antecedent ;  an  objection 
to  the  latter  view,  which  is  but  partially  obviated 

by  the  use  of  W^in  for  both  genders  in  the  Penta- 
teuch. But  on  the  contrary,  against  Ewald's  view 
lies  the  more  serious  objection,  that  Abimelech 
prefaces  this  remark  with  a  statement  whicli  has 
no  beaiung  on  it ;  and  thus  a  part  of  what  he  says 
to  Sarah  herself  is  without  significance,  as  addressed 
to  her. 

The  ancient  versions  arc  all  at  fault  here,  and 
throw  no  light  on  the  true  rendering  and  inter- 
pretation (unless  we  understand  the  Septuagint 
rersion  with  Gesenius),  showing  that  it  was  as 
lifiicult  then  as  it  is  now.  T.  J.  C. 

COW.     The  Ileb.  words  ~1P2,  Tl^^V,   and 

T  T  '  T   •  V  ' 

"i^'"",  have  been  treated  of  under  Bull.  The  A. 
f-  renders  by  "cow,"  both  "IrS,  in  Ez.  i^.  15, 
irid  "T^tr  in  I^ev.  xxii.  28 ;  Num.  xviii.  17,  where 


CRANE 


506 


the  feminine  sen  ler  is  required  by  the  seiue.     !■ 
.lob  xxi.  10  and  Is.  xi.  7,  the  A.  V.  has  "cow '    m 

the  rendering  of  H  "1".  the  fem.  form  of  "IS,  *'  a 
bullock."  ^ ""  W.  D. 

COZ  (V^^  [n  thorn]:  Ktoe':  Cos),  »  nian 
among  the  descendants  of  .ludah  (1  Chr.  iv.  8). 

*  The  name  also  of  one  of  the  Levites  (see  1 
Chr.  xxiv.  10;  l':zr.  ii.  Gl;  Xeh.  iii.  4,  21;  vii.  G3). 
The  article  is  prefixed  in  these  passages,  and  in  the 
first  of  them  retsdned  in  the  A.  V.  (Hakkoz 
which  see).  H. 

COZ'BI  C'2T3  [deceptive,  lyiny]  :  Xo(r/3i, 
[Vat.  -/Set:]  Jos.  Xofffila-  Cozbi),  a  Midianite 
woman,  daughter  of  Zur,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
nation  (Num.  xxv.  15,  18). 

*  CRACKNELS  (in  1  Kings  xiv.  3,  A.  V.), 
denotes  crumb-cakes,  "  so  called  from  the  sharp 
noise  made  when  breaking  "  (Eastwood  &  Wright'a 
Bible  Word-BMk,  p.  134).  They  formed  a  part 
of  the  present  which  the  wife  of  .leroboam  carried 
to  the  prophet  Ahijah  (cgmp.  1  Sam.  ix.  7,  8 ;  xvi. 
20)  when  she  went  to  learn  from  him  the  issue  of 
her  son's'  sickness.  They  were  diflerent  from  ordi- 
nary loaves,  for  both  are  mentioned  together  in  the 
above  passage.  Fiirst  says  they  were  perhaps  small 
dried  cakes,  and  pricked  or  pointed  like  biscuit, 
such  as  common  jjeople  carried  with  them  on  jour- 
neys (//eir.  u.  Chald.  Worterb.  ii.  53).  lieing 
thus  dry  and  hard,  they  would  have  the  quality 
expressed  by  the  EngUsh  name,  but  infen-ed  oidy 
from  the  Hebrew.  The  queen  took  such  cakes  with 
her,  because  she  wished  to  concesd  iier  rank  and 
appear  as  an  ordinary  person.  See  Bunsen's  Bibel- 
loerk  on  1  Kings  xiv.  3.  The  Hebrew  term  is  that 
in  Josh.  ix.  5,  12,  usually  understood  there  of  bread 
so  old  as  to  be  dry  and  si)otte<l  with  mould.  But 
the  etymology  is  very  obscure.  See  Fiirsfs  Con- 
cord, s.  v.,  and  Ges.  Thes.  ii.  909.  H. 

CRANE  (0^!D  or  D"*P,  sus  or  sh  [horse, 
from  the  fleetness  of  the  swallow]  :  xe^'ScJj':  pullun 
hirundinis,  hirumlo).  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  A.  V.  is  incorrect  in  rendering  rus  .by 
"crane,"  which  bird  is  probably  intended  by  the 
Hebrew  word  'dfjur,  translated  *'  swallow "  by 
the  A.  V.  [S\VALU)W.]  Mention  is  made  of 
the  sus  in  Hezekiah's  prayer  (Is.  xxxviii.  14), 
"Like  a  sits  or  an  'ai/Hr  so  did  I  twitter;"  and 
again  in  Jer.  viii.  7  these  two  words  occur  in  the 
same  order,  "the  sis  and  the  '«</«/•  observe  the 
time  of  their  coming:"  from  which  jKissage  we 
learn  that  both  birds  were  migratory.  According 
to  the  testimony  of  most  of  the  ancient  versions, 
sus  denotes  a  "swallow."  The  passage  in  Jere 
miah  (I.  c),  compared  with  the  twittenng  notes  of 
the  sus  in  Hezekiah's  prayer,  goes  far  to  estabUsh 
this  translation,  for  the  Hebrew  verb"  which  is 
rendered  "chatter"  by  the  A.  V.  more  properly 
signifies  to  "chirp"  or  to  "twitter,"  the  term  be- 
ing evidently,  as  Bochart  {Hieroz.  ii.  605)  has 
shown,  onomatopoetic,  indicative  of  the  notes  of 
the  bird.  The  Itahans  about  Venice  call  a  swallow 
zizilla,  and  its  chirpuig  they  express  by  zizillare 
(see  Bochart,  I.  c).  The  expression  "like  a  swal- 
low did  I  twitter  "  may  perhaps  appear  to  us  not  a 
very  apt  illustration  of  mournful  com|)laint,  the 
notes  of  the  various  species  of  the  Jlirwulinida 


^?51'^?. 


606 


CRATES 


iwing  expreseive  of  happiness  rather  than  of  ^cf ; " 
out  it  must  Im'  renieinliei'ed  that  the  ancients  re- 
jarded  tlie  «\vallow  as  a  monnifiil  bird;  and  it  is 
worthy  of  remark  that,  according  to  Dr.  Kennicott, 
ill  thirteen  tlodiees  of  Jeremiah  (/.  c.)  the  word 
/«»•  occurs  insU^ad  of  sis :  it  is  probable  tlierefore 
ihat  the  story  of  Procne,  Tereus,  <fcc.,  of  ( irecian 
mythology  had  its  source  in  ancient  Egyptian  fa- 
ble, Isis,  as  the  Egyptians  say,  having  been  changed 

into  a  swallow.  The  Hebrew  word  Deror  (1"^'^'^) 
IS  noticed  under  the  iirticle  Swallow.     W.  H 

CR A'TES  (Kpdrrjs  •  Vulg.  translates  pni-l  litig 
est),  governor  of  the  Cyprians  {&  ivl  tuv  K.  ),  who 
was  left  in  charge  of  the  "castle"  (rrjs  a.Kpoir6- 
Keais)  of  Jerusalem  (?),  during  the  absence  of 
Sostratus,  in  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Kpiphanes  (2 
Mace.  iv.  29). 

CREDITOR.     [Loan.] 

CRES'CENS  (Kp^(r«rjy  [the  Greek  for  the 
Latin  name  Cresccns,  "  iucreiising"],  2  Tim.  iv.  10), 
Bii  assistant  of  St.  Paul  [who  went  from  Home  to 
Galatia.  perhaps  sent  by  the  .VpostleJ,  said  to  have 
been  one  of  the  seventy  disciples.  According  to 
the  Aj)(i.<t()liril  Cunstilutiuns,  and  many  of  the 
fathers,  he  preitclied  the  Gosi)cl  in  Galatia,  which 
perha|)s  is  only  a  conjecture  built  on  the  "  (Vescens 
to  Galatia"  of  2  Tim.  iv.  10.  Later  tradition  (.So- 
phronins)  makes  him  preach  in  Gaul  ((Jalatia,  see 
Thet)doret  on  2  Tim.  I.  c),  and  found  the  Church 
at  \'ienne.  H.  A. 

CRETE  (Kp-fiTtf.  Crttn),  the  modern  Candla. 
This  large  island,  which  closes  in  the  (jreek  Archi- 
pelago on  the  S.,  extends  through  a  distance  of 
140  miles  between  its  extreme  [wints  of  Cape  Sai>- 
jio.NK  (Acts  xxvii.  7)  on  the  L.,  and  Ca(;e  Criunie- 
topon  l)eyond  I'iuknick  or  I'ucknix  (lb.  12)  on 
the  W.  The  breadth  is  comparatively  small,  the 
narrowest  part  (called  an  isthmus  by  Stralx),  x.  475) 
Ijeing  near  Phoenix.  Though  extremely  bold  and 
mountainous,  this  island  has  very  fruitfid  valleys, 
and  in  early  times  it  wa.s  celebrated  for  its  hundred 
cities  (Virg.  yEn.  iii.  106).  Crete  has  a  conspic- 
uous position  in  the  mythology  and  earliest  histor\ 
of  Greece,  but  a  comparatively  unimportant  one  in 
its  later  hi.story.  It  was  reduced  (b.  c.  67)  by  the 
Homans  under  Metellus,  hence  called  Creticus,  and 
united  in  one  province  with  Cyrenaica,  which  was 
at  no  great  distance  (Strabo,  x.  4T.5)  on  the  oppo- 
site coast  of  Africa  [Cyuexf.].  It  is  possible  that 
in  Tit.  iii.  1,  there  may  be  an  implied  reference  tc 
a  turbulent  condition  of  the  Cretan  part  of  the 
piovinee,  especially  as  regarded  the  Jewish  resi- 
dents. 

It  seems  likely  that  a  very  early  acquaintance 
ic-jk  place  between  the  Cretans  and  the  .Jews.  The 
etory  in  Tacitus  (Hint.  v.  2),  that  the  Jews  were 
theaisehes  of  Cretan  origin,  may  be  accounted  for 
Vy  supposhig  a  confusion  between  the  Philistines 
w\  the  Jews,  and  by  identifying  the  Cherethites 
..f  1  Sam.  XXX.  14;  2  Sam.  viii.  18;  Ez.  xxv.  16; 
leph.  ii.  5,  with  Cretan  emigrants.  In  the  two 
last  of  these  pa-ssages  they  are  expressly  called 
Kpnrfs  by  the  LXX.,  and  in  Zeph.  ii.  6,  we  have 
the  word  Kp^r-q-  Whatever  conclusion  we  may 
irrive  at  on  this  point,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Jews 
were  settled  in  the  island  in  considerable  numbers 
luring  the  period  between  the  death  of  Alexander 


CRETE 

the  Great  an^^  the  final  destruction  of  Jei  .iiulea 

(iortyna  seems  to  have  been  their  chief  residue* 
for  it  is  specially  mentioned  (1  Mace  xv.  23)  ii 
the  letters  written  by  the  Romans  on  l)ehalf  of  tht 
Jews,  when  Simon  Maccabjeus  renewe<l  the  treaty 
which  his  brother  Judas  had  made  with  Home. 
[Gortyna.]  See  1  Mace  x.  67.  At  a  later  pe- 
riod Jo-sephus  says  {Ant.  xvii.  12,  §  1,  S.  ./.  ii.  7 
§  1)  tliat  the  Pseudo- Alexander,  Herod's  supposed 
son,  imposed  upon  the  Jews  of  (^'rete,  when  on  his 
way  to  Italy.  And  later  still,  Philo  {Ler/.  nd  Cat. 
§  36)  makes  the  Jewish  envoys  say  to  Caligula 
that  all  the  more  noted  islands  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, including  Crete,  were  full  of  Jews.  Thus 
the  special  mention  of  Cretans  (Acts  ii.  11)  among 
those  who  were  in  Jerusalem  at  the  great  Pentecost 
is  just  what  we  should  ex])cct. 

No  notice  is  given  in  the  Acts  of  any  more  direct 
evangelization  of  Crete ;  and  no  absolute  proof  can 
be  adduced  that  St.  Paul  was  ever  there  before  hia 
voyage  from  Cajsarea  to  Puteoli ;  though  it  is  quite 
possible  that  he  may  have  visited  the  island  in  the 
course  of  his  residences  at  Corinth  and  Kphesus. 
For  the  speculations  which  have  been  made  in  ref- 
erence to  this  point,  we  must  refer  to  what  is  written 
in  the  articles  on  Titus,  and  Titus,  Epistlk  to. 
The  circumstances  of  St.  Paul's  recorded  visit 
were  briefly  as  follows.  The  wind  Ijeing  contrary 
when  he  was  off  Cniuus  (Acts  xxvii.  7),  the  ship 
was  forced  to  run  down  to  (Jape  Salmone,  and 
thence  under  the  lee  of  Crete  to  I-'air  IIavexs, 
which  was  near  a  city  called  Las.ka  (ver.  8). 
Thence,  afler  some  delay,  an  attempt  was  made, 
on  tlie  wind  becoming  favoral:)le,  to  reach  Phcenice 
for  the  purpose  of  wintering  there  (ver.  12);  but  a 
sudden  gale  from  the  N.  E.  [Winds]  coming 
down  from  the  high  ground  of  Crete  {Kar  aiir^j), 
in  the  neighlwrhood  of  Mount  Ida,  drove  the  ship 
to  the  little  island  of  Claui>a  (vv.  1-3-16),  whence 
she  drifted  to  Malta.  It  is  impossible  to  say  how 
far  this  short  stay  at  Fair  Havens  may  have  afibrded 
opportunities  for  preaching  the  tiospel  at  l^asaea  or 
elsewhere. 

The  next  point  of  connection  between  St.  Paul 
and  this  island  is  found  in  the  epistle  to  Titus.  It 
is  evident  from  Tit.  i.  5,  that  the  Apostle  himself 
was  here  at  no  long  interval  of  time  before  he  wTote 
the  letter.  We  believe  this  to  have  l)een  l>etween 
the  first  and  second  imprisonments.  In  tlie  course 
of  the  letter  (Tit.  i.  12)  St.  Paul  adduces  from 
Epimenides,  a  Cretan  sage  and  poet  {Otios  iviio, 
Plat.  Leffg.  i.  642),  a  quotation  in  which  the  vices 
of  his  countrymen  are  describetl  in  dark  colors. 
The  truth  of  what  is  said  by  Epimenides  is  abun  • 
dantly  confirmed  by  the  passages  collected  (iv.  lOi 
in  Meursius's  great  work  on  Crete  (Meursii  Opera, 
Florence,  1744,  vol.  iii.).  He  has  also  a  chapter 
(iv.  4)  on  the  early  Christian  history  of  the  island. 
Titus  was  much  honored  here  during  the  middle 
ages.  The  cathedral  of  Megalo-Castron  was  dedi- 
cated to  him :  and  his  name  was  the  watchword  of 
the  Cretans,  when  they  fought  against  the  Vene 
tiaiis,  wIk)  themselves  seem  to  have  placed  him 
above  St.  Mark  in  Candia,  when  they  became  ma»- 
ters  of  the  island.  See  Pashley's  Trnvth  in  Crete, 
i.  6,  175  (Ivondon,  1837).  In  addition  to  thii 
valuable  work,  we  must  refer  to  Hoeek's  KreUi  (Giit- 
tingen,  1829),  and  to  some  papers  translated  from 
the  Italian,  and  publi.shed  by  Mr.  E.  Falkener  in  tht 


«  UnlMS  perhaps  the  t\s  may  have  reference  more 
partii'Uliirly  to  m^.o  speiies  of  s..ift  {Cypsetut),  v'lose 


loud  squealing  may  appear  to  siime  to  be  iDdioatirt  ol 
ceatleu  grief. 


CRETES 

leoond  volume  of  tiie  Mnstum  of  Classical  Aiiti- 
jutties  (London,  185(i).  J-  S.  H. 

*  Kangabes  in  his  'E\Ar]viKd  (iii-  453-579)  has 
iketched  the  ancient  history  and  the  geographical 
features  of  Crete  ''mountains,  rivers,  promontories, 
and  harbors,  with  an  enumeration  of  the  cities  and 
villages),  and  (though  some  readjusiment  may  be 
necessary  for  the  present  time)  furnishes  valuable 
statistics  respecting  the  population  of  the  island  at 
different  periods  (Greeks  and  Turks),  its  monastic 
establishments,  products,  exports,  imports,  and  the 
Uke.  This  author  represents  KaXot  Ai/xeves  as  an 
insecure  roadstead,  to  which  vessels  resorted  only 
in  great  distress,  in  accordance  with  its  reputa- 
tion among  seamen  in  Paul's  time  (Acts  xxvii.  8). 
He  supposes  the  l>astea  which  was  near  there  to 
be  the  "Lisia"  of  the  Ptutinger  Talk,  but  says 
nothing  of  any  place  stUl  known  by  that  name 
(Las.ka).  He  mentions  the  interesting  fact  that 
Phoenix  or  Phoenice  (Acts  xxvii.  12)  had  its  own 
bishops  at  an  early  period,  and  that  one  of  them 
named  I^on  was  present  at  the  second  Nicene 
Council.  He  speaks  of  this  Phoenix  as  near  Lutro 
{hovrp6v)<  but  evidently  had  no  idea  that  they 
were  identical  (see  Phusnick).  The  opinion  of  so 
eminent  an  archajologist  ou  these  points  deserves 
to  be  considered.  The  more  recent  publications  of 
Capt.  Spratt,  R.  N.  {Siiliny  Directions  for  tht 
Island  of  Crete,  and  Travels  and  Itesenrchts  in 
Crete)  have  added  largely  to  our  knowledge  of 
the  topography  of  the  island.  Mr.  Smith  has 
availed  himself  of  these  later  discoveries,  with  good 
etfect.  in  his  admirable  work  on  the  Voyage  and 
Shipwreck  of  St.  Paul  (.3d  ed.  180G). 

One  of  the  observations  reported  by  navigatons 
in  that  on  the  south  side  of  Crete  a  light  southerly 
wind  is  often  succeeded  by  a  typhoon,  which  strikes 
down  from  the  high  mountains  on  the  island,  as 
happened  to  Paul's  vessel  in  going  from  Fair  Ha- 
vens to  Phoenice  (Acts  xxvii.  13,  14).  It  is  said 
that  this  fact  favors  the  interpretation  of  ejSaAe 
(tar'  avrrjs  (mentioned  in  the  article  above  and 
adopted  in  several  of  the  later  EngUsh  Commenta- 
ries) whijh  refers  auTrjs  to  the  island  (down  from 
it)  and  not  to  the  ship.  (  Voyayt  and  Sliipwreck  of 
St.  Paul,  3d  ed.  p.  99).  It  was  true,  no  doubt,  that 
the  wind  in  that  instance  came  from  the  high  land 
on  shore,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  kut  owttjj 
points  out  that  circumstance.  No  proof  has  been 
given  that  j3a\A.co,  as  said  of  winds,  was  actually 
used  thus  with  the  genitive  of  the  quarter  whence 
the  wind  came.  I>echler's  view  {Der  Ajjostel  Ge- 
tchichten,  p.  348,  in  Lange's  Bibelwerk)  seems  to 
be  more  correct,  that  avrfjs  refers  to  the  vessel 
which  the  wind  struck  and  drove  out  to  sea,  with 
vavs  as  the  mental  antecedent,  which  (actually  em- 
ployed in  ver.  41 )  could  so  easily  take  the  place  here 
of  Luke's  usual  irAoToi/-  This  is  the  explanation 
also  of  Winer  {N.  Test.  Gram.  §  47,  5,  h)  and  of 
Buttnianu  (jVtultst.  Gram.  p.  127).  It  is  known  to 
the  writer  that  Prof.  Sophocles  of  Harvard  College 
interprets  Luke  here  in  the  same  maimer.       H. 

*  CRETES  (KpnT€s:  Cretes),  inhabitants  of 
Crete  ^Acts  ii.  11),  where  probably  Jews  and  pros- 
llytes  axe  meant  (conip.  'Pwaaloi  ='lovBaioi  re  koI 
TpoffrjKvToi  in  the  previoi'«  verse);  while  for  tht 
lame  term  we  have  Cretians  (A.  V.)  in  Tit.  i.  12 
applied  there  to  native  Greeks.  "  Cretans  "  would 
be  a  better  rendering,  says  Trench  (Auth.  Vers, 
y.  78,  ed.  1850),  in  both  passages.  The  subscrip- 
tion to  the  Epistle  toTitus  (A.  V.)  states  that  it  j 


CRIB 


501 


was  written  to  him  as  the  "  fiist  bishop  or  oversea 
of  the  church  of  the  Cretians."  lor  the  chanictei 
of  the  ancient  Cretans,  see  Ckkte.  II. 

*  CRE'TIANS.     [Cketes.] 

*  CRIB.     This  is  ihe  rendering  (A.    V.)  o» 
D^3M,  e.  g.  in  Is.  i.  3.     The  word  denotes  (froa 

DSW)  to  fodder)  the  place  from  which  cattle  and 
horses  were  accustomed  to  eat  their  food,  but  throws 
no  light  on  the  sort  of  structme  provided  for  that 
purpose.  It  was,  no  doubt  (for  such  usages  in  the 
Kast  remain  the  same  from  age  to  age),  a  box  oi 
trough  "  built  of  small  stones  and  mortar,"  or  hol- 
lowe(i  out  of  an  entire  block,  such  as  the  fanners 
of  the  country  use  at  the  present  time.  Dr.  ITioin- 
son  mentions  an  incident  connected  with  these  con- 
trivances which  illustrates  a  Scripture  passage.  At 
Tiberias,  as  "the  droves  of  cattle  and  donkeys 
came  down  from  the  green  hills  "  at  night,  "  I  hur- 
ried after  them  .  .  .  and  no  sooner  had  we  got 
within  the  walls  than  the  dn)ves  began  to  disperse. 
Every  ox  knew  perfectly  weU  his  owner,  his  house, 
and  the  way  to  it,  nor  did  he  get  bewildered  for  a 
moment  in  the  mazes  of  these  narrow  and  crooked 
alleys.  As  for  the  asses,  they  walked  straight  to 
the  door,  and  up  to  their  master's  crib.  ...  I  fol- 
lowed one  company  clear  into  their  habitation,  and 
saw  each  take  his  appropriate  manger,  and  begin  his 
evening  meal  of  dry  tibn.  Isaiah  (i.  3,  4)  says  in  all 
this  they  were  wiser  than  their  owners,  who  neither 
knew  nor  considered,  but  forsook  the  I^rd,  and 
provoked  the  Holy  One  of  Israel."  —  Land  and 
Book,  ii.  97. 

The  "  mangers"  of  the  N.  T.  were  probably  Uke 
the  "cribs"  of  the  Old.  The  new  Paris  edition 
of  Stephens's  Thesaui-m  Grascoi  Linguce  adopts 
the  representation  in  Suicer's  Thes.  Eccles.  ii.  1420, 
that  (pdrff)  is  "  properly  a  hollow  place  in  the  stable 
which  contains  the  food  of  animals;  "  that  "  it  is  a 
part  of  the  stable,  and  each  of  the  horses  has  his 
own  (txxTvr]  or  table,  as  it  were,  before  him.  Here 
(pdrvrj  and  rpdire^a  (crib  and  table)  are  used  in- 
terchangeably." But  while  the  writers  admit 
that  sense  in  Luke  xiii.  15  (where  the  A.  V.  has 
"  stall " )  they  regard  the  word  as  employed  out  of  its 
proper  signification  in  the  passages  relating  to  the 
nativity  of  our  Lord,  and  as  "  standing  there  by 
metonymy  for  a  stable  in  which  was  a  crib."  But 
such  an  exception  to  the  usual  meaning  is  the  lese 
necessary  here,  because  the  locality  of  the  ipdrvri 
may  imply  the  stall,  if  for  any  reason  that  be  re- 
quired. Undoubtedly  the  true  conception  of  the 
history  is  that  the  holy  family,  excluded  from  the 
part  of  the  caravanserai  _  ((coraAuyua)  allotted  W) 
travellers,  repaired  to  the'  part  where  the  animivla 
were,  and  the  birth  taking  place  there,  the  new- 
born child  was  laid  in  one  of  the  feeding-trougha 
within  reach.  They  are  not  ill  adapted  to  such  a 
use ;  for  Dr.  Thonison  states  (L'lnd  and  Biwk,  il. 
98)  that  "his  own  children  have  slept  in  them  in 
his  rude  summer  retreats  on  the  mountains."  The 
Arabic  translation  from  the  Vulgate  by  the  Maro- 
nite  bishop  Serkis  en-Kurr  (under  Pope  Urban 
VIII.)  adjusts  the  rendermg  to  this  view  of  th«» 
word.  Dr.  Van  Dyck  says  that  he  has  no  doubt 
of  the  correctness  of  such  a  translation."  Tli? 
wi-iter  found  this  to  be  a  conmion  use  of  (pdrvTi 
among  the  modern  Greeks.  Biel  {Thts.  PhiloL 
iii.  534)  stntes  very  correctly  the  Sept.  usage,  an4 
in  accordance  wi'h  the  foregoing  view.  11. 


a  *  From  li  noU  of  Dr.  Van  Dyck  to  the  wiitar 


608  CRIMSON 

CllIMSON      [Colors.] 

•  CRISPING  -PINS.  The  Hebrew  word  so 
Iraiislated  iu  Is.  iii.  22,  D^tD''"in,  chniittm.  de- 
notes the  reticules,  ofteu,  probably,  elegant  and 
highly  onianiented,  carried  by  the  Hebrew  ladies. 
In  2  K.  V.  23,  tlie  only  other  passage  in  which  it 
Mcurs,  it  is  rendered  buffs.     See  Bag,  1.         A. 

CRIS'PUS  {KplaTTos  [oisped,  curled];  found 
•Iso  in  the  Talmudists  under  the  forms  S2D"*~lp 

and  "^SD^'np-),  ruler  of  the  Jewish  synagogue  at 
Corinth  (Acts  xviii.  8);  baptized  with  his  family 
by  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  i.  14).  According  to  tradi- 
tion, he  became  afterwards  Bishop  of  yEgina 
(Conat.  Ajxisf.  vii.  4(i).  H.  A. 

*  His  office  (apxtcvudyooyoi)  shows  that  he  was 
•  Jf  ff,  »;id  his  foreign  name  that  he  or  his  ances- 
tors hatl  mingled  freely  with  other  nations.  The 
guanled  manner  in  which  Paul  speaks  in  1  Cor.  i. 
14,  would  le;ul  us  to  think  that  he  baptized  Crispus 
only,  and  not  those  of  his  family  also  who  l»elieved 
(Acts  x\iii.  8).  H. 

CROSS  {<Traup6s,  aK6\o\i/)-  Except  the  Latin 
ci^ua:  there  was  no  word  definitively  and  invariably 
applied  to  this  instrument  of  punishment.  The 
Greek  word  araupSs  is  derived  from  "cTrt^i,  and 
properly,  like  (tk6\o^,  means  merely  a  stake  (Hom. 
Od.  xiv.  11;  //.  xxiv.  453).  Hence  Eustathius 
defines  (naupoi  to  be  6p6a  koI  anw^vix/ifva  |uA.a, 
and  Hesych.  ot  KaTa.nevr)y6ri^  (rK6\oir€s,  X'^f"*" 
Kes.  1  he  Greeks  use  the  word  to  translate  both 
palus  and  a-itx ;  e.  g.  cravpS  -irpocrSeTy  in  Dion 
Cass.  (xlix.  22)  is  exactly  equivalent  to  the  I^tui 
ad  pnlurn  delignre.  In  Ijvy  even  ci-ux  means  a 
mere  stake  ("  in  tres  sustoUi  crnces,"  xxviii.  29), 
just  as,  vice  verm,  the  Fathers  use  (rK6\oy\i  and 
en-n  stipes  ("  de  stipite  pendens  " )  of  a  cross  proper. 
(In  consequence  of  this  vagueness  of  meaning,  im- 
paling (Herod,  ix.  76)  is  sometimes  spoken  of, 
loosely,  as  a  kind  of  crucifixion,  and  avaaKoXoiri- 
^tiv  is  nearly  equivalent  to  aua.<TTavpovv\  "alii  per 
obsccena  stipitem  egerunt,  alii  brachia  patibulo  ex- 
plicuenint,"  Sen.  Omiul.  ad  Marc,  xx.;  and  Kp. 
liv.).  Other  words  occasionally  applied  to  tlie 
cross  are  padbidum  and  f'urcc,  pieces  of  wood  in 
the  shape  of  n  (or  Y)  and  A  respectively  (Dif/.  48, 
tit.  l.{;  Plant,  ^fil.  Gl.  ii.  47;  and  in  Sail  fr.  ap. 
Non.  iv.  355,  "  patibulo  eminens  affligebatur"  seems 
clearly  to  imply  crucifixion),  .\fter  the  abolition 
of  tliis  mode  of  death  by  Constantine,  Trebonianus 
substituted /M)-ca_^/ye«</oA-,  for  crvcifff/erulos,  wher- 
ever tlie  word  occurred.  More  generally  the  cross 
is  called  ar/ior  infdix  (Liv.  i.  26 ;  Sen.  Ep.  101 ), 
vt  lif/num  iiifeila;  (Cic.  per  Rah.  3);  and  in  Greek 
^iKov  (Deut.  xxi.  22).  Tlie  Fathers,  in  controversy, 
irfed  to  quote  the  words  o  Kvpios  ifiaaiKivatv 
(iirJ»  ToG  |uA.ou),  from  Ps.  xlv.  10,  or  Ps.  xcvi., 
U  a  prophecy  of  the  cross;  but  these  words  are 
"  v'u]tcrinaet(^hristianadevotioneaddita;"  though 
Jenobr.ardus  thought  them  a  prophetic  addition  of 
the  LXX.,  and  .\gellius  conjectures  that  they  read 

f  ^  for  V^  (Schleusner's  Thb,.).     The  Hebrews 

had  no  word  for  a  cross  more  definite  than  \^y, 
"  wood  '  (Gen.  xl.  19,  Ac),  and  so  they  called  the 
trai.'svei3e  l)eams  i3~!^1  ""ntr,  "  warp  and  woof" 

(Peurson,  On  the  Creed,  art.  iv.),  like  |i'a.o>'  SfSi/- 
«(»!•,  I. XX.  Criix  is  the  root  of  ciiu-'io,  and  is 
ifleD  tued  proverbially  for  what  is  most  ]>ainful  (as 


CROSS 

" summum  jus,  summa  crux,"  Colum  i.  7 ;  "qui<;i«n 
in  malo  crucem,"  Ter.  Phorm.  iii.  3,  11),  and  as  i 
nickname  for  villains  ("Quid  ais,  crux?"  Plaut 
Pen.  ii.  5,  17).  Rarer  terms  are  &Kpiov  (Euseb. 
viii.  8),  aivis  (?),  and  (hihnlus  (Varro  ap.  Non.  ii 
373;  Macrinus  ap.  Capitol.  Maci:  11).     This  last 

word  is  derived  from  732,  "  to  complete." 

As  the  emblem  of  a  slave's  death  and  a  murder- 
er's punishment,  the  cross  was  naturally  looked 
upon  with  the  profoundest  horror,  and  closely  con- 
nected "  with  the  ideas  of  pain,  of  guilt,  and  of 
ignominy  "  (Giblwn,  ii.  153;  "  Nomen  ipsum  crucis 
absit  non  modo  a  corjwre  civium  Romanorimi,  sed 
etiam  a  cogitatione,  oculis,  auribus,"  Cic.  jrro  Rnb. 
5).  But  after  the  celebrated  vision  of  Constimtine 
(Fuseb.  Vil.  Cimst.  i.  27-30),  he  ordered  his  friends 
to  make  a  cross  of  gold  and  gems,  such  as  he  had 
seen,  and  '•  the  towering  eagles  resigned  the  flags 
unto  the  cross  "  (Pearson),  and  "the  tree  of  curs- 
ing and  shame "  "  sat  upon  the  sceptres  and  was 
engrave<I  and  signed  on  the  foreheads  of  kings" 
(Jer.  Taylor,  Life  of  Christ,  iii.  xv.  1).  The  nefw 
standards  — 
"'  In  quibus  effigies  crucis  aut  gemmata  refulget, 
Aut  lougis  solido  ex  auro  prsefertur  ab  hastia," 
(Prudent,  in  Symm.  ii.  464  5.^ 

Were  called  by  the  name  I.abarum,  and  may  bfl 

seen    engraved    in    Baronius 

(Ann.   Keel.  a.  d.  312,  No. 

36),  or   represented   on    the 

coins     of    Constantine     the 

Great  and  his  nearer  suc- 
cessors.      The    I^barum    is 

described  in  Euseb.  ( 1'.  C(m- 

stnnt.  i.  25),  and,  besides  the 

pendent  cross,  supported  the 
celebrated  em- 
broidered mon- 
Sl  ogram  of  Christ 
(Gibbon,  ii.  154; 
"  Transversa  X 

littera,  summo  capite  circum- 

flexo,"    Ceecil.),    which   was 

also  inscribed  on  the  shields 

and  helmets  of  the  legions :  — 

"  Christus  purpureuni    gem- 

manti  tectus  in  auro 

Signabat  labarum ;  clypeo- 

rum  inMgnia  diritus 
Scripserat,  ardebat  summi? 
crux  addita  cristis." 
(Prudent.  /.  c] 

Nay,  the  (rifi^oXov  awriipiov 
was  even  more  prominently 
honored  ;    for  .lerome  says. 


a;^ 


The  Labarum. 

(From   a  Coin   in  tb( 

British  Musemn.) 


Hegum  purpuras  et 
ardentes  diadematum  gemmas  patibuli  Salvatoria 
pictura  condecorat "  (A/;,  ad  Laelnm). 

"We  may  tabulate  thus  the  various  descriptions 
of  cross  (Lips,  de  Cruce,  i. ;  Godwyn's  Moses  atd 
Aaron) :  — 

Crux. 


1 
1.  Simplex. 


Compacta. 


2.  T>u<-ut<sata,  3.  Commissa, 
Andrcana,  or  and  ansata. 
Burgundian. 


4.  ImmVMa. 
or  capitata 


1.  The  crrir  simplex,  or   mere  stake  "  of  om 
single  piece  without  transom,"  was  probably  tbi 


I 


CROSS 

original  of  the  rejt  Sometimes  it  was  merely  ririven 
through  the  man's  chest,  hut  at  other  times  it  was 
driven  loiigitudinaily,  Sii  ^dx^'^^  ""-  "'''^ov 
(Hesych.  s.  v.  (tk6Kj^),  comuig  out  at  the  mouth 
(Sen.  Ep.  xiv.),  a  method  of  punishment  called 
a.uao'Kii'SvKfvcris,  or  injixio.  The  offixio  consisted 
merely  of  tyiny  the  criminal  to  the  staite  {culpalum 
ddlgare.  Liv.  xxvi.  13),  from  which  he  hung  by 
liis  arms :  the  process  is  described  in  the  httle  poem 
of  Ausoniis,  Cupido  cinwijixus.  Trees  were  nat- 
urally convenieut  for  this  purpose,  and  we  read  of 
tlieir  being  applied  to  such  use  in  the  Martyr- 
ologies.  lertullian  too  tells  us  (Apol.  viii.  16)  that 
to  punish  the  priests  of  Saturn,  Tiberius  "  in  eisdem 
arlioribus,  obumbratricibus  scelerum,  votivis  crucibus 
explicuit"  (cf.  Tac.  G'ec?».  xii.,  "  Proditoresettrans- 
fugas  arboribus  suspendunt  ").  How  far  the  expres- 
sion "accursed  tree"  is  applicable  under  this  head 
ift  examhied  under  the  word  Crucifixion. 

2.  'Hie  crux  decrussata  is  called  St.  Andrew's 
jross,  although  on  no  good  grounds,  since,  accord- 
ing to  some,  he  was  killed  with  the  sword;  and 
Hippolytus  says  that  he  was  crucified  upright,  "  ad 
arborem  oliva;."  It  is  in  the  shape  of  the  Greek 
letter  X  (Jerome,  in  Jer.  xxxi. ;  "  X  littera  et  in 
figura  crucem,  et  in  numero  decern  demonstrat," 
Isidor.  Oriy.  i.  3).  Hence  Just.  Mart.  {Di:d.  c. 
Tryph.  p.  200)  quotes  Plato's  expression,  i^.t'^^ev 
avrhv  if  to!  iravTl,  with  reference  to  the  cross. 
The  Fathers,  with  their  usual  luxuriant  imagination, 
discover  types  of  this  kind  of  cross  in  Jacob's 
blessmg  of  Joseph's  sons,  x^pc'-"  efV^^ory/j.fvais 
(cf.  Tert.  de  Baptisino,  viii.);  in  the  anouitmg  of 
priests  "  decussatively "  (Su-  T.  Browne,  Garden 
of  Cyrus);  for  the  rabbis  say  that  kings  were 
anomted    "  in    forma    coronae,    sacerdotes   autem 

^D  ^'^^33,  i.  e.  ad  fomiam  X  Grsecorum"  (Schoett- 
gen's  Hor.  Ihbr.  et  Talm.  iv.  adf.);  and  in  the 
crossing  of  the  hands  over  the  head  of  the  goat  on 
the  day  of  expiation  (Targ.  Jonath.  ad  Lev.  xvi. 
21,  &c.). 

3.  The  crux  commiss'i,  or  St.  Anthony's  cross 
(so  called  from  being  embroidered  on  that  saint's 
cope,  Mrs.  Jameson's  Sacred  Art,  i.  sxxv.),  was  in 
the  shape  of  a  T.     Hence  Lucian,  in  his  amusing 

\Ikii  ipaivqevTWu,  jocosely  derives  trraupds  from 
\ou  (anh  rouTOv  .  .  Koi  tw  TiXfrn^tiTt  ri2  irovrjp'S 
Ti]v  irovvpav  fTrwuviaiau  (TvvtXQelv),  and  makes 
mankind  accuse  it  bitterly  for  suggesting  to  tyrants 
the  instrument  of  torture  {Jud.  Vocal.  12).  This 
«hape  is  often  idluded  to  as  "  the  mystical  Tau " 
(  Garden  of  Cyrus  ;  "  nostra  autem  T  si)ecies  cnicis," 
Tert.  adv.  Marc.  iii.  22;  Jer.  in  Ezech.  ix.,  &c.). 
As  that  letter  hapfjens  to  stand  for  300,  opportunity 
was  given  for  more  elaborate  trifling ;  thus  the  300 
cubits  of  the  ark  are  considered  typical  (Clem.  Alex 
Strom,  vi. ;  S.  PauUin.  Ep>.  ii.);  and  even  Abraham's 
318  servants  (!);  since  318  is  represented  by  n-q, 
they  deduced  rhv  fji.ev  'Irjffovu  iv  toIs  Bvffi  ypd/x- 
fuuTiy  Kal  ev  kv\  rhv  ffravpSv  (Bamab.  Ep.  ix. ; 
Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vi. ;  Ambros.  frol.  in  I.  i.  de 
Fide;  Pearson  (art.  iv.)  On  the  Creed,  in  whose 
Dotes  these  passages  are  quoted). 

A  variety  of  this  cross  (the  crux  ansata,  "  erosse8 
with  circles  on  their  heads")  is  found  "in       ^^ 
the   sculptures   from    Khorsabad   and    the        ]\ 
ivories  from  Nimroud.  M.  Lajard  ( Observiv-       ■' 
'ions  sur  la  Croix  ansee)  refers  it  to  the  Assjfrian 
ijmbol  of  divinity,  the  winged  figure  in  a  circle; 
Snt  Egyptian  antiquaries  quite  reject  the  theory  " 
',Lajard's  Xinereh,  ii.  213,  not»>).    In  the  Egypuau 


CU0S3  509 

sculptures,  a  siiuilar  object,  called  a  crux  ansata,  ia 
constantly  borue  by  divinities,  and  is  vitrioiisl) 
called  "  the  key  of  the  Nile  "  (Dr.  Young  in  I'.iu-ycL 
Dritan.),  "  tlie  character  of  Veims,"  and  more  cor- 
rectly (as  by  r^acroze)  "  the  emi)lem  of  life.''  In- 
deed this  was  the  old  explanation  {ipfX7]veudel(Tap 
crrinavai.  rdvTrjv  ypcupriv  Zee!;  eTrepxo/ueVrj,  Sozo- 
nieu.  Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  15:  so  t<X)  Kufinus  (ii.  2B), 
who  says  it  was  one  of  the  "  lepariKai  vel  sacer- 
dotaljs  litterse").  "Tie  Egyptians  thereby  ex- 
press<xl  the  powers  and  uiotion  of  the  spirit  of  the 
woi-ld,  and  the  diffusion  thereof  upon  the  celefetial 
and  elemental  nature"  (Sir  T.  Browne,  Gard.  of 
Cyrus).  This  too  was  the  signification  given  to  it 
by  the  Christian  converts  in  the  army  of  Theodosius, 
when  they  remarked  it  on  the  temple  of  Strapis, 
according  to  the  story  mentioned  in  Suidas.  Tlw 
same  symbol  ha.s  been  also  found  amcng  the  Copts, 
and  (perhaps  accidaitally)  among  the  Indians  and 
Persians. 

i.  The  CTtw;  immissa  (or  F-atin  cross)  differed 
from  the  former  by  the  projection  of  the  d6pv 
i;'\//rj\oj/  (or  stipes)  above  the  Kepas  iyndptriov,  oi 
j)atibulum'(liuseh.  de  \'.  Constant,  i.  31).  That 
this  was  the  kind  of  cross  on  which  our  Lord  died 
Ls  obvious  (among  other  reasons)  from  the  mention 
of  the  "  title,"  as  placed  above  our  Lord's  head,  and 
from  the  almost  unanimous  tradition ;  it  is  repeat- 
edly found  on  the  coins  and  columns  of  Constan- 
tine.  Hence  ancient  and  modem  imagination  has 
i)een  cliiefly  tasked  to  fuid  symbols  for  this  sort  of 
cross,  and  has  been  eminently  successful.  Thej 
find  it  typified,  for  instance,  in  the  attitude  of 
Moses  during  the  battle  of  Kephidim  (Ex.  xvii.  12), 
saying  that  he  was  bidden  by  the  Spirit,  '(va  irot^CTj 
rvnov  crravpov  Kal  too  fxeWovTOi  ■iraa'Xfi-f 
(Barnab.  Ep.  12;  Just.  Mart.  Dial.  c.  Tryph.  89; 
liabitus  ci'ucis,  Tert.  adv.  .Marc.  iii.  18).  Finnic. 
Matemus  {de  En-ore,  xxi.)  says  (from  the  Tal- 
nnidists  V)  that  Moses  made  a  cross  of  his  rod,  "  ut 
facilius  impetraret  quod  magnopere  postularet, 
crucem  sibi  fecit  ex  virga."  He  also  fantastically 
applies  to  the  cross  expressions  in  Hab.  iii.  3-5 ;  Is. 
ix.  6,  &c.  Other  supposed  tyijes  are  Jacob's  laddei 
(Jer.  Com.  in  Ps.  xci. ;  "  Dominus  innLxus  scala" 
Christus  crucifixus  ostenditur,"  August.  Serm.  de 
Ttmp.  Ixxix.);  the  paschal  iamb,  pierced  by  trans- 
verse spits  {(Tx'nf'-<'''Ti-^if*'fvov  dfioicas  rqi  frx'^M-"''''' 
TOO  aravpov  OTTTUTai,  Just.  M.  Dial.  c.  Tryph. 
40) ;  and  "  the  Hebrew  Tenupha,  or  ceremony  of 
their  oblations  waved  by  the  priest  into  the  four 
quaiterj  of  the  world  after  the  form  of  a  cross  " 
(Vitringa,  06s.  Sacr.  ii.  9;  Schoettgen,  ^.  c).    A 

truer  tyjjC  (John  iii.  14)  is  the  elevation  (HID^p^ 
Chald.)  of  the  fiery  sei-pent  (Num.  xxi.  8,  9).  For 
some  strange  applications  of  texts  to  this  figiu'e  see 
Cypr.  Testim.  ii.  xx.  ft".  In  Matt.  t.  18,  X(»na  if 
•7)  fiia  Kepaia  is  also  made  to  represent  a  crc&s  (1 
((TTi  rb  opdhv  ^v\ov  Kol  Kepaia  rh  ■rr\ayiov 
Theophyl.  tn  loc,  ifec).  To  the  four  &Kpa  of  tn 
cross  they  also  applied  the  Sipos  hoi  ^ddos  Kai 
irAdros  Kal  fxr}!  os  of  Eph.  iii.  18  (as  Greg.  Nyss. 
and  Aug.  Ep.  120);  and  another  of  their  fancies 
was  that  there  was  a  mystical  significance  in  this 
S6pv  reTpdir\fvpov  (Nonn.  In  Joh.  xix.  18),  be- 
cause it  pointed  to  the  four  comers  of  the  world 
("  Quatuor  inde  plagas  quadrati  colligit  orbis," 
Sedul.  iii. ).  In  all  nature  tlie  sacred  sign  was  found  to 
be  indispensable  {Karavo4)(TaTe  irdvTa  iv  r(p  KSff/xa 
el  &vev  ToO  ffx^fiaros  rovrou  SiOLKetrai,  Just.  M. 
Apol.  i.   72),  especially  in  such  thinija  as  ii.volv* 


bio  CROSS 

.lignity,  enwgy,  or  deliverance :  as  the  actions  of 
iigging,  plowinf»,  Ac.,  the  Imman  face,  the  anttnr- 
nte  of  a  ship  in  full  sail,  &c.  "  Aves  quando  volant 
id  sethera  signum  crucis  assumunt.  Homo  natans, 
vel  orans,  forma  crucis  visitur  "  {.ler.  in  Marc,  xi.)- 
"  Signa  ipsa  et  cantabra  et  vexiUa  quid  aliud  quam 
Inauratae  cruces  sunt?"  (5Iin.  Fel.  Oct.  xxix.). 
Similar  analogies  are  repeated  in  l-'imi.  Matern.  de 
Errore,  xxi. ;  Tert.  >iclv.  Nat.  i.  12;  Apol.  16;  de 
Coron.  Mil.  3,  and,  in  answer  to  the  sneers  of 
those  to  whom  the  cross  was  "foolishness,"  were 
considered  sufficient  proof  that  "  signo  crucis  aut 
ratio  naturalis  nititur  aut  vestra  religio  format ur" 
(Min.  Fel.,  &c.).  The  types  adduced  from  Script- 
ore  were  valuable  to  silence  the  difficulties  of  the 
Jews,  to  whom,  in  consequence  of  Deut.  xxi.  22 
{iiriKa,T<i.pa.Tos  d  (rroivpovfieyos),  the  cross  was  an 
fspecial  "stumbling-block"  (Tert.  adv.  Jwl.  9). 
Many  such  fancies  (e.  «/.  the  harmlessness  of  cruci- 
form llowcrs,  the  southern  cross,  &c.)  are  collected 
in  "  Communicaiicms  with  (he  Unneen  WorUV^ 

Besides  the"  four  6.Kpa.  (or  apices,  Tert.)  of  the 
cross,  was  a  fifth  {irTiyita),  projecting  out  of  the 
central  stem,  on  whicli  tlie  body  of  the  sufferer 
rested  {i<p'  ^  firoxovyrai  ol  aTavpovfievot,  Just. 
M.  Tryph.  91,  wlio  {more  sun)  compares  it  to  tlie 
horn  of  a  rliinoceros;  seditis  excessus,  Tert.  adv. 
Nat.  i.  12;  "ubi  requiescit  qui  clavis  affigitur," 
Tren.  adv.  flm-es.  i.  12).  This  was  to  prevent  the 
weight  of  the  body  from  tearing  away  the  hands, 
Bince  it  was  impossible  that  it  "  should  rest  upon 
nothing  but  four  great  wounds  "  (Jer.  Taylor,  IJfe, 
of  Christ,  iii.  xv.  2,  who  erroneously  quotes  the 
S6pv  rerpdirKiupov  of  Nonnus).  This  projection 
is  probably  alluded  to  in  the  famous  lines  of  M(e- 
oenas  (ap.  Sen.  Ep.  lOI):  — 

"  VitA  dum  Muperest  bene  est ; 
Hanc  mitii  vel  acut& 
Si  sedeam  tmcf,  sustine." 

Ruhkopf  {nd  lac.)  so  explains  it,  and  it  is  not  so 
probable  that  it  refei-s  to  avaffKivSiiKevais  as 
Lipsius  thinks  (de  Cnice,  i.  6).  Whetlier  there 
was  also  a  inrotrSSiov  or  support  to  the  feet  (as  wo 
Bee  in  pictures),  is  doulitful.  flregory  of  Tours 
mentions  it;  but  he  is  tlie  earliest  autliority,  and 
has  no  weight  (G.  J.  \^os.s.  Harm.  PasKvm.  ii. 
7,  28). 

An  inscription,  titulus  or  eloyium  (fwiypatp^, 
Luke  xxiii. ;  ahia.  Matt.  xx\ii. ;  f)  iiriypatpij  rrjs 
alrias,  Mark;  TfT\os,  John  xix. ;  "Qui  causam 
pcense  indicavit,"  Suet.  C(d.  32  ;  wiva^,  Euseb. : 
•ypafifjiaTa  t^v  cdrlav  rrjs  OavarcixTfus  SrjKovvra., 
Dion   Cass.    liv.   3 ;    irrvx'^oy   iiriypn/Afxa    exov, 

Hesych. ;  niv)  was  generally  placed  above  the 
person's  head,  a-^d  briefly  expressed  his  guilt,  as 
out6s  iiTTiy  ■'AttoA.os  6  Xptariavos  (Euseb.  v.  1 ), 
"Impie  locutus  parmularius"  (Suet.  Dam.  x.),  and 
generally  was  carried  before  the  criminal  ("prsece- 
dente  titulo,"  Suet.).  It  was  covered  with  white 
gypsum,  and  tl'c  letters  were  black ;  hence  Sozomen 
calls  it  \evKa)/xa  {Hist.  EccL  ii.  1),  and  Nicephorus 
•  Aeii»t^  trivia  {ft.  Eccl.  viii.  29).  But  Nicquetus 
(Tit.  Sanct.  CrKcis,  i.  6)  says  it  was  white  with 
T«d  letters. 

A  common  tradition  assigns  the  perpetual  shiver 
if  the  aspen  to  the  fact  of  the  cross  having  Ijeen 
formed  of  its  wood.  Lipsius,  however  {de  Cnuce, 
ji.  13),  thiiikd  it  was  of  oak,  which  was  strong 
Miough,  and  cora.uon  in  .luda-a.  Few  will  attach 
«ny  consequence  to  his  other  rea-son,  that  the  relics 


CROSS 

appear  to  be  of  oak.  The  legend  to  «hich  h* 
alludes, 

''  Pes  crucis  est  cedrus,  corpus  tenet  alta  cupreesiu 
Pslma  mantis  retinet,  titulo  laetatur  oliva," 

hardly  needs  refutation.  It  must  not  be  overlooked 
that  crosses  must  have  been  of  the  meanest  and 
readiest  materials,  because  they  were  used  in  such 
marvelous  numlwrs.  Thus  we  are  told  that  Alex- 
ander Jannaeus  crucified  800  Jews  (Joseph.  Ant. 
xiii.  U,  §  2);  and  Varus  2000  {id.  xvii.  10,  §  10); 
and  Hadrian  .500  a  day;  and  Titus  so  many  that 
X^P^  T^  fve\tiirfTO  To7s  CTTavpois  Koi  ffTavpol 
Tots  (Twfxao-iv  (Joseph.  B.  ./.  vi.  28,  where  l»e- 
land  rightly  notices  the  strange  retribution,  "  ao 
that  they  who  had  nothing  l)ut  '  crucify '  in  their 
mouth,  were  therewith  paid  home  in  their  own 
l)odie8,"  Sir  T.  Browne,  Vul;/.  Err.  v.  21).  In 
Sicily,  Augustus  crucified  GOO  (Oros.  vi.  18). 

It  is  a  question  whether  tying  or  binding  to  the 
cross  was  the  more  common  method.  In  favor  of 
the  first  are  the  expressions  liyare  and  deligare  ; 
the  description  in  Ausonius,  Cupido  Crvcif. ;  th< 
Egyptian  custom  (Xen.  Kphes.  iv.  2);  tlie  mention 
by  Pliny  (xxviii.  11)  of  spartum  e  cruce  among 
magical  implements ;  and  the  allusion  to  cnicifixion 
noted  by  the  fatliers  in  John  xix.  24  ('I'heophyl. 
ail  loc.  and  Tert.  "  Tunc  Petrus  ab  altero  cingiti<r 
cum  cruci  astringitur '').  On  the  other  side  we 
have  the  expression  irpocrrfKovffOai,  and  numberless 
authorities  (.Sen.  de  Vit.  Bentd,  19  ;  Artemidor. 
Oneirocr.,  in  sevenil  passages;  Apul.  .Met.  iii.  60; 
Plant,  .\fostel.  ii.  1,  13,  et  passim).  That  our 
lx)rd  was  nailed,  according  to  prophecy,  is  certain 
(John  XX.  2.5,  27,  Ac;  Zech.  xii.  10;  Ps.  xxii.  16: 
"  Foderunt  manus  meas  et  pedes,  quae  propria 
atrocitas  crucis,"  Tert.  adv.  Marc.  iii.  19,  Ac.; 
iiopv^av,  LXX. ;  although  the  Jews  vainly  endeavor 

to  maintain  that  here  ''"1S2,  '•  like  a  lion,"  is  the 
true  reading,  Sixt.  Senensis  Bibl.  Sanct.  riii.  5,  p. 
040).  It  is,  however,  extremely  probable  that  both 
metbf>fls  were  used  at  once:  thus  in  Lucan  (vi.  .547, 
fF.)  we  have  mention  both  of  "nodos  nocentes"  .and 
of  "  insertum  manibus  chalybem";  and  Hilary  (<le 
Trin.  x.)  mentions  together  "  coUigantum  funium 
vincula  et  adactorum  clavonmi  vulnera."  We  may 
add  that  in  the  crucifixion  (as  it  is  sometimes 
called,  Tert.  adv.  Marc.  i.  1,  cf.  Manil.  de  Androm. 
V.)  of  Prometheus,  -lEschylus,  besides  the  nails, 
speaks  of  a  /j.aa-xa^tC'Hjp  {Prom.  79).  ^\n)en 
either  method  was  used  alone,  the  tying  was  con- 
sidered more  painful  (as  we  find  in  the  Martyrolo- 
gies),  since  it  was  a  "  diutinus  cruciatus." 

It  is  doubtful  whether  three  or  four  nails  were 
employed.  The  pas.sage  in  Plaut.  Most.  ii.  1,  l-l, 
is,  as  Lipsius  {de  Crttce,  ii.  9)  shows,  indecisive. 
Nonniis  speaks  of  the  two  feet  {dixoirKoKets)  lieiiig 
fastened  with  one  nail  {&(vyi  ySfKpaj),  and  (ireg. 
Naz.  {De  Christ,  p'lt.)  calls  the  cross  a  ^v\ov 
Tpiari)\ov\  hence  on  gold  and  silver  cros.ses  Ihe 
nails  were  represented  by  one  ruby  or  carbuncle  at 
each  extremity  (Mrs.  .lameson,  I.  c).  In  the  "  in- 
rention  "  of  the  cross,  Socrates  (//.  E.  i.  17)  only 
mentions  the  hand-nails;  and  that  only  two  were 
found  is  argued  by  AA'iner  (s.  v.  Kretid.;!iin;i)  from 
thcTck  fiiv,  Tck  5^  (instead  of  tous  fxtv)  in  Theodor. 
//.  E.  i.  17.  Komish  writers,  however,  generally 
follow  Gregory  of  Tours  {De  GUrr.  Mart,  vi)  in 
maintaining  fbur,  which  may  also  b?  implied  by  the 
plural  in  Cypr.  de  Passione  ("clavis  .  .  .  pedei 
terebrantibus " ),  who  also  mentions  tfiree  more, 
used  to  nail  on  the  title.     Cyprian  is  a  very  ffoori 


CROSS 

"atbority,  because  he  had  often  been  a  witness  of 
executions.  There  is  a  monograph  on  the  subject 
Sj  Com.  Curtius  (f/e  claiis  domtnicis,  Antw.  1G70). 
What  has  been  said  sufficiently  disproves  the 
calumny  against  the  Albigenses  in  the  following 
very  curious  passage  of  Lucas  Tudensis  (ii.  contra 
\lbig.):  "  Albigensis  primi  pinxerunt  imaginem 
cnicifixi  uno  clavo  simul  utmmque  ijedem  configente, 
et  virginem  Mariam  Monoculam  (!)  ;  utrumque 
ill  derisionem :  sed  postea  prior  figtira  retenta  est, 
ft  irrefjsit  in  vulgarem  famara."  ((Quoted  by  Jer. 
luylor.  I.  c.)  On  the  supposed  fate  of  the  nails, 
-ee  Theodor.  II.  E.  i.  17.  Constaiitine  fastened 
itne  as  a  (j>v\aKT-fif)tov  on  bis  horse's  bridle,  and 
one  (/oraras  says  some)  on  the  head  of  the  statue 
which  he  intended  to  be  the  j^alladium  of  C'onstan- 
tinoi)le,  and  which  tlie  people  used  to  surround  with 
lighted  torches  (Mosheim,  /•.'ccl.  Hint.  ii.  1,  3,  and 
notes).  The  clavus  pedis  dextri  is  shown  at  Treves 
(Lips.  ii.  9,  note). 

The  story  of  the  so-called  "uivention  of  the 
crass,"  A.  I).  32G,  is  too  famous  to  be  altogether 
passed  over.  Itesides  Socrates  and  Theodoret,  it  is 
mentioned  by  Kufinus,  Sozomen,  raulinus,  Sidp. 
Severus,  and  Chrysostom,  so  that  Tillemont  ( .yf(hn. 
Ecc.  vii. )  says  tbat  nothing  can  be  more  certain  ; 
but,  even  if  the  story  were  not  so  intrinsically  nO- 
turd  (for  among  other  reasons  it  was  a  law  among 
the  Jews  that  the  cross  was  to  be  burnt;  Othonis 
Lex.  Rdb.  s.  V.  Supplicia),  it  would  require  far  more 
probable  evidence  to  outweigh  the  silence  of  Fluse- 
bius.  It  clearly  was  to  the  interest  of  the  Church 
of  Itonie  to  maintain  the  belief,  and  invent  the  story 
of  its  miraculous  multiplication,  because  the  sale 
of  the  relics  was  extremely  profitable.  The  story 
itself  is  too  familiar  to  need  repeating.  To  tliis 
day  the  supposed  title,  or  rather  fragments  of  it, 
are  shown  to  the  people  once  a  year  in  the  church 
of  Sta.  Croce  in  (ierusalemme  at  Kome.  <_)n  the 
capture  of  the  true  cross  by  Chosroes  IL,  and  its 
rescue  by  Heraclius,  with  even  the  seals  of  the  case 
unbroken,  and  the  subsequent  sale  of  a  large  frag- 
ment to  lx)uis  IX.,  see  Gibbon,  iv.  320,  vi.  60. 
Those  sufficiently  hiterested  in  the  annals  of  ridicu- 
lous imposture  may  see  further  accounts  in  Baronius 
{Ann.  Ecc.  a.  d.  32G,  Nos.  42-50),  Jortin,  and 
Schmidt  {Proh/t-m.  de  Crucis  Dominicm  fnven- 
tixme,  Helmst.  1724);  and  on  the  fate  of  the  true 
cross,  a  paper  read  by  Lord  Mahon  before  the  So- 
ciety of  Antiquaries,  Feb.  1831  (cited  by  Dean 
Milman). 

It  was  not  till  the  6th  century  that  the  emblem 
of  the  04-oss  became  the  image  of  the  cruciPx.  As 
a  symbol  the  use  of  it  was  frequent  in  tne  early 
Church  ("  frontem  crucis  signaculo  terimus,"  Tert. 
de  Cor.  .]fil.  3).  It  was  not  till  the  2d  century  tbat 
any  particular  efficacy  was  attached  to  it  (Cypr. 
Testim.  ii.  21,  22;  I.act.  Inst.  iv.  2V,  Ac. ;  Mos- 
heim, ii.  4,  .5).  On  its  subsequent  worship  {laliin) 
by  the  Church  of  Rome,  see  Jer.  Taylor's  Diss, 
from  Popery,  i.,  ii.  7,  12;  and  on  the  use  of  the 
sign  in  our  Ciiurch,  Hooker's  Eccl.  Pol.  v.  65. 
Some  suppose  an  allusion  to  the  custom  in  Ez.  ix. 

4  (Poll  Synops.  ad   loc. ;  Gesen.  i.  v.   in ;  sigmim 
ipec.  ei-udforme,  Sixt.  Sen.  ii.  120). 

Besides  the  noble  monograph  of  Lipsms,  de  Cruce 
(from  which  we  have  largely  borrowed,  and  whose 
wealth  of  erudition  has  supplied  every  succeeding 
writer  on  the  subject  with  abundant  authorities), 
Ibere  are  works  by  Salmasius  (de  Cruce,  Epp.  3); 
Kippingiui  {de  Crvce  et  Cruciariis,  Bren..  1671): 


CROWN  611 

Bosius  (dfe  Crtice  triumphante  et  ghiioid,  Ant- 
werp, 1617);  Gretser  {de  Cruce  Chiisfi);  aud 
Bartbolinus  {Ifypomnemata  de  Cruce);  very  much 
may  also  be  gleaned  from  the  learned  notes  of 
Bishop  Pearson  {On  the  Creeft,  art.  iv.).  Other 
authorities  are  cited  or  alluded  to  in  tJie  article  it- 
self.    [Crucifixion.]  V.  \\.  V. 

CROWN  (n^K!?).  This  ornament,  whicb 
is  both  ancient  and  universal,  probably  originated 
from  the  fillets  used  to  prevent  the  hair  trom  being 
dishevelled  by  the  wind.  Such  fillets  are  still  com- 
mon, and  they  may  be  seen  on  the  sculptures  of 
I'ersepolis,  Nineveh,  and  I'^gypt;  they  gradunlly 
develojjed  into  turbans  (.Joseph.  Ant.  iii.  7,  §  7;, 
which  by  the  addition  of  ornamental  or  precious 
materials  assumed  the  dignity  of  mitres  or  crowns. 
The  use  of  them  as  ornaments  probably  was  sug- 
gested by  the  natural  custom  of  encircling  the  h§»d 
with  flowers  in  token  of  joy  and  triumph.  ("  I^t 
us  crown  ourselves  with  rosebuds,"  Wi.sd.  ii.  8;  3 
Mace.  vii.  16 ;  .Jud.  xv.  13,  and  the  classical  writ- 
ers, passim;  Winer,  s.  v.  Krauze).  The  first 
crown  was  said  to  have  been  woven  for  Pandora  by 
the  Graces' (comp.  a-recpauo?  ^''^phwy,  I'rov.  iv.  b 
=  (TTf<pavos  Twv  irvevfxariKSiv  xo'p"''/tt^''"w«',  I^x. 
Cyr.).  According  to  Pherecydes,  Saturn  was  the 
first  to  wear  a  crown;  Diodorus  says  that  Jupiter 
was  first  crowned  by  the  gods  after  the  conquest  of 
the  Titans.  Pliny,  Harfjocration,  ifec,  asciibe  its 
earliest  use  to  Bacchus,  who  gave  US  .VrLidne  a 
crown  of  gold  and  Indian  gems,  and  as.sumed  the 
laurel  after  his  conquest  of  India.  Leo  .Egyptius 
attributes  the  invention  to  Isis,  whose  wreath  was 
cereal.  These  and  other  legends  are  collected  by 
TertuUian  from  the  elaborate  treatise  on  crowns  by 
Claud.  Satumius  ("  pra^stiintissimus  in  hac  materia 
commentator  ")•  Anotlier  tradition  sajs  that  Nim- 
rod  was  the  first  to  wear  a  crown,  the  shape  of  which 
was  suggested  to  him  by  a  cloud  (I'^utychius  Alax- 
andr.  Ann.  i.  63).  TertuUian  in  liis  tract  De  Cor. 
Militis  (c.  7  ff.)  argues  against  them  as  unnatural 
and  idolatrous.  He  is,  however,  singularly  unsuc- 
cessful in  trying  to  disprove  tlie  countenance  given 
to  them  in  Scripture,  where  they  are  constantly 
hientioned.  Hesays"Qui8  .  .  .  episcopus  inven 
itur  coronatus  ?  "  (c.  9).  But  both  the  ordinary 
priests  and  the  high-priest  wore  them.     The  com 

mon  mitre  (n^SSQ,  KiBapts,  I>x.  xxviii.  40,  xxix. 
9,  &c.,  raivia,  Joseph.  (rTf)6(bwv  h  oi  lepe7s  <(>o- 
povai,  Hesych.)  was  a  TrtAos  &kwvos,  forming  a 
sort  of  linen  Iteid  i  or  crown   {trrfcpavr]),  Joseph, 

Ant.  iii.  7.  The  n^StJ^  {^ucraivi]  ridpa)  of  the 
high-priest  (used  also  of  a  regal  crown,  Ez.  xxi.  26) 
was  much  more  splendid  {Ex.  xxviii.  39;  I*v.  viii. 
9 ;  "an  ornament  of  honor,  a  costly  work  the  de 
sire  of  the  eyes,"  Ecclus.  xlv.  12;  ^' the  holy  jrown," 
Lev.  viii.  9,  so  called  from  the  Tetragrammaton  ir- 
scribed  on  it ;  Sopranes,  de  Re  Vest.  Jtid  ,  p.  441 '. 
It  had  a  second  filkt  of  blue  lace  {4^  vaulvBoT, 
TreiroiKt\/x€vos,  the  color  being  chosen  as  a  type  of 

heaven)  ind  over  it  a  golden  diadem  ("^.^3,  Ex. 
xxix.  6),  "on  which  blossomed  a  golden  calyx  like 
the  flower  of  the  voaKva/xos"  (Joseph.  Ant.  iii.  6). 

The  gold  band  (V?.  T-XX.  ir4ra\ov.  Grig.  t\aa- 
r-fiptop.  Das  Stirnliitr,  Luther)  was  tied  behind 
with  blue  lace  (embroidered  with  flowers),  and  be 
ing  two  finarers  broad,  bore  the  inscription  (not  in 
bas-relief  a»  .Vbarbanel  says)  "  Holiness  tj  the 
i-ord."     (Comp.   Rev.  xvii.  5;  Braunius,  dt  Vest- 


612 


CROW^N 


Sacerd.  ii.  22;  Maiinon.  de  Appnratu  Te/ripft,  ix. 
1;  Reland,  AiitU/.  ii.  10;  Carpzov.  Appni:  Ctit.  p. 
96;  Joseph.  B.  ./.  v.  5,  §  7;  Philo,  de  Vit.  Mom, 
iii.  519.)  Some  suppose  that  Josephus  is  describ- 
ing a  later  crown  gi\en  by  Alexander  the  Great  to 
Jaddua.  (Jennings's  Jew.  Ant.  p.  158.)  The  use 
of  the  crown  by  priests  and  in  religious  services 
was  universal,  and  perhaps  the  badge  belonged  at 


Crowns  worn  by  Assyrian  kings.     (From  Nimroud  and 
Kouyuqjik.) 

first  '•  rather  to  the  pontificalin  than  the  regalia." 
Thus  Q.  I-'abius  Pictor  says  that  the  first  crown 
was  used  by  Janus  iclien  saa-ificiny.  "A  stri|)ed 
head-dress  and  queuo,"  or  "a  short  wig,  on  which 
ft  band  was  fastened,  ornamented  witli  an  asp,  the 
symtol  of  royalty,"  was  used  by  the  kings  of  Eirypt 
in  religious  ceremonies  (Wilkinson's  Anc.  Kyyiil. 
iii.  354,  f<j.  1.3).  The  crown  worn  by  the  kinirs 
of  Assyria  was  "a  high  mitre  .  .  .  fi-eqnently 
adorned  witii  flowers,  Ac,  and  arrangetl  in  bands 
of  linen  or  silk.  Originally  there  was  only  one 
band,  but  afterwards  there  were  two,  and  the  orna- 
ments were  richer'  (Layard,  ii.  320,  and  the  illus- 
tnitions  in  .lahn,  Arch.  Germ.  ed.  pt.  i.  vol.  ii.  tab. 
ix.  4  and  8). 

There  are  several  words  in  Scripture  for  a  crown 
liesides  those  mentioned;  as  "^MQ,  the  head-dress 
of  bridegrooms,  Is.  Ixi.  10,  n'lTpoi,  LXX.;  Har.  v. 
2;  Ez.  xxiv.  17  (rpixt^pi-a))  and  of  women,  Is. 
iii.  20  {ifi,vK6Kioy?)\     TTr^^"^,  a  head-dress   of 

<;reat  splendor  (Is.  xxviii.  5);  iT'lv,  a  wi'eath  of 
flowers  {(TTftpuyos),  Prov.  i.  9,  iv.  i):  such  wreaths 
were  used  on  festal  occa.sions  (Is.  xxviii.  1).  ^"'PV, 
t  common  tiara  or  turban.  Job  xxix.  14;  Is.  iii. 
23  (but  LXX.  Snr\oh,  e4pi<TTpov)-     The  words 

1|3,  '^O?'  ■i"d  ^^?"1??  are  spoken   of  under 

Di.VDEM.     The  general  word  is  mf'y   and  we 

must  attach  to  it  the  notion  of  a  costly  (urban  irra- 
diated with  pearls  and  gems  of  priceless  value, 
which  often  form  aigrettes  for  feathers,  as  in  the 
crowns  of  modem  Asiatic  sovereigns.  Such  was 
prot)ably  the  crown,  which  with  its  precious  stones 
wcighcfi  (oi  rather  "was  worth")  a  talent,  taken 
y  David  from  the  king  of  Ammon  at  Kabbah,  and 
ised  as  the  state  crown  of  Judah  (2  Sam.  xii.  30). 
Some  groundlessly  suppose  that  being  too  heavy  to 
wear(  it  was  stwpemkd  over  his  head.  The  royal 
crown  was  sometimes  buried  with  the  king  (Schick- 
ind,  Jus  Re;/,  vi.  19,  421).  Idolatrous  nations  also 
"  made  crowns  for  the  head  of  their  gods "  (Ep. 
<er.  9)  [or  Bar.  vi.  !t]. 

The  Jews  boast  that  three  crowns  were  given  to 

tken:  miH  "IHS,  the  crown  of  the  Law;  "^PO 


CROWN  OF  THORNS 

nSI  "*.  the  crown  of  priesthood;  and  m37l2, 
the  royal  crown,  better  than  all,  which  ia  IH* 
21I2  Dti7,  the  crown  of  a  good  name  (Carpzov 
Appnrat.  Critic,  p.  60;  Othonis  Zear.  Talm.  h.  v 
''wona). 

'S.Tffpa.vos  is  u.sed  in  the  N.  T.  for  every  kind  of 
crown;  but  tnf/jLixa  only  once  (Acts  xiv.  13)  foi 
the  garlands  used  with  victims.  In  the  Byzantine 
Court  the  latter  word  was  confined  to  the  imperiul 
crown  (Du  Fresne,  Gloss.  Grcec.  p.  1442).  The 
use  of  funeral  crowns  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
Bible. 

In  Rev.  xii.  3,  xix.  12,  allusion  is  made  to 
''many  crowns"  worn  in  token  of  extended  do- 
minion. Thus  the  kings  of  I'^gypt  used  to  b« 
crowned  with  the  "pshent"  or  united  crowns  of 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  K(jypl. 
iii.  351  ff.;  comp.  Uyard,  ii.  320);  and  Ptolemy 
Philometor  wore  taxi  diadems,  one  for  Europe  and 
one  for  Asia.  Similarly  the  three  crowns  of  the 
Papal  tiara  mark  various  accessions  of  [wwer:  the 
first  corona  was  added  to  the  niitra  by  .Mexander 
III.,  in  1159;  the  second  by  Ifcniface  VIIL,  in 
1303;  and  the  third  by  Uriian  V.,  in  1362. 

The  laurel,  pine,  or  parsley  crowns  given  to  vic- 
tors in  the  great  games  of  Greece  are  finely  alluded 
to  by  St.  Paul  (1  Cor.  ix.  25;  2  Tim.  ii.  5,  &c.)." 
They  are  said  to  have  originated  in  the  laurel- 
wreath  assumed  by  Apollo  on  conquering  the  Py- 
thon (Tert.  de  Cor.  Ml.  cc.  7,  15).  "Crown"  is 
often  used  fiiguratively  in  the  Bible  (Prov.  xii.  4, 
xvii.  0;  Is.  xxviii.  5;  Phil.  iv.  1,  <fcc.).  The  term 
is  also  applied  to  the  rims  of  altars,  tables,  Ac. 
(Ex.  XXV.  25,  &c.:  Deut.  xxii,  8,  iroir}<Tets  arfcpd- 
vriv  T^  StifiuTi  <Tou.  "  Projectuia  coronarum," 
Vitr.  ii.  8;  "  Angnsti  muri  corona,"  Q.  Curt.  ix.  4, 
30).  The  ancients  as  well  as  the  modems  had  a 
cotn  called  "  a  crown  "  (riv  arttbavov  hv  (x^xiKtre, 
1  Maoc.  xiii.  39,  x.  29,  A.  V.  "crovni-tax,"  v. 
Suid.  s.  V.  o-T((paviKhv  rtKefffia).     [Di.\1)k:\i.] 

The  chief  writers  on  crowns  are  Giuschalius  {de 
Conmis  libii  x.)  and  iMeursius  (</<-  Corona,  llafniae, 
1671).  1-or  others,  see  Eabricius,  Hi/jl.  An/,  xiv. 
13.  F.  VV.  F. 

CROWN  OF  THORNS  {<TTf,pai'os  i^  ^kuv- 
duu,  3Iatt.  xxvii.  29).  Our  lx)rd  w;is  crownal 
with  thorns  in  mockery  by  the  Woman  soldiers. 
The  object  seems  to  have  lieen  insidt,  and  not  the 
infliction  of  pain,  as  has  generally  been  8up|K)sed. 
The  Uhmnnus  or  Spina  Christi,  although  abundant 
in  the  neighlwrhooid  of  Jerusalem,  cannot  I*  the 
plant  intended,  because  its  thorns  are  so  strong  and 
large  that  it  could  not  have  been  woven  {ir\(- 
fofTej)  into  a  wreath.  The  Lirge-Ieavetl  acanthiu 
(l)ear's-foot)  is  tot;Uly  unsuited  for  the  purpose. 
Had  the  acacia  been  intended,  as  some  sup})ose,  the 
phra.se  would  have  been  ^|  &Kdvdr)s,  Obviously 
some  small  flexile  thorny  shrub  is  meant;  perhaif 
cnppires  spitut.-ve  (Hehind's  FaLes/ina,  ii.  523). 
Hasselquist  (Travels,  p.  260)  says  that  the  thoin 
used  was  the  Arabian  Nabk.  "  It  was  very  sul^ 
able  for  their  purpose,  as  it  has  many  sharp  thorns 
which  inflict  painfiil  wounds;  and  its  flexible 
pliant,  and  round  branches  might  easily  be  plaited 
in  the  fomi  of  a  crown."  It  also  resembles  the 
rich  dark  green  of  the  triumphal  ivy-\*reath,  which 
would  give  additional  pungency  to  its  ironical  pur 

a  *  On  Paurs  use  of  metaphor*  derived  ftnm  tluf 
Murc«,  Ne  Qambs  (Amer.  ed.).  II. 


CRUCIFIXION 

poae  (Boaeninuller,  Botany  of  ScrijA.  p.  202,  Eng. 
ed.)'  On  the  limpress  Helena's  8up(X)sed  discov- 
ery of  the  crown  of  thorns,  and  its  subsequent  Me, 
see  Gibbon,  ii.  3u6,  \1  GO,  ed.  Milman. 

F.  W.  F. 

CRUCIFIXION  (aravpovy,  avaffravpovv, 
aKoKoiri^fiv,  TrpoarriKcvy  (and,  less  properly,  ai/a- 
CKivSuKfUfiv)  ■  ci'vci  or  patlbulo  ajfiijere,  siijlirjtre, 
or  simply  fujere  (Tert.  de  Pat.  iii.),  cruciar-e 
(Auson.),  nd  palum  allif/nre,  crucem  alicul  stat- 
uere,  in  crucem  af/ere,  tolkre,  &c. ;  the  sufferer  was 
called  cruciarius).  The  variety  of  the  phrases 
shows  the  extreme  commonness  of  the  punishment, 
the  invention  of  which  is  traditionally  ascribed  to 
Semir.imis.  It  was  in  use  among  the  Egyptians 
(aa  in  the  case  of  Inarus,  Thuc.  i.  30;  Gen.  xl. 
19),  the  Carthaginians  (as  in  the  case  of  Ilaimo, 
Ac,  Yal.  Max.  ii.  7;  Sil.  Ital.  ii.  344),  the  Per- 
sians (Polycrates,  Ac,  Herod,  iii.  125,  iv.  43;  Esth. 
vii.  10,  ffTavpooOrjTW  iir'  nurrf,  EXX.  v.  14),  the 
Assyrians  (Diod.  Sic.  ii.  1),  Scythians  (id.  ii.  44), 
Indians  (id.  ii.  18),  (Winer,  s.  v.  Kreuziyung.,) 
Germans  (possibly,  Tac.  Germ.  12),  and  very  fre- 
quent from  the  earliest  times  (reste  siispendito,  Liv. 
i.  26)  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  Cicero, 
however,  refers  it,  not  (as  Livy)  to  the  early  kings, 
but  to  Tarquinius  Superbus  (jn-o  Rab.  4);  Aurel. 
Victor  Calls  it  "  Vetus  vetcrrinumique  (an  teterr.  V) 
patibulorum  supplicium."  IJoth  Kpefx^v  and  siis- 
pendere  (Ov.  Ibis,  299)  refer  to  death  by  crucijix- 
ion ;  thus  in  speaking  of  Alexander's  crucifixion  of 
2000  Tyrians,  aveKpffiaaev  in  Diod.  Sic.  answers 
to  the  crucibus  cijfixus,  Q.  Curt.  iv.  4. 

Whether  this  mode  of  execution  was  known  to 
the  ancient  Jews  is  a  matter  of  dispute,  on  which 
Winer  quotes  a  monograph  by  Hormitius.  It  is  as- 
serted to  have  been  so  by  liaronius  (Annal.  i.  xxxiv.), 
Sigonius  (fie  Rep.  Ihbr.  vi.  8),  &c.,  who  are  re- 
futed by  Ciisaubon  (c.  Baron.  Exerc.  xvi. ;  Carp- 
zov.  Apparat.  Cril.  p.  591).     The  Hebrew  words 

said  to  allude  to  it  are  H  vPl  (sometimes  with  the 
addition  of  V??  v'  ''^ '  ^>^"<^^  ^^^^  J^^^  "^  polemics 
caU  our  Lord  "^ibi"!,  and  Christians  '''ibn  "^imi?, 

"worshippers  of  the  crucified")  and  ^[2^,  both  of 
which  in  A.  V.  are  generally  rendered  "  to  hang  " 
(2  Sam.  xviii.  10;  Deut.  xxi.  22;  Num.  xxv.  4; 
Job  xxvi.  7);  for  which  ffravpoai  occurs  in  the 
LXX  (l*)sth.  vii.  10),  and  crucijixerunt  in  the 
Vulg.  (2  Sam.  xxi.  G,  9).  The  Jewish  account  of 
the  matter  (in  JIaimonides  and  theliabbis)  is,  that 
the  exposure  of  the  body  tied  to  a  stake  by  its 
hands  (which  might  loosely  be  called  crucifixion), 
took  place  ofler  death  (Lightfoot,  Ilor.  Ihbr.  in 
Matt,  xxvii.  31;  Othonis  Lex.  Rab.  s.  v.  SuppUcia  ; 
Ethnd,  Ant.  ii.  C ;  Sir  T.  Browne,  Vulff.  Errors,  v. 
21).  &en  the  placing  of  a  head  on  a  single  up- 
right pole  has  been  called  crucifixion.  This  cus- 
tom of  crucifixion  after  death  (which  seems  to  be 
implied  in  Deut.  xxi.  22,  23),  was  by  no  means 
rare;  men  were  frst  killed  in  mercy  (Suet.  Cos.; 
Herod,  iii.  125;  I'lut.  Cltom.  38).  According  to 
a  strange  story  in  Pliny  (xxxvt.  15,  §  24),  it  was 
adopted  by  Tarquin,  as  a  {wst  mortem  disgra/-^,  to 
prevent  the  prevalence  of  suicide.  It  seems  on  the 
whole  that  the  Habbis  are  correct  in  asserting  that 
(his  exposure  is  intended  in  Scripture;,  since  the 
Mosaic  capital  punishments  were  four  (namely,  the 
■word,  Ex.  xxi.,  strangling,  fire,  I^v.  xx..  and  ston- 
ing, Deut.  xxi.).     Philo  indeed  says  (de  x^ey.  spec.) 


CRUCIFIXION 


518 


that  Moses  adopted  cnicifixion  as  a  nmrderer'a  pun- 
ishment, because  it  was  the  wwst  he  could  discovar; 
but  the  passage  in  Deut.  (xxi.  23)  does  not  prove 
his  assertion.  Probably  therefore  the  Jews  bor- 
rowed it  from  the  Romans  (Joseph.  Ant.xx.  G,  §  2; 
de  Bell.  Jud.  ii.  12,  §  G;  lit.  75,  Ac.),  although 
there  may  have  been  a  few  isolated  instances  of  it 
before  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  14,  §  2). 

It  was  unanimously  considered  the  most  horrible 
form  of  death,  worse  even  than  burning,  since  the 
"cross"  precedes  '-burning"  in  the  law-books 
(Lips,  de  Cruce,  ii.  1).  Hence  it  is  called  "crude- 
Ussimum  teterrimumque  supplicium  "  (Cic.  Veriw. 
G6),  "extrema  poena"  (Apul.  c/e  Ars.  Asin.  x.), 
"summum  supplicium"  (Paul.  Sent.  v.  lit.  xxi., 
<&c.) ;  and  to  a  Jew  it  would  acquire  factitious  horror 
from  the  curse  in  Deut.  xxi.  23.  Among  the  Ro- 
mans also  the  degradation  was  a  part  of  the  inflic- 
tion, since  it  was  especially  a  senile  supplicium 
(Tac.  //.  iv.  11;  Juv.  vi.  218;  Hor.  Sat.  i.  3,  8,  &c.; 
Plaut.  passim),  so  that  even  a  freedman  cea-sed  to 
dread  it  (Cic.  pro  Rab.  5) ;  or  if  applied  to  freemen, 
only  in  the  case  of  the  \'ilest  criminals,  thieves, 
&c.  (Joseph..  Jn<.  xvii.  10,  §  10;  B.  J.  v.  11,  §  1; 
Paul.  Sent.  v.  tit.  xxiii. ;  Lamprid.  Alex.  Sev.  23). 
Indeed  exemption  from  it  was  the  privilege  of  every 
Roman  citizen  by  the  Jus  cidtatis  (Cic.  Verr.  ii. 
1,  3).  Our  Lord  was  condemned  to  it  by  the  pop- 
ular cry  of  the  Jews  (Matt.  xx\ii.  23,  as  often  hajv 
pened  to  the  early  Christians)  on  the  charge  of  se- 
dition against  Caesar  (Luke  xxiii.  2),  although  the 
Sanhedrim  had  previously  condemned  him  on  the 
totally  distinct  charge  of  blasphemy.  Hundreds 
of  Jews  were  crucified  on  this  charge,  as  by  Florus 
(Joseph.  Bell.  Jud.  ii.  14,  §  9)  and  Varus,  who 
crucified  2000  at  once  (Ant.  xvii.  10,  §  10). 

We  now  purpose  briefly  to  sketch  the  steps  of 
the  punishment,  omitting  only  such  parts  of  it  aa 
have  been  already  detailed  under  Ckoss. 

The  scarlet  robe,  crown  of  thonis,  and  other  in- 
sults to  which  our  Lord  was  subjected  were  illegal, 
and  arose  from  the  spontaneous  petulance  of  the 
brutal  soldiery,  liut  the  punishment  properly  com- 
menced with  scourging,  after  the  criminal  had  been 
stripped;  hence  in  the  conmion  fonu  of  sentence 
we  find  "  summove,  lictor,  dcspolia,  verbera,"  &c- 
(Liv.  i.  2G).  For  this  there  are  a  host  of  authori- 
ties, Liv.  xxvi.  13;  Q.  Curt.  vii.  11;  Luc.  dePiscal. 
2;  Jer."  Comment,  ad  Malt,  xxvii.  2G,  Ac.  It  vra« 
inflicted  not  with  the  comparatively  mild  viryce,  but 
the  more  terrible  Jiayellum  (Hor.  Sat.  i.  3;  2  Cor. 
xi.  24,  25),  which  was  not  used  by  the  Jews  (Deut. 
xxv.  3).  Into  these  scourges  the  soldiers  often 
stuck  nails,  pieces  of  bone,  &c.,  to  heighten  the  pain 
(the  fj.d<TTi^  a,(TTpaya\aiT-h  mentioned  by  Athen- 
£eus,  &c. ;  "  flagrum  pecuinis  ossibus  catenatum," 
Apul.),  which  was  often  so  intense  that  the  sufferer 
died  under  it  (Ulp.  de  Pcenis,  1.  viii. ).  The  scourg- 
ing generally  took  place  at  a  colunm,  and  the  one 
to  which  our  Ix)rd  was  bound  was  seen  by  Jerome, 
Prudentius,  Gregory  of  Tours,  <tc.,  and  is  still 
shown  at  several  churches  among  the  relics.  In 
our  Lord's  case,  however,  this  infliction  seems 
neither  to  have  been  the  legal  scourging"  after  the 
sentence  (Val.  Max.  i.  7 ;  Joseph.  B.  ./.  v.  28,  u 
14,  §  9),  nor  yet  the  examination  by  torture  (Acta 
xxii.  24),  but  rather  a  scourging  before  the  sentence, 
to  excite  pity  and  procure  inmiunity  from  further 
punishment  (Luke  xxiii.  22;  John  xix.  1);  and  if 
this  view  be  correct,  the  tppaytWdiaas  in  Matt, 
xxvii.  2G  is  retrospective,  as  so  great  an  anguish 
could  hardly  have  been  endured   taice  (see   Poll 


614  CRUCIFIXION 

Synopm,  ad  loc.)-  How  severe  it  was  is  indicated 
In  prophecy  (Ps.  xxxv.  15,  Is.  1.  6).  Vossina  con- 
niders  that  it  was  partly  legal,  partly  tentative 
[llintn.  Pass.  v.  13). 

The  criminal  carried  his  own  cross,  or  at  any 
rate  a  part  of  it  (Pint,  de  Us  rjid  aero,  &c.  9;  Ar- 
temid.  Oneirocr.  ii.  CI ;  John  xix.  17;  "  Patibulum 
ferat  per  urbeni,  deindc  affigatur  cruci,"  Plaut.  Car- 
Ixmar.).  Hence  the  term  /'Vrc(/«*,  =  crossbearer. 
This  was  prefigured  by  Isaac  carrying  the  wood  in 
GSen.  xxii.  G,  where  even  the  Jews  notice  the  paral- 
lel ;  and  to  this  the  fathers  fantastically  applied  the 
expression  in  Is.  ix.  G,  "  the  government  shall  be 
upon  his  shoulder."  They  were  sometimes  scourged 
and  goaded  on  the  way  (Plaut.  Mosttl.  i.  1,  52). 
"  In  some  old  figures  we  see  our  Lord  described 
with  a  table  appendent  to  the  fringe  of  his  gar- 
ment, set  full  of  nails  and  pointed  iron  "  (Jer. 
Taylor,  Life  of  Christ,  iii.  xv.  2.  "  Hserebaa  ligno 
quod  tuleras,"  Cj'pr.  de  Pas.  p.  50).  [Simon  of 
Ctrenk.] 

The  place  of  execution  was  outside  the  city 
("  post  urliem,"  Cic.  le^r.  v.  G6;  "  extra  portam," 
Plaut.  Mil.  (11.  ii.  4,  G;  1  K.  xxi.  13;  Acts  vii. 
58;  Heb.  xiii.  12;  and  in  camps  "extra  vallum  "), 
often  in  some  public  road  (Quinct.  Decl.  275)  or 
other  conspicuous  place  like  the  Campus  ]\Iartius 
(Cic.  pro  Jial/irio),  or  some  spot  set  apart  for  the 
piu^wse  (Tac.  Ann.  xv.).  This  might  sometimes 
be  a  hill  (Val.  ^Max.  vi.);  it  is  however  merely  tra- 
dition to  call  Golgotha  a  hill ;  in  the  ICvangelists  it 
is  called  rt^n-oy  [Calvaky].  Arrived  at  tiie  place 
of  execution,  the  suflferer  was  stripped  naked  (Ar- 
temid.  Oneirocr.  ii.  58),  the  dress  being  the  per- 
quisite of  tlie  soldiers  (Matt,  xxvii.  35 ;  Dig.  xlviii. 
20,  6 ) ;  ixwsibly  not  even  a  cloth  round  the  loins 
was  allowed  him ;  at  least  among  the  Jews  the  rule 
was  "  that  a  man  should  be  stoned  naked,"  where 
what  follows  shows  that "  naked  "  must  rwt  be  taken 
in  its  restricted  sense.  The  cross  was  then  driven 
into  the  ground,  so  tliat  the  feet  of  the  condemned 
were  a  foot  or  two  above  the  earth  (in  pictures  of 
the  cnicifixion  the  cross  is  generally  much  too  large 
and  high),  and  he  was  lifted  upon  it  ("agere,"  "ex- 
currere,"  "tollere,"  "ascendere  in  crucem;"  Pru- 
dent, irepl  (TTfcp;  Plaut.  Moslel.  "Crucisalus;^^  Id. 
Bacch.  ii.  3.  128;  avTiyov,  ?\yov,  ?iyov  th  &Kpov 
t4\os,  Greg.  Naz.),  or  else  stretched  upon  it  on  the 
ground,  and  then  lifted  with  it,  to  which  there  seems 
to  be  an  allusion  in  a  lost  prophecy  quoted  by  Barna- 
bas (Ajp.  12),  Srau  ^v\ou  K\id^  Kol  avaarij  (Pear- 
son on  Creed,  Art.  iv.).  The  former  method  was 
the  commoner,  for  we  often  read  (as  in  I'ith.  vii. 
10,  &c.)  of  the  cross  being  erected  beforehand  in 
terrorem.  Before  the  nailing  or  binding  took  place 
(for  which  see  Ckoss),  a  medicated  cup  was  given 
out  of  kindness  to  confuse  the  senses  and  draden 
the  pangs  of  the  sufferer  (Prov.  xxxi.  G),  usually 
of  oivos  iafxvp/xKT/xfyos  or  AtMfiaveoftfvos,  as 
among  the  Jews  (Lightfoot,  //w.  Jlebr.  ad  Matt. 
xxvii.),  because  myrrh  was  soporific.  Our  Lord  re- 
fused it  that  his  senses  might  be  clear  (Matt,  xxvii. 
34;  Mark  xv.  23.      Maimon.  Sanhed.  xiii.).     St. 

Matt,  calls  it  t!|os  /iera  xo^^J  (V^^)>  ^  expres- 
sion used  in  reference  to  Ps.  Ixix.  21,  but  not  strictly 
accurate.  This  mercifully  intended  draught  must 
Dot  be  confounded  with  the  8iK>ngeful  of  ^in^;a^ 


CRUCIFIXION 

(or  pogca,  the  common  drink  of  Ron.  an  soklien 
Spart.  Iladr. ;  Plaut.  Mil.  Gl.  iii.  2,  23),  which 
was  put  on  a  hyssop-stalk  and  offered  to  our  Lord' 
in  mocking  and  contemptuous  pity  (Matt,  xxvii 
48;  Luke  xxiii.  3G);  this  He  tasted  to  allay  tht 
agonies  of  thirst  (Jolm  xix.  29). 

Our  Ix)rd  was  crucified  between  two  "  thieves  "  " 
or  "malefactors"  (then  so  common  in  Palestine, 
Joseph.  B.  J.  ii.  6,  &c.),  according  to  prophecy  (Is. 
Uii.  12);  and  was  watched  according  to  custom  by 
a  party  of  four  soldiers  (.John  xix.  23)  with  their 
centurion  {KoucrrwSia,  Matt,  xxvii.  G6 ;  "  miita  qui 
cruces  assurabat,"  Petr.  Sut.  iii.  C;  Plut.  H/.  Cleom. 
c.  38),  whose  express  ofKce  was  to  prevent  the  sur- 
reption  of  the  body.  This  was  necessary  from  tbs 
lingering  character  of  the  death,  which  sometimes 
did  not  supervene  even  for  three  days,  and  was  at 
last  the  result  of  gradual  beuumbuig  and  starva- 
tion (Euseb.  viii.  8;  Sen.  Prov.  3).  But  for  this 
guard,  the  persons  might  have  been  taken  down 
and  recovered,  as  was  actually  done  in  the  case  of 
a  friend  of  Josephus,  though  only  one  sui.vived  out 
of  thi-ee  to  which  the  same  depaweia  ^iri/i*Ae<rTe£T7j 
was  applied  (17<.  c.  75).  Among  the  (JonvuLsion- 
naires  in  the  reign  of  Louis  XV.  women  would  be 
repeatedly  crucified,  and  even  remain  on  the  cross 
three  hours;  we  are  told  of  one  who  underwent  it 
23  times  {t'ncycl.  3fetr.  a.  v.  CVo«a);  the  pain  con- 
sisted almost  entirely  in  the  nailinf/,  and  not 
more  than  a  basinfid  of  blood  was  lost.  Still  we 
cannot  beheve  from  the  ilartyrologies  that  Victor- 
inus  (crucified  head  downwards)  lived  three  days, 
or  Timotheus  and  Maura  nme  days.  Fracture  of 
the  legs  (Plaut.  Paen.  iv.  2,  04)  was  especially 
adopted  by  the  Jews  to  hasten  death  (John  xix. 
31),  and  it  was  a  mitigation  of  the  punishment,  as 
observed  by  Origen.  But  the  lumsual  rapidity  of 
our  Lord's  death  was  due  to  the  depth  of  his  previ- 
ous agonies  (which  appears  from  his  inability  to 
bear  his  own  cross  far)  and  to  his  mental  anguish 
(Schoettgen,  Jlor.  Ilebr.  vi.  3;  De  Pass.  Messix), 
or  may  be  sufficiently  accounted  for  simply  from 
peculiarities  of  constitution,  lliere  is  no  need  to 
explain  the  "giving  up  the  ghost"  as  a  miracle 
(Heb.  V.  7?),  or  say  with  Cyprian,  "Prevcnto  car- 
nificis  officio,  spiritum  sponte  dimisit"  {ndv.  De- 
metr.).  Still  less  can  the  common  cavil  of  infidel- 
ity be  thought  noteworthy,  since  had  our  I^rd 
been  in  a  swoon  the  piercing  of  his  pericardium 
(proved  by  the  appearance  of  Ij-mph  and  l,>lood) 
would  have  insured  death.  (See  Eschenbach, 
Opusc.  Med.  de  Servatore  nnn  apparenter  sed 
vere  morttto,  and  Gruner  de  Morte  Chi-isti  rum 
synoplicA,  quoted  by  Jahn  in  the  Arch.  Bibl.) 
Pilate  expressly  satisfied  himself  of  the  actual 
dtath  by  questioning  tiie  centurion  (Mark  xv.  44); 
and  the  omission  of  the  breaking  of  the  legs  in  this 
case  was  the  fulfillment  of  a  type  (Ex.  xii.  46). 
Other  mo<les  of  hastening  death  were  by  lighting 
fires  under  the  cross  (hence  the  nicknames  Sar- 
mentitii  and  Semaxii,  Tert.  Apoloff.  c.  50),  or  letr 
ting  loose  wild  beasts  on  the  crucified  (Suet.  Ncr. 
49). 

Generally  the  body  was  sufftred  to  rot  «n  the 
cross  (Cic.  Two.  Q.  i.  43;  Sil  Ital.  viii.  480),  by 
the  action  of  sun  and  rain  (Herod,  iii.  12),  or  to  be 
devoured  by  birds  and  Ijeasts  (Apul.  de  Aur.  Attn. 
c.  6;  Hon  £p.  i.  16,  48;  Juv.  xiv.  77).     Sepultnn 


•  •  The  malefactors  (Kojcovpyoi)  crucified  with  the 
tartour  went  not  "  thieves  "  {K\^nTa  )  as  in  the  A.  V., 


but  " robbers  "  (AjjaraO-     The  Greek  makes  a  di8tlii» 
Hon  between  the  terms  (John  x.  8).     f*e<"  TF«n». 

n. 


CRUCIFIXION 

raa  generally  therefore  forbidden,  though  it  might 
DC  granted  as  a  special  favor  or  on  grand  occasions 
(Ulp.  1.  ix.  De  off.  J'dscom.).  But  in  consequence 
of  Deut.  xxi.  22,  23,  an  express  national  exception 
was  made  in  favor  of  the  Jews  (Matt,  xxvii.  58;  cf. 
Joseph,  ft.  ./.  iv.  5,  §  2). 

Having  thus  traced  the  whole  process  of  cruci- 
fixion, it  only  remains  to  speak  of  the  manner  of 
death,  and  tlie  kind  of  physical  suffering  endured, 
which  we  shall  very  briefly  aliridge  from  the  treatise 
of  the  physician  liichter  (in  Jahn's  Arch.  B'M.). 
These  are,  1.  The  unnatural  position  and  violent 
tension  of  the  body,  which  cause  a  painful  sensation 
from  the  least  motion.  2.  The  nails  being  driven 
through  parts  of  the  hands  and  feet  which  are  full 
( f  neifes  and  tewlons  (and  j-et  at  a  distance  from 
('id  heart)  create  the  most  exquisite  anguish.  3. 
The  exposure  of  so  many  wounds  and  lacerations 
brings  on  inflammation,  which  tends  to  become 
gangrene,  and  every  moment  increases  the  iwignancy 
of  suffering.  4.  In  the  distended  parts  of  the  body 
more  blood  flows  through  the  arteries  than  can  be 
carried  back  into  the  veins :  hence  too  much  blood 
finds  its  way  from  the  aorta  into  the  head  and 
gtomach,  and  the  blood-vessels  of  the  head  become 
pressed  and  swollen.  The  general  obstruction  of 
circulation  which  ensues  causes  an  internal  excite- 
ment, exertion,  and  anxiety,  more  intolerable  than 
death  itself.  5.  'l"he  inexpressible  misery  of  ffi\td- 
wiUf)  increasing  and  lingering  anguish.  To  all 
which  we  may  add,  6.  IJurning  and  raging  thirst. 

This  accursed  and  awful  mode  of  punishment 
was  happily  abolished  by  Constantine  (Sozom.  i.  8), 
probably  towards  the  end  of  his  reign  (see  Ijps. 
de  Cruce,  iii.  15),  although  it  is  curious  that  we 
have  no  more  definite  account  of  the  matter.  "  An 
edict  80  honorable  to  Christianity,"  saj's  Gibbon, 
"  deserved  a  place  hi  the  Theodosian  code,  instead 
of  the  indirect  mention  of  it  which  seems  to  result 
from  the  comparison  of  the  5th  and  18th  titles  of 
the  9th  book  "  (ii.  154,  note) 

An  explanation  of  the  other  circumstances  attend- 
ing the  crucifixion  belongs  rather  to  a  commentary 
than  a  dictionary.  On  the  tj'pes  and  prophecies 
of  it,  besides  those  adduced,  see  Cypr.  Tegtiin.  ii. 
20.  On  the  resurrection  of  the  saints,  see  Light- 
foot  ad  Matt,  xxvii.  52  (there  is  a  monograph  by 
Gebaverius  —  Dissert,  de  Jiesur.  saActorum  cum 
Christo).  On  other  concomitant  prodigies,  see 
Schoettgen,  Hor.  Ilehr.  el  Talmud,  vi.  3, 8.  [Dark- 
mess;  Ckoss.]  The  chief  authorities  are  quoted 
in  the  article,  and  the  ancient  ones  are  derived  in 
part  from  Lipsius ;  of  whose  most  interesting  treatise, 
De  Cruce,  an  enlarged  and  revised  edition,  with 
notes,  would  be  very  acceptable.  On  the  points 
ia  which  our  Lord's  crucifixion  differed  from  the 
ordinary  Jewish  customs,  see  Othonis  Lex.  Rab- 
binicum,  a.  v.  SuppUcia;  Bynaeus  de  Morte  J. 
ChrisU ;  Vossius,  Harm.  Passionis ;  Carpzov,  Ap- 
oarat.  Crit.  p.  591  ff.  &c.  [See  also  Friedheb, 
Archdolofjie  der  Leidensrjeschichte,  Bonn,  1843; 
Stroud,  Physical  cfiuse  of  the  Death  of  Christ, 
tx>nd.  1847;  and  for  very  full  references  to  the 
Sterature  of  every  part  of  the  subject,  Hase,  Leben 
Tern,  5e  Aufl.  Uipz.  1805.  —  A.]       F.  W.  F. 

*  The  question,  whether  ih&feet  of  Jesus  were 
(Killed  to  the  cross,  has  a  bearing  on  the  reality  of 
lis  death  and  resurrection;  for,  if  they  were,  it 
tannot  reasonably  be  supposed  that,  having  been 
Test^>red,  without  a  mirac'e,  from  a  mer?ly  apparent 
death,  he  was  able  to  walk  the  same  day  many 
nifeg  through  a  hilly  country.     The  wounds  of  his 


CRUCIFIXION 


515 


feet  would  have  surely  prevented  the  joumqr  ti 
Emmaus.  Influenced,  it  api)ears,  by  this  consid- 
eration. Dr.  I'aulus  published  an  Essay  in  1793, 
asserting  that  the  feet  of  persons  crucified  were  not 
nailed  to  the  cross,  but  rather  bound  to  it  by  cords. 
Forty  years  later,  in  reply  to  arguments  against 
this  view,  he  attempted  to  show  that  the  feet  were 
not  even  bound  to  the  cross,  but  suffered  to  hang 
down  freely.  The  point  in  question  is  one  of  con- 
siderable interest  and  a  brief  sun'ey  of  the  evidence 
which  relates  to  it  is  therefore  inserted.  (1.)  The 
narrative  of  Luke  (see  xxi  v.  39),  seems  to  imply 
that  the  feet,  as  well  as  the  hands,  of  Jesus  were 
nailed  to  the  cross.  For,  according  to  this  narra- 
tive, when  the  two  disciples  whom  Christ  had 
joined  on  their  way  to  Enunaus  had  returned  to 
Jerusalem  and  were  reporting  to  the  eleven  what 
they  had  seen  and  heard,  Jesus  himself  stood  in 
the  midst  of  the  astonished  group,  saying :  "  Teace 
be  unto  you " ;  and  then,  fur  tlie  double  purpose 
of  enabling  them  to  identify  fully  his  person,  and 
ascertain  that  his  body  was  real,  he  added :  »'  See 
my  hands  and  my  feet,  that  it  is  I  myself:  handle 
me  and  see;  for  a  spirit  hath  not  flesh  and  bones, 
as  ye  see  me  have."  Had  it  been  the  sole  aim  of 
Christ  to  convince  his  disciples  that  they  were  not 
gazing  at  a  mere  apparition,  the  words,  "  handle 
me  and  see;  for  a  spirit  hath  not  flesh  and  bones, 
as  ye  see  me  have,"  would  have  been  quite  suffi- 
cient ;  for  the  act  of  grasping  his  hand  would  have 
afforded  evidence  of  his  possessing  a  genuine  body, 
as  complete  as  could  have  been  gained  by  touching 
his  feet  also.  But  if  he  wished  to  convince  them 
that  they  were  looking  once  more  upon  their  lyord, 
who  had  risen  with  liis  own  body  from  the  dead, 
it  was  natural  for  him  to  call  their  attention  to 
those  parts  of  his  body  which  would  enable  them 
most  surely  to  identify  it,  that  is,  to  those  which 
bore  the  marks  of  his  recent  crucifixion.  Hence 
the  fact  that  he  showed  them  his  hands  and  his 
feet  affords  evidence  that  the  marks  of  his  pecuhar 
death  were  visible  in  them  both.  (See  Meyer, 
Bleek,  Alford,  in  he. )  Moreover,  the  narrative  of 
John  (see  xx.  19  ff. ),  which  probably  describes  the 
same  meeting  of  Jesus  with  his  disciples,  confirms 
the  interpretation  now  given  to  the  words  preserved 
by  Luke.  For,  John  declares  that  Christ  "  showed 
unto  them  both  (Kal,  repeated,  Tisch.)  his  hands 
and  his  side  " ;  evidently,  as  appears  from  the  whole 
tenor  of  the  accoimt,  that  they  might  identify 
him  beyond  a  doubt  by  the  known  marks  of  violence 
on  his  body,  and  thus  assure  themselves  of  his 
actual  resurrection.  That  John  does  not  mention 
the  feet  of  Christ,  is  surely  no  evidence  that  they 
were  not  shown  for  the  same  purpose  as  his  hands 
and  his  side.  (2.)  Justin  Martyr  twice  refers  to 
the  nailing  of  Christ's  feet  as  a  fulfillment  of  the 
prophecy  in  Ps.  xxii.  17.  (See  Apol.  i.  c.  35 ;  Dial, 
c.  Tryph.  c.  97. )  In  the  former  passage  he  saj's : 
"  But  the  sentence,  '  they  pierced  my  liands  and 
my  feet,'  was  on  account  of  the  nails  fixed  in  his 
hands  and  feet  on  the  cross";  and  in  the  latter; 
"  In  the  twenty-second  Psalm  David  did  thus 
typically  speak  of  his  cross  and  passion :  '  They 
pierced  my  hands  and  my  feet.'  For  when  they 
crucified  him  they  pierced  his  hands  and  his  feet 
by  driving  nails  into  them."  Justin  distinctly 
aflirms  that  the  feet  as  well  as  the  hands  of  Christ 
were  nailed  to  the  cross,  and  that  by  this  act  a 
prediction  of  the  O.  T.  respecting  him  was  fulfilled. 
But  he  does  not  intimate  that  his  crucifixion  dif- 
fered in  any  respect  from  the  same  punishment 


616  CRUCIFIXION 

BB  it  was  usually  inflicted  upon  criminals.  Had  he 
recognized  the  nailing  of  his  feet  as  a  peculiarity, 
he  would  have  been  likely  to  call  attention  to  it 
as  ixggravating  his  suflering.  He  may  have  been 
misled  by  the  Septuagint  version  as  to  the  meaning 
of  the  verse  quoted  from  the  22d  I'salm,  but  he 
would  hardly  have  ventured  to  a])peal,  without 
explanation,  to  its  fnliilhnent  in  the  manner  of 
Christ's  death,  had  it  not  been  customary  in  his 
own  day  to  nail  the  feet  of  pei"sons  crucified  to  the 
cross.  That  he  was  acquainted  with  the  process 
of  crucifixion  by  the  Itonians  may  be  inferred  from 
his  minute  descri]>tion  of  a  cross  {Did.  c.  Tnjph. 
c.  91),  and  from  his  general  hitclligence.  (.3.)  Ter- 
tuUian,  who  also  lived  before  this  kind  of  punish- 
ment was  prohibited,  speaks  of  the  nailing  of  the 
feet  in  crucifixion.  (See  Adv.  Marc.  iii.  19).  He 
refers  to  the  twenty-second  Psalm  as  "  contiining 
the  whole  jjassion  of  Christ,"  and  (juotes  the  17th 
verse:  "Foderunt  manus  meas  et  pedes,"  adding 
the  words,  "  qute  jiropria  atrocia  cnicis."  ITiese 
words  show  that  'I'ertullian  regaixled  nailing  the 
bands  and  feet  as  a  cliaracteristic  and  most  dread- 
ful feature  of  death  by  the  cross.  And  it  is  not 
easy  to  believe  that  such  wTiters  as  .Justin  JMartyr 
and  TertidUan  were  unacquaintetl  with  this  method 
of  punisliment,  so  frequent  in  their  times,  or  that 
they  were  likely,  in  refuting  adversaries,  to  bring 
forward  a  passage  from  the  O.  T.  as  prophetic  of 
Christ's  death,  the  words  of  which  were  but  half 
fulfilled  in  an  ordinary  crucifixion.  (Compare 
Winer,  Ittaho.  i.  679.)  (4.)  A  passage  in  Plautus 
{Mosldlarla,  ii.  1)  ap]iears  to  favor  the  view  that 
the  feet  were  nailed  to  the  cross.  It  is  the  language 
of  a  slave  on  the  approach  of  liis  master,  against 
whom  he  had  committed  many  oftenses  during  his 
absence.  He  cries  out  in  fear  of  the  punishment 
which  might  be  inflicted  on  himself:  — 

"  Ego  dabo  ei  talentum,  primus  qui  in  crueem  cxcu- 
currerit ; 
Sed  ea  lege,  ut  afBgantnr  bis  pedes,  bis  brachia." 

The  unusual  severity  of  punishment  is  here  expressed 
by  the  word  his ;  the  structure  of  the  sentence  does 
not  ix)int  to  the  nailing  of  the  feet  as  peculiar.  (5. ) 
Reference  is  made  by  several  writers  of  the  fifth 
century  to  certain  nails  which  the  Empress  Helena 
found  with  the  true  cross  and  sent  to  Constantine 
her  son.  (Socrates,  //.  A',  i.  17;  Theodoret,  //.  /.'. 
I.  18;  Sozomen,  //.  A',  ii.  1;  Kufinus,  JI.  K.  ii.  8; 
Ambrose,  Omtio  de  olntu  Theodus.  47.)  But  the 
statements  of  these  writers  are  apparently  contra- 
dictory, and  certainly  of  little  value.  (C.)  The  fol- 
lowing classical  writers  have  also  been  referred  to 
on  the  point  in  question.  Xenophon  Ephesius  (iv. 
2)  asserts  that  in  l'>gypt  the  hands  and  feet  were 
simply  bound  to  the  cross,  but  this  oidy  jiroves 
that  the  Egyptian  method  of  crucifixion  diflcred 
from  the  lionian.  Lucan  (J'liar.  vi.  543  flF.)  men- 
tions the  nailing  of  the  hands  and  the  use  of  cords, 
but  he  does  not  aim  to  give  a  full  account  of  cruci- 
fixion, and  the  cords  may  have  been  used  to  bind 
Uie  body  more  firmly  to  the  cross.  (See  Winer, 
Recdic.  i.  078.)  In  the  mock  crucifixion  of  Amor, 
described  by  Ausonius  {Idyl.  viii.  56  ff.),  the 
vropria  atrocin  crticis  would  have  been  out  of 
Dlace,  and  no  one  can  be  surprised  that  the  nctim's 
bands  and  fe<'t  are  represented  as  merely  Iwund  to 
the  tree.  And  though  the  dialogue  of  Lucian 
{Pvometh.  i.  2)  siieaks  only  of  nailing  the  hands. 
It  describes  no  proper  crucifixion,  and  hence  j^ives 
M  trustworthy  e\idenco  in  resiMSct  to  the  usual 


CRUSE 

method.  The  nailing  of  the  feet  of  Jciins  to  tM 
cross  may  therefore  be  said  to  rest  on  salisfactorj 
evidence;  but  whether  a  single  naU  was  driven 
through  both  feet,  or  they  were  fastenetl  sepiu-atelj 
to  the  cross,  caimot  be  ascertained  with  any  degree 
of  certainty.  Literature:  I'aulus,  in  ;l/f)«();'<(6.  iv 
3C  ff. ;  Comment,  iii.  764  ft'.;  Kxeijet.  Ilaiulb.  iii 
ii.  669  ff.;  Hug,  in  the  Frtib.  Zd'uchrifl,  iii.  167 
ft".  V.  18  ft",  vii.  141  ff.;  IJiihr,  in  Hiiffel  und  Iley- 
denreich's  ZtiUcltriJ'l,  ii.  ii.,  and  in  Thohick's  Liter. 
Anztiij.  1835,  Nos.  1-0 ;  Winer,  dt  Prdani.  Al/ixitme, 
Lips.  1845,  and  Realto.  art.  Kreuziijuiuj ;  Meyer, 
Comnient.  on  Matt,  xxvii.  35,  and  l^uke  xxiv.  39; 
Neander,  Life  of  CliHsl,  Amer.  ed.  p.  4 1 8 ;  EUicott'i 
Life  of  Chriit,  Amer.  ed.  p.  318,  note;  Andrewi'i 
Life  of  our  Jj)i-d,  p.  537.  A.  II. 

CRUSE,  a  word  employed  in  the  A.  V.,  appa 
rently  without  any  special  intention,  to  translate 
three  distmct  Hebrew  words. 

1.  Tznjjpachatk,  TinQ?  (from  T  2!',  a  root 
with  the  idea  of  width ;  comp.  ampidbi,  from  am- 
plm).  Some  clew  to  the  nature  of  this  vessel  is 
l)erhap3  aftbrded  by  its  mention  as  being  full  of 
water  at  the  head  of  Saul  when  on  his  night  expe- 
dition after  David  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  11,  12,  16),  and 
also  of  Elijah  (1  K.  xix.  6).  In  a  similar  case  in 
the  present  day  this  would  be  a  globuLir  vessel  of 
idue  porous  clay  —  the  ordinary  Giwa  jwttery  — 
al)0ut  9  inches  in  diameter,  with  a  neck  of  al)0ut  3 
inches  long,  a  small  handle  below  the  neck,  and 
opposite  the  handle  a  straight  8j)out,  with  an  orifice 
about  the  size  of  a  straw,  through  which  the  water 
is  drunk  or  sucked.  The  form  is  common  also  in 
Spain,  and  will  be  familiar  to  many  from  pictures 
of  Spanish  life.  A  similar  globular  vessel  probably 
contained  the  oil  of  the  widow  of  Zarejihath  (1  K. 
xvii.  12,  14,  16).  For  the  "box"  or  "horn"  in 
which  the  consecrated  oil  was  carried  on  special 
occasions,  see  Oil. 

2.  The  noise  which  these  vessels  make  when 
emptied  through   the   neck   is   suggestive  of  the 

second  term,  Bakbiil-,  p^SpS,  probably  like  the 
Greek  bombulvs,  fiSfj-fiuKos,  an  onomatoixwtic  word. 
This  is  found  but  twice  —  a  "cruse  of  honey,"  1 
K.  xiv.  3;  and  an  "  earthen  bottle,"  Jer.  xix.  1. 

3.  Apparently  very  dilTerent  from  both  these  is 

the  other  term,    Tz'ldchdh,    Hn^'^  (found  also 

hi  the  forms  n"'*nv!J  and  Hn-^V),  firom  a  root 

(nb!?)  signifjing  to  sprinkle;   or  perhaps  fron- 

772,  to  ring,  the  root  of  the  word  for  cjTnbal. 
This  was  probably  a  flat  metal  saucer  of  the  form 
still  common  in  the  IJist.  It  occurs  2  K.  ii.  20, 
"cruse;"  xxi.  1-3,  "dish;"  2  Chr.  x.xxv.  13, 
"pans;"  also  Prov.  xix.  24,  xxvi.  15,  where  th< 
figure  is  obscured  by  the  choice  of  ihe  word 
"  bosom."  C 

*  What  is  related  of  "  the  cruse  of  water ' 
placed  by  Saul's  "bolster"  aS  he  slept  in  the  c.ive, 
which  David  so  quietly  removed  without  awaking 
him  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  12),  and  of  "the  cruse  of  water 
at  the  head  "  of  F:iijah  as  "  he  lay  and  slept  be- 
neath a  juniper-bush  "  (1  Kings  xix.  5,  6),  accords 
perfectly,  says  Thomson,  with  the  habits  of  luistorn 
life  at  this  day.  "  No  one  ventures  to  travel  o\ei 
the  deserts  there  without  his  cruse  of  water;  and  il 
is  very  common  to  place  one  at  the  bolster,  so  that 
the  owner  can  reach  it  during  the  night.  Tht 
Arabs  eat  their  dinner  in  the  evening,  and  it  ii 


CRYSTAL 

^erallj  of  fuch  a  nature  as  to  create  thirst,  and 
Jie  quantity  of  water  which  they  drink  is  enormous. 
The  crme  is,  therefore,  ia  perjwtual  demand." 
[Laiid  and  Book,  ii.  21..)  H. 

CRYSTAL,  the  representative  in  the  A.  V.  of 

the  Hebrew  words  zecucUh  (n"^2^3T)  and  kerach 

(nrr?.). 

1.  Zecuc'Uh  {SaXoi'-  vitrum)  occurs  only  in  Job 
xxviii.  17,  where  wisdom  is  declai-ed  to  be  more 
valuable  than  "  gold  and  the  crystal."  Notwitli- 
standiiig  the  differ  int  interpretiitions  of  "  rock 
crystiil,"  "  glass,"  "■  adamant,"  &c.,  that  have  been 
assigned  to  tliis  word,  tliere  can,  we  think,  lie  very 
little  doubt  that  "glass"  is  intended.  The  old 
versions  and  paraphrases  are  in  favor  of  this  inter- 
pietation.  The  Targum  has  zer/ouf/itka,  by  which 
the  Talnmdists  understand  "  glass."  The  Syriac 
has  z'lyuyitlo ;  the  Arabic  zuj'ij,  i.  e.  "  glass." 
Schultens  {Comment,  in  Job.  1.  c.)  conjectures  that 

the  words  zahdb  uzecucith  (."T^w^^W  3nt)  are  a 
hendiadys  to  denote  "a  valuable  glass  or  crystal 
goblet,"  or  "  a  glass  vessel  gilt  with  gold,"  such  a 
one  perhaps  as  that  which  Nero  is  rei^rted  to  have 
broken  to  pieces  in  a  fit  of  anger  (Pliny,  If.  N. 
xjuvii.  2).  Cary  (Job  I.e.)  transktes  the  words 
"  golden  glass;  "  and  very  aptly  compares  a  passage 
in  Wilkinson  {Anc.  E'pjpL  ii.  61,  ed.  1854),  who. 
speaking  of  the  skill  of  the  l'2gyptians  in  niaking 
glass,  says  "  they  ha<l  even  the  secret  of  introducing 
gold  between  two  surfaces  of  glass,  and  in  their 
bottles  a  gold  band  alternates  within  a  set  of  blue, 
green,  and  other  colors."  It  is  very  probable  that 
the  zecucith  of  Job  {I.  c.)  may  denote  such  a  work 
of  art  as  is  refeiTed  to  in  this  quotation.   [Glass.] 

2.  Kerach  {Kpv<rTa\\os '■  cnjslallum)  occurs  in 
numerous  passages  in  the  0.  T.  to  denote  "ice," 
"frost,"  &c. ;  but  once  only  (P^z.  i.  22),  as  is  gen- 
erally understood,  to  signify  "  crystal:  "  "  And  the 

likeness  of  the  firmament was  as  the  color 

of  the  magnificent  crystal."  The  ancients  sup- 
posed rock-crystal  to  be  merely  ice  congealed  by 
intense  cold ;  whence  the  Greek  word  KpvffraWos, 
from  Kpvos,  "cold"  (see  Pliny,  jV.  //.  xxxvii.  2). 
The  similarity  of  appearance  between  ice  and  crystal 
taused  no  doubt  the  identity  of  the  terms  to  express 
these  substances.     The  .\.  V.,  following  the  Vulg., 

transLites  the  epithet  (STISH)  "terrible"  in 
Ez.  {I.  c);  the  word  would  be  better  rendered 
"splendid."  It  has  the  same  meaning  as  the 
I«tin  spectnbilts.  The  Greek  KpvffraWos  occurs 
ia  liev.  iv.  G,  xxii.  1.  It  may  mean  either  "  ice  " 
i>r  •'  crystal."  Indeed  there  is  no  absolute  necessity 
Ic  depart  from  the  usual  signification  of  the  Hebrew 
Ivrnch  in  Ez.  (/.  c).  The  upper  vault  of  heaven 
may  well  be  compared  to  "  the  astonishing  bright- 
ness of  ice"  (see  Harris,  Nat.  IlUt.  of  Bible,  art. 
CryiUil).  W.  H. 

CUBIT.    [Measures.] 

CUCKOO  {^r\Xr>,  skachaph  [leanness]  : 
iipos:  lirim).  There  does  not  appear  to  be  any 
uthority  for  this  translation  of  the  A.  V.;  the 
ileb.  woni  occurs  oidy  in  I.ev.  xi.  IG;  Deut.  xiv. 
«6,  as  the  name  of  some  unclean  bird,  liochart 
[ffieroz.  iii.  1)  lias  attempted  to  show  that  shachaph 
lenotes  the  Cepphus.  The  (KeV4»oj)  of  Aristotle 
[Anim.  I  list.  viii.  5,  §  7;  is.  23,  §  4),  Nicander 
[Alexipknrm.  165),  and  other  Greek  writers,  has 
Mea,  with  sufficient  reason  we  thbik,  identified  by 


CUCUMBERS  517 

Schneidei  with  the  storm-petrel  (Thaln^ddroma 
peUtyica),  the  ProcelUiria  pelnrjica  of  Liuno'utb 
The  Scholiast  on  Aristophanes  (Plutiis)  descrilies 
the  cepphus  as  a  light  kind  of  gull.  Suidas,  undei 
the  word  Ktirtpos,  says,  "  It  is  a  binl  like  a  guH 
light  of  body,  and  sails  over  the  waves."  The 
notion  held  by  the  ancients  that  the  cepphus  lived 
on  the  foam  of  the  sea,  may  perhaps  be  traced  to 
the  habit  the  petrels  have  of  seeking  tlieir  food, 
Ac,  in  the  midst  of  an  agitiited  and  frothy  sea; 
the  folly  ascriljed  to  the  i)ird,  whence  the  Greek 
verb  Keir<p6ofjLai,  "  to  be  easily  deceived  "  (see  LXX 
in  Prov.  vii.  22),  may  have  some  foundation  in  the 
fact  that  these  birds  when  on  the  nest  will  allow 
themselves  to  be  taken  by  the  hand.  The  etymol- 
ogy of  the  Hebrew  word  [wints  to  some  "  slender  " 
bird.  It  is  very  improbable,  however,  that  this 
diminutive  bird,  which  would  be  literally  but  a 
mouthful,  is  signified  by  the  shachaph  ;  and  per- 
haps therefore,  as  Mr.  Tristram  suggests  to  us, 
some  of  the  larger  petrels,  such  as  the  Puffinus 
cinerevs  and  P.  anijlorum  (shearwater),  which 
alx)und  in  the  east  of  the  Mediterranean  and  which 
are  similar  m  their  habits  to  the  storni-i)etrel,  may 
be  denoted  by  the  Hebrew  term."  Of  the  Ijiridae 
the  Larus  fuscus  and  the  L.  argentatus  are  two 
common  species  of  Palestine.  W.  H. 

CUCUMBERS  (-""H^^;?,  kishshuim :  ol 
(riKvoi :  cucumeres).  This  word  occurs  once  only, 
in  Num.  xi.  5,  as  one  of  the  good  things  of  Egypt, 
for  which  the  Israelites  longed.  There  is  no  doubt 
as  to  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  word,  which  is 
found  with  a  slight  variation  in  the  Arabic,  S}Tiac, 
Ethiopic,  (fee,  to  denote  tlie  plant  now  under  con- 
sideration (see  Celsius,  Ilierob.  ii.  247).  Egypt  pro- 
duces excellent  cucumbers,  melons,  <fcc.  [Meu)n], 
the  Cucumis  chute  being,  according  to  Ilasselquist 
(Trav.  p.  258),  the  best  of  its  tribe  yet  known. 
This  plant  grows  in  the  fertile  earth  around  Cairo 
after  the  inundation  of  the  Nile,  and  not  elsewhere 
in  Egypt.  The  fruit,  which  is  somewhat  sweet  and 
cool,  is  eaten,  says  Hasselquist,  by  the  grandees 
and  Europeans  in  Egypt  as  that  from  which  they 
have  least  to  apprehend.  Prosper  Alpinus  {Plant. 
A'jipjpt.  XXX viii.  p.  54)  speaks  of  this  cucural)er  as 
follows :  "  The  ICgyptians  use  a  certain  kind  of 
cucumber  which  they  call  chate.  This  plant  does 
not  differ  from  the  common  kind,  except  in  size, 
color,  and  tenderness ;  it  has  smaller,  whiter,  softer, 
and  rounder  leaves,  and  the  fruit  is  longer  and 
greener  than  ours,  with  a  smooth  soft  rind,  and 
more  easy  of  digestion."  The  account  which 
Forskal  {FU)r.  Alijypt.  p.  168)  gives  of  the  Cit- 
cumis  chate,  which  he  sa)s  is  called  by  the  Arabs 
Abdellan  or  Adjur,  does  not  agree  with  what  Has- 
selquist states  with  regard  to  the  locality  where  it 
is  grown,  this  plant  being,  according  to  the  testi- 
mony of  the  first-named  writer,  "the  commonest 
fruit  in  Eg)-pt,  planted  over  whole  fields."  The  C 
chate  is  a  variety  ordy  of  the  common  molon  ( C 
melo) ;  it  was  once  cultivated  in  England  and  called 
"  the  round-leaved  Egyptian  melon ; "  but  it  is 
rather  an  insipid  sort.  Besides  the  Cucumis  cliat&, 
the  common  cucumber  ( C.  sUivus),  of  which  the 
Arabs  distinguish  a  numlier  of  varieties,  is  common 
in  Egypt.  This  grows  with  the  water-melons;  the 
poor  people  boil  and  eat  it  with  vinegar;  the  richer 

a  F  einereus  and  P.  anglorum  are  both  exposed 
for  sale  <k8  articles  of  food  in  the  Arab  markets  on  tb< 
coast 


518  CUMMIN 

people  fill  it  with  flesh  and  aromatics,  and  make  a 
kind  of  puddings,  which,  says  llasselquist  (p.  257), 
eat  very  well.  "  Both  Cucumis  dinte  and  C. 
$ativus"  says  Mr.  Tristram,  "are  now  prown  in 
great  quantities  in  Palestine:  on  visiting  the  Arab 
school  in  Jerusalem  (1858)  I  observed  that  the 
dinner  jvhich  the  children  brought  with  them  to 
■chool  consisted,  witliout  exception,  of  a  piece  of 
barley  cake  and  a  raw  cucumber,  wliich  tliey  eat 
rind  and  all." 

The  prophet  Isaiah  (i.  8)  foretells  the  desolation 
that  was  to  come  upon  Judah  and  Jerusiilem  in 
these  words:  "The  daughter  of  Zion  is  left  as  a 
cottage  in  a  vineyartl,  as  a  lodge  in  a  garden  of 
eucunil>ers,  as  a  besieged  city."  The  cottage  or 
lodge  here  spoken  of  is  a  rude  temporary  slielter, 
erected  in  the  open  grounds  where  vines,  cucum- 
bers, gourds,  &c.,  are  grown,  in  which  some  lonely 
man  or  boy  is  set  to  watch,  eitlier  to  guard  the 
plants  from  robbers,  or  to  scare  away  the  foxes  and 
jackals  from  the  vines.  Dr.  Thonison  ( Land  and 
Book,  ii.  11)  well  illustrates  this  passage  of  Script- 
ure, and  brings  out  its  full  force.  The  little  wood- 
cut which  he  gives  of  the  lodge  at  Mutaiha  repre- 
sents such  a  shelter  as  is  alluded  to  aliove:  by  and 
by,  when  the  crop  is  gathered  and  the  lodge  for- 
saken, the  "  jwles  will  fall  down  or  lean  every  way, 
and  the  green  be  aghs  with  which  it  is  shaded  will 
be  scattered  by  the  winds,  leaving  oidy  a  ragged 
sprawling  wreck  —  a  ^ost  affecting  type  of  utter 
desolation." 

It  is  curious  to  observe  that  the  custom  of  keep- 
ing off  birds,  &c.,  from  fruit  and  corn  by  meiins  of 
a  scarecrow  is  as  old  as  the  time  of  IJariich  (vi.  70) 
[or  lipist.  of  Jer.  70] :  "  As  a  scarecrow  iirpo^cur- 
Kaviov)  in  a  garden  of  cucumbers  keepeth 
nothing,  so  are  their  gods  of  wood,"  «$:c. 
W.  H. 

CUMMIN    [rather    Cumin]  Qb? : 
AifiivoV-  cyminuvi),  one  of  the  cultivated 
plants  of  Palestine,    mentioned  by   Isaiah 
(xxviii.  25,  27 )  as  not  being  threshed  in  the 
ordinary  way  in  which  wheat  was  threshed, 
but  with  a  rod ;  and  again  by  our  Saviour  ^'''•^''"* 
M  one  of  the  crops  of  which  the  Scribes  and  Phari- 
sees paid  titlie.     It  is  an  umbelliferous  plant  some- 
Ihing  hke  fennel  {Cwninum  sativum,  Linn.).     The 
seeds  have  a  bitterish  warm  taste  with  an  aromatic 
flavor.     It  was  used  in  conjunction  with  salt  as  a 
sauce  (PUn.  xbc.  8).    The  Maltese  are  said  to  grow 
cummin  at  the  present  day,  and  to  thresh  it  in  the 
manner  described  by  IsaiaJi.  W.  I). 

•  CUNNING  originaDy  meant  "  skillful," 
"knowing,"  and  has  this  sense  in  (5en.  xxv.  27 
(where  Esau  is  called  a  "cnnning  -hunter");  in 
ExDd.  xxvi.  1  ("cunning  work,"  said  of  figures  of 
the  Cherubim);  in  1  Sam.  xvi.  10  ("cunning 
(dajer  "  on  the  harp)  and  other  passages  (A.  V.). 

H, 

»  CUNNINGLY  (2  Peter  i.  16).  [Cunning.] 

CUP.    The  chief  words  rendered  "  cup  "  in  the 

i.  V.are,  1.  D'"I3:  iro-rfjpioy:  eattx ;  9.  mJCiT, 

»nly  in  plural :  (nrovS(7a  •  crnterea ;  3.  V^??  • 
t6viv'  sciff^vs.  Si«  also,  further,  words  IIasin 
«nd  Bowl.  The  cups  of  the  Jews,  whether  of 
uetai  or  earthenware,  were  possibly  borrowed,  in 
Boiiit  of  shape  and  design,  from  Egypt  and  flrom 
the  Phoenicians,  whi>  were  celebrated  in  that  branch 
<i*workoianship  {II  xxlii.  743;   Od.  iv.  615,  618). 


OITP-BEARER 

Egyptian  cups  wen  ."f  varioiii 
slia]ies,  either  having  liandles  ot 
without  them.  In  Solomon's 
time  all  his  drinking  vesseli 
were  of  gold,  none  of  silver  (] 
K.  X.  21).  Babylon  is  com 
pared  to  a  golden  cup  (.ler.  li.  7) 
Assyrian  cups  from  Khorsa- 
bad  and  Is'imroud  may  be  seen 
figured  in  I^yard  (Niii.  ii.  303, 
304;  .\in.  ami  Bab.  136,  190, 
192),  some  perhaps  of  Phoeni- 
cian workmanship,  from  which 
source  both  Solomon  and  the 
AssjTian  monarch  j)ossil)ly  de- 
rived both  tlieir  workmen  and 
tlie  works  tlieniselves.  Tlie  cujmi 
and  other  vessels  brought  to 
Assyrian  cup  wiHi  liabylon  by  Nebuchadnezzai 
handle.  (Layard  '"i^y  t^l'^s  ^^\'^  been  of  Phceni- 
ii.  803.)  cian  origin  (Dan.  v.  2). 

On  the  bas-reliefs  at  Persep- 
ohs  many  figures  are  represented 
bearing  cups  or  vases  which  may 
fairly  be  taken  as  tyjxs  of  the 
ves.sels  of  that  sort  described  in 
tlie  book  of  Esther  (P^th.  i.  7; 
Assyrian   drinking-  Xielmhr,  Voy'K/e,  ii.  100;  Char- 
cup    (Layard,  ii.  j;,,^   Voyaaes,  "viii.  p.  208;   PI. 
■'  Iviii.).       The    great    hver,    or 

"  sea,"  was  made  with  a  rim  like  the  rim  of  a  cup 
( Cos),  "  with  flowers  of  lihes  "(IK.  vii.  20),  a  form 
which  the  Persepolitan  cujw  resemble  (Jahn,  Arch. 
§  144).  The  common  form  of  modem  Oriental  cupi 
is  reiweaented  in  the  accompanying  drawing :  — 


Egyptian  drinkiog-cnps,  tme-flfth  of  the  real  siie.  (Lane. 

The  use  of  gold  and  silver  cups  was  introduced 
into  Greece  after  the  time  of  Alexander  (Atlien.  vi. 
229,  30,   xi.  440,  405;  Birch,  Anc.  Pott.  ii.  109). 

ITie  cups  of  the  N.  T.,  iroTi.pia,  were  ofltn  no 
doubt  formed  on  (Jreek  and  lioman  models.  Tliey 
were  sometimes  of  gold  (Kev.  xvii.  4).  A'r/.  of 
Antiq.  art.  Patera,  11.  AV.  P. 

*  "  Cup"  or  "  bowl"  would  undoubtedly  be  more 
correct  than  "vial"  (A.  V.),  as  the  rendering  of 
<t>id\7}  in  the  Apocalypse.  The  term  designates  a 
vessel  with  breadth  ratli6r  than  depth,  and  whethei 
used  of  the  censer-dish  (Kev.  v.  8),  or  of  the  cup 
with  its  contents  as  the  emblem  of  punishment 
(Hev.  XV.  7,  xvi.  2,  &c.),  dbes  not  corresjxmd  to  oui 
word  ri(d,  as  at  present  employed.  II. 

CUP-BEARER  (Hrr  C  :  oivoxior-  pin- 
ceifia),  an  ofliicer  of  high  rank  with  Kgyptian, 
Persian,  Assyrian,  as  well  as  Jewish  mouarchs. 
The  chief  cup-be-irer,  or  butler,  to  the  king  of  F.gypt 
was  the  means  of  raising  .Joseph  to  his  high  position 
(Gen.  xl.  1-21,  xli.  9).  Itab-shakeh,  who  w.-.s  »cnl 
by  Sennacherib  to  Ilezekiali,  appears  from  his  name 
to  have  filled  a  like  office  in  the  Assyrian  court  (3 
K.  xviii.  17;  Ges.  p.  1225),  and  it  seems  probabW, 
from   his  association  with   Bab-saris,  c/iitf  of  tk» 

eunvckt  (D"'"JD~3n),  aud  from  Eaatern 


CUIITAIN3 

n  genenJ,  that  he  was,  like  him,  an  eunuch  (Ges. 
p.  973).  Herod  the  Great  Lad  an  estabhsnment 
of  eunuchs,  of  whom  one  was  a  cup-bearer  (Josepli. 
Anl.  x\i.  8,  1).  Neliemiali  was  cup-hearer  to 
Artaxerxes  Lon^'imanus  king  of  i'ersla  (Neh.  i.  11, 
ii.  1).  Cup-ljearers  are  mentioned  among  the  at- 
tendants of  Solomon  (1  K.  x.  5;  comp.  Layard, 
.Vtw.  u.  324,  32l'\  11.  W.  P. 

CUllTAINS.  Ihe  Hebrew  terms  translated 
in  the  A.  V.  by  this  word  are  three : 

1.  Yeri'dlh,  n^?**"*  .  cne  len  "curtains"  of 
fine  linen,  &c.,  each  28  cubits  lon^  and  4  wide,  and 
also  the  eleven  of  goats'  hair,  whicli  covered  the 
labeniacle  of  Moses  {Ex.  xxvi.  1-13,  xxxvi.  8-17). 
The  charge  of  these  curtains  and  of  the  other 
textile  fabrics  of  the  Tabernacle  was  laid  on  the 
Gershonites  (Num.  iv.  2.j).  Having  this  definite 
meaning,  the  word  came  to  be  used  as  a  synonym 
for  the  Tabernacle  —  its  ti-ansitoriness  and  slight- 
ness;  and  is  so  employerl  in  tlie  sublime  speech  of 
David,  2  Sam.  vii.  2  (where  "  curtains  "  should  be 
"the  curtain"),  and  1  Chr.  xvii.  1.  In  a  few 
later  instances  the  word  bears  the  more  general 
meaning  of  the  sides  of  a  tent ;  as  in  the  beautiful 
figure  of  Is.  liv.  2  (where  "habitations"  should 

be  "  tabema«les,"  m3DC'X3,  poetic  word  for 
"tents");  -ler.  iv.  20,  x.  20  (here  "tabernacle" 
and   "tent''  are  both  one  word,  vHS  =:tent); 

Ps.  civ.  2  (where  "stretch,"  ^t23,  is  the  word 
usually  employed  for  extending  a  tent).  Also 
specially  of  nomadic  people,  Jer.  xlix.  29 ;  Hab.  iii. 
7 ;  Cant.  i.  5  (of  the  black  hair-cloth  of  which  the 
tents  of  the  real  Bedoueen  are  still  composed). 

2.  Mdsdc,  Tf  Dt2  :  the  "  hanging  "  for  the  door- 
way of  the  tabernacle,  Ex.  xxvi.  3G,  37,  xxxv.  15, 
xxx\i.  37,  xxxix.  38,  xl.  5;  Num.  iii.  25,  iv.  25: 
and  also  for  the  gate  of  the  court  round  the  tab- 
■imacle,  Kx.  xxvii.  16,  xxxv.  17,  xxxviii.  18,  xxxix. 
40,  xl.  33 ;  Num.  iii.  20,  iv.  26.  Amongst  these 
the  rendering  "  curtain  "  occurs  but  once.  Num.  iii. 
26;  while  "hanging"   is  shared  equally  between 

Afdsdc  and  a  very  different  word  —  KtldH,  "'^T  vf7. 
The  idea  in  the  root  of  iMasdc  seems  to  be  of  shield- 
ing or  protecting  ("730,  Ges.  p.  951).  If  this  be 
so,  the  Mdsdc  may  have  been  not  a  curtain  or  veil, 
lut  an  awning  to  shade  the  entrances  —  a  thing 
natural  and  common  ni  the  fierce  sim  of  the  East 
(see  one  figured  in  Eergusson's  Ninetreh  and  Per- 
sf/Mlis,  p.  184).  15ut  the  nature  of  this  and  the 
otlier  textile  fabrics  of  the  tabernacle  will  be  best 
examined  under  Tauehxacle. 

Besides  "  curtain  "  and  "  hanging,"  Masac  is 
rendered  "covering"  in  Ex.  xxxv.  12,  xxxix.  34, 
d.  21;  Num.  iv.  5;  2  Sam.  xvu.  19;  Ps.  cv.  39; 
Is.  xxii.  8. 

3.  Dok  p^.  There  is  nothing  to  guide  us  to 
iho  meaning  of  this  word.  It  is  found  but  once 
(Is.  xl.  22),  in  a  passagre  founded  on  the  me'aphor 
'f  a  tent.  G. 

CUSH  (ti'^3  [see  the  word  below]:  Xowf; 
\7ti.t.  Sin.  -ffei:]  yEtliioph,  and  Chusi),  a  Benja- 
nite  mentioned  only  in  the  title  to  Ps.  vii.  There 
M  every  reason  to  believe  this  title  to  be  of  great 
antiquity  (Ewald.  PsUmen,  p.  9).  Cush  was  prob- 
ably a  follower  of  Saul,  the  head  of  his  tribe,  and 
■ad  sought  the  fiiendship  of  UaviJ  ;.r  the  purpose 


CUSH  619 

of  "lewaiJiag  »\-il  to  nim  who  was  at  jwace  with 
him  "  —  an  act  m  which  no  Urientid  of  ancient  ol 
modem  times  would  see  any  shame,  but,  if  success- 
ful, the  reverse.  Happily,  however,  we  may  gather 
from  verse  15  that  he  had  not  succeeded. 

*  The  antiquity  of  the  name  has  been  less  ques- 
tioned than  its  application.  The  Jewish  uiterpret- 
ers  very  generally  regard  the  name  as  symbolic: 
Ethiopian,  black  in  heart  and  character.  But 
among  those  who  accept  this  view  opinions  differ  as 
to  the  j)erson  thus  enigmatically  designated.  Some 
suppose  Cush  to  be  Shiniei  who  cursed  David  when 
he  Hed  from  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xvi.  5  fl'.);  and  others 
suppose  him  to  be  Saul,  chiefly  because  the  Psalm 
seems  to  refer  to  the  times  of  Saul  rather  than  those 
of  Absalom.  The  latter  is  Hengstenberg's  view 
(Die  Psalmen,  i.  138  ff.),  and  also  Alexander's 
(Psalms,  i.  49).  Kosenmiiller  argues  against  both 
opinions  and  abides  by  the  name  as  that  of  soma 
partisan  of  Saul,  and  an  enemy  and  calumniator 
of  David,  otlierwLse  miknown  (Scholia  in  Psalmot 
redacta,  iii.  5G).  H. 

CUSH  (ti?5l3  [dark-colwed,  Fiirst;  perh.  on 
assembly,  people  brou<jhl  iorjether,  Ges.,  G^  Aufl.]: 
Xovs:  Clius  (Gen.  x.  C,  7,  8;  1  Chr.  i.  8,  9,  10); 
Aidioiria,  Aleioirei-  jEthiopia  ;  Citsh'ite, "^U/'JlS  : 
fCielo^:    ^ihiops;    pi.   Clt'^lS,  □''*C?2 ;    fem. 

iT^tp^S),  the  name  of  a  son  of  Ham,  apparently 
the  eldest,  and  of  a  territory  or  tenitories  occupied 
by  his  descendants.  (1.)  In  the  genealogy  of 
Noah's  children  Cush  seems  to  be  an  indindual, 
for  it  is  said  "Cush  begat  Nimrod"  (Gen.  x.  8;  1 
Chr.  i.  10).  If  the  name  be  older  than  his  time 
he  may  have  been  called  after  a  country  allotted  to 
him.  The  following  descendants  of  Cush  are 
enumerated:  his  sons,  Seba,  Havilah,  Sabtah  or 
Sabta,  liiiamah,  and  Sabtechah  or  Sabtecha;  his 
grandsons,  the  sons  of  Kaaniah,  Sheba  and  Dedan ; 
and  Nimrod,  who,  as  mentioned  after  the  rest, 
seems  to  have  been  a  remoter  descendant  than  they, 
the  text  not  necessarily  proving  him  to  have  been 
a  son.  The  only  direct  geographical  information 
given  in  this  passage  is  with  reference  to  Nunrod, 
the  beginnuig  of  whose  kingdom  was  in  Babylonia, 
and  who  afterwards  went,  accoiding  to  the  reading 
which  we  prefer,  into  Assyria,  and  founded  Nin- 
eveh and  other  cities.  The  reasons  for  our  prefer- 
ence are,  (1)  that  if  we  read  "  Out  of  that  land 
went  forth  Asshur,"  instead  of  "he  went  forth 
[into]  Asshur,"  i.  e.  Assyria,  there  is  no  account 
given  but  of  the  "beginning"  of  Nimrod's  king- 
dom; and  (2)  that  Asshur  the  patriarch  would 
seem  here  to  be  quite  out  of  place  in  the  geneal- 
ogy- 

(2.)  Cush  as  a  country  appears  to  be  African  in 
all  passages  except  Gen.  ii.  13.  We  may  thus  dis 
tinguish  a  primeval  and  a  post-diluvian  Cush.  The 
former  was  encompassed  by  Gihon,  the  second  rivei 
of  Paradise.  It  would  seem,  therefore,  lo  have  been 
somewhere  to  the  northward  of  AssjTia.  It  is 
possible  that  Cush  is  in  this  case  a  name  of  a  pe- 
riod later  than  that  to  which  the  history  relates,  but 
it  seems  more  probabie  that  it  was  of  the  earliest 
age,  and  that  the  African  Cush  was  named  from 
this  older  country.  Most  ancient  nations  tliua 
connected  their  own  lands  with  Paradise,  or  with 
primeval  seats.  In  this  manner  the  future  Para- 
dise of  the  Egyptians  was  a  sacred  Egypt  watered 
by  a  sacred  Nile;  the  Arabs  have  told  of  the  ter- 


620  GUSH 

resbial  Paradise  of  Sheddi'id  the  son  of  'A'd,  as 
Bometimes  seen  in  tlieir  deserts ;  the  Greeks  located 
the  aU-destrojin<T  floods  of  Ogyges  and  Ueuadion 
in  Greece ;  and  tlie  Mexicans  seem  to  have  placed  a 
similar  deluj^e  in  America;  all  carrying  with  them 
their  traditions  and  fixing  them  in  the  territories 
where  they  estahlished  themselves.  The  Cushan 
mentioned  in  Hab.  (iii.  7)  has  been  thought  to  be 
an  Asiatic  post-diluvian  Cush,  but  it  is  most  rea- 
sonable to  hold  that  Clishan-rishathaun  is  here  in- 
tended [Cl'shan].  In  the  ancient  l^gyptian  in- 
scriptions Ethiopia  above  I'^ypt  is  termed  Keesh  or 
Kesh,  and  this  temtory  probably  perfectly  corres- 
ponds to  the  African  Cush  of  the  Bible.  The 
Cushites  however  had  clearly  a  wider  extension,  like 
the  Ethiopians  of  the  Greeks,  but  apparently  with 
u  more  definite  ethnic  relation.  The  settlements 
of  the  sons  and  descendants  of  Cush  mentioned  in 
Gen.  X.  may  be  tracetl  from  Meroij  to  Babylon,  and 
probably  on  to  Is'uieveh.  We  have  not  alone  the 
African  Cush,  but  Seba  appears  to  correspond  to 
Meroe,  other  sons  of  Cush  are  to  be  traced  in  Ara- 
bia [Akauia,  Kaamaii,  &c.],  and  Nimrod  reigned 
in  I^bylonia,  and  seems  to  have  extended  his  rule 
over  Ass}Tia.  'ITius  the  Cushites  appear  to  have 
spread  along  tracts  extending  from  the  higher  Nile 
to  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  Philological  and 
ethnological  data  lend  to  the  same  conclusion. 
There  are  strong  reasons  for  deriving  the  non- 
Semitic  primitive  language  of  Babylonia,  variously 
called  by  scholars  Cushite  and  Scythic,  from  an 
ante-Semitic  dialect  of  Ethiopia,  and  for  supposing 
two  streams  of  migration  from  Africa  into  Asia  in 
very  remote  periods ;  the  one  of  Nigritians  through 
the  present  Jlalayan  region,  the  other  and  later  one, 
of  Cushites,  "from  l^thiopia  properly  so  called, 
through  Arabia,  Bal)ylonia,  and  Persia,  to  Western 
India"  (Gevesis  of  the  Enrth,  if-c,  pp.  214,  215). 
Sir  H.  Rawlinson  has  brought  forward  remarkable 
evidence  tending  to  trace  the  early  Babylonians  to 
Ethiopia;  particularly  the  similarity  of  their  mode 
of  writing  to  the  Egyptian,"  and  the  indication  in 
the  traditions  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  of  "  a  con- 
nection in  very  early  times  between  Ethiopia, 
Southern  Arabia,  and  the  cities  on  the  I-ower  Eu- 
phrates," the  Cushite  name  of  Nimrod  himself  as 
a  deified  hero,  being  the  same  as  that  by  which 
Meroii  is  calletl  in  the  Ass3Tian  inscriptions  (Kaw- 
linson's  I/erocl.  i.  442,  443).  History  affords  many 
traces  of  this  relation  of  Babylonia,  Arabia,  and 
Ethiopia.  Zerali  the  Cushite  (A.  V.  "  Ethiopian  ") 
who  was  defeated  by  Asa,  was  most  probably  a 
king  of  Egypt,  certainly  the  leader  of  an  Egyptian 
trmy.  The  dynasty  then  ruling  (the  22d)  bears 
names  that  have  caused  it  to  be  supposed  to  have 
had  a  Babylonian  or  Ass}Tian  origin,  as  Sheshonk, 
^bishak,  hSheshak;  Niiinuivt,  Nimrod;  Teknit, 
Teklut,  Tiglath.  The  early  spread  of  the  Mizraites 
illustrates  that  of  the  Cushites  [Caphtou]  :  it  may 
lie  considered  as  a  part  of  one  great  system  of  mi- 
errations.  On  these  grounds  we  suppose  that  these 
Hamite  races,  very  soon  alter  their  arrival  in  Africa, 
b^an  to  spread  to  the  east,  to  the  north,  and  to 
the  west;  the  Cushites  establishing  settlements 
along  the  southern  Arabian  coast,  on  the  Arabian 
ihore  of  the  Persian  Gulf  and  in  Babylonia,  and 
khence  onwai-d  to  the  Indus,  and  probably  north- 
ward to  Nineveh ;  and  the  Mizraites  spreading  along 
the  south  and  east  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  on 


a  Ideographic  writing  seems  characteristic  of  Tu- 
ftaian  nations ;  at  least  such  alone  have  kept  to  it 


CUSHI 

part  of  the  north  shore,  and  in  the  great  islands 
These  must  have  been  sea-faring  peoples,  not  whollj 
unlike  the  modern  Malays,  who  have  similarlj 
spread  on  the  shores  of  the  Indian  Ocean.  Thej 
may  be  always  traced  where  very  massive  architect- 
ural remains  are  seen,  where  the  native  language  ii 
partly  Turanian  and  paitly  Semitic,  and  where  the 
native  religion  is  partly  cosmic  or  high  nature-wor- 
ship, and  partly  fetishism  or  low  nature-worship. 
These  indications  do  not  fail  in  any  settlement  of 
Cushites  or  Mizraites  with  which  we  are  well  ac- 
quainted.    [Ethiopia.]  11.  S.  P. 

*  tt'^3,  as  the  name  of  a  country,  is  translated 
in  the  A.  V.  "  Ethiopia  "  or  "  Ethiopians,"  in  all 
the  passages  in  which  it  occurs  except  Is.  xi.  11. 

A. 

CU'SHAN  (ltt75Q:  Alelow^s;  [Sin.i  Efli- 
oTTfs']  Ethiopia ^  Hab.  iii.  7),  possibly  the  same 
as  Cushan-rishathaim  (A.  V.  Chushan-)  king  of 
Mesopotamia  (Judg.  iii.  8,  10).  The  order  of 
events  alluded  to  by  the  prophet  seems  to  favor  this 
supposition.  First  he  appears  to  refer  to  for- 
mer acts  of  Divine  favor  (ver.  2);  he  then  speaks 
of  the  wonders  at  the  gi«ng  of  the  l.aw,  "  God 
came  from  Teman,  and  the  Holy  One  fi-om  Mount 
Paran ;  "  and  he  adds,  "  I  saw  the  tents  of  Cushan 
in  affliction:  [and]  the  tent-curtains  of  the  land 
of  Midian  did  tremble,"  as  though  referring  to  the 
fear  of  the  enemies  of  Israel  at  the  manifestations 
of  God's  favor  for  His  people.  Cushan-rishathaim, 
the  first  recorded  oppressor  of  the  dajs  of  the 
Judges,  may  have  been  already  reigning  at  the  time 
of  the  entrance  into  Palestine.  The  Midianites, 
cei"tainly  allied  with  the  Moabites  at  that  time, 
feared  the  Israelites  and  plotted  against  them  (Num. 
xxii.,  xxiii.,  xxiv.,  xxv.);  and  it  is  noticeable  that 
Balaam  was  sent  for  from  Aram  (xxiii.  7),  perhaps 
the  Aram-naharaim  of  the  oppressor.  Habakkuk 
afterwards  alludes  to  the  crossing  of  Jordan  or  the 
Ked  Sea,  or  both,  (ver.  8-10,  15,)  to  the  standing 
still  of  the  sun  and  moon  (11),  and  apparently  to 
the  destruction  of  the  Canaanites  (12,  13,  14). 
There  is  far  less  reason  for  the  supiwsition  that 
Cushan  here  stands  for  an  Asiatic  Cush.     [Chu- 

SHAN-KlSlIATllAni.]  li.  S.  P. 

CU'SHI  C'lt'^lS  :  Xovffi  [\^at.  -«r«] :  Chusi), 
a  name  occurring  more  than  once  in  the  O.  T.  1. 
One  of  the  ancestors  of  Jehudi,  a  man  about  the 
court  of  king  Jehoiakim  (Jer.  xxxvi.  14). 

2.  [Vat.  Alex.  Xouerei.]  Father  of  Zephaniah 
the  Prophet  (Zeph.  i.  1). 

3.  (With  the  article,  ^C-'^SH,  i.  e.  «'  the  Cu  • 
shite,"  «<the  Ethiopian:"  6  Xovffl  [Vat.  Alex. 
-a-ft] :  Chusi),  a  man  apparently  attached  to  Joab's 
person,  but  unknown  and  unaccustomed  to  the  king, 
as  may  be  inferred  from  his  not  being  recognized 
by  the  watchman,  and  also  from  the  abrupt  man- 
ner in  which  he  breaks  his  evil  tidings  to  David, 
unlike  Ahimaaz,  who  was  well  aware  of  the  effect 
they  were  sure  to  produce.  That  Cushi  was  a  for- 
eigner —  as  we  should  infer  from  his  name  —  is  also 
slightly  corroborated  by  his  ignorance  of  the  ground 
in  the  Jordan  valley  —  "  the  w.ay  of  the  '  Ciccar '  " 
—  by  knowing  which  Ahimaaz  was  enabled  to  out- 
nm  him  (2  Sam.  xviii.  21,  22,  23,  31,  32).  Ewald, 
however,  conjectures  that  a  mode  of  nmning  it 
here  referred  to,  peculiar  to  Ahimaaz,  and  by  whick 


partly  or  wholly,  in  fpite  of  their  after  knowledge  rf 
phonetic  characters. 


i 


CUTHAH 

M  WM  reoognize<l  a  long  distance  off  by  the  watch- 
man. 

CU'THAH  or  CUTH  (rn^3,  D^S : 
Xoved  [Vat.  Xovyda,  Alex.  Xoua],  Xoufl  [Alex, 
omits] ;  Joseph.  Xovdos'-  Culha),  one  of  the  coun- 
tries whence  Shalmaneser  introduced  colonists  into 
Samaria  (2  K.  xvii.  24,  30);  these,  intermixing 
with  the  remnant  of  the  ten  trihes,  were  the  pro- 
genitors of  the  Samaritans,  who  were  called  Cu- 
thseans  hy  the  Jews,  and  are  so  described  in  the 
Chaldee  and  'J'ahnud  (oi  Kara  tV  'Efipaiooy 
y\aiTrav  Xou9a7ot,  Kara  Se  Ti]v  'EWrivoov  Sflyua- 
petTOi,  Joseph.  Ani.  ix.  U,  §  3).  The  position  of 
(Juthali  is  undecided ;  Joseph  us  speaks  of  a  river  of 
that  name  in  Persia,  and  fixes  the  residence  of  the 
<  'uthttMis  ui  the  interior  of  I'ersia  and  Media  (Ant. 
ix.  U,  §  3,  X.  t),  §  7).  Two  localities  have  been 
proposed,  each  of  which  corresponds  in  part,  but 
neither  wholly,  with  Jose])hus's  account.  For  the 
one  we  deiiend  on  the  statements  of  Arabian  geog- 
raphers, who  speak  of  a  district  and  town  named  Ku- 
tha,  between  the  Tigris  and  iuiphrates,  after  which 
one  of  the  canals  (the  fourth  in  Xen.  Anab.  i.  7) 
was  named ;  the  town  existed  in  the  time  of  Abul- 
feda,  and  its  site  has  been  identified  with  the  ruins 
of  Towibcih  immediately  adjacent  to  Babylon  (Ains- 
worth's  Assyria,  p.  1G5;  Knobel,  ViilkarUifd,  p. 
252);  the  canal  may  be  the  river  to  which  Jo- 
sephus  refers.  The  other  locality  corresponds  with 
the  statement  that  the  Cuthaeans  came  from  the 
interior  of  Persia  and  Media.  They  have  been 
identified  with  the  Cosssei,  a  warlike  tribe,  who 
occupied  the  mountain  ranges  dividing  those  two 
countries,  and  whose  lawless  habits  made  them  a 
terror  even  to  the  Persian  emperors  (Strab.  xi.  p. 
524,  xvi.  p.  744).  They  were  never  wholly  subdued 
until  Alexander's  expedition;  and  it  therefore  ap- 
pears doubtful  whether  Shalmaneser  could  have 
gained  sufficient  authority  over  them  to  eflfect  the 
removal  of  any  considerable  number;  their  habits 
would  Iiave  made  such  a  step  highly  expedient,  if 
practicable.  The  connection  between  the  Samar- 
itans and  the  Sidonians,  as  stated  in  their  letter  to 
Alexander  the  Great  (Joseph.  Ant.  xi.  8,  §  6,  xii. 
5,  §  5),  and  between  the  Sidonians  and  the  Cuthse- 
Kos  as  expressed  in  the  version  of  the  Chaldee 
Paraphrast  Pseudo-Jonathan  in  Gen.  x.  19,  who 

substitutes  □'^'^3mD  for  PT^,  and  in  the  Tar- 
gum,  1  Chr.  i.  13,  where  a  similar  change  is  made. 
Is  without  doubt  to  he  referred  to  the  traditional 
belief  that  the  original  seat  of  the  Phoenicians  was 
on  the  shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf  (Herod,  i.  1). 

W.  L.  B. 

CUTTING  OFF  FROM  THE  PEOPLE. 

VEXCOM  M  UNICATION.] 

CUTTINGS  [IN  THE  FLESH]  ((1.) 
T^^tt?,  s.  /.,  Vr^X^,  s.  m.,  both  from  IS"1C» 
V3uxtorf),  tantj;  (Gesen.  p.  1395),  cut;  (2.) 
m*T*'2,  from  "TT!!,  inche  (Gesen.  p.  264):  imo- 

u^c^:  incisure;  (3.)  l?!^}?!^?  '•>  from  V'^p,  era- 
frave  (Qesen.  p.  1208):  ypJififiara  ariKTo.  stiff- 
tuita).  The  prohibition  (l«ev.  xix.  28)  against 
marks  or  cuttings  in  the  flesh  for  the  dead  must  be 
taken  in  cionnectioa  with  the  parallel  passages  (I^v. 
od.  5;  Deut.  xiv.  1),  in  which  shaving  the  head 
fith  the  same  view  is  equally  forbidden.  But  it 
tppears  from  Jer.  xvi.  6,  7,  that  some  outward 
nanifestation  of  grief  in  this  way  was  not  wholly 


OUTTINOS  621 

forbiddai,  or  was  at  least  tolerated.  The  ground, 
therefore,  of  the  prohibition  must  be  sought  else- 
where, and  will  Ve  found  in  the  superstitious  or  in* 
human  practices  prevailing  among  heathen  nations 
A  notion  apparently  exi.-ted  that  self-inflicted  bald- 
ness or  mutilation  had  a  propitiatory  efficacy  in 
respect  of  the  manes  of  the  dead,  perhaps  as  repre- 
senting, in  a  modified  degree,  the  solemnity  of 
human  or  animal  sacrifices.  Herodotus  (iv.  71) 
describes  the  Scythian  usage  in  the  case  of  a  de- 
ceased king,  for  whose  obsequies  not  fewer  tlian  six 
human  victims,  besides  ofterings  of  animals  and 
other  effects,  were  considered  necessary.  An  ex- 
treme case  of  funereal  bloodshed  is  represented  on 
the  occasion  of  the  buri:il  of  Patrodus,  when  four 
horses,  two  dogs,  and  twelve  Trojan  captives  are 
offered  up  (//.  xxiii.  171,  17G).  Together  with 
human  or  animal  sacrifices  at  funerals,  and  after 
these  had  gone  out  of  use,  the  minor  propitiatory 
acts  of  self-laceration  and  depilation  continued  in 
use  (//.  xxiii.  141;  Od.  iv.  197;  Virg.  yfc«.  iii.  67, 
with  Senius  ad  foe.  xii.  605;  Eurip.  Ale.  425; 
Seneca,  Jlipjiol.  v.  1176,  1193).  Plutarch  saya 
that  some  bai'barians  mutilate  themselves  (/>e  Con- 
sol,  ad  Apollo n.  p.  113,  vol.  vi.  Keiske).  He  also 
says  that  Solon,  by  the  advice  of  Epimenides,  cur- 
tailed the  Athenian  practice  in  this  respect  {Solon, 
12-21,  vol.  i.  pp.  184,  194).  Cicero  quotes  a  law 
of  the  twelve  tables  to  the  same  effect ;  "  mulieres 
genas  ne  radunto"  (De  Leg.  ii.  23). 

Such  being  the  ancient  heathen  practice  it  is  not 
surprising  that  the  Law  should  forbid  similar  prac- 
tices in  every  case  in  which  they  might  be  used  or 
misconstrued  in  a  propitiatory  sense.     "  Ye  shall 

not  make  cuttings  for  {propter)  the  dead  B7S37 
(I^v.  xix.  28;  Gesen.  p.  731;  Spencer  de  Leg. 
Uebr.  ii.  xix.  404,  405). 

But  the  practice  of  self-mutilation  as  an  act  of 
worship  belonged  also  to  heathen  reUgious  ceremo- 
nies not  funereal.  The  priests  of  Baal,  a  Syrian 
and  also  an  Assyrian  deity,  cut  themselves  with 
knives  to  propitiate  the  god  "  after  their  manner  " 
(1  K.  xviii.  28).  Herodotus  says  the  Carians,  who 
resided  in  Europ)e,'cut  their  foreheads  with  knives 
at  festivals  of  Isis;  in  this  respect  exceeding  the 
Egyptians,  who  beat  themselves  on  these  occasions 
(Herod,  ii.  61).  This  shows  that  the  practice  was 
not  then  at  least  an  Egyptian  one.  Lucian,  speak- 
ing of  the  Syrian  priestly  attendants  of  this  mock 
deity,  says,  that  using  violent  gestures  they  cut 
their  arms  and  tongues  with  swords  (Lucian,  Asi- 
nus,  c.  37,  vol.  ii.  102,  Amst. ;  de  Dea  Syr.  ii.  658. 
681;  comp.  Ez.  viii.  14).  Similar  practices  in  the 
worship  of  Bellona  are  mentioned  by  Lucan  {Phars. 
i.  560),  >  and  alluded  to  by  Jilius  Lampridius 
{Comm.  p.  209),  by  TertuUian  {A/wl.  c.  9),  ajid 
Lactantius  {Div.  Instit.  i.  c.  21,  29,  Paris).  He 
rodotus,  speaking  of  means  used  for  allaying  n 
storm,  uses  the  words  fVTOfxa  voievvrfs,  which 
may  mean  cutting  the  flesh,  but  more  probably 
offering  human  sacrifices  (Herod,  vii.  191,  ii.  119, 
with  Schweighaauser's  note;  see  also  Virg.  ^n.  ii. 
116;  Lucr.  i.  85). 

The  prohibition,  therefore,  is  directed  against 
practices  prevailing  not  among  the  Egyptians  whom 
the  Israelites  were  leaving,  but  among  the  Syrians, 
to  whom  they  were  about  to  become  neighbom 
(Selden,  de  Diis  Syris,  Syn.  ii.  c.  1). 

Practices  of  self-mu illation,  whether  piropitiatorj 
or  simply  funereal,  I.  e.  expressive  of  highly  excited 
feelina,  are  Mientioned  jf  the  modem  Persians  ov 


522  CYAMON 

the  occasion  &/  the  celebration  of  the  death  of  Ho- 
leyn,  at  which  a  man  is  paraded  in  the  character 
of  the  saint,  with  iK)ints  of  lances  thrust  into  his 
flesh.  At  funerals  also  in  general  the  women  tear 
their  hair  and  faces.  The  Circassians  express 
grief  by  tearing  the  flesh  of  their  foreheads,  arms, 
and  breasts.  The  Mexicans  and  Peruvians  offered 
human  sacrifices  both  at  funenils  and  festivals. 
The  Gosi'iyens  of  India,  a  cla.ss  cf  Brahminical 
friars,  endeavor  in  some  cases  to  extort  alms  by 
gashing  their  limbs  with  knives.  Among  the  na- 
tive negro  African  tribes  also  the  practice  appears 
to  prevail  of  ofiering  human  sacrifices  at  the  death 
cf  chiefs  (Chai'din,  Voynt/es,  vi.  482,  ix.  58,  490; 
(Jlearius,  Travvh,  p.  237 ;  I^ne,  Mod.  Egypt,  ii. 
5i»;  Prescott,  J^cx/co,  i.  5-3,  03;  Perw,  i.  86;  M- 
pliinstone,  Hid.  of  Indin,  i.  110;  Strab.  xv.  p.  711 
if.;  Niebidir,  Vnijagi's^W.bi;  Livingstone,  Travels, 
pp.  a  18,  588;  Co/.  Ch.  Chron.'^o.  cxxxi.  179;  Mu- 
ratori,  Anecd.  iv.  99,  100). 

But  there  is  another  usage  contemplated  more 
remotely  by  the  pnthibition,  namely,  that  of  print- 
ing marks  {(TriyfjiaTa)-,  tattooing,  to  indicate  alle- 
giance to  a  tli'ity,  in  tiie  same  manner  as  soldiers 
and  slaves  bore  tattooe<l  marks  to  indicate  allegi- 
ance or  adscription.  This  is  evidently  alluded  to 
in  the  Kevelation  of  St.  John  (xiii.  10,  xix.  20, 
xvii.  5),  ^dpay/jLa  eir\  ttjs  x*'P^*  '''V^  SeJiSs  koI 
firl  rmy  ixerdKuiv,  and,  tliough  in  a  contrary 
direction,  by  ICzekiel  (ix.  4),  by  St."  Paul  (Gal.  vi. 
17),  in  the  lievelation  (vii.  3),  and  jjerhaps  by 
Isaiali  (xhv.  5)  and  Zechariah  (xiii.  0).  Lucian, 
speaking  of  the  priests  of  the  Syrian  deity,  says, 
crrl^ovTai  Trdfres,  ol  ^tv  is  Kapirovs,  ol  Se  ii 
uvx^ycLS,  Kot  avh  roCSe  airavTes  'Aaavpioi  crrty- 
fiaTotpoptovai  i</e  Jha  Stjr.  [c.  59,]  ii.  p.  G84). 
A  tradition,  mentioned  by  Jerome,  was  current 
among  the  Jews,  tli.at  king  Jehoiakim  bore  on  his 
body  marks  of  this  kind  which  were  discovered 
after  his  death  (Spencer,  De  Leg.  Ihbr.  ii.  xx. 
410).  Philo,  quoted  by  Spencer,  describes  the 
marks  of  tattooing  impressed  on  those  who  submit- 
ted to  the  process  in  their  besotted  love  for  idol- 
worship,  as  being  made  by  branding  (a-iS'ftpep  ire- 
rrvpwufVM,  Philo,  de  Afimiti-ch.  i.  819 ;  Spencer,  p. 
416).  The  Arabs,  both  men  and  women,  are  in 
the  habit  of  tattooing  their  faces,  and  other  parts 
of  the  body ;  and  the  members  of  Brahminical  sects 
in  India  are  distinguished  by  marks  on  the  fore- 
head, often  erroneously  supposed  by  Europeans  to 
be  marks  of  caste  (Niebulir,  Descr.  de  VArab.  p. 
58;  Voyfujcst,  i.  242;  Wellsted,  Arabia,  ii.  206, 
445;  Olearius,  Travels,  p.  299;  Elphinstone,  India, 
I.  195).  H.  W.  P. 

CY'AMON  {Kvafi^v'-  Chelmon),  a  place 
named  only  in  Jiid.  vii.  3,  as  lying  in  the  plain 
(,<ih\iv,  A.  \.  "vidley  ")  over  against  {a-Ktvavri) 
Gsdrelom.  If  by  "  Esdrelom  "  we  may  understand 
Jezrcel,  this  description  answers  to  the  situation  of 
the  modern  vill.age  Tell  Kaimon,  on  the  eastern 
ilopes  of  ('amiel,  on  a  conspicuous  position  over- 
looking the  Kishon  and  the  great  plain  (Kob.  iii. 
114;  Van  de  "V'elde,  i.  330).  The  place  was  known 
to  Eusebius  (Kanfjittivd.)  and  Jerome  {Cimnnn), 
ind  is  mentioned  by  them  in  the  Onomasticon. 
rhey  identify  it  with  Camon,  the  burial-pbce  of 
Jair  the  Gileadite.    Robinson  suggests  its  identity 

vith  JOKNKAM.  G. 

*  This  last  remark  may  be  misunderstood.  Dr. 
Robinson  assents  to  the  suggestion  that  Jokneam 
uay  be  TeU,  Kc4mm  (iii.  114);  but  (see  ill.  339, 


CYMBAL 

note)  he  r^rds  Cyamon  (Jud.  vii.  3}  as  tinkncwn, 
unless  it  be  Fulelt,  on  the  east  side  of  the  plain  of 
Esdraelon.  Cyamon  (Kua/iwi/,  and  FuUh  botk 
mean  a  bean  or  7>/«ce  of  beans,  and  so  may  repre 

sent  an  earlier  name  ( 7^2,  7^2)  of  that  significa- 
tion.  Raumer  (PaUistinn,  p.  154)  identifies  Cya- 
mon with  Fuleh.  It  was  the  central  point  of  tlie 
battle  of  Kleber  .igainst  the  Tuiks  in  1799,  in 
which  Bonaparte's  opportune  arrival  from  Akka 
saved  the  French  from  defeat.  II. 

CYMBAL,    CYMBALS     (C^b?^^    or 

G^i^l/'V^))  a  percussive  musical  instrument,  from 

77!?,  to  tinkle  (comp.  his  two  ears  shall  tingk, 

n3_^^!?jn,    1   Sam.   iii.    11,   and   a    fishsp(ar, 

7^7?}  Job  xli.  7);  possibly  so  called  from  its 
tinkling  sound.  The  three  instruments  which  ap- 
pear to  have  been  most  in  common  use  amongst 

the  Hebrews  were  Nebel,    /?5,   Cinnor,   "1123, 

and  Tzilzel,  7!?y^.     Two  kinds  of  cymbals  are 

mentioned  in  Ps.  cl.  5,  VflV^  ^^V^V,  "loud 
cymbals,"  cymbcda  bene  sonantia,  or  casta gnettes, 

and  ny!l"'n  ^b^by,  "high-sounding  cym- 
bals," cymbida  jubilatumis.  The  former  consisted 
of  four  small  plates  of  brass  or  of  some  other  hard 
metal;  two  plates  were  attached  to  each  hand  of 
the  performer,  and  were  smote  together  to  produce 
a  loud  noise.  The  latter  consisted  of  two  larger 
plates,  one  held  in  each  hand,  and  struck  together 
as  an  accompaniment  to  other  instruments.  Asaph, 
Heman,  and  Jeduthun,  the  renowned  conductors 
of  the  music  of  the  sanctuary,  employed  the  "  loud 
cymbals  "  possibly  to  beat  time,  and  to  give  tlie 
signal  to  the  clioir  when  it  was  to  take  jart  in  the 
sacred  chant.  Lewis  says  —  but  he  does  not  sup- 
port his  statement  by  any  authority  —  that  "  thei 
was  allowed  but  one  cymbal  to  be  in  choir  at  once.' 
The  use  of  cymbals  was  not  necessarily  restricted  U 
the  worship  of  the  Temple  or  to  sacred  occasions . 
they  were  employed  for  military  purposes,  as  also 
by  the  Hebrew  women  as  a  musical  accompaniment 
to  their  national  dances.      The  "loud  cymbals" 

are  the  same  with  D^iTl  ri^i  A.  V.  "cymbals," 
performed  on  by  the  band  which  accompanied  Da- 
vid when  he  brought  up  the  ark  of  God  (rem  Kir- 
jath-jearim  (1  Cbr.  xiii.  8). 

Both  kinds  of  cjmb.ds  are  still  common  in  the 
East  in  militiiry  nmsic,  and  Niebuhr  often  refers  to 
them  in  his  travels.  "  11  y  a  chez  les  Orientaux," 
says  Munk,  "deux  esp^ces:  I'une  se  compose  de 
deux  petits  morceaux  de  bois  on  de  fer  creux  et 
ronds  qu'on  tient  entre  les  doigts,  et  qui  sont  con- 
nus  sous  le  nom  de  castagnettes ;  I'autre  est  com- 
posde  de  deux  dcmi-sphires  creust^s  en  m(!!tal." 
Lampe  has  written  a  copious  dissertation  on  ancient 
cymbals,  and  his  work  may  be  consulted  with  ad- 
vantage by  those  who  desire  fuller  information  on 
the  suliject. 

The  cymbals  used  in  modem  orchestras  ard  mil- 
itary bands,  and  which  are  called  in  Italian  piatti, 
are  two  metal  plates  of  the  size  and  shape  of  sau- 
cers, one  of  which  is  fixed,  and  the  other  is  held  by 
the  performer  in  his  left  hand.  These  resembl* 
very  closely  the  "high-sounding  cymbals''  of  old, 
and  they  are  used  in  a  similar  maimer  to  mark  th« 
rhj-thm,  especially  in  music  of  a  loud  and  grarW 


OYPRESS 

jharacter.  They  are  generally  played  by  the  person 
irho  perfoi  lus  on  the  Lirge  side  drum  (also  an  in- 
itrument  of  pure  percussion);  and  whilst  he  holds 
one  cymbal  in  his  left  hand,  he  strikes  it  against 
the  other  which  is  fked  to  the  drum,  his  right  hand 
remaining  free  to  wield  the  drumstick,  as  the  large 
drum  is  oidy  struck  on  one  side,  and  with  one 
Btick.  In  jjractice  the  drum  and  the  cymbals  are 
gtruck  siniultancomly,  and  an  effect  of  percussion 
is  thus  produced  which  powerfully  marks  the 
time. 

The  noun  metzilluih,  HTv^P,  found  in  Zech. 
xiv.  20,  is  regarded  by  some  critics  as  expressive  of 
certain  musical  instruments  known  in  the  age  of 
the  second  Temple,  and  probably  introduced  by  the 
Israelites  on  their  return  from  Babylon.  The  A. 
V.  renders  the  word  "  bells,"  supposing  it  to  be 

derived  from  7  v!?.  The  most  generally  received 
opinion,  however,  is,  that  they  were  concave  pieces 
or  plates  of  brass  which  the  people  of  Palestine  and 
Syria  attached  to  hoi-ses  by  way  of  ornament.  (See 
Mendelssohn's  Preface  to  IJook  of  Psalms ;  Kimchi, 
Comment,  in  loc. ;  l>ewis,  Orirjines  I/ehroem,  Lond. 
172-t,  17G-7;  Forkel,  GeschiclUe  d.  Miisik;  Jahn, 
Archceolof/y,  Amer.  ed.,  cap.  v.  §  96,  2;  Munk, 
Palestine,  p.  456;  Esendier,  Bid.  of  Music,  i. 
112).  D.  W.  M. 

CYPRESS  (nnn,  tirzdh:  iypiofiiKwos, 
Alex.,  Aq.,  and  Theod.:  ilex).  The  Hebrew  word 
is  found  only  in  Is.  xliv.  14,  "  lie  heweth  him  down 
cedars  and  taketh  the  tirzdh  and  the  oak."  We 
are  quite  unable  to  assign  any  definite  rendering  to 
this  word.  Besides  the  cypress,  the  "beech,"  the 
"holm-oak,"  and  the  "fir"  have  been  proposed; 
but  there  is  nothing  in  the  etymology  of  the  He- 
brew name,  or  in  the  passage  where  it  occurs,  to 
guide  us  to  the  tree  intended.  The  word  is  de- 
rived from  a  root  which  means  "  to  be  hard,"  a 
quality  which  obviously  suits  many  kinds  of  trees. 
Celsius  {llierob.  ii.  233)  believes  the  "ilex"  or 
"holm-oak"  is  meant;  but  there  is  no  reliable  evi- 
dence to  show  that  this  tree  is  now  found  in  Pales- 
tine. With  respect  to  the  claims  of  the  cypress 
(Cupressus  sempervirens),  which,  at  present,  at  all 
l^ents,  is  found  cultivated  only  in  the  lower  levels 
f  Syria,  it  must  be  granted  that  they  are  unsup- 
\^orted  by  any  authority.  Van  de  Velde's  cypi-ess 
is  the  Juniperus  excelsi,  which  is  also  the  cypress 
of  Pococke;  but  neither  juniper  nor  cypress,  as  is 
asserted  by  Pococke,  grow  anywhere  near  the  top 
of  Lebanon.  "  The  juniper,"  says  Dr.  Hooker,  "  is 
found  at  the  height  of  7000  feet,  on  Lebanon,  the 
top  of  which  is  10,500  feet  or  so."  The  true  cy- 
press is  a  native  of  the  Taurus.  The  Hebrew  word 
points  to  some  tree  with  a  hard  grain,  and  this  is 
all  that  can  be  positively  said  of  it.  W.  H. 

OYP'RIANS  (Kun-piot:  Cyprii).  Inhabitants 
of  the  island  of  Cyprus  (2  Mace.  iv.  29).  At  the 
time  alluded  to  (that  is  during  the  reign  of  Antio- 
chiw  Epiphanes),  they  were  under  the  dominion  of 
Egypt,  and  were  governed  I7  a  viceroy  who  was 
possessed  of  ample  powers,  and  is  called  in  the  in- 
Kiiptions  (TTpaTriyhs  Kol  vavapxos  ko)  apx^^p^^s 
i  Kari  tV  vTiffov  (comp.  Boeckh,  Corf.  Insc.  No. 
8624).  Crates,  one  of  these  viceroys,  was  left  by 
Sostratus  in  command  of  the  castle,  or  acropolis, 
a  Jerusalem  while  he  was  summoned  before  the 
king.  W.  A.  W. 

*  Barnabas,  who  was  Paul's  associate  in  his  first 
nisaionaiy  "ourney,  was  a  Cyprian  by  birth  (Kutt- 


CYPiius  523 

pios  Ty  yeVei,  Acts  iv.  3G),  for  which  tha  A.  V. 
substitutes  "of  the  country  of  Cj'prus."  Thi«  ori- 
gin of  Barnabas  appears  to  have  been  the  provi- 
dential reason  why  the  first  missionaries  went  to 
the  particular  fields  of  labor  first  visited  by  them 
(Cyprus  and  the  southern  parts  of  Asia  Minor) 
where  Christianity  won  its  earliest  signal  victorien 
among  the  heathen.  H. 

CYTRUS  (KiJjrpos).  This  bland  was  ia 
early  times  in  close  commercial  connection  with 
Phoenicia;  and  there  is  Uttle  dcubt  that  it  is  re 
ferred  to  in  such  passages  of  the  0.  T.  as  Ez.  xxvii 
0.  [CiiiTTi.M.]  Josephus  makes  this  identifica- 
tion in  the  most  express  terms  (Xe'flj/xa  .  .  .  Kv- 
irpos  auTfj  vw  KuKelrat ;  Ant.  i.  6,  §  1 ;  so  Lpi- 
pnan.  Jlcer.  xxx.  25).  Possibly  Jews  may  have 
settled  in  Cyprus  before  the  time  of  Alexander 
Soon  after  his  time  they  were  immerous  in  the 
island,  as  is  distinctly  implied  in  1  JIacc.  xv.  23. 
The  first  notice  of  it  in  the  N.  T.  is  in  Acta  iv. 
36,  where  it  is  mentioned  as  the  native  place  of 
Barnabas.  In  Acts  xi.  1!),  20,  it  appears  pronu- 
nently  in  .connection  with  the  earliest  spreading  of 
Christianity,  first  as  receiving  an  impulse  among  its 
Jewish  population  from  the  jjersecution  which  drove 
the  disciples  from  Jenisalem,  at  the  death  of  Ste- 
phen, and  then  as  furnishing  disciples  who  preached 
the  gospel  tj  Gentiles  at  Antioch.  Thus  when 
Paul  wa.s  sent  with  Barnabas  from  Antioch  on  his 
first  missionary  journey,  Cyprus  was  the  first  scene 
of  their  labors  (Acts  xiii.  4-13).  Again  when 
Paul  and  Barnabas  separated  and  took  different 
routes,  the  latter  went  to  his  native  island,  taking 
with  him  his  relative  Mark,  who  had  also  been 
there  on  the  previous  occasion  (Acts  xv.  39).  An 
other  Christian  of  Cyprus,  Mnason,  cdled  "  an  old 
disciple,"  and  therefore  probably  an  early  convert, 
is  mentioned  Acts  xxi.  16.  The  other  notices  of 
the  island  are  purely  geographical.  On  St.  Paul's 
return  from  the  third  missionary  journey,  they 
"  sighted  "  Cyprus,  and  sailed  to  the  southward  of 
it  on  the  voyage  from  Patara  to  Tyre  (t6.  3).  At 
the  commencement  of  the  voyage  to  Rome,  they 
sailed  to  the  northward  of  it,  on  leaving  Sidon,  in 
order  to  be  under  the  lee  of  the  land  (Acts  xxvii. 
4),  and  also  in  order  to  obtain  the  advantage  of  the 
cun-ent,  which  sets  northerly  along  the  coast  of 
Phoenicia,  and  westerly  with  considerable  force 
along  Cilicia. 

All  the  notices  of  Cyprus  contained  in  ancient 
writers  are  diligently  collected  in  the  great  work  of 
Meursius  (Meui-sii  Opera,  vol.  iii.  Plor.  1744), 
Situated  in  the  extreme  eastern  corner  of  the  I^Ied- 
iterranean,  with  the  range  of  Lebanon  on  the  east, 
and  that  of  Taurus  on  the  nor!/h,  distinctly  visible, 
it  never  became  a  thoroughly  Greek  island.  Its 
religious  rites  were  half  Oriental  [Paphos],  and 
its  political  history  has  almost  always  been  ayto- 
ciated  with  Asia  and  Africa.  Cyprus  was  a  rich 
and  productive  island.  Its  fruits  and  flowers  were 
famous.  The  mountains  also  produced  metali, 
especially  copper.  This  circumstance  gives  us  an 
interesting  link  between  this  island  and  Judaea. 
The  copper  mines  were  at  one  time  farmed  to 
Herod  the  Great  (Joseph.  Ant.  xvi.  4,  §  5),  and 
there  is  a  Cyprian  inscription  (Boeckh,  No.  2628) 
which  seems  to  refer  to  one  of  the  Herods.  The 
history  of  Cyprus  is  briefly  as  follows :  —  After  be- 
ing subject  to  the  Egyptian  king  Araasis  (Herod, 
ii.  182)  it  became  a  part  of  the  Persian  empire  {ib. 
iii.  19,  91),  and  furnished  ships  against  Greece  ir 


524 


CYRAMA 


the  expedition  of  Xerxes  (ib.  vii.  90).  For  a  time 
it  waa  subject  to  Greek  influence,  but  again  be- 
came tributiiry  to  Persia.  After  tlie  battle  of  Issus, 
it  joined  Alexander,  and  after  his  death  fell  to  the 
share  of  I'toiemy.  In  a  desperate  sea-tight  oft" 
Salamis  at  the  east  end  of  Cyprus  (b.  c.  30fil 
the  victory  was  won  by  Demetrius  I'oliorcetes,  — 
but  the  island  was  recovered  by  his  rival,  and  after- 
wards it  reniainetl  in  the  jwwer  of  the  I'toleniies, 
and  was  regarded  as  one  of  their  most  cherished 
possessions.  It  became  a  IJoman  provhice  (u.  c. 
58)   under  circuniistances  discreditable  to  liome. 


Copper  Coin  of  Cyprus,  under  £inp.  Claudius. 
9bv.  ICI.JAVD1VS.  C^S.\[ll].     Head  of  Emp.  to  left. 
Rev.     Eni     KoMINIoY    n[POKA]OY    ANQYIIA 
KYnPIwN. 

At  first  its  administration  was  joined  with  that  of 
CiUcia,  but  after  the  battle  of  Actium  it  was  sej)- 
arately  governed.  In  the  first  division  it  was  made 
an  imperial  province  (Dion  Ca.ss.  liii.  12).  I'rom 
this  passage  and  from  Strabo  (xiv.  G8-3)  it  has  been 
supposed  by  some,  as  by  Baronius,  that  St.  Luke 
used  tlie  word  avdunaros  {proconsul)^  because  the 
island  was  still  connected  with  Cilicia;  by  others, 
as  by  Grotius  and  Hammond,  that  the  evangelist 
employs  the  word  in  a  loose  and  general  manner. 
But,  in  fact,  Dion  Cassius  himself  distinctly  tells 
us  {ib.  and  liv.  4)  that  the  emperor  afterwards 
made  this  island  a  senatorial  province;  so  that  St. 
Luke's  language  is  in  the  strictest  sense  correct. 
Further  confirmation  is  supplied  by  coins  and  in- 
scriptions, which  mention  oihev procomuh  of  Cj-prus 
not  very  remote  from  the  time  of  Skkgius  Paul- 
us.  The  governor  appears  to  have  resided  at  Pa- 
phos  on  the  west  of  the  island.  Under  the  Koman 
empire  a  road  connected  the  two  towns  of  Paphos 
and  Salamis,  as  appears  from  the  Pent.  Table. 
One  of  the  most  remarkable  events  in  this  part  of 
the  history  of  Cyprus  was  a  terrible  insurrection  of 
the  Jews  in  the  reign  of  Trajan,  which  led  to  a 
massacre,  first  of  the  Greek  inhabitants,  and  then 
of  the  insurgents  themselves  (Milman,  Hist,  of  Jews, 
lii.  Ill,  112).  In  the  9th  century  Cj-prus  fell  into 
the  power  of  the  Saracens.  In  the  12th  it  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  Crusaders,  under  our  king  Richard 
I.  Jiaterials  for  the  description  of  Cyprus  are  sup- 
plied by  P.wocke  and  Von  Hanuiier.  But  see  espe- 
cially F.ngel'8  Kypivs,  Berlin,  184-3,  and  lioss's 
Jieisen  nach  Kos,  I/idikrtrnassos,  lihoilos,  u.  der 
Insel  Cypem,  HaUe,  1852.  J.  S.  H. 

♦  CYRA'MA,  1  Esdr.  v.  20,  an  incorrect  form 
in  the  A.  V.  ed.  1611,  and  other  early  editions,  for 

ClHAMA.  A. 

OYRE'NE  (Kvp^vri),  the  principal  city  of  that 
part  of  northern  Africa,  which  was  anciently  called 
CJyrenaica,  and  also  (from  its  five  chief  cities)  Pen- 
topolitana.  ITiis  district  was  that  wide  projecting 
portion  of  the  coast  (corresponding  to  the  modern 
Tripoli),  wliich  was  separated  from  the  territory  of 
Ovthage  on  the  one  hand,  and  thi>t  of  I'^ypt  on 


CYRENE 

the  other.  Its  surface  is  a  table-land  descending 
by  tei races  to  the  sea;  and  it  was  cclebmted  lor  it* 
climate  and  fertility.  It  is  observable  that  the  ex- 
pression used  in  Acts  ii.  10,  "  the  parts  of  Libya 
about  (/toTcf)  Cyrene,"  exactly  corresponds  with  a 
phrase  used  by  Dion  Cassius  {Aifiin/  ij  irepl  Kvpii- 
yr]v,  liii.  12),  and  also  with  the  language  of  Jose- 
phns  {r]  trphs  KupTjvijv  AijSiJrj;  ArU.  xvi.  G,  §  1) 
[Liijya.] 

The  pciints  to  be  noticed  in  reference  to  Cjrene 
as  connected  with  the  N.  T.  are  tl'cse,  —  that, 
though  on  the  African  coast,  it  was  a  Greek  city; 
that  the  Jews  were  settled  there  in  large  numbers; 
and  that  under  the  IkOinans  it  was  politiaiily  eon- 
nected  with  Crete,  from  which  it  is  separated  by  no 
great  space  of  sea.  The  Greek  colonization  of  this 
part  of  Africa  under  Battus  began  as  early  as  n.  c. 
631 ;  and  it  became  celebrated  not  only  for  its  com- 
merce, but  for  its  physicians,  philosophers,  and 
poets.  After  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great,  it 
became  a  dependency  of  Egypt.  It  .s  in  this  pe- 
riod that  we  find  the  Jews  established  there  with 
great  privileges.  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus,  in- 
troduced them,  because  he  thought  they  would  con- 
tribute to  the  security  of  the  place  (Joseph,  c.  Apion. 
ii.  4):  they  became  a  prominent  and  influential 
class  of  the  community  {Ant.  xiv.  7,  §  2);  and 
they  afterwards  received  much  consideration  from 
the  Romans  (xvi.  6,  §  5).  See  1  Jlacc.  xv.  23. 
We  learn  from  Josephus  {I^iJ'e,  76)  that  soon  after 
the  Jewish  war  they  rose  against  the  Roman  power. 
Another  insurrection  in  the  reign  of  Tnijan  led  to 
great  disasters,  and  to  the  begimiing  of  the  decay 
which  was  completed  under  the  Mohammedans. 
It  was  in  the  year  n.  c.  75  that  the  territory  of 
Cyrene  (having  previously  been  left  to  the  Romans 
as  a  legacy  by  Apion,  son  of  Ptolemy  Physcon) 
was  reduced  to  the  form  of  a  province.  On  tiie 
conquest  of  Crete  (b.  c.  67)  the  two  were  united 
in  one  province,  and  together  frequently  called 
Creta-Cyrene.  Under  Constantine  they  were 
again  separated.     [Ckete.] 


Tetradrachm  (Attic  talent)  of  Cyimn. 

Odv.  Sacred  silphium  plant.    Kev.  KYPA.    Head  of 

bearded  Jupiter  Auimon  to  the  right. 

The  notices  above  given  of  the  numbers  and  po- 
sition of  the  Jews  in  Cyrene  (confirmed  by  Philo, 
who  speaks  of  the  difl'usion  of  the  Jews  ottii  too 
Trpbs  Aifivriv  KaraPaB/xov  /xtxP'  tw*'  Spiw;/  A'tdi- 
ojrias,  »dv.  Flacc.  p.  523)  prepare  us  for  the  fre- 
quent mention  of  the  place  in  the  N.  T.  in  connec- 
tion with  Christianity.  Simon,  who  bore  our 
Saviour's  cross  (Matt,  xxvii.  32;  Mark  xv.  21; 
Luke  xxiii.  26),  was  a  native  of  CjTene.  Jewish 
dwellers  in  Cyrenaica  were  in  Jerusalem  at  Pente- 
cost (Acts  ii.  10).  They  even  gave  their  name  to 
one  of  the  synagogues  in  Jerusalem  {ib.  vi.  9). 
Christian  converts  from  CjTene  were  among  those 
w.lio  contiibuted  actively  to  the  formation  of  th« 
first  Gentile  church  at  Antioch  {ib.  xi  20),  and 
among  those  who  are  specially  mentioned  as  labor 


I 


CYRENIAN 

hg  It  Antiocli  when  Barnabas  and  Saul  were  sent 
in  liieir  missionary  journey  is  Lucius  of  Cyrene  (ib. 
kiii.  1),  traditionally  said  to  have  l>een  the  first 
bishop  (if  his  native  district.  Otlier  traditions  con- 
nect Aliuk  with  the  first  establishment  of  Chris- 
tianity in  tills  part  of  Africa. 

The  aiiti<iuities  of  Cyrene  have  been  illustrated 
in  a  series  of  recent  works.  See  Delia  Cella,  Magyiu 
da  TrijMili,  &e.,  Genoa,  1819;  I'acho,  Voyir/e  dans 
la  ManiKiriqiie,  la  Cyreti'iti/ue,  &c.,  Paris,  1827- 
182J ;  Trij^e,  lies  Cyrenenses,  Hafn.  1848 ;  Beechey, 
KxpeilUiin  to  explore  the  north  coast  of  Africa^ 
&c.,  London,  1828;  IJarth,  Waiulerun;jen (lurch das 
Punisvheu.  Ki/remiische  Kiisteidand,  Berlin,  1849; 
Hamilton,  Watideiin^s  in  North  Africa,  lx)ndon, 
185C.  J.  S.  IL 

*  CYRE'NIAN  (Kvp7fvu7os-  Cyrerueus),  Mark 
XV.  21 ;  Luke  xxiii.  20;  Acts  vi.  9,  a  native  or  in- 
habitant of  Cyhexk,  which  see.  The  axljective 
also  occui-8  in  the  original,  2  Slacc.  ii.  23;  Matt, 
rxvii.  32;  Acts  xi.  20,  xiii.  1.  A. 

CYRE'NIUS  (Kvp'fivios-  [Ctjrinus],  Luke  ii. 
2),  the  UteraJ  English  rendering  in  the  A.  V.  of  the 
Greek  name,  which  is  itself  the  Greek  form  of  the 
Roman  name  QuiniNUS  (not  Quirinius;  see  Meyer, 
in  loc;  Suet.  Tiber.  49;  Tac.  Ann.  ii.  30,  iii.  48). 
The  full  name  is  Publius  Sulpicius  Quirinus.  He 
was  consul  A.  u.  C.  742,  a.  c.  12,  and  made  gov- 
ernor of  S^Tia  after  the  banishment  of  Archelaus  in 
A.  D.  G  (Joseph.  Ant.  xvii.  13,  §  5).  He  was  sent 
to  make  an  enrolment  of  property  in  Syria,  and 
made  accordingly,  both  there  and  in  Judaea,  a  cen- 
sus or  kiroypaipi)  (Joseph.  I.  c,  and  xviii.  1,  §  1). 
But  this  census  seems  in  Luke  (ii.  2)  to  be  identi- 
fied with  one  which  took  place  at  the  time  of  the 
birth  of  Clu-ist,  when  Sentius  Saturninus  was  gov- 
ernor of  Syria.  Hence  has  arisen  a  considerable 
difficulty,  which  has  been  variously  solved,  either 
by  supposing  some  corruption  in  the  text  of  St. 
Luke  (a  supposition  which  is  not  countenanced  by 
»ny  external  critical  evidence),  or  by  giving  some 
unusual  sense  to  his  words,  auTTj  t)  a.7roypa<pi]  irpco- 
tt;  iyivero  riyefiovevovTOs  rTis  Guptas  KupTjfi'oi/- 
Many  commentators  and  chronologists,  e.  </.  Peri- 
zonius,  Ussher,  Petavius,  Storr,  Tholuck,  Wieseler, 
would  render  this,  "  was  made  be/ore  Q.  tons  f/ov- 
ernor  of  Syria"  by  a  usage  otherwise  confilied  to 
St.  John  among  the  Evangelists.  But  this  is  very 
improbable,  both  in  itself  and  because  thus  there 
would  have  been  no  adequate  ground  for  inserting 
the  notice. 

An  unexpected  light  has  been  thrown  on  the 
matter  lately,  which  renders  it  only  necessary  to 
^fer  to  sunmiaries  and  criticisms  of  the  various 
.  ypotlieses,  such  as  that  in  Winer,  art.  Quirinius. 
A.  W.  Zumpt,  of  Berlin,  the  nephew  of  the  dis- 
tinguished grammarian,  in  his  Commentntio  de 
Syria  Itoinanoruin  provincia  a  Ceesare  Auf/usto  ad 
T.  Vtspasianum,  has  shown  it  to  be  probable  that 
Quirinus  was  twice  governor  of  Syria.  This  he 
lupports  by  the  following  considerations :  — 

In  9  u.  c.  Sentius  Saturninus  succeeded  M.  Ti- 
Bus  in  tlie  provuioe  of  S3Tia,  and  governed  it  three 
years.  He  was  succeeded  by  T.  Quintilius  Varus 
(Joseph.  AtU.  xvii.  5,  §  2),  who,  as  it  appears,  re- 
mained governor  up  to  the  end  of  4  b  c.  Thence- 
forward we  lose  sigiit  of  him  till  he  is  appointed  to 
Nhe  command  in  Germany,  in  which  he  lost  his  life 
n  A.  1).  7.  We  also  lose  sight  of  the  governors 
if  SjTia  till  the  apiwintment  of  P.  Sulpicius  Qui- 
"inus,  in  .v.  u.  6.     Now  from  the  maxim  acted  on 


CYRENIUS  626 

by  Augustus  (Dion  Cass.  Iii.  23),  thw  none  should 
hold  an  imperial  jjrovince  for  less  ihan  three  Of 
more  than  five  years,  Varus  cannot  have  been  gov- 
ernor of  Syria  during  tlie  twelve  years  from  is.  O. 
6  to  A.  D.  6.  Who  then  were  the  missing  govern- 
ors? One  of  them  has  been  found,  L.  N'olusiua 
Saturninus,  whose  name  occurs  as  "  legatus  Syriae  " 
on  a  coin  of  Antioch,  a.  d.  4  or  5.  But  his  pro- 
consulate will  not  fill  the  whole  time,  and  one  or 
two  governors  must  be  supplied  lietweeu  Varus, 
ending  4  i>.  c,  and  Volusius,  4  or  5  A.  D. 

Just  in  that  interval  falls  the  census,  of  which  U 
is  said  in  Luke  ii.  2,  that  it  irpwrr]  iyevero  riye- 
fjLovfvoyros  tTjs  Svpfay  Kupriviou.  Could  QuiriniM 
have  been  governor  at  any  such  time  ?  From  Jan. 
to  Aug.  K.  c.  12  he  was  consul.  Soon  after  that 
he  triumphed  over  the  Homonadenses  ("  Mox  ex- 
pugnatis  per  Ciliciam  Ilomonadensium  castellis  in- 
signia triumphi  adeptus,"  Tac.  Ann.  iii.  48).  Now 
Zumpt  applies  the  exhaustive  process  to  the  prov- 
inces which  could  by  any  possibility  have  been  un- 
der Quirinus  at  this  time,  and  eliminates  from  th« 
inquiry  Asia  —  Pontus  and  Bithynia  —  and  Gala- 
tia.  Cilifia  only  remains.  But  at  this  time,  as  he 
shows,  that  province  had  been  reduced  by  successive 
diminutions,  had  been  separated  (L)ion  Cass.  Uv.  4) 
from  Cyprus,  and  —  as  is  shown  by  the  history  of 
the  misconduct  of  Piso  soon  afterwards,  who  wa« 
charged  with  having,  as  ex-governor  of  Sjfia,  at- 
tempted "repetere  provinciam  armis"  (Tac.  Ann. 
iii.  12),  because  he  had  attacked  Celenderis,  a  fort  in 
Cilicia  {ib.  ii.  78-80)  —  attached  to  the  province  of 
Syria.  This  Zumpt  also  confirms  by  the  accounts 
in  Tacitus  {Ann.  vi.  41,  xii.  55)  of  the  Clitse,  a 
seditious  tribe  of  Cilicia  Aspera,  who  on  two  occac 
sions  were  repressed  by  troops  sent  by  the  governors 
of  Syria. 

Quirinus  then  appears  to  have  been  governor  of 
Sjria  at  some  time  during  this  interval.  But  at 
what  time  f  We  find  him  in  the  I'^st  (Tac.  Ann. 
iii.  48),  as  dattis  rector  C.  Ccesari  Armeniam  obtU 
nenti ;  and  this  cannot  have  been  during  his  well- 
known  governorship  of  Syria,  which  began  in  A.  D. 
G ;  for  Caius  Csesar  died  in  A.  i>.  4.  Zumpt,  by 
arguments  too  long  to  be  reproduced  here,  but  very 
strikuig  and  satisfactory,  fixes  the  time  of  his  first 
governorship  at  from  b.  c.  4  to  B.  c.  1,  when  he 
was  succeeded  by  M.  I>ollius. 

It  is  true  this  does  not  quite  remove  our  diffi- 
culty. But  it  brings  it  within  such  naiTOW  limits, 
that  any  slight  error  in  calculation,  or  even  the  lat- 
itude allowed  by  the  words  irpdri}  iyivtro,  might 
well  cover  it. 

In  the  passage  of  Tacitus  referred  to  more  than 
once  {Ann.  iii.  48),  we  learn  that  in  A.  D.  21,  Til)*- 
rius  asked  of  the  Senate  the  honor  of  a  public 
funeral  for  Quirinus.  The  historian  desciilet, 
however,  his  memory  as  not  being  popular  toi 
other  reasons  (see  Ann.  iii.  22),  and  because  of 
his  "sordida  et  prajpotens  senectus.'' 

For  the  controversy  respecting  the  census  under 
Quirinus,  as  it  stood  before  Zumit's  discovery, 
see  Winer,  ut  supra ;  Greswell,  vol.  i.  iJissertation 
xii.;  Browne's  Ordo  Sceclorum,  Appendix,  ii.  40 
flP. ;  and  Wieseler,  Chronologische  Synoj)se  der  vif 
Evanoelien,  p.  109  ff.  II.  A. 

*  V''as  Cyrenius  or  Quirinius  —  not  Quirinus,  aa 
many  call  him  —  governor  or  legatua  Auyusti  pro 
prcBtore  in  SjTia  more  than  once?  A.  W.  Zumpt, 
in  his  Comment,  epiyraph.  ii.  71-150  (Berlin,  ]8o4) 
has  maintained  this,  and  his  conclusions  have  been 
accepted  by  many.     Quirinius,  consul  in  the  jeai 


526  CYRIA 

12  B.  o.  ==7i2  V.  c,  arid  afterwards  at  the  head 
of  an  army  in  Africa,  —  perhaps  as  proconsul  of  tlie 
province  of  Africa  in  7  ii.  c.  =  747  u.  c.  (comp. 
Floras,  iv.  12)  — apjiears  in  the  ICast  sometime  be- 
tween 2  n.  c.  =  752  u.  q.,  and  2  a.  d.  Here  he 
won  a  triumph  over  a  i)eople  in  Cilicia  Trachea, 
was  appointe<l  "rector"  of  C.  Caesar,  when  he  was 
sent  to  Armenia,  and  visited  'I'iberius  during  his 
stay  at  J{hodes  (Tac.  Ann.  iii.  48;  comp.  Strabo, 
Kii.  p.  854  a.).  C.  Ca;sar  went  to  the  East  late  in  2, 
or  early  in  1  h.  c,  and  Tiberius  returned  to  Koine 
iu  2  A.  D.  As  Quirinius  needed  an  army  in  Cili- 
ci:i,  he  must  have  beeji  a  jjovenior  of  a  province,  or 
a  legate  of  the  emperor's  legate.  Zumpt  shows 
tliat  probably  at  this  time  Cilicia,  although  jwp- 
uLirly  called  a  province,  was  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  legate  in  S}Tia,  who  had  vvith  him  a  Lirge 
army,  while  the  otlier  provincial  governors  around 
Cilicia  had  no  army.  With  Syria,  then,  Quirinius 
is  at  this  time  brought  into  connection,  and,  as 
Zumpt  endeavors  to  make  out  on  probable  grounds, 
In  the  capiicity  of  governor  of  that  province.  This 
could  have  hapjiened  only  after  the  departure  of 
Quintilius  Vanis  from  his  Syrian  admuiistration. 
Varus  followed  C.  Sentius  Satuminus,  is  known  by 
coins  to  have  been  governor  in  748-750  u.  c.  =  6- 
4  B.  c,  and  left  his  post  after  the  death  of  Herod 
the  Great  in  4  n.  c.  (lac.  Jlist.  v.  9 ;  Joseph.  Ant. 
xvii.  10).  It  happens  tliat  there  is  here  a  gap  in 
our  list  of  governors  of  Syria  until  4  a.  d.,  wlien 
L.  Volusiiis  Satuminus,  as  appears  from  coins,  held 
the  office.  (Quirinius  is  assigned  by  Zumpt  on 
probable  grounds  to  the  earlier  part  of  this  inter- 
val —  to  the  years  between  4  and  1  b.  c. 

It  is  then  far  from  being  improbable  that  this 
Koman  filled  the  office  of  governor  of  SjTia  twice  — 
once  at  this  time,  and  once  from  C  a.  d.  onward, 
in  the  times  of  the  "  taxing  "  mentioned  Acts  v. 
87.  The  aTroypa<fyf]  in  Luke  ii.  2  might  thus  be 
called  "  (hejirsl "  in  opposition  to  the  secoiul  or 
more  noted  one,  which  Luke  had  in  his  mind  with- 
out mentioning  it.  It  may  be  added  that  a  I>atin 
inscription  speaks  of  some  one  as  twice  governor 
of  Syria  mider  Augustus.  The  name  is  lost. 
Mommsen  refers  it  to  our  (Juirinius,  Zumpt  to  Sen- 
ilis Satuminus,  his  second  predecessor.  Ikit  these 
sombinations  fail  to  remove  the  difficulties  which 
Luke  ii.  1-2  presents  to  us:  they  rather  bring 
Matthew  and  Luke  into  irreconcilable  variance.  For 
our  Lord  was  bom  some  time  before  Herod's  death, 
and  Quirinius  cannot  have  commanded  in  SjTia 
until  some  months  after  Herod's  death. 

Something,  however,  is  gained  from  the  known 
6ict  that  (Quirinius  was  in  the  East  and  in  active  ser- 
vice alx)ut  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  birth.  'Hytfidy 
(rf  S^Tia  he  could  not,  it  is  certain,  then  have  been. 
But  if  employed  there  as  a  special  commissioner,  he 
may  well  at  that  time  have  subdued  the  mountain- 
eers of  Cilicia,  and  superintended  the  census  in 
Sj-iia.  I'opulaily  he  might  be  called  rjyefxiii/, 
while  acting  in  such  a  capacity;  but  the  aTroyparpi) 
itself  was  not  like  the  one  which  the  same  C^uir- 
Inius  —  sent  there,  we  may  suppose,  on  account  of 
his  previous  experience  —  undertook  in  6  A.  d., 
which  was  a  valuation  of  property  in  Juda?a  with  a 
riew  to  the  taxation  of  the  Jews,  now  no  longer 
•ader  a  king ;  while  the  prior  one  could  not  have 
gone  beyond  a  numbering  of  the  population. 

T.  D.  W. 
•CYRIA  {Kvpla'  rf-Mnina ),  supposed  by  some 
10  he  a  proper  name  (2  John,  ver.  1).     See  John, 
Sboond  asm  Third  Epistles  «>k.  H. 


CYRUS 

CYTIUS  (CJnS,  or  ttJl'lS,  1.  e.  C^eAi  RJ 
pos;  probably  from  the  root  contained  in  the  Ten 
kohi;  the  sun;  Sans.  sCira:  so  I'lut.  Avtnx.  c.  1 
cf.  Gesen.  Thes.  s.  v.),  the  founder  of  ihe  Persia! 
empire  (cf.  Dan.  vi.  28,  x.  1,  13;  2  Chr.  xxxvi.  22, 
23),  was,  according  to  the  conmion  legend  (Herod 
i.  107 ;  Xen.  Cyrop.  i.  2,  1 ),  the  son  of  Mandane, 
the  daughter  of  Asty:iges,  the  last  king  of  iMedia, 
and  Cambyses,  a  Persian  of  the  royal  family  of  the 
Achaemenidse."  In  consequence  of  a  dream,  As- 
tyages,  it  is  said,  designed  tiie  death  of  his  infant 
grandson,  but  the  child  was  spared  by  those  whom 
he  charged  with  the  connnission  of  the  crime 
(Herod,  i.  109  ft'.),  and  Cyrus  grew  up  in  obscurity 
under  the  name  of  A  gradates  (Strab.  xv.  p.  729). 
His  real  parentage  was  discovered  by  the  im])eriou8 
spirit  which  he  displayed  while  yet  a  lK)y  (Hei-od. 
i.  114),  and  when  he  grew  up  to  manhood  his  cour- 
age and  genius  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  Per- 
sians. The  tjTanny  of  Astyages  had  at  that  time 
ahenated  a  large  faction  of  the  Medes,  and  Cyrus 
headed  a  revolt  which  ended  in  the  defeat  and  cap- 
ture of  the  Median  king  u.  c.  559,  near  Pasargada 
{Miiryh-Aub,  Strab.  xv.  p.  730).  After  consolidat- 
ing the  empire  which  he  thus  gained,  Cjtus  entered 
on  that  career  of  conquest  which  has  made  him  the 
hero  of  tlie  l':ast.  In  n.  c.  540  (?)  he  defeated 
Croesas,  and  the  kingdom  of  Lydia  was  the  prize 
of  his  success.  AVliile  his  general  Harpagus  was 
engaged  in  completing  the  reduction  of  Asia  Minor, 
Cyms  turned  his  arms  against  the  Babylonians. 
Babylon  fell  before  his  amiy,  and  the  ancient  do- 
minions of  Assyria  were  added  to  his  empire  (n.  c. 
538).  The  conquest  of  Babylon  opened  the  way 
for  greater  designs.  It  is  prol)al)le  that  Cyrus 
planned  an  invasion  of  ICgypt;  and  there  are  traces 
of  campaigns  in  Central  Asia,  in  which  he  ai)pears 
to  have  attempted  to  extend  his  power  to  Ihe  Indus 
(Ctes.  Vers.  cc.  5  ff.).  Afterwards  he  attacked  the 
JIassagetae,  and  according  to  Herodotus  (i.  214;  cf. 
.Joseph.  Ant.  xi.  2,  ] )  he  fell  in  a  battle  against 
them  iJ.  c.  523  (Clinton,  F.  If.  ii.  301  K.).'  His 
tomb  is  still  shown  at  Pasargadae  (Ait.  Kxp.  Al. 
vi.  29),  tlie  scene  of  his  first  decisive  victory  (Kaw- 
linson,  Herod,  i.  351). 

It  is  imjwssible  to  insist  upon  the  details  of  the 
outline  thus  sketched.  In  the  time  of  Herodotus 
Cyrus  was  already  reganled  as  the  national  hero  of 
Persia,  and  his  history  had  received  various  popular 
embeUishments  (Herod,  i.  95;  cf  iii.  18,  160; 
Xen.  Cyio]).  i.  2,  1).  In  the  next  century  Xeno- 
phon  chose  him  as  the  hero  of  his  romance,  and 
fact  and  fiction  became  thenceforth  hopelessly  con- 
fuse<l  in  classical  writers.  But  in  the  absence  of 
authentic  details  of  his  actions,  the  empire  which 
he  left  is  the  best  record  of  his  power  and  plans. 
Like  an  oriental  Alexander  he  aimed  at  tmiversal 
donunion;  and  the  influence  of  Persia,  like  that  of 
Greece,  survived  the  dynasty  froni  which  it  sprung. 
In  every  aspect  the  reign  of  Cyrus  marks  an  epoch 
in  universal  history,  'i'he  fall  of  Sardis  and  Baby^ 
Ion  was  the  starting-point  of  luirojjean  life;  and  it 
is  a  singular  coincidence  that  the  beginning  of 
Grecian  art  and  philasophy,  arul  the  foimdation  of 
the  Roman  constitution  synchronize  with  the  tri- 
umph of  the  Aryan  race  in  the  East  (cf.  Kiehuhr 
Getch.  Ass.  p.  232). 


a  In  an  insciiption  he  i«  described  as  "Son  of  Cam 
byses,  the  powerful  king  "  (Col.  KawUnaon,  on  Hero* 
i.  107). 


CYKUS 

But  while  the  jiosition  which  P.^tus  occupied 
irith  regard  to  the  nations  of  the  world  is  strikingly 
rignificant,  the  jjersoiial  relations  to  (lod"s  people, 
with  which  he  is  invested  in  the  Scriptures,  are  full 
of  a  more  [)cculiar  interest." 

Hitherto  tlie  great  kings,  with  whom  the  Jews 
had  been  brought  into  contact,  had  been  oikmi  op- 
pressors or  seductive  allies;  but  Cyrus  was  a  gen- 
erous Uberator  and  a  just  guardian  of  their  rights. 
An  inspired  pi-ophet  (Is.  xliv.  28)  recognized  in  him 
"a  shepherd"  of  the  Lord,  an  "anointed"  king 

(Is.  xlv.  1;  n^trip,  Messiah:  rw  xP'CT'?  M""" 
Christo  meo) ;  and  the  title  seemed  to  later  writers 
to  invest  him  with  the  dignity  of  beuig  in  some 
sense  a  type  of  Christ  himself  (Ilieron.  Comni.  in 
Is.  xlv.  1).  His  successes  are  connected  in  the 
prophecy  with  their  religious  issue;  and  if  that  ap- 
pear to  be  a  partial  view  of  history  which  represents 
the  restoration  of  a  poor  remnant  of  captive  Israel- 
ites to  their  own  land  as  the  final  cause  of  his  vic- 
tories (Is.  xliv.  28-xIv.  4),  it  may  be  answered  that 


CYRUS  627 

the  permanent  efTects  which  Persia  has  wrought 
upon  the  world  can  be  better  traced  through  th« 
Jewish  i)eoplc  than  through  any  other  channeL 
The  laws,  the  literature,  the  religion,  the  very  ruina 
of  the  material  grandeur  of  Persia  have  passed 
away;  and  still  it  is  ix)ssil)le  to  distinguish  the  ef- 
fects which  they  produced  in  preparing  the  Jews 
for  the  fulfillment  of  their  last  mission.  In  this 
respect  also  the  parallel,  which  has  been  already 
hinted,  holds  good.  Cyrus  stands  out  clearly  as 
the  representative  of  the  Last,  as  Alexander  after- 
wards of  the  West.  The  one  led  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  idea  of  order,  and  the  other  to  that  of 
independence.  Ecclesiastically  the  first  crisis  was 
signalized  by  the  consolidation  of  a  Church;  the 
second  by  the  distinction  of  sects.  The  one  found 
its  outward  embodiment  in  "  the  great  Syna- 
gogue;" the  other  hi  the  dynasty  of  the  Asmo- 
naeans. 

The  edict  of  Cjtus  for  the  rebuilding  of  the 
Temple  (2  Chr.  xxxvi.  22-23 ;  l>.r.  i.  1-4,  iii.  7, 
iv.  3,  V.  13,  17,  vi.  3)  was  in  fact  the  beginning 


Tomb  of  Cyms  at  Mursk-AiU>,  the  ancient  Pasargadae. 


of  Jtidaism ;  and  the  great  changes  by  which  the 
nation  was  transformed  into  a  church  are  clearly 
marked. 

1.  The  lesson  of  the  kingdom  was  completed  by 
the  Captivity.  The  sway  of  a  temporal  prince  was 
at  length  felt  to  be  at  best  only  a  faint  image  of 
that  Messianic  kingdom  to  which  the  prophets 
pointed.  The  royal  power  had  led  to  apostasy  in 
Israel,  and  to  idolatry  in  Judah;  and  men  looked 
for  some  other  outward  form  in  which  the  law 
might  be  visibly  realized.  Dependence  on  Persia 
excluded  the  hope  of  absolute  political  freedom  and 
offered  a  sure  guarantee  for  the  liberty  of  rehgious 
'•/Ionization. 

2.  The  Captivity  which  was  the  punishment  of 
Idolatry  was  also  the  limit  of  that  sin.  Thence- 
brth  the  Jews  apprehended  fully  the  spiritual  na- 


o  It  8«ems  unnecessary  to  enter  into  the  question 
cf  the  identity  of  the  Cyrus  of  Scripture  and  profane 
hktory,  tliough  tlie  opinion  of  tiie  Duke  of  Manches- 
Iw  that  Che  Cyrus  of  Herodotus  is  the  Nebuchadnez- 


ture  of  theu:  faith,  and  held  it  fast  through  per- 
secution. At  the  same  time  wider  views  were 
opened  to  them  of  the  unseen  world.  The  powers 
of  good  and  evil  were  recognized  in  their  action  in 
the  material  world,  and  in  this  way  some  prepara  • 
tion  was  made  for  the  crowning  doctrine  of  Chris- 
tianity. 

3.  The  organization  of  the  outw.ard  Church  wa« 
connected  with  the  purifying  of  doctrine,  and 
served  as  the  form  in  which  the  truth  might  h« 
realized  by  the  mass.  Prayer  —  public  and  privato 
—  assumed  a  new  importance.  The  prophetic  work 
came  to  an  end.  The  Scriptures  were  collected 
The  "  law  was  fenced  "  by  an  oral  tradition.  Syn 
agogues  were  erected,  and  schools  formed.  Scribes 
shared  th?  respect  of  priests,  if  they  did  not  super- 
sede them  m  popular  regard. 


zar  of  the  Bible  has  found  advocates  in  OermMty 
,;Pres8ei,  s.  v.  Cyrus  in  Herzog's  Encyklop.).  It  i» 
impossible  that  the  great  conqueror  of  Isaiah  can  b* 
merely  a  satrap  of  Xerxes. 


628  DABAREH 

4.  Alwvc  all,  the  bond  by  which  "  the  people 
»f  Go<l "  was  held  together  was  at  length  felt  to 
be  rclij;ious  and  not  local,  nor  even  primarily  na- 
tional. The  Jews  were  incorporated  in  dirterent 
nations,  and  still  l(X)ked  to  JerusiUeui  as  the  centre 
of  their  faith.  The  boundaries  of  Canaan  were 
passal ;  and  the  beginnings  of  a  Spiritual  dispen- 
«ation  were  alrcatly  matle  when  the  "  Dispersion  " 
was  established  among  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth 
vConip.  Niebuhr's  Gesvli.  Assurt  unci  Babels,  p.  224 
ff.;  Kwald,  Uegcli.  d.  Vvlkea  Israel,  iv.  CO  ft'.; 
Jest,  (Jesc/i.  d.  Judenthums,  i.  13  If.).  [DisrKU- 
810N  OF  TiiK  Jews.]  B.  F.  W. 


D. 

DAB'AREH  i^'7^'^  [pasture']  :  Atfifid ; 
Alex.  £i(^pa6-  Dabereth),  Josh.  xxi.  28.  This 
name  is  incorrectly  spelt  in  the  A.  V.,  and  should 
be  DAitKiiATii;  which  see. 

*  The  A.  V.  inherits  tiie  orthography  from  the 
older  Knglisli  versions.  The  pronunciation  of  the 
word  without  Metlieg,  as  usually  read  in  1  Chr.  vi. 
67  (A.  V.  72),  would  be  JJwvalh.  H. 

DABBA'SHETH  (nr3-|T:  Baiddpafia: 
Alex.  Aa$affdai-  Uebbasetli),  a  town  on  the  boun- 
dary of  Zebuluu  (Josh.  xbc.  11  only). 

*  The  name  is  properly  Dabbesheth  (jlt^  ^?)) 
the  vowel  being  changed  as  above  by  the  pause.  It 
signifies  a  hump  (Gesen.,  Fiirst)  as  of  a  camel 
(comp.  Is.  XXX.  G),  and  points  therefore  to  a  hill  or 
town  on  a  hill.  Joseplius  says  that  Gamala  was  so 
called  for  a  similar  reason  (Z?.  J.  iv.  1,  §  i ).  Hence 
Knobel  {./vsua,  p.  4.58)  conjectures  among  other 
possibilities  that  Dabbasheth  may  be  the  present 
Jebatha,  on  one  of  the  hills  which  skirt  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon  (Kob.  Blbl.  Res.  ii.  344,  2d  ed.)  be- 
tween Mejeidel  and  Kaimuu.  But  the  position 
alone,  without  an  affinity  in  the  names,  would  not 
bear  out  that  conclusion.  H. 

DAB'ERATH  (with  the  article  in  Josh, 
"T^S^n  [the  pasture,  fem.  of  "l?"^,  Fiirst] ; 
6oi8(pcie  [Vat.  -3€t-];  Alex.  AajSpaO;  in  (Hir.  by 
louble  copying,  tV  AejSspl  [\'at.  -pd]  koX  t^v 
Ao/Scup:  hnbereth),  a  town  on  the  boundary  of 
Zebulun  (Josh.  xix.  12)  named  as  next  to  Chisloth- 
Tabor.  In  the  list  of  I^evitical  cities,  however,  in 
1  Chr.  vi.  72,  and  in  Josh.  xxi.  28  (where  the  name 
tn  the  original  is  the  same,  though  in  the  A.  V. 
w  Dabareh  "),  it  is  statetl  as  belonging  to  Issachar. 
[Dabahkh.]  It  is  no  doubt  the  Dabaritta  (Aa- 
dapirrwv  kwhi})  mentionetl  l)y  .losephus  (B.  ./.  ii. 
21,  §  3).  Under  the  name  of  I>ebtiritli  it  still  lies 
tt  the  western  foot  of  Tabor  ([Hob.  Bibl.  Jies.]  ii. 
i50).  A  tradition  mentioned  by  Van  de  Velde  (ii. 
J74)  makes  this  the  scene  of  the  miracle  on  the 
lunatic  child  perfonned  by  our  Lord  after  his  de- 
icent  from  tlie  Mount  of  Transfiguration  (Matt 
xvii.  14).  But  this  event  probably  took  place  far 
iway."  G. 

*  For  the  scene  of  the  Transfiguration,  see 
IIermun  and  Tabou.     Daberath  could  belong  to 


a  •  Thomson  thinks  timt  DrbUrieh  or  Debarieh  may 
(wrpetuate  the  name  of  the  heroine  Deborah  (Lnnri 
'vmt  Book.  il.  150) ;  but  the  site  of  Daberath  and  of 
DebUrieh  being  so  eviilently  the  same,  it  is  most  nat- 
tral  to  retpinl  them  as  forms  of  the  same  name.     "  I 


DAGON 

Issachar  and  yet  be  on  the  border  of  Zebnlun,  b^ 
cause  the  two  tribes  had  a  conterminous  boundary 
Deburieh  lies  in  the  way  of  the  traveller  in  going 
from  Nawireth  to  Tabor.  IJke  other  Galilean  vil- 
lages, it  illustrates  still  ancient  Scripture  customs. 
The  writer,  passing  there,  obsen-ed  booths  made  of 
the  branches  of  trees  on  the  roofs  of  some  of  the 
houses,  occupied  as  an  apartment  of  the  house.  Al- 
lusion is  made  to  dwelling  on  th(  house-top  in  some 
such  way  as  this  in  Frov.  xxi.  9.  In  this  place,  says 
Mr.  Bartlett  {Fcotgteps  of  our  Lord  and  his  Apos- 
tles, p.  199,  3d  e<l.\  "  we  established  our  bivouac  .*»t 
night-fall  upon  the  roof  of  a  house,  amidst  hoa^ 
of  com  just  gathered  from  the  surrounding  plain." 
It  is  a  custom  that  reaches  back  to  the  age  of  the 
Canaanites.  Kahab  who  dwelt  at  Jericho  took  the 
two  Hebrew  spies  and  "  brought  them  up  to  thr 
roof  of  the  house  and  hid  them  with  the  stalks  of 
the  flax  which  she  had  laid  in  order  ujwn  the  roof ' 
(Josh.  ii.  6).  The  flat  roof  furnishes  a  convenient 
place  for  storing  such  products,  because,  exposed 
there  to  the  sun,  tbey  ripen  or  become  dry  more 
speedily,  and  are  also  more  secure  from  pillage. 
[House.]  One  of  the  remoter  branches  of  the 
Kishon  has  its  source  near  Deburieh  (Kob.  Phys. 
Geof/r.  p.  188).  II. 

DATBRIA,  one  of  the  five  swift  scribes  whc 
recorded  the  visions  of  Esdras  (2  Esdr.  xiv.  24 
comp.  37,  42). 

DACOTBI  (AuKovP;  Alex.  AaKov$i;  [Aid. 
AuKofii'-]  Acnibn),  1  Esdr.  v.  28.     [Akkub.] 

DADDE'US,  or  SADDE'US  (1  Esdr.  viii. 
45,  46),  a  name  which  answers  to  the  Greek  Ao5- 
SaTor  [Vat.  AooSujoy,  AoSaios],  or  AoASaloi 
[Alex.;  Aid.  AaSSaloy,  Ao55o?os:  ZW(/e«sJ,  which 
is  itself  a  corrujjtion  of  Iddo  (Ezr.  viil.  17),  aris- 
ing out  of  the  preceding  word  v^,    [Iddo.] 

B.  F.  W. 

*  DAGGER.     [Arms,  I.  1.] 

DA'GON  iS^y^,  Adyuv,  a  diminutive  of  i^, 
afsh,  used  in  a  sense  of  endearment:  cf.  Gesen. 
Thes.  8.  v.),  apparently  the  masculine  (1  Sam.  v. 
3,  4;  Sanchon.  p.  28;  Movers,  Plioniz.  i.  144)  cor- 
relative of  Atargatis  [Ataisgatis],  was  the  na- 
tional god  of  the  Philistines.  'Jlie  most  famous 
temples  of  Dagon  were  at  Gaza  (Judg.  xvi.  21-30) 
and  Ashdod  (1  Sam.  v.  5,  C;  1  Chr.  x.  10).  The 
latter  temple  was  destroyed  by  Jonathan  in  the 
Maccabffian  wars  (1  Mace.  x.  83,  84,  xi.  4;  Joseph. 
Ant.  xiii.  4,  §  5).  Traces  of  the  worship  of  Da- 
gon likewise  appear  in  the  names  Caphar-Dagon 
(near  Jamnia),and  Beth- 
Dagon  in  Judah  (Josh. 
XV.  41)  and  Asher  (Josh 
xix.  27).  [15i:tii-Da 
GOX.]  Dagon  was  rej)- 
resented  with  the  face 
and  hands  of  a  man  and 
the  tail  of  a  fish  (1 
Sam.  V.  4). 

In    the     Babylorian 

mythology     the     name 

f.Tll^J^!**"**'  Dagon,  Odakon  {'CiU- 

Kiev),  is    applied   to  a 


Fish-god. 
bad. 


(Layard.) 


see  no  reason,"  says  Dr.  Van  Dyck,  one  of  the  tran» 
lators  of  thu  modem  Anbic  Bible,  "  against  ronsicker 
ing  Dtbtirifh  =  Daberath,  in  point  of  etymQlogy  at 
well  as  position." 


DAISAN 

fiBh-like   being   who   "rose  from  the  waters   of 
khe  Ked  Sea  (Berosus,  in  Niebuhr,   Gesch.  As- 


From  Nimroud.     (Layard.) 

iMcs,  p.  477)  as  one  of  the  great  benefactors  of 
men."  Niebuhr  appears  to  identify  this  being  with 
the  Phoenician  god,  but  IJawlinson  {Herodotus,  i. 
523  ff.)  regards  them  as  wlioll}'  distinct.  It  may 
have  been  from  a  confusion  witli  the  Babylonian 
deity  that  the  Phoenician  Dagon  has  been  comp.ired 
with  Zeus  apSrotos,  the  author  of  agriculture 
(Philo  Bybl.  ap.  Euseb.  Prwj).  Kv.  i.  10 ;  Sanchon. 

p.  32),  as  if  the  name  were  connected  with  'J^'iJ, 
com  (SiTcijj',  Philo). 

The  fish-like  form  was  a  natural  emblem  of  fruit 
fulness,  and  as  such  was  likely  to  be  adopted  by 
leafaring  tribes  in  the  representation  of  their  gods. 


Fish -god  on  gems  in  British  Museum.     (Layard.) 

Various  kinds  of  fish  were,  as  is  v-ell  known,  objects 
of  gener.il  worship  among  the  l'4;yptians  (Herod,  ii. 
7-2;  Strab.  xvii.  812).  B.  F.  W. 

DAI'SAN  [2  syl.]  (Aoio-ov;  Alex.  Aeo-o*-: 
Detanon),  1  Esdr.  v.  31.  Kkzin;  by  the  com- 
monly repeated  change  of  11,  "^,  to  D,  ^. 

DALA'IAH  [3  syLJ  (n;b"7  [Jehwah  ddiv- 
34 


DAMARIS  i)29 

ers]:  AoAaota!  [Alex.  AoAoia:]  Dalaa).  The 
sixth  son  of  l^hoenai,  a  descendant  of  tho  ropl 
family  of  Judah  (1  Chr.  in.  24). 

DALMANU'THA  {:^a\navovBi.).  In  Matt 
XV.  39  it  is  said  that  Jesus  "  came  into  the  l>orders 
of  Magdala,"  while  in  Mark  viii.  10  we  reatl  that 
he  "came  into  the  regions  (eij  to  ^eprj)  of  Dal- 
manutha."  From  this  we  may  conchide  that  Dal- 
manutha  was  a  town  on  the  west  side  of  the  Sea 
of  Galilee,  near  Magdala.  The  latter  stood  close 
upon  the  shore,  at  the  southern  end  of  the  little 
plain  of  Gennesaret.  [Magdala.]  Immediately 
south  of  it  a  precipitous  bill  juts  out  into  the  sea. 
Beyond  this,  about  a  mile  from  Magdala,  a  narrow 
glen  breaks  down  from  the  west.  At  its  mouth 
are  some  cultivated  fields  and  gardens,  amid  wiiich, 
just  by  the  beach,  are  sevenil  copious  fountains, 
rurrounded  by  heavy  ancient  walls,  and  the  ruins 
of  a  village.  The  place  is  called  Wm-cl-liaiideli, 
"the  cold  Fountain."  Here  in  all  prolial)i!ity  is 
the  site  of  the  long  lost  Dahnanutlia.      J.  L.  P. 

»  Mr.  Tristram  {Land  of  hmel,  p.  429,  2d 
ed.)  would  also  identify  Dahnanutlia  with  'Ain-tt- 
Bdridth.  '  Ur.  Thomson  {Jjmd  and  Book,  ii.  GO) 
slightly  favors  the  idea  that  Uahnanutlia  may  be 
the  present  Dulhamin  or  Ihilmainlt  on  the  .lavmuk 
which  flows  into  the  Jordan  a  little  south  of  the 
like  of  Galilee.  But  the  manifest  parallelism  be- 
tween Mark  viii.  10  and  JIatt.  xv.  39  (where  there 
can  be  no  doubt  about  the  position  of  Magdala)  re- 
quires that  it  should  be  found  on  the  west  side  of 
the  lake  and  not  on  the  e:ist.  It  may  be  that 
Mark,  with  his  characteristic  i)recision  (Westcott, 
Introduction  to  the  tittuhj  of  the  Gonjielg,  p.  3GG, 
Amer.  ed.),  mentions  the  moie  e.xact  place,  and 
Matthew  the  one  near  which  tlie  Saviour  disem- 
barked. The  two  points  on  the  co.tst  are  so  near 
each  other  that  it  would  be  perfectly  natural  for 
the  M-riters  to  adopt  this  twofold  designation. 
Whether  the  Evangelists  agree  or  differ  in  cases 
like  this  the  critics  of  Baur's  school  find  fault  with 
them;  if  they  agree  they  merely  copy  Irom  each 
other,  and  if,  as  here,  Matthew  writes  Magdala  but 
JIark  Dalmainitha,  it  is  because  Mark  wished  to 
show  his  independence.  H- 

DALMATIA  (AaXjuario),  a  mountainous 
district  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Adriatic  Sea, 
exten<ling  from  the  river  Naro  in  the  S.  to  the  Sa- 
vns  in  the  N.  It  formed  a  i>ortioii  of  the  Koman 
province  of  lUyricuni,  sul)sequently  to  'I"i1)crins"8 
exi)edition,  A.  i>.  9.  St.  Paul  sent  Titus  there  (2 
Tim.  iv.  10);  he  himself  had  preacbetl  the  (iospel 
in  its  immediate  neighborhood  (Koni.  xv.  19),  for 
the  boundaries  of  Illyricum  and  Uahnatia  were  not 
well  defined,  and  the  two  names  were,  at  the  time 
St.  Paul  wrote,  almost  identical.     [li.i.vnict'M.] 

W.  L.  B. 

DAL'PHON  (r^^?  [prob.  Persian]  :  A«A 
(pdv,  some  MSS.  [FA*]'  nai  adeK<pa>v--  Ihlphm), 
tlie  second  of  the  ten  sons  of  Hainan;  killed  by  the 
Jews  on  the  13th  of  Adai-  (Esth.  ix.  7). 

DAM'ARIS  (Acijuapis)  [n  hflfer'],  an  Athen- 
ian woman  converted  to  Christianity  by  St.  I'aul'a 
prenciiing  (Acts  xvii.  34).  Chryso.stom  {ile  Sacer- 
dotio,  iv.  7)  and  others  helil  her  to  have  \>wn  the 
wife  of  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  but  apjiarently 
for  no  otlier  reason  than  tliat  she  is  mentioned  to- 
ijether  with  him  in  this  pa.s.sage.  Grotius  and 
Hemsterhuis  think  the  name  should  be  ^dfiaKiK. 
which  is  frequently  found  as  a  woman's  name;  but 


630  DAMASCENES 

the  permutation  of  \  and  p  v/ns  not  uncommon 
both  iu  jjronunciation  and  writing.  We  have  Kpl- 
Pwos  and  K\l0ayos,  eeriK6\os  and  OeoKdpoi, 
^ovKoKos  and  aiyiKopevs,  from  tlie  olisolete  KSpai 
or  kJAw,  cu)V,  culo  (Lx)beck  on  riir^nichus,  p.  G5-2). 

II.  A. 

*  If  Damaris  had  been  the  wife  of  Dionysiu.s, 
she  would  properly  have  been  called  1)  yuu}}  ai/rod 
(Actsv.  1)  or  at  lexst  ^  yvvii  (Acts  xxiv.  24). 
She  must  have  had  some  pci-sonal  or  social  distinc- 
tion, to  cause  her  to  be  thus  suigled  out  by  name 
from  the  others.  II. 

•  DAMASCENES'  (Aa/maKr,voi :  nnmas- 
a'lii),  inhabitants  of  Dama-scus  (2  Cor.  xi.  :J2).  It 
repeats  ^v  AafxacKy  just  before,  but  is  not  aUo- 
<;ether  pleonastic.  The  city  which  the  Kthnarch 
guarded  was  that  of  the  Damascenes,  while  he  him- 
self was  an  Arabian.  II. 

DAMAS'CUS      (pbjSl     [also     \i'^tS^\ 


DAMAiSCUS 

2  K.  xvi.  10,  and  pt^'^'^"^  in  1  and  2  Chr.;  oo- 

tlrilil,  iiulustry,  as  being  a  seat  of  tnittic,  Ges/J . 
AanaffK6s-  JMm'iscug)  is  one  of  the  most  ancient, 
juid  has  at  all  times  been  one  of  the  most  impor- 
t;int,  of  the  cities  of  Syria.  It  is  situated  in  a 
l)lain  of  vast  size  and  of  extreme  fertility,  which 
lies  east  of  the  great  chain  of  Anti-1  jbanus,  on  the 
edge  of  the  desert.  This  frrtile  ])Iain,  which  13 
nearly  circular,  and  about  30  miles  in  diameter,  is 
due  to  the  river  Birada,  whicli  is  jirobably  th« 
"  Abana  "  of  Scripture."  Tiiis  stream,  rising  Ligj 
up  on  the  western  tlank  of  Anti-Libiu  u.s,  forces  iti 
way  through  the  chain,  running  for  some  tir.it 
among  the  mountains,  till  suddenly  il  bursta 
through  a  narrow  cleft  upon  the  open  count »y  east 
of  the  hills,  and  dittiises  fertility  far  and  wide 
[AisANA.]  "Trom  the  edge  of  the  niouiilain 
range,"  says  a  modern  traveller,  "you  look  d:wn 
on  the  plain  of  Damascus.  It  is  here  seen  in  ita 
widest  and  fullest  i)erfection,  with  the  visible  expla 


Dunaaew 


latioa  of  the  whole  secret  of  its  great  and  enduring 
charm,  that  which  it  nmst  have  had  when  it  was 
the  solitary  seat  of  civilization  in  Syria,  and  which 
it  will  have  as  long  as  the  world  lasts.  The  river 
is  visible  at  the  bottom,  witli  its  green  banks,  rush- 
ing through  the  cleft;  it  bursts  forth,  and  as  if  in 
a  moment  scatters  over  the  jjlain,  through  a  circle 
of  30  miles,  the  same  verdure  which  had  hitherto 
been  confined  to  its  single  channel.  .  .  .  Far  and 
wide  in  front  extends  the  level  ])lain,  its  horizon 
bare,  its  lines  of  surrounding  hills  bare,  all  bare  far 
away  on  the  roafl  to  Tahnyra  and  IJagdad.  In  the 
midst  of  this  plain  lies  at  your  Icet  the  vast  lake  or 
island  of  deep  verdure,  walnuts  and  apricots  waving 
above,  com  and  grass  below ;  and  in  the  midst  of 
this  mass  of  foliage  rises,  striking  out  its  white 
uins  of  streets  hither  and  thither,  and  its  white 


»  *  Thera  is  a  river  of  eonsldemble  size  a  few  hours 
«  tiM  noit\i  of  Dnuiasi  us  still  called  Ammana.     See 


minarets  above  the  trees  which  embosom  them,  the 
city  of  Damascus.  On  the  right  towers  the  snowy 
height  of  Hennon,  overlooking  the  whole  scene. 
Close  behind  are  the  sterile  limestone  mountains  — 
so  that  you  stand  literally  between  the  living  and 
the  dead"  (Stanley,  S.  (/•  P.,  p.  410).  Another 
writer  mentions  among  the  produce  of  the  phin  in 
question  "  wahnits,  |)oniegranales,  figs,  plums,  apri- 
cots, citrons,  jHMirs,  and  apjjles  "  (Addison's  JJam. 
ancl  Pidmyra,  ii.  92).  Olive-trees  are  also  a  prin- 
cipal feature  of  the  scene.  IJesides  the  mair 
stream  of  the  linradii,  which  runs  directly  through 
the  town,  supplying  its  i)ublic  cisterns,  baths,  and 
fountains,  a  number  of  branches  are  given  off  to 
the  right  and  to  the  leH,  which  irrigate  the  mead- 
ows and  coni-fields,  turning  what  would  otherwise 
l>e  a  desert  into  a  garden.     The  \arious  ttreanu 


2  K.  y.  12  (Krri'      This  rivor  of  course  is  s  disifawl 
one  trom  the  Barat/a,  C.  V.  ▲.  V. 


DAMASCUS 

rev.  j..te,  but  greatly  weakened  in  volume,  at  a  little 
distance  bejonii  the  town ;  and  tlie  liarada  flows  on 
towards  the  east  in  a  single  channel  for  about  15 
miles,  when  it  separates,  and  pours  its  waters  into 
two  smMll  and  shallow  lakes,  which  lie  upon  the 
verge  of  the  desert.  Two  other  streams,  the  WmIi/ 
lliilooii  upon  the  north,  and  the  Aionj  upon  the 
gouth,  which  flows  direct  from  Ilermon,  increase 
the  fertility  of  (he  Damascene  plain,  and  contend 
for  the  honor  of  representing  the  "I'harpar"  of 
Scripture.     [Pir.viu'Ait.] 

Accordin-^  to  Josephus  (,Ant.  i.  G)  Damascus  was 
founded  l)y  Uz,  tlie  son  of  Aram,  and  grandson  of 
Shem.  It  is  fii'st  mentioned  in  Scripture  in  con- 
nection with  Abraham,  wliose  steward  was  a  native 
of  the  place  (Gen.  xv.  2).  ^\'e  may  gather  from 
the  name  of  this  person,  as  well  ;is  from  the  state- 
ment of  .Josephus,  which  connects  the  city  witii  the 
Aramseans,  that  it  was  a  Semitic  settlement.  Ac- 
cording to  a  tradition  preserved  in  the  native 
writer,  Nicolaiis,  Abraham  stayed  for  some  time  at 
Damascus,  after  leaving  Charran  and  before  enter- 
ing the  promised  land,  and  during  his  stay  was 
king  of  the  place.  "  Abraham's  naine  was,"  he 
says,  " e\en  in  his  own  day  familiar  in  the  mouths 
of  tlie  Dam.ascenes,  and  a  village  was  sliown  where 
he  dwelt,  which  was  called  .after  him  "  (/•'/•.  p.  30). 
This  last  circumstance  woultl  seem  however  to  con- 
flict with  the  notion  of  Abraham  having  been  king, 
since  in  tliat  case  he  would  have  dwelt  in  the  capi- 
tal. Notliing  more  is  1-nown  of  Damascus  until 
the  time  of  David,  when  "  the  Syrians  of  Damas- 
cus came  to  succor  Iladadezer,  king  of  Zobah," 
with  whom  David  was  at  w.ir  (2  Sam.  viii.  5;  1 
Chr.  xviii.  5).  On  this  occasion  David  "slew  of 
the  Syrians  22,000  men;"  and  in  consequence  of 
this  victory  became  completely  master  of  the  whole 
territory,  whicl.  he  garrisoned  with  Israelites. 
"David  put  gaiTisons  in  Syria  of  Danuiscus;  and 
the  Syrians  became  servants  to  David,  and  brought 
gifts"  (2  .Sam.  viii.  C).  Nicolaiis  of  Damascus 
said  that  tlie  name  of  tlie  king  who  reigned  at  this 
time  was  iladad;  and  he  a  icribes  to  him  a  domin- 
ion, not  only  over  Damascus,  but  over  "  all  Syria 
except  I'hcenicia"  (/''/•.  p.  31).  lie  noticed  his 
attack  ujion  David ;  and  related  that  many  battles 
were  fought  between  them,  tlie  last,  wherein  he 
Bufferetl  dei'eat,  being  "  uit<in  the  Juiphrdtes."  Ac- 
cording to  this  writer  lladad  the  First  was  suc- 
ceeded by  a  son  who  took  the  same  name,  as  did 
his  descendants  for  ten  generations.  But  tliis  is 
irrec  incilable  with  Scripture.  It  appears  that  in 
the  reign  of  Solomon,  a  certain  Kezon,  who  had 
been  a  subject  of  Iladadezer,  king  of  Zobah,  and 
had  escapetl  when  David  conquered  Zoliah,  made 
himself  m:\ster  of  Damascus  and  established  his 
ovrn  rule  tliere  (1  K.  xi.  2;J-25).  He  was  "an  ad- 
versary to  Israel  all  the  days  of  Solomon 

md  he  abhorred  Israel,  and  reigned  over  Syria." 
Aflerwiirds  the  family  of  lladad  appears  to  have 
recovereil  the  throne,  and  a  lienhadad,  wiio  is  prob- 
ably lladad  111.  of  Nicolaiis,  a  grandson  of  the  an- 
agonist  of  David,  is  found  in  league  with  Baasha, 
dug  of  Israel,  against  A.sa  (1  K.  xv.  19;  2  Chr. 
ivi.  3),  and  afterwards  in  league  with  Asa  against 
Baasha  (1  K.  xv.  2^)).  He  made  a  successful  in- 
.•asion  of  the  Israelite  territory  in  the  reign  of  that 
ting;  And  in  the  reign  of  Omri  he  not  only  cap- 
tured a  number  of  Israelite  cities  which  he  added 
to  his  own  dominions,  but  even  seems  to  have  ex- 
ercised a  species  of  lordship  over  Samaria  itself,  in 
irliich  he  acquired  the  right  of  "  making  himoelf 


DAMASCUS  531 

streets  "  (IK.  xx.  34;  comp.  Nic.  Dam.  Fr.  p.  31, 

(id  Jill.).  He  was  succeetled  by  his  son,  liadad 
IV.  (the  Benliadad  II.  of  Scripture,  and  the  Beu- 
idri  of  the  Assyrian  inscriptions),  who  came  at  the 
hciid  of  thirty-two  sulyect  kings  against  ^Vhab,  and 
laid  siege  to  Samaria  (1  K.  xx.  1).  The  attack 
was  unsuccessful;  and  was  followed  l>y  wars,  in 
which  victory  declared  itself  unmistakably  on  the 
side  of  the  Israelites;  and  at  last  Benhadad  was 
taken  prisoner,  and  forced  to  sulimit  to  a  treaty 
whereby  he  gave  up  all  that  his  father  li;vd  gained, 
and  submitted  in  his  turn  to  the  suzerainty  '-f 
Ahab  (id.  xx.  13-34).  The  terms  of  the  treaty 
were  perhaps  not  observed.  At  any  rate  three 
years  aftcrwaixl  war  broke  out  afresh,  through  the 
claim  of  Ahal)  to  the  city  of  IJamoth-tiilead  (ilj. 
xxii.  1-4).  The  defeat  and  death  of  Ahab  at  that 
[ilace  (iL  15-37)  seems  to  have  enabled  the  Syrians 
of  Damascus  to  resume  tlie  ottensi\e.  I'heir  bands 
ravaged  the  lands  of  Israel  during  the  reign  of  .Je- 
horani ;  and  they  even  undertook  at  tliis  time  a 
second  siege  of  Samaria,  which  was  frustrated 
miraculously  (2  K.  vi.  24,  vii.  G,  7).  After  tliis, 
we  do  nof,  hear  of  any  more  attempts  against  the 
Israelite  ca]jital.  The  cuneiform  uiscrijitions  show 
that  toward  the  close  of  his  reign  ISenhadiul  was 
exposed  to  the  lussaults  of  a  great  conqueror,  who 
was  bent  on  extending  the  dominion  of  Assyria 
over  Syria  and  I'alestiiie.  Three  several  attacks 
apjiear  to  have  been  made  by  this  prince  ujwn  Ben- 
hadad, who,  though  he  had  the  support  of  the 
Pluenicians,  the  Ilittites,  and  tlie  llamathites,  was 
unable  to  offer  any  effectual  opiiosition  to  the  As- 
syrian arms.  His  troops  were  worsted  in  several 
eng.agements,  and  in  one  of  them  he  lost  as  many 
as  20,000  men.  It  may  have  been  these  circum- 
stances which  encouraged  Ilazael,  tlie  servant  of 
IJenhadad,  to  murder  him,  and  seize  the  throne, 
which  Elisha  had  declared  would  certaiiily  one  day 
be  his  (2  K.  viii.  15).  He  m.ay  have  thought  that 
the  Syrians  would  willingly  acquiesce  in  tlie  re- 
moval of  a  raler  under  whom  they  had  suffered  sc 
many  disasters.  The  change  of  rulers  was  not  at 
fii'st  productive  of  any  advantage  to  the  Syrians. 
Shortly  after  the  accession  of  Ilaziiel  (about  n.  c. 
88 1 ),  he  was  in  his  turn  attacked  by  the  Assyriana 
who  defeated  him  with  great  loss  amid  tlie  fast- 
nesses of  Anti-I  jbanus.  However,  in  his  other  wars 
he  was  more  fortunate.  He  repulsed  an  attack  on 
Hamoth- Gilead,  made  by  Ahaziali  khig  of  Judali 
and  Jehoram  king  of  Israel  in  conjunction  (2  K. 
viii.  28,  2J);  ravaged  the  whole  Israelite  territory 
east  of  Jord.an  (Hj.  x.  32,  33);  besiegeil  and  took 
Gath  (ib.  xii.  17;  comp.  Am.  vi.  2);  thre;itened  Je- 
rusalem, which  only  escaped  by  paying  a  he;iv} 
ransom  (2  K.  xii.  18);  and  establislied  a  species  of 
suzerainty  over  Israel,  which  he  niainta'ned  to  tlio 
day  of  his  death,  and  handed  down  to  IJenhadad, 
his  son  (2  K.  xiii.  3-7,  and  22).  This  prince  in 
the  earUer  part  of  his  reign  had  the  same  good  for- 
tune as  his  father.  Like  him,  he  "oppressed  Is- 
rael," and  added  various  cities  of  the  Israelites  to 
his  own  dominion  (2  K.  xiii.  25 ) ;  but  at  last  a  de- 
liverer appeiired  (verse  5),  and  Joasii,  the  son  of 
Jehoahaz,  "  beat  Hazael  thrice,  and  recovered  the 
citias  of  Israel  "  (verse  25).  In  the  next  reign  still 
further  advantages  were  gained  by  the  Israelites. 
Jeroboam  II.  (about  n.  c.  83G)  is  said  to  have 
"recovei-ed  Damascus"  {ib.  xiv.  28),  and  though 
this  may  not  mean  that  he  captured  the  city,  it  at 
least  implies  that  he  obtiviiieil  a  certain  influenc* 
over  it.     The  mention  of  this  circumstance  is  fol- 


582  DAMASCUS 

lowed  I  y  a  lone;  pau«e,  during  which  we  hear  noth- 
uig  of  tlie  H.>ri!Uis,  and  must  therefore  conchide 
that  their  n'lations  with  the  Israelites  continued 
peaccalilc.  A\'aen  they  reapiiear  nearly  a  century 
later  (uliout  u.  c.  742)  it  is  as  allies  of  Israel 
against  Jiulali  (2  K.  xv.  37).  We  may  suspect 
that  tlie  chief  cause  of  the  union  now  estalilished 
betMeen  two  ]X)wer8  which  had  been  so  long  hostile, 
was  the  necessity  of  combining  to  resist  the  Assyr- 
ians, wlio  at  tlie  time  were  steadily  pursuing  a  pol- 
icy of  encroachment  in  this  qiuirter.  Scripture 
mentions  the  invaiiions  of  I'ul  (2  K.  xv.  19;  1  Chr. 
V.  2i)),  and  Tiglatli-l'ileser  (2"  Iv.  xv.  2a ;  1  Chr.  v. 
2G);  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  almost 
every  AssjTiim  monarch  of  the  jKjriod  mafle  war  in 
this  direction.  It  seems  to  have  l)fcen  during  a 
pause  in  the  struggle  that  Hezin  king  of  Damascus 
and  I'ckah  king  of  Israel  resolved  conjointly  to  at- 
tack .Icnisalem,  intending  to  depose  Ahaz  and  set 
up  as  king  a  creature  of  tlidr  own  (Is.  \ii.  1-G;  2 
K.  xvi.  5).  Ahaz  may  have  been  already  suspected 
of  a  friendly  feeling  towards  Assyria,  or  the  olyect 
may.  dimply  have  lieen  to  consolidate  a  power  capa- 
ble of  eliectually  opiiosing  tlie  arms  of  that  country. 
In  either  case  the  attempt  signally  failed,  and  only 
brought  about  more  rapidly  the  evil  against  which 
the  two  kings  wished  to  guard.  Jenisalem  success- 
fully maintained  itseh'  against  the  combined  attack; 
but  ILlath,  which  had  been  formerly  built  by  Aza- 
riah,  king  of  .ludah,  in  territory  regarded  as  Syrian 
(2  K.  xiv.  22),  having  been  taken  and  retained  by 
Rezin  {iO.  xvi.  6),  Ahaz  was  induced  to  throw  him- 
self into  the  arms  of  Tiglath-l'ileser,  to  ask  aid 
from  him,  and  to  accept  voluntarily  the  position  of 
an  Asssyriau  feudatory  (lb.  xvi.  7,  8).  The  aid 
sought  was  given,  with  the  importiuit  result  that 
Keziu  was  slain,  the  kingdom  of  Damascus  brought 
to  an  end,  suid  the  city  itself  destroyed,  the  inhab- 
itants being  caiTied  captive  into  Assyria  {ib.  verse 
9;  comp.  Is.  vii.  8  and  Am.  i.  5). 

It  was  long  before  Damascus  recovered  from  this 
serious  blow.  As  Isaiah  and  Amos  had  prophesied 
in  the  day  of  her  prosjjerity,  that  Damascus  should 
be  "  taken  away  fi-om  being  a  city  and  be  a  ruinous 
heap"  (Is.  xvii.  1),  that  "a  fire  should  be  sent 
into  the  house  of  1  l.azael,  which  should  devour  the 
palaces  of  IJenhadad "  (Am.  i.  4);  so  Jeremiah, 
writhig  about  n.  C.  GOO,  declares  "Damascus  is 
•Maxell  fcMe  and  turneth  herself  to  flee,  and  fear 
hath  seized  on  her  ;  anguish  and  soitows  have 
taken  her,  as  a  woman  in  travail.  How  is  the  city 
of  praise  not  left,  the  city  of  my  joy?  "  (.ler.  xlix. 
24-5).  AVe  do  not  know  at  what  time  Damascus 
was  rebuilt ;  but  Stralx)  says  that  it  was  the  most 
famous  place  in  Sjria  during  the  Persian  period 
(xvi.  2,  §  1!));  and  we  find  that  before  the  battle 
of  Issus  it  was  selected  by  Darius  as  the  city  to 
which  he  should  send  for  better  security  the  greater 
part  of  his  treasures  and  valuables  (Arr.  Kxp.  Al. 
ii.  11).  Shortly  after  the  battle  of  Issus  it  was 
taken  by  I'armenio  (ibid.);  and  from  this  time  it 
continued  to  lie  a  place  of  some  importance  under 
the  Greeks;  beconiing  however  decidedly  second  to 
Antioch,  which  was  raised  up  as  a  rival  to  it  by 
ine  Seleucida>.  From  the  monarchs  of  this  house 
it  passed  U^  the  1  tomans,  who  became  masters  of  it 
In  the  war  between  I'ompey  and  Mithridates  (Mos. 
Vliorcn.  i.  14;  comp.  .loseph.  Ant.  Jiul.  xiv.  2, 
§  3;  and  App.  BM.  Milhr.  p.  244).  At  the  time 
of  Ihe  Gosjjel  history,  and  of  the  Apostle  Paul,  it 
fnrnied  a  \>art  of  the  kingdom  of  Aretas  (2  Cor. 
%i.  32),  au  lirabian  prince,  who,  like  the  princes  of 


DAMASCUS 

the  house  of  Herod,  held  his  kingdom  under  th« 
Komans  (Joseph.  Ant.  Jvul.  xvi.  11,  §  9).  A  little 
later  it  was  reckoned  to  Decapolis  (I'lin.  //.  N.  v. 
16),  after  which  it  became  a  jmrt  of  the  province 
known  as  Pluenicia  Libanesia  (Hierocl.  Synecd.  p. 
717).  It  grew  in  magnificence  under  the  Greek 
emperors,  and  when  taken  by  the  Mohammedan 
Arabs  in  A.  i).  634,  was  one  of  the  firet  cities  of  the 
eastern  world.  It  is  not  necessary  to  trace  its  sub- 
sequent glories  under  the  Caliphs,  the  Saracens,  and 
the  Turks.  It  may  however  be  noticed  that  there 
has  scarcely  been  an  interruption  to  its  prosperity, 
and  that  it  is  still  a  city  of  150,000  inhabitants. 

Damascus  has  always  Ijeen  a  great  centre  fo* 
trade.  The  ditficulties  and  dangers  of  the  moun 
tain  passes  to  the  west  of  Anti-Libaims  made  the 
line  of  traffic  between  1-gypt  and  Upjicr  Sjria  fol- 
low the  circuitous  route  by  Damascus  rather  than 
the  direct  one  through  Ccrle-Syria,  while  the  trade 
of  Tyre  with  Assyria  and  the  I'jist  generally,  passed 
naturally  through  Damascus  on  its  way  to  PalmjTa 
and  the  I^uphrates.  ICzekiel,  speaking  of  Tyre, 
says,  "  Damascus  was  thy  merchant  in  the  multi- 
tude of  the  vxires  <f  thy  muhin<j,  for  the  imdlitude 
if  all  i-ichea ;  in  the  wine  of  llelbon,  and  white 
wool."  It  would  appeju"  from  this  that  Damascus 
took  manufactured  goods  from  the  Phwnicians,  and 
supplied  them  in  exchange  with  wool  and  wine. 
The  former  would  be  i)roduced  in  abundance  in 
Coele-Syria  and  the  valleys  of  the  Anti-Libanus 
range,  while  the  latter  seems  to  have  been  grown 
in  the  vicinity  of  I/elbon,  a  village  still  famous  for 
the  produce  of  its  vines,  10  or  12  miles  from  Da- 
mascus to  the  northwest  (Geof/rajih.  Jour.  vol. 
xxvi.  p.  44).  Hut  the  passage  trade  of  Damascus 
has  probably  been  at  all  times  more  important  than 
its  direct  commerce.  Its  merchants  must  have 
profited  largely  by  the  caravans  which  continually 
passed  through  it  on  their  way  to  distant  countries. 
It  is  uncertain  whether  in  early  times  it  had  any 
important  manufactures  of  its  own.  According 
to  some  expositors,  the  passage  in  Amos  iii.  12, 
which  we  translate   "if.  Damascus  on  a  couch" 

(ti^l^V  ptC't5"7Il^\  means  really  "  on  tlie  damask 
couch,"  which  would  indicate  that  the  Syrian  city 
had  become  fiimous  for  a  textile  fabric  as  early  as 
the  eighth  century  n.  c.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
such  a  fabric  gave  rise  to  our  own  word,  which  has 
its  counterpart  in  Arabic  as  well  as  in  most  of  the 
languages  of  modern  Eurojie;  but  it  is  questiona- 
ble whether  either  this,  or  the  peculiar  method  of 
working  in  steel,  which  has  impressed  itself  in  a 
simihir  way  u{)ou  tlie  speech  of  the  world,  was  in- 
vented by  the  Damascenes  before  the  Mohammedan 
era.  In  ancient  times  they  were  probably  rather  a 
consuming  than  a  producing  people,  as  the  passage 
in  I'Izekiel  clearly  ii.dicates. 

Certain  locahties  in  I  amascus  are  shown  as  ths 
site  of  those  Scriptural  events  which  especially  in- 
terest us  in  its  history.  A  "  long,  wide  thorough- 
fare "  —  leading  direct  from  one  of  the  pates  to  the 
Castle  or  pahice  of  the  Pasha  —  is  "  called  by  the 
guides  '  Straight'  "  (Acts  ix.  11);  but  the  natives 
know  it  among  themselves  as  "  the  Street  of  Ba- 
zaars "  (Stanley,  p.  412).  The  house  of  Juda(i 
is  shown,  but  it  is  not  in  the  street  "  Straight " 
(Pococke,  ii.  119).  That  of  Ananias  is  also  pouited 
out.  The  scene  of  the  conversion  is  confidentlj 
said  to  be  "an  open  green  s[)ot,  surrounded  bj 
trees,"  and  used  as  the  Christian  burial-ground 
but  this  spot  is  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  cit; 


DAJVIN 

•rfaereas  St.  Paul  rnus*.  have  approached  from  the 
louth  or  west.  Again  it  appears  to  be  certain  that 
"  four  distinct  spots  have  l)eeu  pointed  out  at  dif- 
ferent times"  (Stanley,  p.  412)  as  the  place  where 
the  'great  light  suddenly  shhied  from  heaven" 
(Acts  ix.  3);  so  that  little  confidence  can  be  placed 
in  any  of  tliem.  The  point  of  tlie  walls  at  which 
St.  I'aul  was  let  down  by  a  basket  (Acts  ix.  25 ; 
2  Cor.  xi.  33)  is  also  shown;  and,  as  this  locality 
b  free  from  objection,  it  may  be  accepted,  if  we 
think  that  tlie  tradition,  which  has  been  so  faith- 
less or  so  uncertain  in  other  cases,  has  any  value 
bere. 

In  the  vicinity  of  Damascus  certain  places  are 
ahown,  traditionally  connected  with  the  prophet 
lUisha;  but  these  local  legends  are  necessarily  even 
mor3  doubtful  tlian  those  wliich  have  reference  to 
the  comparatively  recent  age  of  the  Apostles. 

(Sec  Stanley's  Sinai  and  Paksiine ;  JIaundrell's 
Journey  to  Ditninscus  ;  Addison's  Damascus  aiul 
Palruiji  a ;  Pococke's  Travtls ;  and  especially  Por- 
ter's /  ice  I'ears  in  Damascus^  and  his  account  of 
the  country  round  Damascus  in  the  GeoyrapkicaJ, 
Joui-val,  vol.  xxvi.)«  G.  li. 

*  DAMN,  DAMNATION.  Tliese  terms, 
when  tlie  conmion  EngUsh  version  was  made,  were 
not  restricted  to  their  present  meaning,  but  were 
used  also  in  their  primitive  sense  of  comhmn  and 
coiulemmUit/n  (comp.  Pope's  "  daimi  with  faint 
praise  ").  This,  often  with  the  associated  idea  of 
punishment,  is  all  that  the  Greek  words  which  they 
represent  properly  signify.  Bumn  is  the  rendering 
of  KaTOLKpivw,  Mark  xvi.  16;  Rom.  xiv.  23,  "he 
that  doubteth  is  damned  (condemned)  if  he  eat;  " 
and  Kpiva,  2  Thess.  ii.  12.  Damnation  is  the  ren- 
derbig  of  KpifM,  literally  "judgment,"  Matt,  xxiii. 
1-1;  Mark  xii.  40;  Luke  xx.  47;  Kom.  iii.  8,  xiii. 
2,  "  they  that  resist  shall  receive  lo  themselves 
damnaliun''''  (punishment);  1  Cor.  xi.  29,  "he  that 
eateth  and  drinketh  unworthily  eateth  and  drinketh 
damnation  (condemnation,  judgment)  to  himself; '' 
1  Tim.  V.  12 ;  —  Kpicris,  Matt,  xxiii.  33 ;  Mark  iii. 
29;  John  v.  29;  —  /caraSi'/CTj,  "condemnation," 
"  punishment,"  Wisd.  xii.  27  ;  and  dToJAeta, 
"  destruction,"  2  Pet.  ii.  3.  A. 

DAN.  1.  (^"J:  Aaj';  Joseph.  Adv,  6i6Kpt- 
Tov  &v  rives  uiroiei/  Kara  t^Jv  'SW.  yXwTTav'- 
Dan).  The  fifth  son  of  Jacob,  and  the  first  of 
Bilhah,  Ilachel's  maid  (Gen.  xxx.  G).  The  origin 
of  the  name  is  given  in  the  exclamation  of  liachel 

—  "  '  God  hath  judged  me  (^3?*^,  dananni)  .  ,  . 
uid  given  me  a  son,'  therefore  she  called  his  name 
Dan,"  t.  e.  "judge."  In  the  blessing  of  Jacob 
(Gen.  xlix.  16)  this  play  on  the  name  is  repeated 

—  "  Dan  shall*  judge  ('(^ "[",  yadin)  his  people." 


a  *  It  is  understood  that  Mr.  Rogers,  the  English 
tiouitu!  at  Damascus,  has  in  preparation  an  elaborate 
work  on  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Syrians, 
limilar  to  that  of  Mr.  Lane  on  Egypt.  H. 

b  Gesenius  has  pointed  out  a  slight  difference  be- 
tween the  two  derivations  ;  the  -erb  being  active  in 
Bie  latter  and  passive  in  tie  former  [Tfifs.  333). 
Fhis  is  quite  ia  keeping  with  the  uncertainty  which 
attends  many  of  these  ancient  p  ironomasdc  deriva- 
liong  (compare  Abel,  Benjamin,  and  others). 

c  The  frequent  variations  in  the  LXX.  forbia  abso- 
lute reliance  on  these  numbers  ;  and,  in  addition,  it 
Ihould  not  be  overlooked  that  the  census  in  Num.  i. 
B  of  fight- ug  men,  that  of  xxvi.  of  the  ''  children  of 


DAN  588 

Dan  was  own  brother  tc  Naphtali ;  and  as  the  son 
of  liacliel's  maid,  in  a  closer  relation  witli  ISachel's 
sons,  Joseph  and  Benjamin,  than  with  tlie  othei 
members  of  the  family.  It  may  be  noticed  that 
there  is  a  close  affinity  between  his  name  .ind  that 
of  DiNAii,  the  only  daughter  of  Jacob  whose  name 
is  preserved. 

The  records  of  Dan  are  unusually  meagre.  Of 
the  patrisu'ch  himself  no  personal  iiistory  is,  unfor- 
tunately, preserved.  Only  one  son  is  attributetl  to 
him  (Gen.  xlvi.  23);  but  it  may  be  obse^^•cd  that 
"  Hushim  "  is  a  plural  form,  as  if  the  name,  not 
of  an  individual,  but  of  a  family ;  and  it  is  remark- 
able —  whether  as  indicatuig  that  some  of  tlie  de- 
scendants of  Dan  are  omitted  in  these  lists,  or  i'rom 
other  causes  —  that  when  the  iieoiile  were  numbered 
in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai,  this  was,  witli  tlie  excep- 
tion of  Judali,  the  most  numerous  of  all  the  tribes, 
containing  62,700  men  able  to  serve.  Tlie  iwsition 
of  Dan  during  the  march  tiirough  the  desert  was 
on  the  north  side  of  tlie  taliernacle  (Num.  ii.  2-5). 
Here,  with  liis  brother  Naphtali,  and  Asher,  the 
son  of  ZUpah,  before  him,  was  his  station,  the  hind- 
most of  the  long  procession  (ii.  31,  x.  25).     The 

names  of  the  "  captain  "  (S^tt?3)  of  the  tribe  at 
this  time,  and  of  the  "  ruler  "  (the  Hebrew  word  is 
the  same  as  before),  who  was  one  of  the  spies  (xiii. 
12),  are  presented.  So  also  is  the  name  of  one  who 
played  a  prominent  part  at  that  time,  "  Aholiab  the 
son  of  Ahisamach,  of  the  tribe  of  Dan,"  associated 
with  13ezaleel  in  the  design  and  construction  of  the 
fittings  of  tlie  tabernacle  (lix.  xxxi.  6,  ifcc).  The 
numbers  of  this  tribe  were  not  subject  to  the  vio- 
lent fluctuations  which  increased  or  diimnisbed 
some  of  its  brethren  (comp.  the  figures  given  in 
Num.  i.  and  xxvi.),  and  it  arrived  at  tlie  threshold 
of  the  Promised  I^nd,  and  jiassed  the  ordeal  of  the 
rites  of  Baal-peor  (Num.  xxv.)  with  an  increase  of 
1700  on  tiie  earlier  census.'^  The  remaining  notices 
of  the  tribe  before  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  are 
unimportant.  It  furnished  a  "  prince"  (Nasi,'^  as 
before)  to  the  apportionment  of  the  land;  and  it 
was  appointed  to  stand  on  Mount  Ebal,  still  in 
company  with  Naphtali  (hut  opposite  to  the  other 
related  tribes),  at  the  ceremony  of  blessing  and 
cursing  (Deut.  xxvii.  13).  After  this  notliing  is 
heard  of  Dan  till  the  specification  of  the  inherit  - 
ance  allotted  to  him  (Josh.  xix.  48).  He  was  the 
last  of  the  tribes  to  receive  his  portion,  and  that 
portion,  according  to  the  record  of  Joshua  —  strange 
as  it  appears  in  the  face  of  the  numbers  just  quoted 
—  was  the  smallest  of  the  twelve.^  But  notwith- 
standing its  smaUness  it  had  eminent  natural  ad- 
vantages. On  the  north  and  esist  it  was  completely 
embraced  by  its  two  brother-tribes  Ephraim  and 
Benjamin,  while  on  the  south-east  and  south  it 
jouied   Judah,  and   was  thus  surrounded  by  the 


Reuben,"  &c.,  and  therefore  probably  without  that 
limitation. 

</  This  one  word  is  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  hy 
"prince,''  "ruler,"  "captain,"  "chief,"  and  "gov- 
ernor." 

e  The  enumeration  of  the  tribes  in  this  record  ia  in 
the  order  of  their  topographical  position,  from  S.  to  N. 
It  is  remarkable  that  Dan  is  named  after  Naphtali  and 
Asher,  as  if  already  associated  with  the  northern  posi- 
tion afterwards  occupied  by  the  city  Dan.  This  is  alsc 
the  case  in  Judg.  i.  34,  and  1  Chr.  xii.  So.  The  writei 
is  not  aware  that  any  explanation  has  I  °en  oflerei  of 
this  apparent  anomaly. 


534 


DAW 


tbree  most  powerful  states  of  the  wLole  confederacy. 
Of  tlie  tow  lis  enumerated  as  forming  "  the  '  border ' 
of  its  inheritance,"  the  most  easterly  which  can 
now  be  idtiititied  are  i\jalon,  Zorali  (Zareah),  and 
l»-Sheniesh  (or  Iteth-shemesli;  wliich  see).  Tliese 
pl.aces  are  on  the  slojies  of  tlie  lower  ranges  of  hills 
by  which  the  highlands  of  Benjamin  and  Jud.ah 
descend  to  the  broad  mai'itime  plain,  that  plain 
which  on  the  S.  bore  the  distinctive  name  of  "  the 
Shefelali,"  and  more  to  the  N.,  of  "  Siiaron." 
From  Japho  —  afterwards  Joppa,  and  now  Yafa  — 
on  the  north,  to  Kkron  and  (jathrimmon  on  the 
south  —  a  length  of  at  Ie;ist  14  miles  —  that  noble 
tract,  one  of  the  most  fertile  in  the  whole  of  Pales- 
thie,  wa."}  allotted  to  this  tribe.  l$y  Josephus  {Ant. 
V.  1,  §  22,  and  3,  §  1)  this  is  extended  to  Ashdwl 
on  the  south,  and  Dor,  at  the  foot  of  Carmel,  on 
the  north,  so  as  to  embrace  the  whole,  or  nearly 
the  whole,  of  the  grejit  plain.  But  this  rich  dis- 
trict, the  corn-field  and  the  garden  of  the  whole 
fouth  of  I'alestine  (Stanley,  S.  and  P.  2o8),  which 
was  the  richest  prize  of  I'hoenician  conquest  many 
centuries  later,"  and  which  f\cu  in  the  now  degen- 
erate stiitc  of  the  country  is  enormously  productive, 
was  too  valuable  to  be  given  up  without  a  struggle 
by  its  original  possessors.  The  Amorites  accord- 
ingly "  forced  the  children  of  Dan  into  the  moun- 
tain, for  they  would  not  suffer  them  to  come  down 
into  the  valley"  (.iudg.  i.  34)  —  forced  them  up 
&t)m  the  corn-fields  of  the  plain,  with  their  deep 
black  soil,  to  the  villages  whose  ruins  still  crown 
the  hills  that  skirt  the  lowland.  True,  the  help 
of  the  great  tribe  so  closely  connected  with  Dan 
was  not  wanting  at  this  juncture,  and  *'  the  hand 
of  the  children  of  Joseph,"  i.  e.  ICphraim,  "pre- 
vailed against  the  Amorites  "  for  the  time.  But 
the  same  thing  soon  occurred  again,  and  in  the 
glimpse  witli  wliich  we  are  afterwards  favored  into 
the  interior  of  the  tribe,  in  the  history  of  its  great 
hero,  the  I'hilistines  have  taken  the  place  of  the 
Amorites,  and  with  the  same  result.  Although 
Samson  "  comes  down  "  to  the  "  vineyards  of  'I'ini- 
nath"  and  the  valley  of  Sorek,  yet  it  is  from 
Mahaueh-Dan  —  the  fortified  camp  of  Dan,  between 
Zorah  and  I^htaol,  behind  Kirjath-jearim  —  that 
he  descends,  and  it  is  to  that  natural  fastness,  the 
residence  of  his  father,  that  he  "goes  up"  again 
after  his  encounters,  and  that  he  is  at  last  borne 
to  his  family  sepulchre,  the  burying-place  of  Manoah 
(Judg.  xiv.  1,  5,  1!),  xiii.  25,  xvi.  4;  comp.  xviii. 
12,  x\i.  31). 

These  considerations  enable  us  to  understand 
how  it  happened  that  long  after  the  partition  of  the 
land  "  all  the  inheritance  of  the  Danitcs  had  not 
fialien  to  them  among  the  tribes  of  Israel  "  (Judg. 


a  See  the  inscription  of  icing  Esmunazar,  as  inter- 
preted by  Stanley  (S.  If  P.  pp.  278,  258). 

b  *  Tlie  "all"  in  this  passage  (A.  V.)  lias  nothing 
answering  to  it  in  the  Hebrew,  and  hides  from  the 
reader  a  peculiarity  of  the  text.  The  Hebrew  writer 
states  that  the  Danites  had  not  yet  received  an  in- 
heritance among  the  tribes  of  Israel.  What  is  m;;iir 
may  be  that  they  had  not  received  any  territory  ade- 
liuate  to  the  wants  of  aa  overgrown  population  iu  their 
original  settlement,  or,  more  probably,  had  received 
none  which  they  could  securely  occupy  as  a  permanent 
tossession  on  account  of  the  superior  power  of  the 
Philistines  (see  Bertheau,  Kic/Uer  und  Ruth,  p.  196). 
Cassel  suggests  that  the  D.vnites  may  have  complained 
In  these  terms  of  their  having  no  inheritance  as  an 
ixcuse  for  their  rapacity,  vvhen  the  complaint  was  not 
ma  ia  bet  (Ridi'-r  und  Ruil^  p.  160).  U. 


DAN 

xviii.  1).*  They  perhaps  furnish  a  reason  for  th« 
absence  of  Dan  from  the  great  gathering  of  list 
tribes  against  Sisera"  (,fudg.  v.  17).  They  also 
explain  the  warlike  and  independent  character  of 
the  tribe  betokened  in  the  name  of  their  head- 
quarters, as  just  quoted  —  Mahaneh-Dan,  "  the 
camp,  or  host,  of  Dan "  —  in  the  fact  sjiecially 
insisted  on  and  reiterated  (xviii.  11,  IG,  17)  of  tlie 
complete  equipment  of  their  600  waniors''  "ap- 
pointed with  weapons  of  war,"  —  and  the  lawle-a 
freebooting  style  of  their  behavior  to  ]\Iicah.  There 
is  something  very  characteristic  in  the  whole  of 
that  most  fresh  and  interesting  story  preserved  to 
us  in  Judg.  xviii.  —  a  narrative  without  a  parallel 
for  the  vivid  glance  it  affords  into  the  manners  of 
that  distant  time  —  characteristic  of  boldness  and 
sagacity,  with  a  vein  of  grim  sardonic  humor,  but 
undeformed  by  any  unnecessary  bloodshed. 

In  the  "security"  and  "quiet"  (Judg.  xviii. 
7,  10)  of  their  rich  northern  pos»ssion  the  Danitea 
enjoyed  the  leisure  and  repose  which  had  been 
denied  them  in  their  original  seat.  But  of  the  fate 
of  the  city  to  which  they  gave  "  the  n.ame  of  their 
father  "  (Josh.  xix.  47),  we  know  scarcely  anything. 
The  strong  religious  feeling  which  made  the  Danites 
so  anxious  to  ask  counsel  of  God  from  l\Iicah'a 
Ijcvite  at  the  commencement  of  their  expedition 
(Judg.  xviii.  5),  and  afterwards  take  him  away  with 
them  to  be  "a  priest  unto  a  tribe  and  a  family  in 
Israel,"  may  have  pointed  out  their  settlement  to 
the  notice  of  Jeroboam  as  a  fit  place  for  his  north- 
ern sanctuary.  But  beyond  the  exceedingly  obscure 
notice  in  Judg.  xviii.  30,  we  have  no  information" 
on  this  subject.  From  2  Chr.  ii.  14  it  would 
appear  that  the  Danites  had  not  kept  their  purity 
of  lineage,  but  hatl  intermarried  with  the  Phoeni- 
cians of  tlie  country.  (See  an  elaboration  of  this 
in  Blunt,  Coinckltnces,  I't.  II.  iv.) 

In  the  tim6  of  David  Dan  still  kept  its  place 
aniong  the  tribes  (1  Chr.  xii.  35).  Asher  is  omit- 
ted, but  the  "  prince  of  the  tribe  of  Dan  "  is  men- 
tioned in  the  list  of  1  Chr.  xxvii.  22.  But  from 
this  time  forward  the  name  as  applietl  to  the  tribe 
vanishes ;  it  is  kept  alive  only  by  the  northern  city. 
In  the  genealogies  of  1  Chr.  ii.  to  xii.  Dan  is  omit- 
ted entirely,  which  is  remarkable  when  the  great 
fame  of  Samson  and  the  warlike  character  of  the 
tribe  are  considered,  and  can  only  be  accounted  for 
by  supposing  that  its  genealogies  had  ])erished.  It 
is  perhaps  allowable  to  supjwse  that  little  care  would 
be  taken  to  preserve  the  records  of  a  tribe  which 
had  left  its  original  seat  near  the  head-quarters  of 
the  nation,  and  given  its  name  to  a  distant  city 
notorious  only  as  the  seat  of  a  rival  and  a  forbidden 
worship.     Lastly,  Dan  '\n  omitted  from  the  list  of 


c  Ewald  ascribes  it  to  their  being  engiiged  in  com- 
merce {Dichter,  i.  130).  This  may  have  been  the  case 
with  Asher,  but  can  liardly,  for  the  reasons  a  Ivanced 
abovo,  have  been  so  with  Dan.  The  "  ships  "  of  Deb- 
orah's song  are  probably  only  a  bold  figure,  in  allu- 
sion to  Joppa. 

<l  The  complete  appointment  of  these  warriors  is 
perhaps  a  more  certain  sign  of  the  tribe  being  prac- 
ticed in  war,  when  we  recollect  that  it  was  the  Philis- 
tine policy  to  deprive  of  their  arms  thoi^e  whom  they 
had  conquered  (comp.  1  Sam.  xiii.  19-21,  and  perhaps 
also  Samson's  rude  weapon,  the  jaw-bone). 

«  For  "the  captivity  of  the  land,"  ^^^S,    Kwald 

proposes  to  read  "  of  the  ark,"  ^IHS  :  that  is,  till  tlw 
thnc  of  Samuel  (1  Sam.  iv.  11),  GescA.  U.  pt  2,  f 
233. 


those  who  wero  sealed  by  the  Angel  in  tne  vision 
»f  St.  John  (Ii'ev.  vii.  5-7). 

The  mention  of  this  tribe  in  the  "  blessuigs  "  of 
facoh  and  Moses  must  not  be  overlooked,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  extract  any  satisfactory  meaning  from 
them.  Herder's  interpretation  as  given  by  Prof. 
Stanley  will  fitly  close  this  notice. 

"  It  is  duul)tlul  whether  the  delineation  of  Dan 
in  Jacob's  blessing  relates  to  the  original  settlement 
on  the  western  outskirts  of  Judah,  or  to  the  north- 
ern outjwst.  Herder's  explanation  will  apply 
almost  equally  to  both.  '  Dan,'  the  judge,  '  shall 
judge  Li."  people ; '  he,  the  son  of  the  concubine,  no 
less  than  tt  e  sons  of  Leah ;  he,  the  frontier  tribe,  no 
less  thar.  those  in  the  places  of  honor,  shall  be  'as 
one  of  the  tribes  of  Israel.'  '  Dan  shall  be  a  serpent 
by  the  way,  an  a;lder  in  the  path,'  that  is  of  the 
invading  enemy  by  the  north  or  by  the  M'est,  '  that 
biteth  the  heels  of  the  horse,'  the  indigenous  serpent 
biting  the  foreign  horse  unknown  to  Israelite  war- 
fare, '  so  that  his  rider  shall  fall  backwards.'  And 
his  war-cry  as  from  the  frontier  fortresses  shall  be 
•  For  Thy  salvation,  O  Lord,  I  have  waited ! '  "  In 
the  blessing  of  Moses  the  southern  Dan  b  lost  sight 
of.  The  northern  Dan  alone  appears,  with  the 
same  characteristics  though  under  a  different  image ; 
■a  Uon's  whelp  '  in  the  far  north,  as  Judah  in  the 
far  south :  '  he  shall  leap  from  Bashan  '  —  from  the 
slopes  of  Ilermon,  where  he  is  couched  watching 
for  his  prey." 

2.  (TJ  :  Aaj';  Joseph,  rb  Advov-  Dan.)  The 
well-known  city,  so  famiUar  as  the  most  northern 
landmark  of  Palestine,  in  the  common  expression 
"  from  Dan  even  to  Beersheba."  The  name  of  the 
place  was  originally  Laish  or  Leshexi  (Josh.  xix. 
47).  Its  inhabitants  lived  "  after  the  manner  of 
the  Zidonians,"  i.  e.  engaged  in  commerce,  and 
without  defense.  But  it  is  nowhere  said  that  they 
were  Phoenicians,  though  it  may  perhaps  be  uiferred 
from  the  parentage  of  Huram  —  his  mother  "of 
the  daughters  of  Dan,"  his  father  "  a  man  of  Tyre  " 
(2  Chr.  ii.  14).  Living  thus  "quiet  and  secure," 
they  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  active  and  practiced 
freebooters  of  tiie  Danites.  They  conferred  upon 
their  new  acquisition  the  name  of  their  own  tribe, 
"  afUr  the  name  of  their  father  who  was  born  unto 
Israel"  (Judg.  xviii.  2d;  Josh.  xix.  47),  and  Laish 
became  Dan. 

The  locality  of  the  towii  is  specified  with  some 
minuteness.     It  was  "far  from  Zidon,"  and  "in 

the  vaUey  (p^^,  Emek)  that  is  by  (b)  Beth- 
rehob,"  but  as  this  latter  place  has  not  been  identi- 
fied with  certainty,  the  position  of  Dan  must  be 
ascertained  by  other  means. 

The  graven  image  which  the  wandering  Danites 
had  stolen  from  Jlicah  they  set  up  in  their  new 
home,  and  a  line  of  priests  was  established,  which, 
though  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Levi  and  even 
descended  from  Moses,^  was  not  of  the  family  of 
Aaron,  and  therefore  not  belonging  to  the  regular 
priesthood.  To  the  form  of  this  image  and  the 
nature  of  the  idolatry  we  have  no  clew,  nor  to  the 


«  According  to  Jewish  trjKiltion,  Jacob's  blessing 
»n  Dan  is  a  prophetic  allusion  to  Samson,  the  great 
'  Judge  "  of  the  tribe :  and  the  ejaculation  with  which 
t  closes  was  that  actually  uttered  by  Samson  when 
bought  into  the  temple  at  Gaza.  (See  the  Targum 
»s.  Jonathan  on  Gen.  xlix.  16,  17 ;  and  the  quotations 
in  Kalisch's  Genesis  ad  loc.)  Modern  critics  likewise 
we  an  allusion  to  Samson  in  the  terms  of  the  blessing, 


DAN  535 

relation,  if  any,  which  existed  between  it  aikd  the 
calf-worship  afterwards  instituted  there  by  Jeroboam 
(1  K.  xii.  2i},  30).  The  latter  is  alluded  to  by  Amot 
(viii.  14)  in  a  passage  which  possibly  preser\-e3  a 
formula  of  invocation  or  adjuration  in  use  among 
the  worshippers ;  but  the  passage  Ls  very  obscure. 

After  the  establishment  of  the  Danites  at  Dan  it 
became  the  acknowledged  extremity  of  the  country, 
and  the  formida  "  from  Dan  even  to  Beersheba " 
is  frequent  throughout  the  historical  books  (Judg. 
XX.  1;  1  Sam.  iii.  20;  2  Sam.  iii.  10,  xvii.  11, 
xxiv.  2,  15;  1  K.  iv.  25).  In  the  later  recoi-ds  the 
form  is  reversed,  and  becomes  "  from  Beersheba 
even  to  Dan"  (I  Chr.  xxi.  2;  2  Chr.  xxx.  5). 

Dan  was,  with  otlier  northern  cities,  laid  waste 
by  13enhadad  (I  K.  xv.  20;  2  Chr.  xvi.  4),  and  this 
is  the  last  mention  of  the  j)l;u;e. 

Various  considerations  would  incline  to  the  sus- 
picion that  Dan  wa.s  a  holy  place  of  note  from  a  far 
earlier  date  than  its  conquest  by  the  Danites.  These 
are:  (L)  the  extreme  reluctance  of  the  Orientals 
—  apparent  in  numerous  cases  in  the  Bible — to 
initiate  a  sanctuary,  or  to  adopt  for  worship  any 
place  which  had  not  enjoyed  a  reputation  for  holi- 
ness from  pre-historic  times.  (2. )  The  correspond- 
ence of  Dan  with  Beersheba  in  connection  with 
the  life  of  Abraham  —  the  origin  of  Beersheba  also 
being,  as  has  been  noticed,  enveloped  in  some 
diversity  of  statement.  (.3.)  More  particularly  its 
incidental  mention  in  the  very  clear  and  circum- 
stantial narrative  of  Gen.  xiv.  14,  as  if  well  known 
even  at  that  very  early  period.  Its  mention  in 
Deut.  xxxiv.  1  is  also  before  the  events  related  ui 
Judg.  xviii.,  though  still  many  centuries  later  than 
the  time  of  Abraham.  But  the  subject  is  very 
difficult,  and  we  can  hardly  hojje  to  arrive  at  more 
than  conjecture  ujwn  it. 

With  regard  to  Gen.  xiv.  14  three  explanations 
suggest  themselves.  1.  That  another  place  of  the 
same  name  is  intended.  (Set-  Kalisch,  ad  luc.  for 
an  ingenious  suggestion  of  Dan-jaan;  another  is 
disposed  of  by  Prof.  Stanley,  S.  </•  P.  p.  400.) 
Against  this  may  be  put  the  belief  of  Josephua 
(comp.'  Ant.  i.  10,  §  1,  with  v.  3,  §  1)  and  of 
Jerome  {Onomast.  Laisa,  comp.  with  Qucest.  Htbr. 
in  O'enesiin,  xiv.  14),  who  both  unhesitatuigly 
identify  the  Dan  of  the  Danites,  near  Paneas,  with 
the  Dim  of  Abraham.  2.  That  it  is  a  prophetic 
anticipation  by  the  sacred  historian  of  a  name  which 
was  not  to  exist  till  centuries  later,  just  as  Samson 
has  been  held  to  be  alluded  to  in  the  blessing  (^( 
Dan  by  Jacob.  3.  That  the  passage  originally 
contained  an  older  name,  as  I^ish ;  and  that  when 
that  was  superseded  by  Dan,  the  new  name  was 
inserted  in  the  MSS.  This  last  is  Ewald's  (G'esch. 
i.  73),  and  of  the  three  is  the  most  feasible,  espe- 
cially when  we  consider  the  churacteristic,  genuine 
air  of  the  story  in  Judges,  which  fixes  the  origin 
of  the  name  so  circumstantially.  Josephus  (Ant. 
v.  3,  §  1)  speaks  positively  of  the  situation  of  I>aish 
as  "  not  far  *rom  Mount  Libanus  and  the  springs 
of  the  lesser  Jordan,  near  (Kurd)  the  great  plain 
of  the  city  of  Sidon  "  (compare  also  Ant.  viii.  8,  § 


which  they  presume  on  that  account  to  have  been 
w-ritten  after  the  days  of  the  Judges  (Ewald,  Gesch.  1. 
92).  Jerome's  observations  (Q».  in,  Gen.)  o»  ''bis  pas- 
sage are  very  interesting. 

b  Mos»=  is  doubtless  the  genuine  reading  of  th« 
name,  wnich,  by  the  insertion  of  an  N,  was  chaiip^l 
by  the  Jews  into  Manasseh,  as  It  stands  In  the  A.  > 
of  Judg.  xviii.  30.     I^Manasseb,  6.| 


536 


DAN 


i);  and  this,  as  just  said,  he  identifies  with  the 
Dan  in  (Jen.  xiv.  14  (AtU.  i.  10,  §  1).  In  con- 
sonance with  this  are  the  notices  of  St.  Jerome, 
wlio  deiives  tlie  word  '•  Jordan  "  from  the  names 
of  its  two  sources.  Dan,  the  westernmost  and  the 
smaller  of  the  two,  he  places  at  four  miles  from 
i'ancas  on  tlie  road  to  'I'yre.  In  perfect  agreement 
with  tliis  is  the  position  of  Ttll  tt-Kddi,  a  mound 
from  tlie  foot  of  which  gushes  out  "  one  of  the 
largest  fountjiins  in  the  world,"  the  main  source  of 
the  Jortlan  (I {oh.  iii.  390-393;  Stanley,  394,  395). 
The  'Jell  itself,  rising  from  the  plain  by  somewhat 
steep  teiTaces,  has  its  long,  level  top  strewed  witli 
ruins,  and  is  very  probably  the  site  of  the  town  and 
citadel  of  Dan.  Tlie  spring  is  called  el  LtUddii, 
possibly  a  corruption  of  Dan  (Hob.  iii.  392),  and 
the  stj-eam  from  the  spring  Nalir  ed-Dlian  (Wilson, 
ii.  173),  while  the  name,  TtU  el-Kddi,  "  the  Judge's 
mound,"  agrees  in  signification  with  the  ancient 
name."  IJoth  Dr.  Kobinson  and  I'rof.  Stanley  give 
Oie  exact  agi-eement  of  the  spot  witli  the  require- 
ments of  the  story  in  Judg.  xviii.  —  "a  good  land 
and  a  large,  wliere  there  is  no  want  of  anything 
that  is  on  tlie  earth"  (Kob.  iii.  396;  Stanley,  as 
above).  G. 

*  Delitzsch  accounts  for  the  name  of  Dan  in 
Gen.  xiv.  14,  by  his  tlieory  that  the  Pentateuch 
was  completed  by  son.e  of  tlie  companions  and  sur- 
vivors of  Moses.  Murphy  {Comtuenlary  on  Gen- 
esis, p.  280,  Anier.  ed.)  argues  from  the  mode  of 
designation  here  employed  that  Dan  was  the  origi- 
nal name,  cun-ent  in  Abraliani's  time.  He  suj)- 
poses  that  the  recollection  of  its  ancient  name  and 
story  attracted  tlie  Danites,  and  that  after  taking 
and  destroying  the  city,  tliey  displaced  the  inter- 
mediate name,  I>eslieiii  (accordhig  to  Josh.  xix.  47), 
by  the  original  designation.  But  the  conjecture 
not  only  lacks  foundation,  but  seems  in  conflict 
with  tlie  narrative,  which  refers  the  origin  of  the 
name  to  "  the  name  of  their  father "  Dan  (.Josh. 
xix.  47;  Judg.  xviii.  29).  Ewald's  suggestion  (No. 
3  above)  is  strongly  comitenanced  by  tlie  character 
of  the  narrative  and  the  circumstances  of  the  case. 
The  air  of  extreme  antiquity  which  invests  Gen. 
xiv.  has  been  recognized  even  by  such  questioners 
as  Ewald,  Tuch,  and  Knobel;  ICwald  ascribing  it 
to  patriarchal  times,  and  Tuch  to  a  period  prior  to 
the  Israelitish  invasion,  except  for  this  one  name. 
Even  the  general  phraseology  of  the  chapter  is  |)e- 
culiar.  15ut  the  names  of  places  have  tliis  i)eculiar- 
ity,  that  several  of  them  were  obsolete  at  the  time 
of  the  conquest  of  Canaan,  and  are  interjireted  by 
other  names  appended ;  thus,  Bela  which  is  Zoar ; 
En-mishpat  which  is  Kadesh ;  the  vale  of  Siddim 
which  is  tlie  Salt  Sea.  In  one  or  two  other  cases 
we  have  .an  old  name  without  the  more  modem  ap- 
oendetl,  as  though  the  later  were  not  yet  established 
or  originated;  tlius,  Hazazon-tamar,  which  after- 
wards became  I'2n-gedi  (2  Chr.  xx.  2),  and  El  I'a- 
ran,  the  older  name,  as  Keil  and  Ivnobel  argue,  for 
Elath. 

Now  in  the  midst  of  these  ancient  appellations 
XKurs  one  place  not  designated  by  its  older  name, 
but  by  a  title  which,  a  few  years  after  the  time  of 


a  This  agrcempnt  in  meauing  of  the  modem  name 
irtth  the  ancient  is  so  rare,  that  little  dependence  can 
be  plated  on  it.  Indeed,  Stanley  (S.  If  P.  p.  394,  note) 
|as  shown  grounds  for  at  least  questioning  it.  The 
modem  names,  when  representatives  of  the  ancient, 
generally  agree  in  sound,  though  often  disagreeing  in 
neanini;. 


DANCE 

Moses,  completely  displaced  and  eclipsed  the  otniei 
name.  When,  however,  we  bear  in  mind  the  to- 
tire  obscurity  of  the  place  under  its  former  apjiella- 
tion,  tlie  8])eedy  change,  the  renown  of  its  latei 
name,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was 
given,  it  can  be  no  matter  of  surjirise  that  a  later 
hand,  instead  of  adding  the  explanatory  phrase 
"which  is  Dan"  or  leaving  the  old  and  unknowir 
name  I^eshem,  should  dii'ectly  substitute  tlie  one 
for  the  other.  The  solution  seems  equally  obvious 
and  simple,  and  the  transaction  itself  alniost  un- 
avoidable. 

Keil,  however,  still  insists  with  Kalisch  and  eth- 
ers on  the  first  of  the  abo\e  solutions,  namely,  that 
it  was  another  Dan,  the  Dan-Jaan  of  2  Sam.  xxiv. 
C,  and  belonging  to  Gile.ad  (Deut.  xxxiv.  1).  They 
say  that  l^aish-Dan  did  not  lie  on  either  of  the  two 
roads  leading  fix)ni  the  vale  of  Siddiin  or  of  the 
Jordan  to  Damascus;  whensis  this  Dan,  supposed 
to  be  "  ui  northern  I'erea  to  the  southwest  of  Da- 
mascus "  (Keil),  "between  Gilead  and  Sidon" 
(Kahsch),  would  be  perfectly  appropriate  to  the 
passage.''  The  argument  involves  too  many  as- 
sumptions to  be  of  much  weight,  'i'et  on  the  other 
hand  it  must  be  admitted  that  we  cannot  deny  the 
existence  of  another  Dan  without  supjx)sing  an  in- 
correct readuig  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  G  (the  interchange 

of  ^  for  "1);  a  supposition  countenanced  by  the 
Vulgate,  though  not  so  clearly  by  the  Septuagint. 

S.  C.  li. 

3.  ()1:  om.  in  LXX.  [in  most  MSB.;  Comp. 
Adv,  Aid.  AeScfj/:]  Dim).  Apparently  the  name 
of  a  city,  associated  with  Jason  as  one  of  the 
places  in  Southern  Arabia  from  which  the  I'hoeni- 
cians  obtained  wrought  iron,  cassia,  and  calamus 
(Ez.  xxvii.  19).  Ewald  conjectures  that  it  is  the 
same  as  the  Keturahite  Dedan  in  Gen.  xxv.  3,  but 
his  conjecture  is  without  support,  though  it  is 
adopted  by  Fiirst  {llamlw.).  Others  refer  it  to 
the  tribe  of  Dan,  for  the  Danites  were  skillful  work- 
men, and  both  Alioliab  (lilx.  xxxv.  34)  and  Iluram 
(2  Chr.  ii.  13)  belonged  to  this  tribe.  But  for 
this  view  also  there  ajjpears  to  be  as  httle  founda- 
tion, if  we  consider  the  connection  in  which  the 
name  occurs.  W.  A.  W. 

DANCE.  As  emotions  of  joy  and  sorrow 
universally  express  themselves  in  movements  and 
gestures  of  the  body,  efforts  have  been  made  among 
all  nations,  but  especially  among  those  of  the  south 
and  east,  in  proportion  as  they  seem  to  be  more 
demonstrative,  to  reduce  to  measure  and  to  strength- 
en by  unison  the  more  pleasurable  —  those  of  joy. 
The  dance  is  spoken  of  in  Holy  Scripture  univer- 
sally as  8ymlx)lical  of  some  rejoicing,  and  is  often 
coupled  for  the  sake  of  contrast  witli  mourning,  as 
in  Eccl.  iii.  4,  "  a  time  to  mourn  and  a  time  to 
dance"  (comp.  Ps.  xxx.  11 ;  Matt.  xi.  17).  In  the 
earlier  period  it  is  found  combined  with  some  song 
or  refrain  (Ijc.  xv.  20,  xxxii.  18,  19;  1  Sam.  xxi. 

11);  and  with  the  ^n,  or  tambourine  (A.  V. 
"  timbrel "),  more  especially  in  those  impulsive  out- 
bursts  of  popular  feeling  which  cannot  find  suffi- 


6  •  A  still  more  recent  writer,  Quarry  ( Genesis  and 
its  Authorship,  p.  472,  Lond.  1866),  deems  it  after  all  a 
tenable  pasition  that  the  Dan  of  Abraham  (Oen.  xiv 
14)  was  a  dilTerent  one  from  that  of  the  later  Hebrew 
history.  Zeller  (ZeUer's  BiU.  Worttrb.  p.  213)  propoMl 
the  same  view.  H. 


DANCE 

ieat  rtjnl  in  voice  or  in  gesture  singly."  Nor  is 
toere  any  more  strongly  popular  element  traceable 
hi  the  religion  of  the  ancient  Jews  than  the  oppor- 
tunity so  given  to  a  propliet  or  prophetess  to  kin- 
dle enthusiasm  for  Jehovali  on  momentous  crises 
of  national  joy,  and  thus  root  the  tlieocracy  in  their 
leepest  feelings,  more  especially  in  those  of  the 
women,  themselves  most  easily  stirred,  and  most 
eapable  of  exciting  others.  The  dance  was  regarded 
even  by  the  Romans  as  the  worship  of  tte  body, 
and  thus  had  a  place  amongst  sacred  things:  "  Sane 
ut  in  religionibus  saltaretur,"  says  Serviusad  Virg. 
Bacul.  V.  73,  "  hrec  ratio  est,  quod  imllam  majores 
iiostri  partem  *  corporis  esse  voluerunt,  qu£E  non 
sentiret  religionem."  A  similar  sentiment  is  con- 
veyed in  I's.  XXXV.  10 :  "  All  my  bones  shall  say, 
lx)rd,  wlio  is  like  unto  theeV  "  So  the  "tongue" 
is  the  best  member  among  many,  the  "  glory  "  (Ps. 
Ivii.  8)  of  the  whole  frame  of  flesh,  every  part  of 
which  is  to  have  a  share  in  the  praises  of  God. 
Similai'ly  among  the  Greeks  is  ascribed  by  Athen- 
KU8  to  Socrates  the  following  fragment  — 

ot  &i  xopois  KoAAiora  fleous  Ti/xuaii'  apicrroi 
kv  TtoKin.tf 

who  also  praises  among  styles  of  dancing  rh  fvye- 
v(s  Koi  oj'SpcoSes  (Athen.  xiv.  p.  627;  comp.  Air. 
Alex.  iv.  II). 

Dancing  formed  a  part  of  the  religious  ceremo- 
nies of  the  Egyptians,  and  was  also  common  in 
private  entertainments.  Many  representations  of 
dances  lioth  of  men  and  women  are  found  in  the 
Egyptian  paintings.  The  "feast  unto  the  Lord," 
which  Moses   proposed  to   I'haraoh  to  hold,  was 

really  a  dance  (SH;  see  below). 

Plato  certainly  (Ler/.  vii.  fi)  reckons  dancing 
{6pxwts)  as  part  of  gymnastics  {yv/j.yacrriK'fi)- 
So  far  was  the  feeling  of  the  purest  period  of  an- 
tiquity from  attaching  the  notion  of  effeminacy  to 
dancing,  that  the  ideas  of  this  and  of  warlike  exer- 
cise are  mutually  uiterwoven,  and  their  terms  al- 
most correspond  as  synonyms  (Hom.  Jl.  xvi.  G17; 
jomp.  Creuzer,  Symb.  ii.  307,  iv.  474;  and  see 
specially  Lucian  de  Salt.,  p'igsim).  Women,  how- 
#ver,  among  the  Hebrews  made  the  dance  their 
especial  means  of  expressing  their  feelings;  and 
when  their  husbands  or  friends  returned  from  a 
battle  on  behalf  of  life  and  home,  felt  that  they  too 
ought  to  have  some  share  in  tlie  event,  and  found 
that  share  in  the  dance  of  triumph  welconung  them 
back.  The  "  eating  and  drinking  and  dancing  " 
of  the  Amalekites  is  recorded,  as  is  the  people's 

"rising  up  to  play"  (pHV,  including  a  revelling 
dance),  with  a  tacit  censure;  the  one  seems  to  mark 
the  lower  civilization  of  the  Amalekites,  the  otlier 
the  looseness  of  conduct  into  which  idolatry  led  the 
Israelites  (Ex.  xxxii.  G;  1  Cor.  x.  7;  1  Sam.  xxx. 
16).  So  among  the  IJedouins,  native  dances  of 
men  are  mentioned  (Lynch,  Jhad  Sea,  p.  295; 
Stanley,  pp.  50,  400),  and  are  probably  an  ancient 
tustom.  The  Hebrews,  however,  save  in  such  mo- 
ments of  temptation,  seem  to  have  left  dancing  to 
the  women.  But  more  especially  on  such  occasions 
•jf  trlumpli,  any  woman  wliose  nearness  of  kin  to 
Uie  champion  of  the  moment  gave  her  a  public 


o  The  proper  word  lor  this  coisbination  is  pH^ 
',Tudg.  xvi.  25 ;  1  Sam  xviii.  6 ;  2  Sam.  vi.  5,  21 ;  1 
■Jhr.  xlii.  8,  xv.  29;  Jei.  xxx.  19),  though  it  also  in- 
ilodos  othrr  seDses. 


DANCE  637 

character  among  her  own  sex,  seems  to  have  felt 
that  it  was  her  part  to  le-ad  such  a  demonstration 
of  triumph,  or  of  welcome;  so  iSIiriara  (I'jt.  xv.  20) 
and  so  jephtliah's  daughter  (.(udg.  xi.  34),  and 
similarly  there  no  doubt  was,  though  none  is  men- 
tioned, a  chorus  and  dance  of  women  led  by  Debo- 
rah, as  the  song  cf  the  men  by  Ikrak  (comp.  Judg. 
V.  1  with  Ex.  XV.  1,  20).  Similarly,  too.  Judith 
(xv.  12,  13)  leads  her  own  song  and  dance  of  tri- 
umph over  Ilolofemes.     There  was  no  sicu  leader 


Egyptian  dances.     (Wilkinson. ) 

of  the  choir  mentioned  in  the  case  of  David  and 
Saul.  Hence  whereas  ^liriam  "  answered  "  the 
entire  chorus  in  ICx.  xv.  21,  the  women  in  the  lat- 
ter case  "  answered  one  another  as  they  played " 
(1  Sam.  xviii.  7),  that  "answer"  embo<lying  the 
sentiment  of  the  occasion,  and  forminsi  the  burden 
of  the  song.  The  "  coming  out "  of  the  women  to 
do  this  (.Judg.  xi.  34;  1  Sam.  xviii.  0;  comp 
"went  out,"  Ex.  xv.  20)  is  also  a  feature  worthy 
of  note,  and  implies  the  object  of  meeting,  attend- 
ing upon,  and  conducting  liome.  So  Jephthah'a 
daughter  met  her  fatlier,  the  "  women  of  all  the 
cities "  came  to  meet  and  celebrate  Saul  and 
David,  and  their  host,  but  Miriam  in  the  same 
way  "goes  out"  before  "Jehovah"  the  "man  of 
wa'  "  whose  presence  seems  implied.     Tliis  marks 

t>  Among  Romans  of  a  late  period  the  sentiment 
had  expired.  "  Nemo  fere  saltat  sobrius,  nisi  forte  in- 
sanit"  (Cic.  pro  Mtir.  p.  14).  ''Tliaps,  however,  the 
standard  of  morals  would  ratner  lead  ns  to  expect 
*J"it  drunkenness  was  common  than  that  dancing  waa 
rare. 


533  DANCE 

the  peculiarity  of  David's  conduct,  when,  on  the  re- 
tom  of  the  Ark  of  God  from  its  long  sojourn 
lunong  strangers  and  borderers,  he  (2  Sam.  vi.  5- 
22)  was  himself  choreyus;  and  here  too  tlie  women, 
with  their  timbrels "  (see  esijecially  v.  5,  IS),  20, 
22),  took  an   important  share.     This  fact  brings 
out  more  markedly  the  feelings  of  Saul's  daughter 
Michal,  keeping  aloof  from  the  occasion,  and  "  look- 
ing through  a  window  "  at  the  scene.     She  should, 
in  accordance  with  the  examples  of  Miriam,  &c., 
have  herself  led  the  female  choir,  and  so  come  out 
to  meet  the  Ark,  and  her  lord.     She  stays  with 
the  "househjild"   (ver.   20),  and  "comes  out  to 
meet"  him  with  reproaches,  perhaps  feeling  that 
bis  zeal  was  a  rebuke  to  her  apathy.    It  was  before 
'» the  handmaids,"  i.  e.  in  leatluig  that  choir  which 
she  should  have  led,  that  he  had  "uncovered" 
himself:  an  unkingly  exposure  as  she  thought  it, 
which  the  dance  rendered  necessary  *  —  the  wear- 
ing merely  the  ephod  or  linen  tunic.    The  occasion 
was  meant  to  be  popularly  viewed  in  connection 
with  David's  subjugation  of  various  enemies  and 
accession  to  the  throne  of  Israel  (see  1  Chr.  xii. 
23-xiii.  8);  he  accordingly  thinks  only  of  the  honor 
of  God  who  had  so  advanced  bun,  and  in  that  for- 
gets self  (comp.  Jliiller,  de  Duvidc  ant.  Arc.  Ugo- 
lini,  xxxii.).      From  the  mention  of  "damsels," 
"tunbrels,"  and  "dances"   (Ps.  Ixviii.  25,  cxUx. 
3,  cl.  4),  as  elements  of  religious  woi-ship,  it  may 
perhaps  be  inferred  that  David's  feeling  led  him  to 
incorporate  in  its  rit*s  that  popular  mode  of  festive 
celebration.     This  does  not  seem  to  have  survived 
him,  for  as  SaaLschiitz  remarks  {Archiiol.  der  IIel»: 
vol.  i.  p.  209),  in  the  mention  of  religious  revivals 
under  Ilezekiah  and  Josiah,  no  notice  of  them  oc- 
curs; and  this,  although  the  "words,"  the  "writ- 
ing," and  the  "commandment  of  David  "  on  such 
subjects,  are  distinctly  alluded  to  (2  Clir.  xxix.  30, 
XXXV.  4,  15).     It  is  possible  that  the  banishing 
of  this  popular  element,  which  found  its  vent  no 
doubt  in  the  idolatrous  rites  of  Baal  and  Astarte 
(as  it  certainly  did  in  those  of  the  golden  calf,  Ex. 
xxxii.  19),  made  those  efforts  take  a  less  firm  hold 
on  the  people  than  they  might  have  done;  and  that 
David's  more  comprehensive  scheme  might  have 
retained  some  ties  of  feeling  which  were  thus  lost. 
On  the  other  hand  wa«  doubtless  the  peril  of  the 
loose  morality  which  commonly  attended   festive 
dances  at  heathen  shrines.      Certainly  in  later  Ju- 
daism the  dance  was  included  among  some  relig- 
ious festivities,  e.  (/.  the  feast  of  Tabernacles  (Mish- 
na,  Succnii,  v.  3,  4),  where,  however,  the  performers 
were  men.     'Hiis  was  pnbably  a  mere  following 
Uie  example  of  David  in  the  letter.     Also  in  the 
iarlier  period  of  the  Judges  the  dances  of  the  vir- 
giOB  in  Shiloh   (Judg.  xxi.  19-23)  \7ere  certainly 
part  of  a  religious  festivity.    It  seems  also  from  this 
last  instance  clear,  and  from  the  others  probable, 
that  such  dances  were  performed  by  maidens  apart 
from  men,  which  gives  an  additional  point  to  the 
leproach  of  Michid.     What  the  fashion  or  figure 
af  Ihe  dance  was  is  a  doubtful  question;  nor  is  it 
iMcdy  to  have  hicked  such  variety  as  would  adapt  it 

fco  the  various  occasions  of  its  use.    The  word  SSn 
,  to  move  in  a  ring,  or  round ;  whence  in  I's. 


a  The  V\r\  was  clearly  the  women's  instrument. 
ite  the  allotment  of  the  other  different  instrxunenta  to 
men  in  1  Ohr.  xv.  16-21,  and  xvi.  6, 42 ;  comp.  also  the 

"I'lephn  nydhv,  oi  ps.  ixvm.  25. 

if  SoD3fi  commentators  have  been  at  pains  to  point 


DANCE 

xlii.  4  we  find  3?in  I'^liSTl,  meaning  a  festin 

crowd,  apparently  as  dancing  in  a  ring.    So   /-"in; 

whence  n^Jinp,  means  to  turn.  In  moderc 
Oriental  dances  a  woman  leads  off  the  dance,  tht 
others  then  follow  her  with  exact  imitation  of  her 
artistic  and  graceful  attitudes.  A  paralluhsm  of 
movement  is  also  incident  to  it  (SaaLschiitz,  ib.  p. 
301).  Possibly  Miriam  so  led  her  countrywomen. 
The  same  writer  thinks  that  in  Cant.  vi.  13,  the 

words  D)'5n^U  n?"n!2  (A.  V.  "  company  of 
two  armies  ")  imply  two  rows  of  dancing  girls,  and 
that  the  address  in  the  singuLir  number,  "  return, 
return,"  and  again  in  vii.  1  applies  to  the  move- 
ments of  the  individual  jwrformer  in  a  kind  of 
cont7-e-d(inse.  The  iiiterprctation,  however,  does 
not  remove  the  obscurities  of  the  passage. 

Dancing  abo  had  its  place  among  merely  festive 
amusements  apart  from  any  religious  character  (Jer 
xxxi.  4,  13;  Lam.  v.  15;  Mark  vi.  22;  Luke  xv. 
25).  The  accomplishments  exhibited  by  Herodias'a 
daughter  seem,  however,  to  show  that  Dean  Trench's 
remark  on  the  last-named  passage  that  the  dancers 
were  of  course  not  the  guests  but  hired  performers 
is  hardly  to  be  received  with  strictness;  although 
the  tendency  of  luxury  in  the  ICast  has  no  doubt 
been  to  reduce  the  estimation  in  which  the  pastime, 
as  shared  in,  is  there  held.  Children,  of  course, 
always  did  and  always  will  dance  (Job  xxi.  11; 
Matt.  xi.  17;  Luke  vii.  32).  Whilst  in  th^ar 
"  dancing  dervishes "  the  Turks  seem  to  h«.ve 
adopted  into  their  sjstem  the  enthusiastic  raptures, 
at  once  martial  and  sacred,  which  (e.  <;.  in  the 
Roman  Sfdli)  seem  indigenous  in  many  southern 
and  eastern  races  from  the  earliest  times.  For 
further  remarks  Spencer,  de  SaUat.  vet.  Jlebi:,  may 
be  consulted  (Ugolini,  xxx.);  and,  for  the  Greek 
and  Koman  dances,  see  l>ict.  of  Ant.  art.  Sallatio. 

II.  II. 

DANCE.  By  this  word  is  rendered  in  the 
A.  V.  the  Hebrew  term  Maclwl,  VlHC,  a  musical 
instrument  of  percussion,  supposed  to  have  been 
used  by  the  Hebrews  at  an  eaily  period  of  their 
history.     Some  modern  lexicographers,  who  regard 

MacMl  as  synonymous  with  Rnkod,  T^p^  (Eccl. 
iii.  4),  restrict  its  meaning  to  the  exercise  or  amuse- 
ment of  dancing.  But  according  to  many  scholars, 
it  also  signifies  a  musical  instrument  used  for  ac- 
companying the  dance,  and  which  the  Hebrews 
therefore  called  by  the  same  name  as  the  dance  itself. 
The  Septuagmt  generally  renders  mnchU  xop^s, 
"dancing:  "  occasionally,  however,  it  gives  a  dif- 
ferent meaning,  as  in  Ps.  xxx.  11  (Heb.  Bible,  ver. 
12),  where  it  is  translatetl  x"P''>  "joy."  ai'i  "• 
Jer.  xxxi.  4  and  14,  where  it  is  rendered  awayaYlh 
"assembly."  The  Semitic  versions  of  the  0.  T. 
almost  invariably  interpret  the  word  as  a  musical 
instrument. 

On  the  joyous  occasion  wher  the  Israelites  escape 
from  their  Egyptian  pursuers,  and  reach  the  Ara- 
bian shore  of  the  Ked  Sea  in  safety,  Miriam  is 

represented  as  going  forth  striking  the  m,  and 

out  that  it  was  not  the  act  of  dancing,  but  the  dres* 
divested  of  upper  robes  which  was  the  subject  of  r» 
mark.  But  clearly  the  "dancing  with  all  his  might' 
could  hardly  be  done  in  the  dignified  costume  of  roy 
alty :  every  Hebrew  would  see  that  the  one  impUM 
the  other.     Comp.  £x.  xxxii.  6,  25. 


DANCE 

ibllcwed  by  her  sisters  in  faith,  wh?  join  in  "  with 
timbrels  and  dances  "  (l-lx.  xv.  20).  Here  the  sense 
of  the  passage  seems  to  be.  agreeably  to  the  Auth. 
Vers.,  that  the  Hebrew  women  came  forth  to  dance, 
»nd  to  accompany  their  dance  by  a  performance 
on  timbrels ;  and  this  is  the  view  adopted  by  the 
majority  of  the  l^tin  and  English  commentators. 
I'arkhurst  and  Ailam  Clarke  do  not  share  this 
opinion.  According  to  the  former,  macltol  is 
"some   iistular   wind-instrument   of    music,   with 

holes,  as  a  flute,  pipe,  or  fife,  from  ^H,  to  make  a 
hole  or  0()ening;"  and  the  latter  says,  "I  know 
no  place  in  the  Bible  where  machol  and  mnchulath 
mean  dance  of  any  kind;  tiiey  constantly  signify 
some  kind  of  pii^e."  The  Targun)ists  very  fre- 
quently render  tiinclivl  aa  a  nmsical  instrument. 
In  Ex.  XV.  20,  Onkelos  gives  for  machalath  the 

Aramaic  word  7'*23n,  which  is  precisely  the  same 
employed  by  him  in  Gen.  xxxi.  27  for  cimwr  (A. 
V.  "  harp  ").     The  Arabic  version  has  for  machul 

0  6  ^  S    >  > 

in  most  places  Jla^,  pi.  \J^jJO,  translated  by 
Freytag,  in  his  Arabic  lexicon,  "  a  drum  with  either 

one  or  two  faces;"  and  the  word  i"T1vnQ21 
(Judg.  xi.  34,  A.  V.  "and  with  dances'")  is  ren- 
dered by  2  ULfc,  "songs."     Gesenius,  Fiirst,  and 

othor/i,  adopt  for  the  most  part  the  Septuagint 
rendeiing  ;  but  Rosenmiiller,  in  his  commentary 
on  Ex.  XV.  20,  observes  that,  on  comparing  the 
passages  in  Judg.  xi.  3-1,  1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  and 
Jer.  xxxi.  4,  and  assigning  a  rational  exegesis  to 
their  contexts,  mncliol  must  mean  in  these  instances 
Borae  musical  instrument,  pwbably  of  the  flute 
kind,  and  principally  played  on  by  women. 

In  the  grand  Hallelujah  I'sahn  (cl.)  which  closes 
that  magnificent  collection,  the  sacred  poet  exhorts 
mankind  to  praise  Jehovah  in  His  sanctuary  with 
all  kinds  of  music ;  and  amongst  the  instruments 
mentioned  at  tlie  3d,  4th,  and  5th  verses  is  found 
macliot,  which  cannot  here  be  consistently  rendered 
in  the  sense  of  danciiig.     Joel  Brill,  whose  second 

preface  (n^3JZ7  ^tt^p^T)  to  Mendelssohn's 
Psalms  contains  the  best  treatise  extant  on  the 
musical  instruments  mentioned  in  the  Hebrew 
Bible,  remarks :  "  It  is  evident  from  the  passage, 
'  Praise  Him  with  the  U^f  and  the  machol,'  that 
Machol  must  mean  here  some  musical  instrument, 
and  this  is  the  ophiion  of  the  m^ority  of  scholars." 

Mendelssohn  derives  machol  from  /1 7n,  "  hol- 
low," on  account  of  its  shape;  and  the  author  of 
Shilte  IIiKjyibbonm  denominates  it  DT^IDD'^D, 
which  he  probal)ly  intends  for  Ki6dpa- 

Tlic  musical  instrument  used  as  an  accompani- 
ment to  dajicing  is  generally  believed  to  have  been 
nade  of  metal,  open  like  a  ring:   it  had  many 


DANIEL 


539 


<*  This  date  has  given  rise  to  many  objections,  bc- 
e,iuse  the  fourth  jeiir  of  Joboiakim  is  identified  with 
?he  jirsc  of  Nebucbadnezziir  (Jer.  xxv.  1).  Various 
MlutioDS  have  been  proposed  (cf.  Keil,  Einl.  §  133,  2) ; 
but  the  text  of  Daniel  itself  sujrgests  the  true  explaua- 
^on.  The  second  year  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  reign  (ii. 
l>  falls  after  the  com,-)letlon  of  the  throe  years'  train- 
Kj  of  Daniel  which  conunenced  with  his  captivity 
.  1,  5) ;  and  this  i<!  a  clear  indication  that  the  expe- 
.Ition  mentioned  in  i  1,  was  undertaken  in  the  last 
tear  of  the  reign  of  Nabopolassar,  wliUe  as  yet  Nebu- 


small  bells  attached  to  its  border,  and  was  played 
at  weddings  and  nier- 
rj'-niakings  by  wom- 
en, who  accompanie<l 
it  with  the  voice.  Ac- 
cording to  tlie  author 
of  Sliilte  I[a<j(jil)bo- 
rim,  the  vinchol  had 
tinkling  metal  plates 
fastened  on  wires,  at 
Mmucal  Instruments.  Dance,  intenals,  within  the 
(Mendelssohn.)  girdle  tliat  formed  the 

instrument,  like  tlie  modem  tambourine;  according 
to  others,  a  similar  instnmient,  also  fomied  of  a 
circular  piece  of  metal  or  wood,  but  fi.niished  with 
a  handle,  which  the  performer  niigiit  so  manage  *«s 
to  set  in  motion  several  rings  strung  on  a  n.eial 
bar,  passing  from  one  aide  of  the  instrument  to  the 
other,  the  waving  of  which  produced  a  loud,  merry 
sound. 

Some  modem  critics  consider  machalath  the 
same  with  michol.  Gesenius,  however,  translates 
the  latter  "  dancing,"  whilst  the  former  he  renders 

"  a  stringed  instrument,"  from  the  root    H  ^H, 

Ethiopia    'fAP,   "  to  sing."  D.  W.  M. 

DAN'IEL  1*^^*3"^  U"(l(/e  of  God,  his  repre- 
sentative as  such,  or  God  (El)  is  judye],  Dan.  i. 
G,  7,  8,  &c.;  Ezr.  viii.  2;  Neh.  x.  (5;  1  Chr.  iii.  1; 

and  /■^?3'T,  Ez.  xiv.  14,  20;  xxviii.  3),  the  name 
of  three  (or  four)  persons  in  the  Old  Testament. 

1.  Tlie  second  son  of  David  (AojUcji^A;  [Aid.] 
Alex.  AaKouta;  [Comp.  Aavffi\-  iJiuicl]),  "bom 
unto  luin  in  Hebron,"  "  of  Ai)igail  the  Carmelitess  " 
(1  Chr.  iii.  1).    In  the  parallel  p.^ssage,  2  Sam.  iii. 

3,  he  is  called  Chileab  (I3S/3,  i.  e.  like  his 
father  (?):  AaXovta)-  For  the  Jewish  explanation 
of  the  origin  of  the  two  names  see  Patrick ;  Bochart, 
Ilierozoic.  ii.  55,  p.  G63. 

2.  [Aai/irjA.:  Bmicl.]  The  fourth  of  "the 
greater  propliets"  (cf.  Matt.  xxiv.  15,  Trpocp-fjTr]^)- 
Nothing  is  knovni  of  the  parentage  or  family  of 
Daniel.  He  api)ears,  however,  to  have  been  of  roy:il 
or  noble  descent  (Dan.  i.  3;  cf.  Joseph.  Ant.  x.  10, 
§  1),  and  to  have  [assessed  considerable  personal 
endowments  (Dan.  i.  4).  He  was  taken  to  Babylon 
in  "  the  third  year  of  Jehoiakim  (u.  c.  604 ),«  and 
trained  for  the  king's  service  with  his  three  com- 
panions. Like  Joseph  in  earlier  times,  he  gained 
the  favor  of  his  guardian,  and  was  divuiely  sufH 
ported  in  his  resolve  to  abstain  from  the  "  king's 
meat"  for  foiir  of  defilement  (Dan.  i.  8-lG).  At 
the  close  of  his  three  years'  discipline  (Dan.  i.  5, 
18),  Daniel  had  an  opjxirtunity  of  exercising  his 
peculiar  gift  (Dan.  i.  17)  of  uiterpreting  dreams, 
on  the  occasion  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  decree  against 
the  Magi  (Dan.  ii.  14  ff).  In  consequence  of  his 
success  he  was  made  "  ruler  of  the  whole  province 
of  Babylon,"  and  "  chief  of  the  governors  over  all 


ohadnezzar  was  not  properly  king.  But  some  furthei 
diiflculties  remain,  which  appear,  however,  to  have 
been  satisfactorily  removed  by  Niebuhr  ( Gesck.  Assures, 
p.  83  a.)  The  date  in  Jer.  xlvi.  2,  is  not  that  of  th« 
battle  of  Carchemish,  but  of  the  warning  of  tho 
prophet ;  and  the  throats  and  promises  in  Jer.  xxv. 
are  consistent  with  the  notion  of  a  previous  subjaction 
of  .lerusalem  to  Nebuchadnezzar,  which  may  have  been 
accomplished  ^^1tbout  resistance  (cf.  Niebuhr,  a.  a.  0 
ff  308  ff.). 


540  DANIEL 

Uie  wise  men  of  liiibjloii "  (ii.  48).  Tie  afterwards 
Interpreted  the  second  dream  of  Nelnicliadnezzar 
(iv.  8-27),  and  the  handwriting  on  the  WiUl  which 
disturlxxl  the  feast  of  IJeishazziir  (v.  10-28),  though 
he  no  longer  held  his  official  {lOHition  among  the 
magi  (Dan.  v.  7,  8,  J 2),  and  probalily  lived  at  Susa 
(Dan.  viii.  2;  of.  Joseph.  AiU.  x.  11,  §  7;  liochiirt, 
Geogr.  Sacf.  iii.  14).  At  the  accession  of  Darius 
[Dakiu.s]  he  was  made  first  of  the  "  three  presi- 
dents" of  the  empire  (cf.  1  I'idr.  iii.  9).  and  was 
delivered  from  the  lions'  den,  into  wliich  he  had 
been  cast  tor  his  faithfulness  to  the  rites  of  his 
faith  (vi.  10-2.J;  cf.  IJel  &  Dr.  2:t-42).  At  the 
accession  of  Cyrus  he  still  retained  his  prosperity 
(vi.  23;  cf.  i.  21;  ISel  &  Dr.  2);  though  he  does 
not  appcir  to  have  remained  at  lJivb\lon  (cf.  Dan. 
i.  21),  and  in  "the  third  year  of  Cynis"  (».  c. 
534)  he  saw  liis  last  recorde<l  vision  on  the  banks 
of  the  Tigris  (.v.  1,  4).  According  to  the  Moham- 
medan tnulition  Daniel  returned  to  .luilaia,  held 
the  government  of  Sjria,  and  finally  died  at  Susa 
(Kosenni idler,  iivhvl.  p.  5,  n.),  where  his  tomb  is 
still  shown,  and  is  visited  by  crowds  of  pilgrims. 
In  the  |)rophecies  of  Ijiekiel  mention  is  made  of 
Daniel  as  a  pattern  of  righteousness  (xiv.  14,  20) 
and  wisdom  (xxviii.  3);  and  since  Daniel  was  still 
young  at  that  time  (c.  it.  c.  588-584),  some  have 
thought  that  another  prophet  of  the  name  nuist 
have  lived  at  some  earher  time  (lUeek),  perhaps 
during  the  captivity  of  Nineveh  (Kwald,  JJie 
Projiheltn,  ii.  500),  whose  fame  was  transferred  to 
his  later  namesake,  llit/.ig  imagines  (  Vovbvmerk. 
§  3)  that  the  Daniel  of  llzekiel  was  purely  a  myth- 
ical personage,  whose  prototype  is  to  be  sought 
in  Melchizedek,  and  that  the  character  was  bor- 
rowed by  the  author  of  the  book  of  Daniel  as  suited 
to  his  design.  These  suppositions  are  favored  by 
no  internal  [jrobability,  and  are  unsupiwrted  by  any 
direct  evidence.  The  order  of  (he  names  "  Noah, 
Daniel,  and  Job"  (l-js.  xiv.  14)  seems  to  suggest 
the  idea  that  they  represent  the  first  and  last  his- 
toric tj'pes  of  righteousness  before  the  law  and 
under  it,  combined  with  the  ideal  type  (cf.  Delitzsch, 
p.  271).  On  the  other  hand  the  narrative  in  Dan. 
L  11,  implies  that  Daniel  Mas  conspicuously  distin- 
guished for  purity  and  knowledge  at  a  very  early 
ige  (cf.  llist.  Sus.  45),  and  he  may  have  lieen 
learly  forty  years  old  at  the  time  of  l-Jcekiel's 
prophecy. 

Allusion  has  been  made  already  to  the  com- 
parison which  may  be  instituted  between  Daniel 
and  Joseph,  who  stand  at  the  beginning  and  the 
tlose  of  the  divine  history  of  the  Jews,  as  represen- 
atives  of  tlie  true  God  in  heathen  courts  (Auberlen, 
Daniel^  pp.  32,  33).  In  this  resjiect  the  position  of 
Daniel  nnist  have  exercised  a  powerful  influence 
jpon  the  form  of  the  revelations  conveyed  through 
aim.  And  in  turn  the  authority  which  he  enjoyed 
renders  the  course  of  the  exile  and  the  return 
clearly  intelligible.  Ity  station,  by  education,  and 
Ij  character,  he  was  [jeculiarly  fitted  to  fulfill  the 
<rork  assigiied  to  him.  He  was  not  only  a  resident 
ji  a  foreign  land,  like  Jeremiah  or  I'lzekiel,  but  the 
minister  of  a  foreign  empire,  and  of  successive 
dynasties  (Dan.  ii.  48,  vi.  28).  His  political  ex- 
perience would  naturally  qualify  him  to  give  dis- 
tinct expression  to  the  characteristics  of  nations  in 
Uiemselves,  and  not  only  in  their  relation  to  God's 
people.  His  intellectual  advantages  were  as  re- 
narkable  as  his  civil  dignity.  Like  the  great  law- 
giver who  was  "  trained  in  all  the  wisdom  of  the 
^-pt^ans,"  the  great  seer  was  trained  in  the  secrets 


DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OF 

of  Chaldffian  wisdom,  and  placed  at  the  head  of  th« 
school  of  the  Magi  (Dan.  ii.  43).  He  was  thus 
enabled  to  preserve  whatever  was  true  in  tlie  tradi- 
tional teaching  of  the  1-Iast,  and  to  east  his  revehi- 
tions  into  a  form  suited  to  their  si)ecial  character 
But  though  engaged  in  the  service  of  a  heathen 
prince  and  familiar  with  Oriental  learning,  Daniel 
was  from  the  first  distinguished  by  his  strict  ob- 
servance of  the  Mosaic  law  (i.  8-16;  cf.  vi.  10,  11). 
In  this  way  the  third  outward  condition  for  hia 
work  WM  satisfied,  and  at  the  close  of  tl.e  exile 
he  oflei-ed  a  pattern  of  holiness  for  the  instruction 
of  the  l)isi)ersion  of  after  times.  (Cf.  Auberlen. 
Dunid,  24,  &c.) 

The  exact  meaning  of  the  name  is  disputed.  The 

full  form  (7S*3^)  is  probably  more  correct,  and 
in  this  the  yod  api)ears  to  be  not  merely  formative, 
but  a  pronominal  suffix  (as  rT3"'bnhJ,  '^S^'H^l!?)' 

so  that  the  sense  will  be  God  is  viy  Judge  (C.  B. 
Michaelis  a]).  Ko.senmiiller,  Schol.  §  1).  Others 
interpret  the  word  the  Judge  of  G<hI,  and  the  use 
of  a  yorl  formative  is  justified  by  the  parallel  of 
Melchizedek,  &c.  (llitzig,  §  2).  Thi.s  interpretation 
is   favored   by  the  Chalda;au  name,  Belteshazzar 

("IVSrtpba.  I.  7,  i.  e.  the  piince  of  Bel:  Theod. 
LXX.  haKrdaap  :  Vvlg,  Baltassar),  which  was 
given  to  Daniel  at  IJabylon  (Dan.  i.  7),  and  con- 
tains a  clear  reference  to  his  former  name.  Hitzig's 
interpretation  ("  I'Ala  tschavara  =  Ei-ndhrer  und 
Verzehrer  ")  has  nothing  to  recommend  it.  Such 
changes  !iave  been  common  at  all  times:  and  for 
the  sim[)le  assumption  of  a  foreign  name  compare 
Gen.  xli.  45;  I'Izr.  i.  11,  v.  14  (Sheslibazzar). 

Various  apocryphal  fragments  attributed  to 
Daniel  are  collected  l)y  Fabricius  ( Cod.  Pseud.  V. 
T.  i.  1124),  but  it  is  surprising  that  his  fame  in 
later  times  seems  to  have  been  obscured  (Hettinger, 
Hist.  Orient,  p.  92).  Cf.  Epiph.  \'it.  Dan.  ii.  p. 
243,  ed.  Petav. ;  VlL  Dan.  ap.  Fabric. ;  Joseph. 
Ant.  X.  11. 

3.  A  descendant  of  Ithamar,  who  returned  with 
Ezra  to  Judaa  in  the  time  of  "  Artaxerxes." 
[Akta.vkkxks.]     (Ezr.  viii;  2.) 

4.  A  priest  who  sealed  the  covenant  drawn  up 
by  Nehemiah  n.  c.  445  (Neh.  x.  C).  He  is  prob- 
al)ly  the  same  as  (3);  and  is  confounded  with  the 
prophet  in  the  apocrj-phal  addenda  to  Daniel:  Dan. 
xiv.  1  (LXX.,  not  Theodot.).  B.  F.  W. 

DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OF,  is  the  earliest 
example  of  apocalyptic  literature,  and  in  a  great 
degree  the  model,  according  to  which  all  latei 
apocalypses  were  constructed.  In  this  aspect  it 
stands  at  the  head  of  a  series  of  writings  in  which 
the  deepest  thoufl't<«  of  the  Jewish  people  found 
expression  after  tlie  ilose  of  the  prophetic  era.  'l"he 
book  of  I'noch  [Knoch  I.  the  Jewish  Sibyllines,  and 
the  fourtli  book  of  Exra  [2  Esdkas],  carry  out 
with  varied  success  and  in  different  directions,  the 
great  outlines  of  universal  history  which  it  con- 
tains; and  the  "  Revelation  "  of  Daniel  rpoeived  at 
last  its  just  completion  in  the  Kevelation  of  St. 
John.  Without  an  inspired  type  it  is  difficult  t; 
conceive  how  the  later  writings  could  have  Deen 
framed;  and  whatever  judgment  be  formed  as  to 
the  composition  of  the  book,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  it  exercised  a  greater  influence  upon  the  earl} 
Christian  Chm*ch  than  any  other  writing  of  tht 
Old  l^tament,  while  in  the  (iospels  it  is  specialiv 
distinguished  by  the  emphatic  quotation  of  tb« 


DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OF 

uord  (Matt.  xxTv.  15,  rh  ^rjAev  itk  AoviJ/A  ruu 
vpo<p'f)Tov.  .   .  6  uvayivdaKuy  voeira).  .   ,)■ 

1.  In  studying  the  book  of  Daniel  it  ia  of  the 
Dtmost  importance  to  recognize  its  tpocalyptic 
character.  It  is  at  once  an  end  and  a  beginning, 
the  last  form  of  prophecy  and  the  first  "  philosophy 
of  history."  The  nation  is  widened  into  the  world : 
the  restored  kingdom  of  Judah  into  a  universal 
kingdom  of  God.  To  the  old  prophets  Daniel 
stands,  in  some  sense,  as  a  commentator  (Dan.  ix. 
2-l!>):  to  succeeding  generations,  as  the  herald  of 
immediate  deliverance.  The  form,  the  style,  and 
the  point  of  sight  of  prophecy,  are  relinquished 
upon  the  verge  of  a  new  period  in  the  existence  of 
God's  people,  and  fresh  instruction  is  given  to  them 
8uit«d  to  their  new  fortunes.  The  change  is  not 
abrupt  and  absolute,  but  yet  it  is  distinctly  felt. 
The  eye  and  not  the  ear  is  the  organ  of  the  Seer : 
visions  and  not  words  are  revealed  to  him.  His 
utterance  is  clothed  uj  a  complete  and  artificial 
shape,  illustrated  by  symbolic  imagery  and  pointed 
by  a  specific  purpose.  The  divuie  comisels  are 
made  known  to  hiiu  by  the  ministry  of  angels  (vii. 
16,  viii.  It),  ix.  21),  and  not  by  "the  Word  of  the 
Lord."  The  seer  takes  hLs  stand  in  the  future 
rather  than  in  the  present,  while  the  prophet  seized 
on  the  elements  of  good  and  evil  which  he  saw 
working  around  him  and  traced  them  to  their  final 
issue.  The  one  looked  forward  from  the  present 
to  the  great  "age  to  come;"  the  other  looked 
backward  from  "the  last  days"  to  the  trials  in 
which  he  is  still  placed.  In  prophecy  the  form  and 
the  essence,  the  human  and  divine  were  inseparably 
interwoven ;  in  revelation  the  two  elements  can  be 
contemplated  apart,  each  in  its  greatest  vigor,  — 
the  most  consummate  art,  and  the  most  striking 
predictions.  The  Babylonian  exile  supplied  the 
outward  tnaining  and  the  inward  necessity  for  this 
last  form  of  divine  teaching;  and  the  prophetic 
visions  of  Ezekiel  form  the  connecting  link  between 
the  characteristic  types  of  revelation  and  prophecy. 
(Cf.  Liicke,  Versucli,  i.  17  fT. ;  Hitzig,  JJnniel, 
Vorbevi.^  9;  Hilgaifeld,  Die  jiid.  AjwL,  1  ff.). 
[Daniel.] 

2.  The  language  of  the  book,  no  less  than  its 
general  form,  l)elongs  to  an  era  of  transition.  Like 
the  book  of  ICzra,  Daniel  is  composed  partly  in  the 
vernacular  Aramaic  (Chaldee),  and  partly  in  the 
Bacred  Hebrew.  The  introduction  (i.-ii.  4  n) 
is  WTitten   in   Hebrew.     On  the  occasion  of  the 

"  Syriac  "  (H^D^pS,  crvpitrrl,  syriace,  i.  e.  Ara- 
bic) answer  of  the  Chaldseans,  the  language 
V  janges  to  Aramaic,  and  this  is  retained  till  the 
close  of  the  seventh  chapter  (ii.  i  6 -vii.).  The 
personal  introduction  of  Daniel  as  the  writer  of  the 
text  (viii.  1 )  is  marked  by  the  resumption  of  the 
Hebrew,  which  continues  to  the  close  of  the  book 
(viii.-xii.).  The  character  of  the  Hebrew  bears 
the  closest  affinity  to  that  of  luekiel  and  Habakkuk, 
or  in  other  words  to  those  prophets  who  lived 
nearest  to  the  assumed  age  of  Daniel;  but  it  is  less 
marked  by  peculiar  forms  and  corruptions  than  that 
of  Ezekiel.  The  Aramaic,  like  that  of  Ezra,  is  also 
of  an  earlier  form  (cf.  Maurer,  Comm.  in  Dan.  p. 
87)  than  exists  in  any  other  Chaldaic  document,  but 
ta  the  Targums  —  the  next  most  ancient  specimens 
of  the  language  —  were  not  cuunnitted  to  wriv'ng 
till  about  the  Christian  era,  this  fact  cannot  be 
Jisisted  on  as  a  proof  of  remote  antiquity.  It  is, 
lowever,  worthy  of  notice  that  J.  D  Michaelis 
»flfirmed,  on   purely  linguistic   grounds,  that  the 


DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OP     bit 

I  book  was  no  late  compilation  though  he  questioned 
the  authenticity  of  some  part  of  it  (c.  iii.-vii., 
cf.  Keil,  Ja'Iii:  d.  Junl.  §  i;{5,  n.  4).  In  addition 
to  these  two  gre-at  elements  —  Aramaic  an<l  He- 
brew—  the  book  of  Daniel  contains  traces  of  other 
languages  which  indicate  the  ])cculiar  position  of 
the  writer.  The  u.se  of  Greek  teciniical  terms  ^.•f. 
§  10)  marks  a  period  when  commerce  had  already 
united  Persia  and  Greece;  and  the  occuri-ence  of 
peculiar  words  which  admit  of  an  ex[)lanation  by 
reference  to  Aryan  and  not  to  Semitic  roots  (De- 
litzsch,  p.  274)  is  almost  inexplicable  on  the  sup- 
position that  the  prophecies  are  a  Palestinisui  forgery 
of  the  Maccabaian  age. 

3.  The  book  is  generally  divided  into  two  ncarlj 
equal  parts.  The  first  of  these  (i.-vi.)  contaLas 
chiefly  historical  incidents,  while  the  second  (vii.~ 
xii.)  is  entirely  apocalyptic,  'i'his  division  is  fur- 
ther supported  by  the  fact  that  the  details  of  tht 
two  sections  are  arranged  in  order  of  time,  and  that 
the  commencement  of  the  seconrl  section  falls  earlier 
than  the  close  of  the  first,  as  if  the  writer  himself 
wished  to  mark  the  division  of  subject.  Hut  on 
the  other  hand  this  division  takes  no  account  of  the 
diflferencft  of  language,  nor  of  the  change  of  jierson 
at  the  beginning  of  ch.  viii.  And  though  the  first 
wxtion  is  mainly  historical,  yet  the  vision  of  ch.  vii, 
finds  its  true  foundation  and  counterpart  in  ch.  ii. 
From  these  circumstances  it  seems  better  to  divide 
the  book  (Auberlen,  p.  30  ff.)  into  three  iiarts. 
The  first  chapter  forms  an  introduction.  The  next 
six  chapters  (ii.-vii.)  give  a  general  view  of  the 
progressive  history  of  the  powers  of  the  world,  and 
of  the  principles  of  the  divine  government  as  seen 
in  events  of  the  life  of  Daniel.  The  remainder  of 
the  book  (viii.-xii.)  traces  in  minuter  detail  the 
fortunes  of  the  people  of  God,  as  typical  of  the 
fortunes  of  the  Church  in  all  ages.  The  second 
section  is  distinguiahed  by  a  remarkable  synnnetry. 
It  opens  with  a  view  of  the  great  kingdoms  of  the 
earth  revealed  to  a  heathen  sovereign,  to  whom 
tliey  appeared  in  their  outward  unity  and  splendor, 
and  yet  devoid  of  any  true  life  (a  metal  colossus); 
it  closes  with  a  view  of  the  same  powers  as  seen  by 
a  prophet  of  God,  to  whom  they  were  displayed  ici 
their  distinct  characters,  as  instinct  with  life,  though 
of  a  lower  nature,  and  displaying  it  with  a  terrible 
energy  of  action  {Orjpia,  four  beasts).  The  image 
under  which  the  manifestation  of  God's  kingdom 
is  foreshown  corresjMnds  exactly  with  this  twofold 
exhibition  of  the  worldly  powers.  "  A  stone  cut 
without  hands,"  "  becoming  a  great  mountain  and 
filling  the  whole  earth  "  (Dan.  ii.  34,  35)  —  a  rock 
and  not  a  metal  —  is  contrasted  with  the  finite 
proportions  of  a  statue  moulded  by  man's  art,  as 
"  the  Son  of  man,"  the  representative  of  humanity, 
is  the  true  Lord  of  that  lower  creation  (Gen.  i.  30) 
which  symbolizes  the  spirit  of  mere  earthly  domin- 
ions (Dan.  vii.  13,  14).  The  intermediate  chapters 
(iii.-vi.)  exhibit  a  similar  correspondence,  while 
setting  forth  the  action  of  God  among  men.  The 
deliverance  of  the  friends  of  Daniel  from  the  pun- 
ishment to  which  they  were  condemned  for  refusing 
to  perform  an  idolatrous  act  at  the  command  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  (ch.  iii.),  answers  to  the  deliver- 
ance of  Daniel  from  that  to  which  he  was  exposed 
by  contiiming  to  serve  his  God  in  spite  of  the  edict 
of  Darius  (ch.  vi.);  and  in  the  same  way  the  degra- 
dation, the  repentance,  and  the  restoration  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  (ch.  iv.)  forms  a  striking  contrast 
to  *he  sacrilegious  pride  and  death  of  Delsluazzai 
(cu.  v.  22-oa).    The  arrangement  of  the  last  sectioa 


542      DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OP 

(viiL-xii.)  is  not  equally  distinct,  though  it  offers 
traces  of  a  siiuihir  disiwsition.  The  description  of 
the  progress  of  the  Grecian  power  in  cli.  viii.  is 
further  developed  in  tlie  last  vision  (x.-xii.),  while 
the  last  cliapter  apjjears  to  carry  on  the  revelation 
to  the  first  coming  of  Messiah  m  answer  to  the 
prayej-  of  Daniel. 

4.  The  position  which  the  book  of  Daniel  occu- 
pies in  tlie  Hebrew  Canon  seems  at  first  sight 
remarkable.  It  is  placed  among  the  Holy  writings 
(Kethuiiin,  ayiSypacpa)  between  Esther  and  I-Lzra, 
or  immediately  liefore  I'ither  (cf.  Hody,  De  Bibl. 
kxL  p.  614,  Gio),  and  not  among  the  prophets. 
Diis  colloi-ation,  however,  is  a  natural  consequence 
3f  the  right  apprehension  of  the  diH'ereiit  functions 
flf  the  prophet  and  seer.  It  is  not,  indeed,  certain 
tX  what  time  the  triple  division  of  the  Scriptures 
which  is  pivsened  in  the  Hebrew  Bibles  was  first 
made ;  but  tlie  characteristics  of  the  classes  show 
that  ii  was  not  based  on  tlie  supposed  outward 
authority,  but  on  the  inward  composition  of  the 
boolM  [Caxon].  Daniel,  as  the  trutli  has  been 
well  stated,  had  the  spirit  but  not  the  work  of  u 
prophet;  and  as  his  work  was  a  new  one,  so  was  it 
carried  out  in  a  style  of  which  tlie  Old  Testan:eiu 
offers  no  other  example.  His  Apocalypse  is  as  dis- 
tinct from  the  prophetic  writings  as  the  Apocalypse 
of  St.  John  from  the  apostolic  epistles.  The 
heathen  court  is  to  the  one  seer  wliat  the  isle  of 
Patmos  is  to  the  other,  a  place  of  exile  and  isola- 
tion, where  he  stands  alone  with  his  God,  and  is 
not  like  tlie  prophet  active  in  the  midst  of  a  strug- 
gling nation  (Auberlen,  p.  34)." 

5.  The  unity  of  the  book  in  its  present  form, 
notwithstanding  the  difference  of  language,  is  gen- 
erally acknowledged  (De  Wette,  /.//(/.  §  25G;  Hit- 
zig,  §  4).''  Still  there  is  a  remarkable  difference  in 
its  internal  character.  In  the  first  seven  chapters 
Daniel  is  spoken  of  historically  (i.  8-21,  ii.  14-49, 
iv.  8-27,  v.  l;J-2i),  vi.  2-28,  vii.  1,  2):  in  the  last 
five  he  appears  ^'fi'sonally  as  the  writer  (vii.  15-28, 
viii.  1-ix.  22,  x.  1-10,  xii.  5).  This  peculiarity, 
however,  is  not  without  some  precedents  in  the 
writings  of  the  earlier  prophets  (e.  g.  Is.  vii.  3,  xx. 
2),  and  the  seventh  chapter  prepares  the  way  for 
the  change ;  for  while  Daniel  is  there  spoken  of  in 
the  third  person  (vii.  1,  2),  the  substance  of  the 
chapter  is  given  in  his  words,  in  the  first  jjerson 
(vii.  2,  15,  28).  The  cause  of  the  diflerence  of 
person  is  commonly  supposed  to  lie  in  the  nature 
of  the  case.  The  prophet  narrates  symbolic  and 
representative  events  historically,  for  the  event  is 
its  own  witness;  but  revelations  and  visions  need 
the  personal  attestation  of  those  to  whom  they  are 
communicated.  It  is,  however,  more  probable  that 
tlie  peculiarity  arose  from  the  manner  in  which  the 
book  assumed  its  final  shape  (§  11). 

fi.  Allusion  has  I)een  made  already  to  the  influ- 
•  ance  which  the  book  exercised  upon  the  Christian 
Church.  Apart  from  the  general  tj^pe  of  apoca- 
lyptic composition  which  the  apostolic  writers 
derived  from  Daniel  (2  'ITiess.  ii. ;  liev.  passim ; 
cf.  Matt.  xxvi.  64,  xxi.  44?),  the  New  Testament 
Incidentally  acknowlwlges  each  of  the  characteristic 
elementj!  of  the  ixwk,  its  miracles  (Uebr.  xi.  33, 


a  The  Jewish  doctors  of  later  times  were  divided  as 
10  the  degree  of  the  ini<piration  of  Daniel.  Abarbanel 
maintained  against  Maimonides  tliat  lie  was  endowed 
flth  the  highest  prophetic  power  (Fabric.  Cod.  pseudep. 
r.  T.  I.  897,  n.y 


DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OF 

34),  its  predictions  (Matt.  xxiv.  15),  and  its  doctrini 
of  angels  (Luke  i.  19,  26).  At  a  still  earlier  tinn 
the  same  influence  may  be  traced  in  the  Apocrjpha. 
The  book  of  Laruch  [BAHtin]  exliibits  so  many 
coincidences  with  Daniel,  that  by  some  the  two 
books  have  been  assigned  to  the  same  author  (cf. 
Fritzsche,  Jfaiulb.  zud.  Apok.  i.  173);  and  the  first 
book  of  Maccabees  represents  Mattathias  quoting 
the  marvelous  deliverances  recorded  in  Daniel, 
together  with  those  of  earlier  limes  (1  Mace.  ii.  59, 
GO),  and  elsewhere  exhibits  an  acquaintance  with 
the  Greek  version  of  the  iKxik  (1  JIacc.  i.  54  =  Dan. 
ix.  27).  The  allusion  to  the  guardian  angels  of 
nations,  which  is  introduced  into  the  Alexandrine 
translation  of  the  Pentateuch  (Deut.  xxxii.  8; 
LXX.),  and  recurs  in  the  Wisdom  of  Sirach 
(I'xclus.  xni.  17),  may  have  been  derived  from 
Dan.  x.  21,  xii.  1,  though  this  is  uncertain,  as  the 
doctrine  probably  formed  part  of  the  common  belief. 
According  to  Josephus  (Ant.  xi.  8,  §  4)  the  proph- 
ecies of  Daniel  gained  for  the  Jews  the  favor  of 
Alexander  [ALEXAxnEUTiiK  Gheat];  and  what- 
ever credit  may  be  given  to  the  details  of  his  nar- 
rative, it  at  least  shows  the  unquestioning  belief  in 
the  prophetic  worth  of  the  book  which  existel 
among  the  Jews  in  his  time. 

7.  The  testimony  of  the  Synagogue  and  the 
Church  gave  a  clear  expression  to  the  judgment 
implied  by  the  early  and  authoritative  use  of  the 
book,  and  pronounced  it  to  contain  authentic  proph- 
ecies of  Daniel,  without  contradiction,  with  one 
exception,  till  modem  times.  Porphjry  alone  (t  c. 
305  A.  n.)  assailed  the  book,  and  devoted  the  12th 
of  his  fifteen  Discourses  against  Christians  (\6'yoi 
Kuril.  XpiffTtavcov)  to  a  refutation  of  its  claims  to 
be  considered  a  prophecy.  "  The  history,"  he  said, 
"  is  true  up  to  the  date  of  Antiochus  Kpiphanes, 
and  false  afterwards ;  therefore  the  book  was  written 
in  his  time"  (Hieron.  J'raJ'.  in  Dan.).  The  argu- 
ment of  Porphyry  is  an  exact  anticipation  of  the 
iwsition  of  many  modem  critics,  and  involves  a 
twofold  assumption,  that  the  whole  book  ought  to 
contain  predictions  of  the  same  character,  and  that 
definite  predictions  are  imiwssible.  Externally  the 
book  is  as  well  attested  as  any  book  of  Scripture, 
and  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  Porjihyry  urged 
any  historical  objections  against  it;  but  it  brings 
the  belief  in  miracle  and  prediction,  in  the  divine 
power  and  foreknowledge  as  active  among  men,  to 
a  startling  test,  and  according  to  the  character  of 
this  belief  in  the  individual  must  be  his  judgment 
upon  the  book. 

8.  The  history  of  the  assaults  upon  the  prophetic 
worth  of  Daniel  in  modem  times  is  full  of  interest. 
In  the  first  instance  doubts  were  raised  as  to  the 
authorship  of  the  opening  chapters,  i.-vii.  (Spinoza, 
Newton),  which  are  perfectly  compatible  with  the 
fullest  recognition  of  their  canonicity.  Then  the 
variations  in  the  LXX.  suggested  the  belief  that 
cc.  iii.-vi.  were  a  later  interpolation  (J.  D- 
Michaelis).  As  a  next  step  the  last  six  chapters 
only  were  retained  as  a  genuine  book  of  Scripture 
(Kichhom,  Ist  and  2d  edits.);  and  at  last  the 
whole  book  was  rejected  as  the  work  of  an  im- 
lx)stor,  who  lived  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epipb- 


b  Eichhora  attributed  ch.  U  -vi.,  Tii.-xil.,  to  dtf 
ferent  authors ;  and  Bertholdt  supposed  that  each 
section  was  the  work  of  a  distinct  writer,  though  h« 
admitted  that  each  succcssivo  writer  was  acquainted 
with  the  composition  of  his  predecosaorg,  recogniiIii| 
in  tliis  way  the  unity  of  the  book  {Binl.). 


DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OP 

anes  (Corrodi,  1733.  Hitzig  fixes  the  date  more 
exactly  from  170  n.  C.  to  the  spring  of  1G4  n.  c). 
This  last  opinion  has  found,  especially  in  Germany, 
«  very  wide  acce])tance,  and  Liicke  ventures  to  pro- 
nounce It  "  a  certain  result  of  historical  criticism." 

9.  Ihe  real  grounds  on  which  most  modern 
critics  rely  in  rejecting  the  book,  are  the  "  fabulous- 
i.ess  of  its  narratives  "  and  "  the  minuteness  of  its 
prophetic  history."  "  'I'he  contents  of  the  book," 
it  is  said,  "are  irrational  and  impossible"  (Hitzig, 
§  5).  It  is  obvious  that  it  is  impossible  to  answer 
such  a  statement  without  entering  into  general 
views  of  the  Providential  government  of  the  world. 
It  is  admitted  that  the  contents  of  the  book  are 
exceptional  and  surprising;  but  revelation  is  itself 
a  miracle,  however  it  be  given,  and  essentially  as 
inccucvjivable  as  any  miracle.  There  are  times, 
perhaps,  when  it  is  required  that  extraordinary 
signs  should  arrest  the  attention  of  men  and  fix 
their  minds  upon  that  Divine  Presence  which  is 
ever  working  around  them.  Prodigies  may  become 
a  guide  to  nature.  Special  circumstances  may 
determine,  and,  according  to  the  Bible,  do  determine, 
the  peculiar  form  which  the  miraculous  working  of 
God  will  assume  at  a  particular  time ;  so  that  the 
question  is,  whether  there  is  any  discernible  rela- 
tion between  the  outward  wonders  and  the  moral 
condition  of  an  epoch.  Nor  is  it  impossible  to 
apply  this  remark  to  the  case  of  Daniel.  The 
position  which  he  occupied  [Daxiel]  was  as  ex- 
ceptional as  the  book  which  bears  his  name.  He 
survived  the  exile  and  the  disappointment  which 
attended  the  first  hojies  of  the  Jews.  The  glories 
which  had  been  connected  with  the  return  in  the 
foreshortened  vision  of  earlier  prophets  were  now 
felt  to  be  far  oft',  and  a  more  special  revc  lation  may 
have  been  necessary  as  a  preparation  for  a  period 
of  silence  and  conflict."  The  very  chare  cter  of  the 
Babylonian  exile  seems  to  have  called  for  some 
signal  exhibition  of  divine  {xiwer.  Aj  the  first 
exodus  was  distinguished  by  great  marvels,  it  might 
appear  natural  that  the  second  should  be  also  (cf. 
Mic.  vii.  15  ;  Delitzsch,  p.  272,  &c.).  National 
miracles,  so  to  spe;ik,  formed  the  beginning  of  the 
theocracy :  personal  nuracles,  the  beginning  of  the 
church.  To  s[)eak  of  an  "  aimless  and  lavish  dis- 
play of  wonders  "  is  to  disregard  the  representative 
significance  of  the  different  acts,  and  the  relation 
which  they  bore  to  the  future  fortunes  of  the  people. 
A  new  era  was  inaugurated  by  fresh  signs.  The 
Jews,  now  that  they  are  left  among  the  nations  of 
the  world,  looked  for  some  sure  token  that  God 
was  able  to  deliver  them  and  work  out  His  own 
purposes.  The  pei"secution  of  Antiochus  completed 
the  teaching  of  Daniel ;  and  the  people  no  longer 
sought  without,  that  which  at  length  they  had 
found  within.  They  had  withstood  the  assault  of 
one  typical  enemy,  and  now  they  were  prepared  to 
meet  alL  The  close  of  special  predictions  coin- 
cided with  the  consolidation  of  the  national  faith. 
[Antiochus  IV.  Ei'iph.] 

10.  The  general  objections  against  the  "  legend- 
ary "  miracles  and  sijecific  predictions  of  Daniei  are 
strengthened  by  other  objections  in  detail,  wnich 
cannot,  however,  be  regarded  in  themselves  as  of 
iny  considerable  weight.  Some  of  these  have  been 
already  answered  incidentally.  Some  still  require 
a  short  notice,  though  it  is  evident  that  they  are 


a  The  special  prophecies  of  Balaam  (Num.  xxiv.  24) 
ind  IiaUh  (xliv.,  xlv.)  centre  in  Dania  (cf.  San.  xi. 


10, ;  KB    tho  p^>!dictions  of  Balaam  offer  »  remarkable  |  pied  (cf.  Delitzsch,  p.  2!JSU 


DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OF     518 

often  afterthoughts,  the  results  and  not  the  cause* 
of  the  rejection  of  the  book.  Not  only,  it  is  said, 
is  the  book  pkiced  among  the  Hagiographa,  but 
Daniel  is  on.itted  in  the  hst  of  prophets  given  in 
the  Wisdom  of  Sirach ;  the  language  is  corrupted 
by  an  intermixture  of  Gi"eek  words ;  the  details  are 
essentially  unhistorical ;  the  doctrinal  and  moral 
teaching  betrays  a  late  date. 

In  reply  to  these  remarks,  it  may  lie  ui^ed,  that 
if  the  book  of  Daniel  was  already  placed  among  the 
Hagiographa  at  the  time  when  the  Wisdom  of 
Sirach  was  written,  the  omission  of  the  name  of 
Daniel  (Ecclus.  xlix.)  is  most  natural,  and  thai 
under  any  circumstances  the  omission  is  not  more 
remarkable  than  that  of  Ezra  and  the  twelve  lesser 
prophets,  for  xlix.  10  is  probably  an  interpolation 
intended  to  supply  a  supposed  defect.  Nor  is  the 
mention  of  Greek  musical  instruments  (iii.  5,  7, 10, 

Dnn^i?,  Kieapis;  w?5?,  o-ufxpiKv,  n;?b!?)^D, 

arv/x(p(iiyia;  1"^"!-I!\l3p5,  i|/aXTrjpio*'),  for  these  words 
only  can  be  shown  to  be  derived  from  the  Greek 
(De  Wette,  J£inl.  p.  255  b.),  surprising  at  a  time 
when  thp  intercourse  of  the  East  and  West  was 
already  considerable,  and  when  a  brother  of  Alcseus 
(c.  GOO-500  H.  c.}  had  gained  distinction  "at  the 
farthest  end  of  the  world,  aiding  the  Babylonians  " 
(Brandis,  in  Delitzsch,  p.  274;  Ale.  Frnff.  33, 
Bergk.).     Yet  further  the  scene  and  characters  of 

the  book  are  Onental.  The  colossal  image  (D^^.^, 
iii.  1,  not  necessarily  a  human  figure;  the  term  is 
applied  familiarly  to  the  cross  ;  Bu.xtf.  Lex.  Rnbb. 
s.  v.),  the  fiery  furnace,  the  martyr-like  boldness 
of  the  three  confessors  (iii.  16),  the  decree  of  Darius 

(vi.  7),  the  lions'  den  (vi.  7,  19,  23),  the  demand 
of  Nebuchadnezzar  (ii.  5),  his  obeisance  before 
Daniel  (ii.  4(J),  his  sudden  fall  (iv.  33;  cf.  Euseb. 
Proep.  Kv.  ix.  41 ;  .Jos.  c.  Ap.  i.  20),  are  not  only 
consistent  with  the  nature  of  I^astern  life,  but  in 
many  instances  directly  confirmed  by  other  evidence 
(cf.  Daniel  n.  and  Daiuus  the  Mepe  for  the 
difficulties  of  i.  1,  ii.  1,  v.  31).  In  doctrine,  again, 
the  book  is  closely  coimected  with  the  writings  of 
the  Exile,  and  forms  a  last  step  in  the  development 
of  the  ideas  of  Messiah  (vii.  13,  &c.),  of  the  resur- 
rection (xii.  2,  3),  of  the  ministry  of  angels  (viii. 
16,  xii.  1,  (fee),  of  personal  devotion  (vi.  10,  11,  i. 
8),  which  formed  the  basis  of  later  speculations, 
but  received  no  essential  addition  in  the  intciTal 
before  the  coming  of  our  Lord. 

Generally  it  may  be  said  that  while  the  book 
presents  in  many  resjjects  a  startling  and  excep- 
tional character,  yet  it  is  far  more  difficult  to 
explain  its  composition  in  the  Jlaccabaean  period 
than  to  connect  the  peculiarities  which  it  exhibits 
with  the  exigencies  of  the  Return.  It  appears  as  a 
key  to  the  later  history  and  struggles  of  the  Jews, 
and  not  aa  a  result  from  them.  The  peculiarities 
of  language,  the  acquaintance  with  Ivistem  mau- 
ners  and  history,  which  is  seen  more  clearly  as  our 
knowledge  widens,  the  reception  into  the  canon,  the 
phenomena  of  the  Alexandrine  version,  all  point  in 
the  same  direction ;  and  a  sounder  system  of  inter- 
pretation, combinal  with  a  more  worthy  view  of 
the  divine  government  of  men  and  nations,  will 
probably  do  much  to  remove  those  undefined  doubts 

parallel  to  those  of  Dnniel,  both  from  their  partieii< 
larity,  and  from  the  position  wliich  the  propliet  ooea 


544      DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OP 

H  to  :lie  inspired  character  of  the  Revelation  which 
natuialiy  arise  at  first  in  the  niinds  of  tlioughtful 
students. 

IJ.  l$ut  while  all  historical  evidence  supports 
the  canonicity  of  the  book  of  Daniel,  it  does  not 
follow  tiiat  the  recognition  of  the  unity  and  author- 
ity of  the  book  is  necessarily  connected  with  the 
belief  1  hat  the  whole  is  to  be  assigned  to  the  author- 
ship of  Daniel.  According  to  the  Jewish  tradition 
{Bava  Balhra,  f.  14G)  '-the  books  of  l-j^ekiel,  the 
twelve  minor  prophets,  Daniel,  and  IJsther  were 
writlen  (i.  e.  drawn  up  in  their  present  form)  by  the 
men  of  the  great  synagogue,"  and  in  the  case  of 
Daniel  the  tradition  is  supiwrted  by  strong  internal 
evidence.  The  maimer  in  which  Daniel  is  siwken 
of  (i.  17,  19,  20,  v.  11,  1-2;  the  title  in  ix.  23,  xii. 
id  difTerent)  suggests  the  notion  of  another  writer; 
and  if  Daniel  wrote  the  passages  in  question,  they 
cannot  be  satisfactorily  explained  by  1  Cor.  xv.  10 ; 
2  Cor.  xi.  5,  C,  xii.  2  (Keil,  §  130),  or  bj  the  con- 
sciousness of  the  typical  position  which  he  occupied 
(Auberlen,  p.  37).  The  substantial  authorship  of 
a  book  of  Scripture  does  not  involve  the  subor- 
dinate work  of  arrangement  and  revision ;  and  it  is 
scarcely  conceivable  that  a  writer  would  purposely 
write  one  book  in  two  languages,  though  there  may 
have  been  an  obvious  reason  why  he  should  treat 
iu  separate  records  of  c\ents  of  general  history  in 
the  vernacular  diidect,  and  of  the  special  fortunes 
of  God's  people  in  Hebrew.  At  the  return  we  may 
suppose  that  these  records  of  Daniel  were  brought 
into  one  whole,  with  the  addition  of  an  introduction 
and  a  fuller  narrative,"  when  the  other  sacred  writ- 
ings received  their  final  revision.  The  visions  them- 
selves would  be  necessarily  preserved  in  their  orig- 
inal form,  and  thus  the  later  chapters  (vii.-xii.) 
exhibit  no  traces  of  any  subsequent  recension,  with 
the  exception,  perhaps,  of  two  uitroductory  verses, 
rii.  1,  X.  1. 

12.  The  interpretation  of  Daniel  has  hitherto 
prove<l  an  inexhaustible  field  for  the  ingenuity  of 
commentators,  and  the  certain  results  are  com- 
paratively few.  According  to  the  traditional  view, 
which  api)ears  as  early  as  the  fourth  book  of  Ezra 
[2  Esi)i!As]  and  the  epistle  of  Harnabas  (c.  4),  the 
four  empires  described  in  cc.  ii.  vii.  are  the  Baby- 
lonian, the  Medo-l'ersian,  the  Greek,  and  the 
Roman.  A^'ith  nearly  equal  consent  it  has  been 
supposed  that  there  is  a  change  of  suiyect  in  the 
eleventh  chapter  (xi.  31  fl'.),  by  which  the  seer 
passes  from  the  persecutions  of  Antiochus  to  the 
times  of  Antichrist.  A  careful  comparison  of  the 
language  of  the  prophecy  with  the  history  of  the 
Syrian  kings  must,  however,  convince  every  candid 
student  of  the  text  that  the  latter  hypothesis  is 
wliolly  unfounded  and  arbitrary.  The  whole  of  the 
eleventh  chapter  forms  a  history  of  the  struggles  of 
the  Jewish  church  with  the  Greek  [lowers  up  to 
the  death  of  its  great  ad\ersary  (xi.  45).  This  con- 
flict, indeed,  has  a  typical  iniiwrt,  and  foreshows 
in  its  characteristic  outlines  the  abiding  and  final 
conflict  of  tlie  ixjople  of  God  and  the  powers  of  evil, 
BO  that  the  true  work  of  the  interpreter  must  be 
to  determine  historicidly  the  nature  of  each  event 
sif^alized  in  tlie  prophetic  picture,  that  he  may 
draw  from  the  past  the  lesson  of  the  future.  The 
traditional  interpretation  of  "the  four  empires" 
seems  to  spring  from  the  same  error  as  the  other, 

a  The  letter  of  Nebuchadnezzar  (c.  iv.)  appears  to 
present  clear  tmocs  uf  the  interweaving  of  a  com- 
mcDtary  w'th  tde  original  text. 


DANIEL,  THE  BOOK  OP 

though  it  still  finds  numerous  advocates  (IIofmanE. 
Auberlen,  Keil,  Hiivemick,  Hengstenberg,  and  mosi 
English  commentators).  It  originated  at  a  lime 
when  the  triumphant  advent  of  Messiali  was  the 
object  of  immediate  expectation,  and  the  Roman 
empire  appeared  to  be  the  last  in  the  series  of 
earthly  kingdoms.  The  long  uiterval  of  conflict 
which  has  followed  the  first  Advent  formed  no  place 
in  the  anticipations  of  the  fii-st  Christians,  and  in 
succeeding  ages  the  Roman  jieriod  has  been  unnat- 
urally prolonged  to  meet  the  requirements  of  a 
theory  which  took  its  rise  in  a  state  of  thought 
which  experience  has  pro\ed  false.  It  is  a  still 
more  iiital  objection  to  this  intei-pretation  that  it 
destroys  the  great  idea  of  a  cyclic  development  of 
history  which  lies  at  the  basis  of  all  i)rophcoy. 
Great  periods  (alwvfs)  a])])ear  to  be  marked  out  in 
the  fortunes  of  mankind  which  answer  to  another, 
so  that  that  divine  utterance  which  receives  its  first 
fulfillment  in  one  period,  recei\es  a  further  and  more 
complete  fulfillment  in  the  conx'si)ondiiig  j)art  of 
some  later  period,  llms  tlic  first  coming  of  Christ 
formed  the  close  of  the  last  age,  as  llis  second 
coming  will  form  the  close  of  the  present  one.  The 
one  event  is  the  tyjje  ajid,  as  it  were,  the  r.pring 
of  the  other.  This  is  acknowledged  with  regard  to 
the  other  prophecies,  and  jet  the  same  truth  is  not 
."ipphed  to  the  revelations  of  Daniel,  which  appear 
then  first  to  gain  their  full  significance  when  tlie;. 
are  seen  to  contain  au  outline  of  all  history  in  the 
history  of  the  nations  which  nded  tlie  world  before 
Christ's  coming.  The  first  Advent  is  as  much  a 
fulfilhnent  of  the  visions  of  Daniel  as  of  those  of 
the  other  prophets.  The  four  emi)ircs  precede  the 
coming  of  Alessiiih  and  pass  away  before  him.  At 
the  same  time  their  spirit  survives  (cf.  vii.  12),  and 
the  fonns  of  national  existence  which  were  devel- 
oped on  the  plains  of  IMesoix)tamia  again  reproduce 
themselves  in  later  history.  According  to  this  view 
the  empires  of  Daniel  can  be  no  other  than  those 
of  the  Babylonians,  Medes,  Tcrsians,  and  Greeks, 
who  all  jilaced  the  centre  of  their  power  at  Babylon, 
and  appear  to  have  exhibited  on  one  stage  the  great 
types  of  natioiiid  life.  The  Roman  jiower  was  at 
its  height  when  Christ  came,  but  the  Egyptian 
kingdom,  the  last  relic  of  the  empire  of  Alexander, 
had  just  been  destroyed,  and  thus  the  •'  stone  cut 
without  hands  struck  the  feet  of  the  image,"  and 
Christianity  destroyed  for  ever  tlie  real  supremacy 
of  heathen  dominion.  But  this  first  fulfillment  of 
Uie  vision  was  only  inchoative,  and  tlie  coirelatives 
of  the  four  empires  must  be  sought  in  post-Christian 
history.  The  corresponding  symbolism  of  Babylon 
and  Rome  is  striking  at  first  sight,  and  other 
parallels  may  be  drawn.  The  Byzantine  empire, 
for  instance,  "  inferior  "  to  (he  lioman  (Dan.  ii. 
39)  may  be  compared  with  that  of  the  ^ledes.  The 
Teutonic  races  with  their  divided  empire  recall  the 
image  of  Persia  (vii.  C).  Nor  is  it  diflicult  to  see 
in  the  growing  might  of  the  northern  powers,  a 
future  kingdom  which  may  rival  in  terrible  energy 
the  conquests  of  Alexander.  AVitiiout  insisting  on 
such  details  sis  these,  which  still  require  careful 
examination,  it  ajipeirs  that  the  true  interpretation 
of  Daniel  is  to  be  sought  in  the  recognition  of  the 
principle  which  they  involve.  In  tiiis  way  the 
lx)ok  remains  a  "  prophecy,"  while  it  is  also  a 
"  revelation  ; "  and  its  most  special  predictioni 
acquire  an  abiding  significance.* 


b  An  cxiiniple  of  the  recurrent  and  advancing  com 
pletiun  of  the  predictions  of  Daniel  occurs  in  Matt 


DANIEL 

18  There  is  no  Chaldee  translation  of  Daniel, 
and  the  deficiency  is  generally  accounted  for,  as  in 
the  parallel  case  of  Ezra,  by  th«>  danger  which 
would  have  existed  in  such  a  case  of  confusing  the 
original  text  with  the  paraplirase ;  but  on  the  other 
hand  the  whole  book  has  l>een  published  in  He- 
brew. The  (ireek  version  has  undergone  singular 
changes.  At  an  early  time  the  LXX.  version  was 
supplanted  in  the  Greek  Bibles  by  that  of  Theodo- 
tion,"  and  in  the  time  of  Jerome  the  version  of 
Theodotion  was  generally  "  read  by  the  Churches  " 
(c.  liajiii.  ii.  33 ;  Pnvf.  in  Conim.  "  Illud  qiioque 
lectorem  admoneo,  Uanieleni  non  juxta  LXX.  inter- 
pretes  sed  juxta  .  .  .  Theodotionem  ecclesias  leg- 
ero"  .  .  •).  This  change,  for  which  Jerome  was 
unable  to  account  ("  hoc  curacciderit  nescio,"  Prcef. 
in  Vers.  Dan.),  may  have  L>een  made  in  conse- 
quence of  the  objections  which  were  urged  against 
the  corrupt  LXX.  text  in  controversy  with  Jews 
and  heathen.  The  LXX.  version  was  certainly 
very  unfaithful  (Ilieron.  I.  c);  and  the  influence 
of  Origen,  who  preferred  the  translation  of  Theo- 
dotion (Hieron.  in  Din.  iv.  G),  was  probably  effect- 
ual in  bringing  about  the  substitution  (cf.  Credner, 
Beitr.  ii.  25G  ff. ).  In  tlie  coui-se  of  time,  however, 
the  version  of  Theodotion  was  uiterpolated  from 
the  LXX.,  80  that  it  is  now  impossible  to  recover 
the  original  text.  [Daxiei^,  Ai'ocisyphal  ad- 
ditions TO.]  Meanwhile  the  original  LXX. 
translation  passed  entirely  out  of  use,  and  it  was 
supposed  to  have  been  lost  till  the  last  century, 
when  it  was  published  at  Kome  from  a  Codex  Chi- 
tianus  {Daniel  secundum  LXX.  ....  liomiB, 
1772,  ed.  P.  de  IMagistris),  together  with  that  of 
Theodotion,  and  several  illustrative  essays.  It  has 
since  been  published  several  times  (ed.  MichaeUs, 
Gottmg.  1774;  ed.  Segaar,  1775;  Hahn,  1845),  and 
lastly  by  Tischendorf  in  the  second  edition  of  his 
Septuagint.  Another  recension  of  the  text  is  con- 
tained ia  the  Syro-IIexaplaric  version  at  Milan  (ed. 
Bugatus,  1788),  but  a  critical  comparison  of  the 
several  recensions  is  still  required. 

14.  The  commentaries  on  Daniel  are  very  numer- 
ous. The  Hebrew  commentaries  of  R.  Saadijah 
Haggaon  (t  942),  Rashi  (t  c.  1105),  and  Aben  Ezra 
(t  c.  1167),  are  printed  in  the  great  liabbinic  Bibles 
of  Bomberg  and  Basle.  That  of  Abarbanel  (t  c. 
1507)  has  been  printed  separately  several  times 
{Amsklod.  1047,  4to);  and  others  are  quoted  by 
Rosenraiiller,  Scholia,  pp.  39,  40.  Among  the  pa- 
tristic commentaries  the  most  important  are  those 
of  Jerome  (vol.  v.  ed.  Migne),  who  noticed  espe- 
cially the  objections  of  Porphyry,  Theodoret  (ii. 
1053  ff.  ed.  Schulze),  and  ICplirem  Sjxus  (Op.  Syr. 
ii.,  Ronia3,  1740).  Considerable  fragments  remain 
of  the  commentiiries  of  llippolytus  (collected  in 
Migne's  edition,  Paris,  1857),  and  Polj'chronius 
(Mai,  Script.  Vet.  Nod.  Coll.  vol.  i.);  and  Mai  has 
published  (/.  c.)  a  catena  on  Daniel,  containing 
fragiasnts  of  .Vpollinarius,  Athanasius,  Basil,  Euse- 
buia,  and  many  others.  The  chief  reformers,  Lu- 
ther {Amletjung  d.  I'roph.  Dm.  1530-1546;  Op. 
Germ.  vi.  ed.  Walch),  0<xolampadius  (In  Dan. 
libri  duo,  Basil.  1530),  Melanchthon  {Comm.  in 

xziT.  15,  compireil  with  1  Mace.  i.  54.  The  same 
truth  is  also  implied  in  the  interpretation  of  "  the 
seventy  sevens,"  as  springing  out  of  the  "  seventy  " 
(years)  of  Jeremiah.  On  this  there  are  some  good 
remarks  in  Browne's  Onto  Sredorum,  though  hLs  in- 
terpretation of  the  four  empires  as  signifying  the 
Babylonian,  Grecian.  Roman,  and  some  future  empire 
(pp.  675  flf),  seems  very  unniitural.  The  whole  ♦'jroo 
35 


DANIEL  545 

Dan.  proph.  Vitemb.  1543),  and  Calvin  (Pralect. 
in  Dan.,  Qeuevae,  1563,  &c.;  in  French,  1565;  in 
English,  1852-3),  wrote  on  Daniel;  and  Rosenmiil- 
ler  enumerates  nearly  fifty  other  sj>ecial  commenta- 
tors, and  his  list  now  requires  considerable  addi- 
tions. The  combination  of  tlie  Revelations  of  Dan- 
iel and  St.  John  (Sir  I.  Newton,  Observatkma  upon 
the  Prophecies,  &c.,  Lond.  1733;  ]M.  F.  Roos,  Ausl. 
d.  IVeissaff.  Dan.  u.  s.  w.  I-eipz.  1771)  opened  the 
way  to  a  truer  understanding  of  Daniel;  but  the 
edition  of  Bertholdt  (Daniel,  aus  dem  llebr.-Aram. 
neu  iibersetzl  nnd  erklurt,  u.  s.  w.  Erlangen,  1806- 
8),  in  spite  of  all  its  grave  faults,  marks  the  begin- 
ning of  a  new  era  in  the  study  of  tlie  book.  Ber- 
tholdt was  decidedly  unfavorable  to  its  authen 
ticity ;  and  he  was  followed  on  the  same  side  by 
von  Lengerke  (Das  Duch  Dan.  rerd.  u.  aiisgeL 
KiJnigsb.  1835),  Maurer  (Comm.  Gramm.  Crit.  ii. 
Lips.  1838),  and  Hitzig  (Kurzgef.  Exeg.  Ilandb. 
[x.]  Leipz.  1850),  whose  connnentary  is  among  the 
worst  specimens  of  supercihous  criticism  which  his 
school  has  produced.  On  the  other  side  the  com- 
mentary of  Iliivernick  (Comm.  ub.  d.  B.  Dan. 
Hamb.  1832)  is  the  most  complete,  though  it  leaves 
much  to , be  desired.  Auberlen  (Der  Proph.  Dan. 
u.  d.  Offerdjarunr)  Joh.  u.  s.  w.,  2tc  Aufl.  Basel, 
1857,  translated  into  EngUsh  from  tlie  1st  (id.  by 
A.  Saphir,  1850)  has  tlu-owu  considerable  light  up- 
on the  general  construction  and  relations  of  the 
book.  Cf.  Hofmann,  Weiss'xg.  u.  Erjullung,  i. 
276  ff.  The  question  of  the  authenticity  of  the 
book  is  discussed  in  most  of  the  later  commenta- 
ries; and  specially  by  Hengstenberg  (Die  AutheiUie 
d.  Dan.  .  .  .  enoiesen,  1831,  translated  by  E.  B. 
Pratten,  Edinb.),  Havernick  (Neue  krit.  Unter- 
such.  Hamb.  1838),  Delitzsch  (Herzog's  Jieal-En- 
cykl.  8.  V.  1854),  Keil  (Lehrb.  d.  Einl.  in  d.  A.  T. 
Frankf.  1853),  Davidson  (Introduction  to  the  0.  T. 
ii.  Ixind.  1856),  who  maintain  the  affirmative;  and 
by  Bleek  (Berl.  Theohg.  Zeltschr.  iii.  1822),  Ber- 
tholdt {Einleil.  Erlang.  1814),  Liicke  (Versuch 
einer  vollstdnd.  Einl.  u.  s.  w.  2te  Aull.  Bot.n,  1852), 
De  Wette  (Einleit.  7te  Aufl.  Berl.  1852),  who  deny 
its  authenticity.  Cf.  Ewald,  Die  Proph.  d.  Alt. 
Bund.  ii.  559  ff.  Among  English  works  may  be 
mentioned  the  Essays  of  T.  Ii.  Birks,  The  four 
prophetic  Empires,  &c.,  1844,  and  The  two  later 
Visions  of  Daniel,  &c.,  1846;  of  E.  B.  Elliott,  Ho- 
rm  AjMcalypticm,  1844 ;  of  S.  P.  Tregelles,  Remarkt 
on  the  prophetic  lesions  of  Daniel,  1852;  and  the 
Commentary  of  Stuart  (IJoston,  1850). 

B.  F.  W. 
*  Among  the  more  recent  works  on  the  Book  of 
Daniel  the  following  may  be  mentioned  :  —  Reichel, 
Die  70  JahresiDOchen,  Dan.  ix.  24-27,  in  the  Thed. 
Stud.  u.  Knt.  1858,  pp.  735-752;  Bleek,  Die  vies 
sian.  Weissagungen  im  Buche  Daniel,  in  the  Jahrb 
f.  deutsche  Theol.  1860,  v.  45-101,  and  Einl.  in 
das  Alte  Test.  Berl.  1800,  pp.  577-611;  Zundel. 
Knt.  Untersuchtmgen  iiber  die  Abfassungszeit  d 
Buches  Danitl,  Basel,  1801,  maintaining  the  gen- 
uineness of  the  book;  Niebuhr,  M.  von,  Gesch.  As 
sur's  u.  Babel's,  p.  99  ff.,  vindicating  the  authenticity 
of  its  historical  traditions;  AValter,  J.  C.,  Genuine' 


of  his  argument  (after  Ben  Ezra  and  Maitland)lie8  io 
the  proof  that  the  Roman  was  not  the  fourth  empire. 

«  The  version  bears  in  the  tetraplar  text  the  singu- 
lar title  rh  Etp  oypujiTos  Aafi^X.  "H^J^  is  the  term 
which  Daniel  applies  to  the  angels,  "  watchers  "  (Dan 
iv.  13,  17,  23).     Cf.  Daniel  sec.  LXX.  125  ff 


646 


DANIEL,  APOCRYPHAL  ADDITIONS  TO 


new  of  the  Book  of  Daniel,  Ix)nd.  1862 ;  Boyle, 
W.  II.  A.,  lii»in ration  oj  the  Book  of  Daniel,  etc. 
Lond.  18(i-J;  IJaxrnann,  Ueber  das  Buck  Daniel, 
tn  the  Theol.  Sliul.  u.  Kril.  1803,  pp.  452-532, 
reviewing  Ziindul;  Ililgenfeld,  Die  Propheten  J-.'sra 
u.  Daniel  u.  Hire  neuesten  Bearbeitunr/en,  Halle, 
18G3;  coinp.  his  Jddische  Ajxikali/plik,  pp.  19-50; 
Daridaon,  Jntrod.  to  the  0.  T.  iii.  158-231  (Lond. 
1863);  The  Book  of  Duniel  as  viewed  by  Ilipjwlij- 
tus,  Porphyry,  ami  others,  an  art.  in  the  Journ.  of 
Sac.  Lit.  for  Jan.  1804;  l-'uUer,  J.  M.,  Authenticity 
of  the  Book  of  Daniel,  Cauib.  (Eng.)  1864;  I'usey, 
E.  B.,  Diniel  the  Prophet :  Nine  Lectures  .... 
voUh  Copious  Notes,  "  a  contribution,"  he  tells  us, 
"against  the  tide  of  scepticism  which  the  publica- 
tion of  the  '  ]--ssays  and  Heviews '  let  loose  ;  "  Tre- 
gelles,  Jiemnrks  on  the  Projihetic  Visions  in  Daniel, 
and  a  Defence  of  the  Authenticity  of  the  Book,  5th 
ed.,  Ix)nd.  1804;  Desprez,  T.  S.,  Daniel:  or,  The 
Apocalypse  of  the  0.  T. ;  with  an  Introd.  by  Roic- 
land  Williams,  l»nd.  1804;  I'erowne,  J.  J.  S.,  Dr. 
Pusey  on  Daniel  the  Prophet,  in  the  Contemp.  Re- 
view iorJun.  1800;  Bosanquet,  Messiah  the  Prince, 
or  the  Jnspiration  of  the  Prophecies  of  Daniel, 
Lond.  1800.  See  also  liawliiison's  Uistorical  Ev- 
idences (Banipton  Lectures),  I^ct.  V. 

In  this  country,  besides  the  elaborate  commen- 
tary of  Prof.  Stuart,  we  have:  Chase,  Irah,  lie- 
marks  on  the  Book  of  Daniel,  in  the  Christian  Re- 
view for  March,  1842,  reprinted  separately,  Boston, 
1844;  Folsoni,  N.  S.,  Cril.  ami  J  list.  Inteip.  of  the 
Book  of  Daniel,  Boston,  1842;  The  Prophecies  of 
Daniel,  an  art.  in  the  New  En(/lander  for  April, 
1843;  Barnes,  N^ofes,  Critical,  Illustrative,  and 
Practical,  on  the  Book  of  Daniel,  New  York,  1853, 
considered  one  of  the  best  of  his  commentaries; 
Palfrey,  Lectures  on  the  Jewish  Scnptwes  and  An- 
tiquities, XV.  389-455  (Bost.  1852);  Herman,  II. 
M.,  The  Genuineness  of  Daniel,  in  the  Meth. 
Quar.  Rev.  for  Oct.  1854;  Noyes,  G.  K.,  New 
Transl.  of  the  Hebrew  Prophets,  vol.  ii.,  3d  ed., 
Boston,  1800.  Tlie  American  scholars  named 
above  (except  Barnes)  differ  from  the  majority  of 
English  commentators  in  finding  no  place  for  the 
Roman  empire  or  the  Tope  in  their  exposition  of 
the  visions  of  Daniel. 

Among  the  writers  here  referred  to,  the  follow- 
ing impugn  the  genuineness  of  the  book :  Bleek, 
Baxmann,  Dtividson  (in  opposition  to  his  earlier 
view),  Ililgenfeld,  Desprez,  Kowland  Williams,  Pal- 
frey, Noyes.  So  Jlilman,  Hist,  of  the  Jews,  i. 
457,  note,  new  Amer.  edition.  A. 

DANIEL,  APOCRYPHAL  ADDI- 
TIONS TO.  I'he  Greek  translations  of  Daniel, 
like  that  of  listher,  contain  several  pieces  which  are 
not  found  in  the  original  text.  The  most  impor- 
tant of  these  additions  are  contained  in  the  Apoc- 
rypha of  the  English  Bible  under  the  titles  of  The 
Song  of  the  three  Jloly  Children,  The  History  of 
Susanna,  and  The  Jlislory  of  .  .  .  Bel  and  the 
Dragon. 

1.  (a.)  The  first  of  these  pieces  is  incorporated 
into  the  narrative  of  Daniel.  After  the  three  con- 
fessors were  thrown  into  the  furnace  (Dan.  iii.  23), 
Azarias  is  represented  praying  to  God  for  deliv- 
erance {Song  of  Three  Children,  3-22);  and  in 
answer  the  angel  of  the  Ix>rd  shields  them  from  the 
fire  which  consumes  thi;ir  enemies  (23-27),  where- 
upon "  the  three,  as  out  of  one  mouth,"  raise  a  tri- 
iniphant  song  (29-08),  of  which  a  chief  part  (35- 
16)  bai  been  used  as  a  hymn  (Benedicite)  in  the 


Christian  Church  since  the  4th  ctntnry  {Su)ln 
A/x)l.  ii.  35;  cf.  Concil.  Tolet.  iv.  Can.  14)  lilrt 
several  similar  fragments,  the  chief  parts  of  thi« 
composition  are  given  at  the  end  of  the  Ps-dter  in 
the  Alexandrine  MS.  as  separate  ps."Utns,  under  the 
titles  "The  piaycr  of  Azarias"  and  "The  hymn 
of  our  Fathers;  "  and  a  similar  arrangement  occurs 
in  other  Greek  and  Latin  Ps;dters. 

(6.)  The  two  other  pieces  appear  more  distinctly 
as  appendices,  and  oftisr  no  8end>lance  of  forming 
part  of  the  original  text.  The  History  of  Susanmi 
(or  The  Judgment  of  Daniel)  is  generally  found  st 
the  beginning  of  the  book  (Gr.  MSS.  Vet.  IM.); 
though  it  also  occurs  after  the  12th  chaj)ter  (  Vul^. 
ed.  Compl.).  The  History  of  Bel  ami  the  Dragon 
is  placed  at  the  end  of  the  book ;  and  in  the  LXX 
version  it  bears  a  special  heading  as  ^'■part  of  the 
projyhecy  of  J/abakkuk"  (iK  TrpocpnTfias  'A/xfia- 
Kohix  viou  'ItjctoD  (k  tTjs  <pv\ris  Aeut). 

2.  The  additions  are  found  in  both  the  Greek 
texts  —  the  LXX.  and  Theo<lotion,  in  the  Old 
Latin  and  Vulgate,  and  in  the  existing  Syriac  and 
Arabic  versions.  On  the  other  hand  there  is  no 
evidence  that  they  e>er  formed  part  of  the  Hebrew 
text,  and  they  were  originally  wanting  in  the  Syria.: 
(Polychronius,  ap.  Mai,  Script.  Vett.  Nov.  Coll.  1. 
113,  says  of  the  hymn  expressly  oii  Ktlrai  iv  tojj 
fPpaiKols  ^  fv  To7s  (rvptaKo7s  fii^Kioti).  From 
the  LXX.  and  A'ulgate  the  fragments  psissed  into 
common  use,  and  they  are  commonly  quote<l  by 
Greek  and  Latin  fathers  as  parts  of  Daniel  (Clem. 
Alex.  L'cl.  projih.  i.;  Orig.  Lp.  ad  Afric;  Ter- 
tull.  de  Pudic.  17,  Ac),  but  rejected  by  those  who 
adhered  to  the  Hebrew  canon.  Jerome  in  particu- 
lar called  attention  to  their  absence  from  the  He- 
brew Bible  {Prcef.  in  Dan.),  and  instead  of  any 
commentary  of  his  own  adds  shortly  Origen's  re- 
marks "  on  the  fables  of  Bel  and  Susainia  "  ( Comm. 
in  Dan.  xiii.  1).  In  a  similar  manner  he  notices 
shortly  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children,  "  lest  he 
should  seem  to  have  overlooked  it"  (Comm.  in 
Dan.  iii.  23). 

3.  Various  conjectures  have  been  made  as  to  the 
origin  of  the  additions.  It  has  been  supposed  that 
they  were  derivetl  from  Aramaic  originals  (Welte, 
Herbst's  Jiinl.  ii.  3,  Kap.  8,  gives  the  arguments  at 
length),  but  the  intricate  evidence  is  wholly  insuffi- 
cient to  establish  the  point.  The  character  of  the 
additions  themselves  indicates  rather  the  hand  of 
an  Alexandrine  writer;  and  it  is  not  unhkely  that 
the  translator  of  Daniel  wrought  up  tnulitions 
which  were  already  currei.t,  and  a])pcndetl  them  to 
his  work  (cf.  Fritzsche,  Exeg.  llandb.  zu  den  Apok. 
i.  121).  The  abruptness  of  the  narrative  in  Dan- 
iel furnished  an  occiision  for  the  introduction  of  tha 
prayer  and  hjTim;  and  the  story  of  tlie  Dragon 
seems  like  a  strange  exaggeration  of  the  record  of 
the  deliverance  of  Daniel  (Dan.  ri.),  which  may 
naturally  have  formed  the  basis  of  different  legends. 
Nor  is  it  difficult  to  see  in  the  History  of  Susanna 
a  pointed  allusion  to  the  name  of  the  prophet, 
though  the  narrative  may  not  be  wholly  fictiiiuue. 

4.  Tlie  LXX.  appears  to  be  the  original  source 
from  which  all  the  existing  recensions  of  the  fhig" 
ments  were  derived  (cf.  Hody,  de  Bibl  text,  p 
583).  Theodotion  seems  to  have  done  little  more 
than  transcribe  the  LXX.  text  with  improvements 
in  style  and  language,  which  are  considerably 
greater  in  the  appended  narratives  than  in  the 
Song  incorporated  into  the  canonic:d  text.  Thu« 
while  the  History  of  Susanna  and  Bel  and  tha 
Dragon  contain  large  additions  which  complete  and 


DANITES 

imbelllsh  the  story  (e.  g.  ITist  Sus.  vv.  15-18;  20, 
81;  24-27;  40,  47;  49,  50;  Bd  ami  Drag.  vv.  1, 
9-13;  Eichh.  pp.  431  ff.),  the  text  of  the  Song  is 
little  more  than  a  repetition  of  that  of  the  LXX. 
(cf.  De  Magistris,  JJaniel,  t&c,  pp.  234  ff. ;  Eichh. 
£itd.  in  d.  AjxiL  Schrifl.  p.  422  ff.).  The  Poly- 
glott-Syriac,  Arahic,  and  l>atin  versions  are  derived 
from  Theodotion;  and  the  Hexaplar-Syriac  from 
the  LXX.  (Eichh.  p.  430,  &c.). 

5.  The  stories  of  Bel  and  Susanna  received  va- 
rious enihellishments  in  later  times,  which  throw 
some  light  upon  the  manner  in  which  they  were 
originally  composed  (cf.  Orig.  Kp.  ad  Afiic.  §§  7, 
8;  Uoch.vrt,  J/ieroz.  iii.  3;  Eichhorn,  p.  446,  &c.); 
just  as  the  change  which  Theodotion  introduced 
uito  tha  naiTative  of  Bel,  to  give  some  consistency 
to  the  facts,  illustrates  the  rationaUzing  process 
through  which  the  legends  passed  (cf.  Delitzsch, 
De  IldJMcuci  vita  et  wlule,  1844).  It  is  thus  use- 
less to  institute  any  inquiry  into  the  historic  foun- 
dation which  lies  below  the  popular  traditions;  for 
though  the  stories  cannot  be  regarded  as  mere 
fables,  it  is  evident  that  a  moral  purpose  determined 
the  shape  which  they  assumed.  A  later  age  found 
in  them  traces  of  a  deeper  wisdom,  and  to  Chris- 
tian commentators  Susaima  appeared  as  a  type  of 
the  true  Church  tempted  to  infidelity  by  Jewish 
and  Pagan  adversaries,  and  Ufting  up  her  voice  to 
God  in  the  midst  of  persecution  (Ilippol.  In  Su- 
scmn.  p.  G89  ff.  ed.  Migne).  B.  F.  W. 

*  On  these  apocryphal  additions  to  Daniel,  see, 
in  addition  to  the  works  referred  to  above,  David- 
son's Inlrod.  to  the  0.  T.,  1863,  iii.  227  fi". ;  Ewald, 
Gesc/i.  d.  Vulkes  Israel,  3*  Aufl.  iv.  635  ff. ;  Gins- 
burg's  art.  in  the  3d  ed.  of  Kitto's  Cycl.  of  Bib. 
Lit.;  Arnold's  Comm.  on  the  Apoc.  Books;  and 
Fritzsche,  Exeg.  Ilandb.  zu  den  Apokr.  des  A.  T. 
i.  Ill  ff.  A. 

DAN'ITES,  THE  C*31Trr:  i  Aavi  [Vat. 
•vet],  Aav,  6  Act;',  ol  Aav^rai  [Vat.  -^et-];  Alex, 
o  Ao^,  oj  AaviTM.  Dun).  The  descendants  of 
Dan,  and  members  of  his  tribe  (Judg.  xiii.  2,  xviii. 
1,  11;  1  Chr.  xii.  35). 

DAN--JA'AN  ("l^n?:  Aai^iS^y  [Vat. 
vet-]  Kal  OuSdv,  Alex.  Aaviapay  Kai  lovBaV, 
[Aid.  AavidaV,  Comp.  AcCj/:]  Dan  sylvestria),  a 
place  named  only  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  6  as  one  of  the 
points  visited  by  Joab  in  taking  the  census  of  the 
people.  It  occurs  between  Gilead  and  Zidon,  and 
therefore  may  have  been  somewhere  in  the  direction 
of  Dan  (l^ish),  at  the  sources  of  the  Jordan.  The 
reading  of  the  Alex.  LXX.  and  of  the  Vulg.  was 

evidently  "5?^  ^^,  Dan-j'aar,  the  nearest  transla- 
tion of  which  is  "  Dan  in  the  wood."  This  read- 
ing is  approved  by  Gesenius,  and  agrees  with  the 
character  of  the  country  about  Tel  el- Kadi.  Fiirst 
(HnndicQrterbuch,  p.  303)  compares  Dan-jaan  with 
Baal-jaan,  a  Phoenician  divinity  whose  name  is 
found  on  coins.     Thenius  suggests  that  Jaan  was 

origi  lallj  Laish,  the  V  having  fallen  away,  and  ]37 

having  been  substituted  for  W  {Exeg.  Ilandb.  on 
Sam.  p.  257)."  lliere  seems  no  reason  for  doubt- 
mg  that  the  well-known  Dan  is  intended.  We 
Save  no  record  of  any  other  Dan  in  the  north,  and 
«ven  if  this  were  not  the  case,  Dan,  aa  the  accepted 


o  Not  a  bad  spechnen  of  the  wild  and  gratuitous 
taggestions  which  sometimes  occur  even  in  these  gen- 
kaUy  careful  Manuals. 


DAPHNE  647 

northern  limit  of  the  nation,  was  too  importjuit 
place  to  escape  mention  in  such  a  list  as  that  in 
tlie  text.  Dr.  Schultz,  the  late  Prussian  Consul  at 
Jerusalem,  discovered  an  ancient  site  c:illed  Danian 
or  Danyil,  in  the  mountains  above  Khan-en-Na- 
kdra,  south  of  Tyre,  which  he  pro|K)ses  to  identify 
with  Dan-jaan  (Van  de  Velde,  Meimir,  p.  306), 
but  this  requires  confirmation.  G. 

DAN'NAH  (nS^  [depression,  low  ground, 
Ges.,  Fiirst]  :  'Vevvi:  D.tnna),  a  city  in  the  moun- 
tams  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  49),  and,  from  its  men- 
tion with  Debir  and  Socoh,  probably  south  or 
southwest  of  Hebron.  No  trace  of  its  name  har 
been  discovered.  G. 

DAPH'NE  (A({</>^ij:  [Z?ff/>/«ne]),  a  celebrated 
grove  and  sanctuary  of  Apollo,  near  Antioch  in 
Syria  [Antiocii].  Its  estabUshment,  like  that  of 
the  city,  was  due  to  Seleucus  Nicator.  The  dis- 
tance between  the  two  places  was  about  5  miles, 
and  in  history  they  are  associated  most  intimately 
together.  Just  as  Antioch  was  frequently  called 
'A.  ^jrl  Ad<pvr],  and  tj  wphs  Ad<pvrju,  so  conversely 
we  find  Daphne  entitled  A.  ri  irphi  'Ayrioxfiow 
(Joseph.  B.  J.  i.  12,  §  5).  The  situation  was  of 
extreme  natural  beauty,  with  perennial  fountains 
and  abundant  wood.  Seleucus  localized  here,  and 
appropriated  to  himself  and  his  family  the  fables 
of  Apollo  and  the  -river  Peneus  and  the  nymph 
Daphne.  Here  he  erected  a  magnificent  temple  and 
colossal  statue  of  the  god.  The  succeeduig  Seleu- 
cid  monarchs,  especially  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  em- 
belUshed  the  place  still  further.  Among  othet 
honors,  it  possessed  the  privileges  of  an  asylum. 
It  is  in  this  character  that  the  place  is  mentioned, 
2  Mace.  iv.  33.  In  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiph- 
anes (b.  c.  171)  the  aged  and  patriotic  high-pri«i 
Onias,  having  rebuked  Menelaus  for  his  sacrilege  at 
Jerusalem,  took  refuge  at  Daphne;  whence  he  was 
treacherously  brought  out,  at  the  instance  of  Men- 
elaus, and  murdered  by  Andronicus,  who  was  gov- 
ernor of  Antioch  during  the  king's  absence  on  a 
campaign.  Josephus  does  not  give  this  account  of 
the  death  of  Onias  (Ant.  xii.  5,  §  1).  When 
Syria  became  Koman,  Daphne  continued  to  be  fa- 
mous as  a  place  of  pilgrimage  and  vice.  "  Daph- 
nici  mores  "  was  a  proverb  (see  Gibbon's  23d  chap- 
ter). The  beginning  of  the  decay  of  Daphne  must 
be  dated  from  the  time  of  Julian,  when  Christianity 
in  the  Empire  began  to  trimnph  over  Heathenism. 
The  site  has  been  well  identified  by  I'ococke  and 
other  travellers  at  Beit-el-Maa,  "  the  House  of  the 
Water,"  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Orontes,  to  the 
S.  W.  of  Antioch,  and  on  higher  ground;  where 
the  fountains  and  the  wild  fragrant  vegetation  are 
in  harmony  with  all  that  we  read  of  the  natural 
characteristics  of  Apollo's  sanctuary.      J.  S.  H. 

*  Besides  the  famous  description  in  Giblwn's 
23d  chapter,  referred  to  above,  an  account  of 
Daphne  and  its  worship  will  be  found  in  K.  0. 
Midler's  dissertations  De  Antiquitatibus  Antioch- 
enis  (Gotting.  1829),  p.  41  ff.  A  remarkable  Greek 
inscription  of  the  date  189  b.  c,  relating  to  the 
worship  of  ApoUo  and  Artemis  at  Daphne,  was  dis- 
coverecl  in  1858,  in  a  garden  on  the  ancient  site  of 
the  place,  by  the  Rev.  Homer  B.  Morgan,  an  Amer- 
ican missionary  in  Syria,  and  published,  with  a 
translation,  by  Prof.  James  Hadley  m  the  .Journal 
of  the  American  Oriental  Society,  vi.  550-555, 
comp.  vii.  p.  xliv.  The  inscription  «tone  itself  ii 
now  in  the  Library  of  Yale  CcUege  New  Haren. 


548 


DARA 


DAHA  (S'^'l  [contracted  for  the  word  be- 
low]:   Aop«{5;    [Vat.]    Alex.   Aaoo;    Conip.   Ao- 

«x5«':    S^T.   Pesh.    '^»»»:     Arab.     cIcXJn!  J  : 
Dara),  1  Qir.  ii.  6.     [Dakda.] 

DART) A  f 3?'|T"1T  [lieurt  of  icisdom ;  perh. 
tJioiti,  iJiUtle,  see  Dietr.  in  (les.  «.  f.] :  Aapc£A.a; 
Alex.  Tov  Sapaa;  [Aid.  with  17  MSS.  tJ**-  Aap- 
6(i;  Comp.  rij'  Aap5o«;]  Joseph.  AapSavos  • 
Dwdn),  a  son  of  Mabol,  one  of  four  men  of  great 
fame  for  their  wisdom,  but  who  were  excelled  by  Sol- 
omon (I  K.  iv.  31).  Kthan,  the  first  of  the  four,  is 
called  "the  I'^zrachite;  "  but  it  i.s  uncertain  whether 
the  designation  extends  to  the  others.  [IvniAX.] 
In  1  Chr.  ii.  G,  however,  the  same  four  names  occur 
again  as  "  sons  of  Zerach,"  of  the  great  family  of 
Piiarez  in  tlie  tribe  of  Judah,  with  the  slight  dif- 
ference that  Darda  appears  as  Dara.  The  identity 
of  tliese  i)erson3  with  those  in  1  K.  iv.  has  been 
greatly  debated  (see  the  arguments  on  both  sides 
iu  Burrington,  i.  20G-8);  but  there  cannot  be 
much  reasonable  doubt  that  they  are  the  same. 

1.  A  great  number  of  Hebrew  MSS.  read  Darda 
in  Chr.  (Davidson,  IMr.  Text,  p.  210),  in  which 
they  are  followed  by  the  Targiua  suid  the  Syriac 
and  Arabic  versions.     [Daka.] 

2.  The  son  of  Zerach  would  be  without  diflS- 
culty  called  in  Hebrew  the  I'irachite,  the  change 
depending  merely  on  the  position  of  a  vowel  point. 
[Ezkaiiitk.]  And  further,  tlie  change  is  actually 
made  by  the  Targum  Jonathan,  which  in  Kings 
has  "son  of  Zerach." 

3.  The  word  "son  "  is  used  in  Hebrew  so  often 
to  denote  a  descendant  beyond  the  first  generation, 
that  no  stress  can  be  laid  on  the  "  son  of  Mahol," 
as  compared  with  "  son  of  Zerach."  For  instance, 
of  the  five  "sons  of  Judah"  in  1  Chr.  iv.  1,  the 
first  was  really  Judah's  son,  the  second  his  grand- 
son, the  third  his  great-grandson,  and  the  fourth 
and  fifth  still  later  descendants.  ISesides  there  is 
great  plausibility  in  the  conjecture  that  "  Bene 
MahoV  means  ""sons  of  the  choir;  "  in  which  case 
the  men  in  question  were  the  famous  musicians,  two 
of  whom  are  named  in  the  titles  to  Tsalms  kxxviii. 
and  kxxix.     [Mahol.]  G. 

DARIC  (V^^?!"!!,  V'^ll'^,  only  in  pi.; 
Talm.  ^'^Sn'^:  ypvaovs'  solit/us,  drachma ;  I-lzr. 
B.  60,  viii.  27;  Neh.  vii.  70,  71,  72;  1  Chr.  xxix. 
7),  a  gold  coin  current  in  Palestine  in  the  period 
after  the  return  from  Babylon.  That  the  Hebrew 
worfl  is,  in  the  Bible,  the  name  of  a  coin  and  not 
of  a  weight  appears  from  ita  similarity  to  the  Greek 
appellation  of  the  only  piece  to  which  it  could  refer. 
The  mentions  in  I'jt.  and  Neh.  show  that  the  coin 
was  current  in  Palestine  under  Cyrus  and  Arta- 
iierxes  Longimanus.  At  these  times  there  was  no 
brge  is.sue  of  gold  money  except  by  the  Persian 
kings,  who  struck  the  coin  known  to  the  Greeks  as 
the  irrar^p  Aapewds,  or  Aao(iK6s.  Tlie  Darics 
which  have  been  discoveretl  are  thick  pieces  of  pure 
gold,  of  archaic  style,  bearing  on  the  obverse  the 
figijre  of  a  king  with  bow  and  javelin,  or  bow  and 
dagger,  and  on  the  reverse  an  uregular  incuse 
iquare.  Tlieir  full  weight  is  about  128  grains  troy, 
or  a  little  less  than  that  of  an  Attic  stater,  and  is 
most  probably  that  of  an  early  didrachm  of  the 
Plioqnician  talent.  They  must  have  been  the  com- 
oon  gold  pieces  of  the  Persian  empire.  The  oldest 
SbaX  we  have  seen  cannot  Ije  n^erred  to  an  earlier 


DARIUS 

period  than  about  the  time  of  Cyrus,  Cumbj-ses,  oi 
Darius  llystaspis,  and  it  is  more  prol>ai)le  that  tliej 
are  not  anterior  to  the  reign  of  Xerxes,  or  ever, 
that  of  Artaxerxes  Ijinginianus.  There  are,  how- 
ever, gold  pieces  of  aliout  the  same  weight,  but  of 
an  older  style,  found  about  Sardis,  which  cannot  be 
doubted  to  be  either  of  Crcesus  or  of  an  earliei 
Lydian  king,  iu  the  fonner  case  the  Kpoiauoi 
(crTarripfs)  of  tlie  Greeks.  It  is  therefore  prob- 
able, as  these  followed  a  Persian  standard,  .hat 
Darics  were  struck  under  Cyrus  or  his  nearer  suc- 
cessors. The  origin  of  this  coin  is  attributiid  by 
the  Greeks  to  a  Darius,  supposed  by  the  mo<leiiu 
to  be  either  Darius  the  Mede,  or  Darius  Ilyslaspia. 
'ITiat  the  Greeks  derived  their  distinctive  a])>ell»- 
tion  of  the  coin  from  this  proper  name  cannot  b« 
doubted;  but  the  difference  of  the  Hebrew  forma 

of  the  former  from  that  of  the  latter  V  y^"^, 
renders  this  a  questionable  derivation.  Geseiiiui 
suggests  the  ancient  Persian  word  Dura  {/Jaiu/w. 
s.  v.),  "lung;"  but  (in  his  7'/ies.  s.  v.)  inclines  to 
connect  the  Hebrew  names  of  the  coin  and  that  of 
Darius.  In  favor  of  the  derivation  from  J)iiia,  it 
must  be  noted  that  the  figure  bonie  by  these  coins 
is  not  that  of  any  one  king,  but  of  the  king  of 
Persia  in  an  abstract  sense,  and  that  on  the  same 
principle  the  coins  would  rather  be  caUe<I  regal  coins 
than  1  )arics.  The  silver  Darics  mentioned  by  Plu- 
tiu-ch  {Cim.  p.  10)  are  probably  the  Persian  silvei 
pieces  similar  in  types  to  the  gold  Darics,  bul 
weighhig  a  drachm  and  a  third  of  the  same  stan- 
dard.    See  Mo^JiY  and  Uict.  of  Ant.  art  Daricm. 

K.  S.  P. 


Daric.  Obv. :  King  of  Persia  to  the  right,  kneeling, 
bearing  bow  and  jjivelin.  Key. :  Irregular  iucuse 
square. 

DARIIJS  (2.'V"!"|T:  Darayawvah,  Tariyn- 
frtw,  in  Inscr. ;  AopcTos,  LXX.;  Aapi'/j(f»js,  Strab. 
\\\.  p.  785;  Aapiatos,  Ctes.),  the  name  of  several 
kings  of  Metlia  and  Persia.  Herodotus  (vi.  JJ8) 
says  that  the  name  is  equivalent  to  tpfeiTjs  Wipyay. 
the  restrainer ;  and  this  is  probably  correct  from 
the  analogy  of  the  Persian  dmxesh,  "restniint:" 
Sanskr.  lU.mA,  "  firmly  holding  "  (Gesen.  This.  s. 
v.).  Hesychius  gives  a  double  derivation:  Aopf7o.« 
inrh  Tleptruv  S  <pp6viixoi-  vnh  5«  ^pvywv  (Kiwp. 
Others  nave  regarded  the  word  as  another  fonn  of 
the  modern  Persian  d^ira,  darnb,  "a  king;"  but 
this  sense  of  darn  is  not  justified  by  usage,  and  it 
is  rather  the  epithet  of  a  king  (the  holder,  re- 
strainer,  as  above)  than  the  title  itself  (Ges.  /.  c). 
Three  kings  bearing  this  name  are  mentioned  ic 
the  O.  T. 

1.  Darius  the  Mede  ("^"T^U  "^j  Dan.  xi.  1 ; 

Chald.  ^S^tt  1,  vi.  1),  "the  son  of  Ahasuerut 
of  the  seed  of  the  Medes  "  (ix.  1),  who  succeeded  to 
(bSf?)  the  Babylonian  kingdom  on  the  death  of 
Belshazzar,  being  then  sixty-two  years  old  (Dan. 
V.  31  (LXX.  'ApTo^f'plrjs),  ix.  1).  Only  one  yeai 
of  his  reign  is  mentioned  (Dan.  ix.  1,  xi.  1);  bul 
that  was  of  great  importance  for  the  Jews.  Daniel 
was  advanced  by  the  king  to  the  highest  dignit; 


DARIUS 

[Dan.  vl  I  ff.),  probably  in  consequence  of  his 
fcrnier  sen'iies  (cf.  Dan.  v.  17);  and  after  his 
miractiIo<i!<  deliverance,  Darius  issued  a  decree  en- 
joininjj;  throughout  his  dominions  "  reverence  for 
the  <iod  of  Daniel"  (Dan.  vi.  25  ft'.) 

The  extreme  oi)scurity  of  the  Babylonian  annals 
has  given  occasion  to  three  different  hypotheses  as 
to  the  name  under  which  Darius  the  Mede  is  known 
In  history.  The  first  of  these,  which  identities  him 
with  Darius  llystaspis,  rests  on  no  plausible  evi- 
dence, and  may  be  dismis.'ted  at  once  (I^ngerke, 
bail.  p.  219  ff.).  The  second,  which  was  adopted 
by  Josephus  {Ant.  x.  1 1,  §  4),  and  has  been  sup- 
ported l)y  many  recent  critics  (Ifertholdt;  \'on 
Lengerke;  Hiivernick;  Hengstenberg ;  Auberlen, 
Dan'ul  uiul  d.  OJf'eiU/arunt/,  p.  10  tf.)  is  more 
deserving  of  notice.  According  to  this  he  was 
{Cyixnrt^s  II.)  "the  son  and  successor  of  Asty- 
<ges "  (Joseph.  /.  c.  ^v  'Ajxrvdyovs  vl6s,  (repov 
Se  irapa  rots  "EWrjiriv  iKuKetro  uyo/xu),  who  is 
»)ninionly  regarded  as  tlie  last  king  of  Malia.  It 
is  supjwsed  that  the  reign  of  this  Oyaxares  has 
been  neglectiHl  by  histori.uis  from  the  fact  that 
through  his  indolence  and  luxury  he  yielded  the 
real  exercise  of  power  to  his  nephew  Cjtus,  who 
married  his  daughter,  and  so  alter  his  death  re- 
ceived the  crown  by  direct  succession  (Xen.  Cyrop. 
I.  5,  §  2,  iv.  5,  §  8,  viii.  5,  §  19).  But  it  api)ears  to 
be  a  fatal  olyection  to  this  hypothesis  that  the  only 
direct  evidence  for  the  existence  of  a  second  Cy- 
axares  is  that  of  Xenophon's  romance  (cf.  Niebuhr, 
Gesch.  Aas.  u.  Bub.  p.  01).  The  title  Cyitts 
[filius]  Cyaxaris,  which  has  been  quoted  from  an 
inscription  (Auberlen,  Daniel  u.  d.  Offenbarung, 
p.  18),  is  either  a  false  reading  or  certaudy  a  false 
transLition  (Niebuhr,  Gesch.  A.-^s.  u.  Bab.  214,  n. 
4);  and  the  passage  of  yEschylus  {Pers.  760  f.) 
Is  inconsistent  with  the  character  assigned  to  Cy- 
oxares  If.  On  the  other  hand,  Herodotus  expressly 
states  that  "  Astyages  "  was  the  last  king  of  the 
Medes,  that  he  was  conquered  by  C\tus,  and  that 
he  died  without  leaving  any  male  issue  (Herod,  i. 
73,  103,  127  ff.) ;  and  Cjtus  appears  as  the  imme- 
Uate  successor  of  "  Astyages "  in  the  Chronicle 
of  Eusebius  {Chrm.  ad  01.  54:  Syneell.  p.  188; 
cf.  Btl  and  Drar/on,  i.).  A  third  identification 
(Winer,  Realwort.  s.  v. ;  Niebuhr,  Gesch.  Ass.  u. 
Bab.  pp.  45,  92)  remains,  by  which  Darius  is  rep- 
resented as  the  personal  name  of  "  Astyages,"  the 
last  kii;g  of  the  Medes,  and  this  appears  to  satisfy 
all  the  conditions  of  the  problem.  The  name  "  As- 
tyages "  was  national  and  not  personal  [ Astvagks], 
and  Ahasuerus  {Achashverosh)  represents  the  name 
{Fluwak' hfho.tra)  Cyaxares,  borne  by  the  father  of 
"Astyages"  (T:b.  j.'v.  15).  The  description  of 
Uk!  unnamefl  king  in  yEschjlus"  (/.  c.)  as  one  whose 
"feelings  were  guided  by  wisdom"  ((^peVes  yap 
«uToD  Ovfjibv  roaKo<TTp6<povv),  is  applicable  to  the 
Darius  of  Scripture  and  the  .\styages  of  Herodotus. 
And  as  far  as  the  name  itself  is  concerned,  there  are 
traces  of  the  existence  of  an  older  king  Darius  be- 
fore the  tinio  of  Darius  Hystaspis  (Schoi.  ad  Arist. 
hccles.  598  Aapeiitoi  —  ovk  arrb  Aapdov  nov 
S«p|ou  TTUTpSs,  oA\'  a(^'  iTfpov  Tivhs  iroAotoTe- 
oov  jSacrtAe'coy  wvofuLadrtaav.  cf.  Suidas  s.  i".  Aa- 
pejfcds).  If,  as  seems  most  probable,  Darius  (As- 
tyages) occupied  the  tliroiie  of  Babylon  as  supreme 
lovereigu  with  Nerigalsarassar  as  vassal -prince,  after 


a  It  \i  most  worthy  of  notice  that  .^^hylus  char- 
icterizm  Cjaxareo  (I )  as  Mrj5os  ...  6  nftonoi  rjyeiiiov 
rriKiToCj  while  Sir  11.  Rawlinsoa  {Notes  on  the  History 


DARIUS  5ii 

the  murder  of  F.vil-merod.ach  (Belshazzar)  b.  o 
559,  one  year  only  remains  for  this  Jledian  suprem- 
acy before  the  victory  of  Cyrus  i».  c.  553,  in  exact 
accordance  with  the  notices  in  Daniel  (Nieimhr 
/.  c),  and  theappiirent  incompleteness  of  the  [lolit- 
ical  arrangements  which    Darius  "  purposed "  to 

make  (Dan.  vi.  3,  rV^V).  For  the  short  dura- 
tion of  his  supreme  power  may  have  caused  his 
division  of  the  empire  (Dan.  vi.  1  ff.)  —  a  work 
congenial  to  his  chanicter  —  to  fall  into  abeyance, 
so  that  it  was  not  carried  out  till  the  time  of  hia 
namesake  Darius  Hystaspis:  a  supposition  at  least 
as  probable  as  that  there  is  any  confusion  of  the 
two  monarchs  in  the  book  of  Daniel. 

The  chronological  ditiicultics  which  have  been 
raised  (Kawlinson,  I/enxJo/m,  i.  418)  against  the 
identification  of  Darius  with  Astyages  on  the  as- 
sumption that  the  events  in  Dan.  v.  relate  to  the 
taking  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus  (n.  c.  538),  in  which 
case  he  would  have  ascended  the  throne  at  seven 
years  of  age,  are  entirely  set  aside  by  the  view  of 
Marcus  Niebuhr,  which  has  been  adopted  above; 
and  this  coincidence  serves  to  confirm  the  general 
truth  of 'the  hyjwthesis. 

2.  Dakius  the  son  of  Hystaspes  (Vashtaspa), 
the  fifth  in  descent  from  Achsemenes,  tlie  founder 
of  the  Perso- Aryan  dynasty,  was,  according  to  the 
popular  legend  (Herod,  i.  209,  210),  already  marked 
out  for  empire  during  the  reign  of  Cyrus.  Upon 
the  usurpation  of  the  IMagian  Smerdis  [Aiv- 
TAXiiuxiis],  he  conspired  with  six  other  Persian 
chiefs  to  overthrow  the  impostor,  and  on  the  sue- 
cess  of  the  plot  was  placed  upon  the  throne  n.  c. 
521.  He  devoted  himself  to  the  internal  organiza- 
tion of  his  kingdom,  which  had  been  impeded  by 
the  wars  of  Cyrus  and  Cambyses,  and  the  confusion 
of  the  reign  of  Smerdis.  His  designs  of  foreign 
conquest  were  inteiTupted  by  a  revolt  of  the  Baby- 
lonians, under  a  pretender  who  bore  the  royal  name 
of  Nabukudrassar  (Niebuhr,  Gesch.  Ass.  u.  Bab. 
p.  94),  which  was  at  length  put  down,  and  punished 
with  great  severity  (c.  n.  c.  516).  After  the  sub- 
jugation of  Babylon  Darius  turned  his  arms  against 
Scythia,  Libya  (Herod,  iv.  145  ff.),  and  India 
(Herod,  iv.  44).  Thrace  and  Macedonia  acknowl- 
edged his  supremacy,  and  some  of  the  islands  of 
the  .iEgoean  were  added  to  his  dominion  in  Asia 
Minor  and  the  seaboard  of  Thrace  (b.  c.  513-505). 
Shortly  afterwards  he  came  into  aillision  with 
Greece,  and  the  defeat  of  Marathon  (n.  c.  490) 
only  roused  him  to  prepare  vigorously  for  that 
decisive  struggle  with  the  West  which  was  now. 
inevitable.  11  is  plans  were  again  thwart  id  by  re- 
bellion. Domestic  quarrels  (Herod,  vii.  2)  fol 
lowed  on  the  rising  in  l^gypt,  and  he  died,  «.  c. 
485,  before  his  preparations  were  compieled  (lleiod. 
vii.  4). 

With  regard  to  the  Jews,  Darius  Ilyita-spis  pur 
sued  the  same  iwlicy  as  Cjtus,  and  restored  to 
them  the  privileges  which  they  had  lost.  For  the 
usurpation  of  Smerdis  involved  a  religious  as  weU 
as  a  political  revolution,  and  the  restorer  of  the 
Magian  faith  willingly  listened  to  the  ei'.emies  of  a 
people  who  had  welcomed  Cyrus  as  their  deliverer 
(I'^r.  iv.  17  ff.).  But  in  the  second  year  of  Darius, 
K.  c.  520,  as  soon  as  his  power  had  assumed  soma 
solidity,  Haggai  (Hag.  i.  1,  ii.  1,  10)  and  Zechariak 


of  Babylonia,  p.  30,  n.)  shows  that  the  foundation  ol 
the  Median  empire  was  really  due  to  Hitwakhshatrn 
(Oyaxares),  in  spite  of  the  history  of  Herodotua 


650  DAEKNESS 

encour&ged  their  countr}-nien  to  resume  the  work 
of  restoration  (F'lzr.  v.  1  ff.),  and  when  their  pro- 
eeedini^  came  to  the  Jcing's  ivnowletlge  he  confirmed 
the  decree  of  Cyrus  by  h  new  edict,  and  tlie  temple 
was  finished  in  four  years  (b.  c.  510,  ICzr.  vi.  15), 
thoui^^h  it  was  apparently  used  before  that  time 
(Zech.  vii.  2,  3). 

3.  Dakius  the  Perslvs  (Neh.   xii.   22,     1 

^P"13rT)  may  be  identified  with  Darius  II.  No- 
thus  ((Jehus),  king  of  Persia  n.  C.  424-3—405-4, 
if  the  whole  passage  in  question  was  written  by  Ne- 
heniiali.  If,  however,  the  register  was  continued  to 
a  later  time,  as  is  not  improljalile,  the  occurrence 
of  the  name  Jaddua  (vv.  11,  22),  who  was  high- 
priest  at  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  Alexander 
[Alexanokr],  points  to  Darius  III.  Codomanas, 
Uie  antagonist  of  Alexander  and  last  king  of  Per- 
na,  B.  c.  33(i-.330  (1  Mace.  i.  1).  Cf.  .lahn,  Arcli- 
Sol.  ii.  1,  272  ff. ;  Keil,  Lt/iib.  il.  Kinl.  §  152,  7, 
who  defends  at  length  the  integrity  of  the  pass.age. 
[Nkiikmiaii.]  IJ.  F.  W. 

4.  (Aapeloj;  [Sin.]  Alex.  Aop(or :  Aritts). 
Areus,  king  of  the  Lacedaemonians  (1  Mace.  xii.  7). 
[Akkus.] 

DARKNESS  (TT^-'n,  fern,  form  n2tt'n, 
and  with  much  variation  in  tlie  vowel  points :  aKi- 
xos),  is  spoken  of  as  encompassing  tlie  actual  pres- 
ence of  God,  as  that  out  of  wliicli  He  speaks,  tlie 
envelope,  as  it  were,  of  Divine  glory  (ICx.  xx.  21; 
1  K.  viii.  12).  The  cloud  symbol  of  His  guidance 
offered  an  aspect  of  darkness  to  the  enemy  as  of 
light  to  the  people  of  Israel.  In  the  description 
of  His  coming  to  judgment,  darkness  overspreading 
nature  and  blotting  the  sun,  &c.,  is  constantly 
included  (Is.  xiii.  9,  10;  Joel  ii.  31,  iii.  15;  Matt, 
ixiv.  29;  Mark  xiii.  24;  Luke  xxi.  25;  Rev.  vi. 
12). 

The  plague  of  darkness  in  Egypt  has  been  as- 
cribed by  various  neologistic  commentators  to  non- 
miraculous  agency,  but  no  sulBcient  account  of  its 
intense  degree,  long  duration,  and  limited  area, 
as  proceefling  from  any  physical  cause,  has  been 
given.  The  darkness  M  wuffav  t^v  y7]i/  of  Matt, 
xxvii.  45  attending  the  crucifixion  has  been  similarly 
attributed  to  an  eclipse.  Phlegon  of  Tralles  indeed 
mentions  an  eclipse  of  intense  darkness,  and  which 
began  at  noon,  combined,  he  says,  in  Bithynia,  with 
an  earthquake,  which  in  tlie  uncertain  state  cf  our 
chronology  (see  Clinton's  Fasti  Romani,  Olymp. 
SJ02)  more  or  less  nearly  synchronizes  with  the 
event.  Nor  was  the  accoimt  one  without  reception 
In  the  early  church.  See  the  testimonies  to  that 
efiect  collected  by  Whiston  ( Teslinumy  of  PhUyon 
wulicated,  Lond.  1732).  Origen,  however,  ad  loc. 
(T^tin  commentary  on  St.  Matt.)  denies  the  possi- 
bility of  such  a  cause,  arguing  tliat  by  the  fixed 
Paschal  reckoning  the  moon  must  have  been  al)0ut 
full,  and  denying  that  Luke  xxiii.  45  by  the  words 
iffKorlaOrj  6  ^\ios  means  to  allege  that  fact  as  the 
nuse.  The  genuineness  of  tliis  commentary  has 
been  impeached,  nor  is  its  tenor  consistent  with 
Origen  adv.  VeU.  p.  80;  but  the  argument,  unless 
ju  such  an  assumption  as  that  mentioned  below, 
leoma  decisive,  and  has  ever  since  been  adhered  to. 
fie  limits  iracrav  t)iv  yijv  to  Judaea.  Dean  Alford 
l(ul  he  ),  though  without  stating  his  reason,  prefers 
J>e  wider  interpretation  of  all  the  earth's  surface 
»n  which  it  would  naturally  have  been  day.  That 
Pblegon's  darkness,  perceived  so  intense  in  Tralles 
lod  liitbynia.,  was  felt  in  Judaea  is  highly  probable; 


DATHEMA 

and  the  Evangelist's  testimony  to  similar  phenom 
ena  of  a  coincident  darkness  and  earthquake,  takei 
in  connection  with  the  near  agreement  of  time^ 
gives  a  probability  to  the  supposition  that  tlie  for- 
mer  sjieaks  of  the  same  circunistjinces  as  the  latter 
W'ieseler  {Chrvn.  Sijnop.  p.  388),  however,  and  D« 
Wette  {Comm.  on  Matt.)  consider  the  year  of 
Phlegon's  eclipse  an  im|Kissible  one  for  the  cruci- 
fixion, and  reject  that  explanation  of  the  darkness. 
The  argument  from  the  duration  (3  hours)  is  alsc 
of  great  force;  for  an  eclipse  seldom  lasts  in  great 
intensity  more  than  G  minutes.  On  the  other  hand, 
Seyftiirth  (Cliioruilot/.  Sacr.  pp.  58,  5!»)  maintains 
that  the  Jewish  calentlar,  owing  to  their  following 
the  sun,  had  become  so  far  out  tliat  the  moon  might 
jK)ssil)ly  have  been  at  new,  and  thus,  admitting  tha 
year  as  a  possible  epoch,  revives  the  argument  for 
the  ecli|>se  as  the  cause.  He,  however,  views  this 
rather  as  a  natunil  basis  than  as  a  full  account  of 
the  darkness,  which  in  its  d^ree  at  Jenisiilem  was 
still  preternatural  {ib.  p.  138).  The  pamphlet  of 
Winston  above  quoted,  and  two  by  Dr.  Sykes, 
Piiseriation  an  the  Kdipse  mentioned  by  Pli/e(/on, 
and  De/tvce  of  s.ame,  lx)nd.  1733  and  1734,  may 
be  consulted  as  rcgartls  the  statement  of  Piilegon. 
Darkness  is  also,  as  in  the  expression,  <'  land  of 
darkness,"  nse<l  for  tlie  state  of  the  dead  (.lob  x. 
21,  22);  and  frequently  figuratively,  for  ignorance 
and  unbelief,  as  the  privation  of  spiritual  light 
(Johni.  5;  iii.  19).  H.  H. 

DAR'KON  (ifWl  [bearer,  Fiirst]:  Aap- 
Ktiu,  AopKciy,  [Alex,  in  Ezr.  AepKcaV.]  Dercon). 
Children  [sons]  of  Darken  were  among  the  "  ser- 
vants of  Solomon,"  who  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  ii.  56;  Neh.  Ail.  58).     [Lo- 

ZON.] 

*  DARLING,  twice  in  the  A.  V.,  Ps.  xxii.  20, 
and  XXXV.  17,  and  used  there  of  life  as  something  in- 
expressibly dear  and  precious  to  men  (like  Homer's 
tpiKou  Ktjp,  and  Plato's  TifiicoTdrr]  sc.  i/zux^)-  "  My 
only  one "  would  be  more  correct  for  T'H'',  the 
original  word,  applied  properly  (masc.  or  fem.)  to 
something  which  exists  singly  and  cannot  be  replaced 
if  lost,  as  an  only  son  (tJen.  xxii.  2)  or  daughter 
(.lud.  xi.  34).  In  the  Psalms,  as  above,  the  Sept. 
has  tV  fxouoyfvrj  fiou,  and  the  Vulg.  "unicam 
meam."  H. 

•  DART.     [Arms.] 

DATES,  margin  of  2  Chr.  xxxi.  5  only. 
[Paum  Tkke.] 

DA'THAN  i)'^^  [perh.  fontanm,  concerned 
with  fountains]:  AaOdf'-  Dftthan),  a  Peubeuite 
chieftain,  son  of  Eliab,  who  joined  the  cons[>iracj 
of  Korali  the  Levite  (Num.  xvi.  1,  [12,  24,  2o,  27,] 
xxvi.  9;  Deut.  3d.  6;  Ps.  cvi.  17;  [Ixclus.  xlv. 
18]).  K.  W.  B. 

DATH'EMA  (AtdOfna;  Alex,  and  .losephui, 
A(i0(ixa;  other  MSS.  Adfj.e0a;  [Sin.  Auflai/ia:] 
Dftthtma),  a  fortress  (rh  ox'V'^A"*'  Joseph,  ippo^ 
piov)  in  which  the  Jews  of  (Jilead  took  refuf^e  from 
tlie  heathen  (1  Mace.  v.  9).  Here  they  were  re- 
lieved by  Judas  and  .lonathan  (24).  They  marched 
from  liozora  to  Dathema  (28,  29)  and  lift  it  fci 
Maspha  (Mizpeh)  (35).  The  reading  of  the  Pe^ 
shito,  Jinmlha,  jioints  to  Pamoth-Uilead,  which  cai 
hardly  fail  to  lie  the  correct  identification.  Ewalj 
however  (iv.  359,  note)  would  correct  this  to  Dai» 
tha,  which  he  compares  with  Uhumi,  a  place  n 
I<orted  by  Burckhardt.  G* 


DAUGHTER 

DAUGHTER  {Bath,  H?,  contr.  from  n."j2, 

fern,  of  ]2  :  Ouyar'fip'-  filin).  1.  The  word  is  used 
in  Scriptm-e  not  o.ily  for  dausjhter,  but  for  grand 
daughter  or  other  fcaiale  descendant,  much  in  the 

same  way  and  like  extent  witli  ]3,  son  (Gen.  xxiv. 
48,  xxxi.  43).      [See  Cuilukkn;   Education, 

WOMKN.] 

2.  In  a  kindred  sense  the  female  inhabitants  of 
a  place,  a  country,  or  the  females  of  a  particular 
rrice,  are  called  daus;liters  (Gen.  vi.  2,  xxvii.  46, 
xmii.  6,  xxxvi.  2;  Num.  xxv.  1;  Deut.  xxiii.  17; 
Is.  iii.  1(J;  Jer.  xlvi.  11,  xlix.  2,  3,  4;  Luke  xxiii. 
28). 

3.  Women  in  general  (Prov.  xxxi.  23). 

4.  Those  addicted  to  particular  forms  of  idola- 
trous worship  (1  Sam.  i.  10;  Mai.  ii.  11). 

5.  The  same  notion  of  descent  explains  the 
phrase  "  daughters  of  music,"  i.  e.  singing  birds 
(Eccl.  xii.  4),  and  the  use  of  the  word  for  branches 
)f  a  tree  (Gen.  xlix.  22),  the  pupil  of  the  eye, 
K6pri  (I>am.  ii.  18;  I's.  xvii.  8),  and  the  expression 
"  daughter  of  90  years,"  to  denote  the  age  of  Sarah 
(Gen.  xvii.  17 ). 

6.  It  is  also  used  of  cities  in  general,  agreeably 
to  their  very  common  personification  as  belonging 
to  the  female  sex  (Is.  x.  32,  xxiii.  12,  xxxvii.  22, 
xlvii.  1,  Iii.  2;  Jer.  vi.  2,  2G,  ix.  1,  xxxi.  4,  xlvi.  11, 
24,  xlviii.  18,  Ii.  33 ;  Nah.  iii.  4,  7 ;  Zech.  ix.  9 ; 
Ez.  xvi.  3,  44,  48,  xxiii.  4). 

7.  But  more  specifically  of  dependent  towns  or 
hamlets,  while  to  the  principal  city  the  correlative 
"mother"  is  applied  (Num.  j^xi.  25;  Josh.  xvii. 
11,  16;  Judg.  i.  27;  1  Chr.  vii.  28;  2  Sam.  xx. 
19). 

Ilazeriin  is  the  word  most  commonly  employed 
for  the  "  villages  "  l^ing  round,  and  dependent  on, 

Ii  "city"  ('//■;  1^^),  But  in  one  place  Bath  is 
used  as  if  for  something  intermediate,  in  the  case 
of  the  riiilistine  cities  Ekron,  Ashdod,  and  Gaza 
(Josh.  XV.  45-7 )  —  "  her  daugliter-towns  and  her 
villages."  Without  this  distinction  from  /lazeriiii, 
the  word  is  also  employed  for  Philistine  towns  in 
1  Chr.  xviii.  1  —  Gath;  2  Chr.  xxviii.  18  —  Slio- 
eho,  Timiiath,  and  Gimzo.  In  Neli.  xi.  25-31,  the 
two  tenns  are  employed  alternately,  and  to  all  ap- 
pearance qiute  indiscriminately.     [Village.] 

H.  W.  P. 

DATID  (TI'J,  Tl'5  [6efore<?]:»  LXX.  Aa- 
vlS]  [Vat.  AouetS:]  N.  T.  [lUz.]  AaSj'S  [Griesb. 
Aau/5;  I^chm.  Tisch.  Treg.]  AavelS),  the  son  of 
■Jesse,  is  the  best  known  to  us  of  any  of  the  char- 
»ct«r!i  in  the  0.  T.  In  him,  as  in  the  case  of  St. 
Paul  in  the  N.  T.,  we  have  the  advantage  of  com- 
paring a  detailed  narrative  of  his  life  with  undoubted 
works  of  his  own  comiwsition,  and  the  combined 
result  is  a  knowledge  of  his  personal  character,  such 
«g  we  probably  possess  of  no  historical  personage 
oefore  the  Christian  era,  with  the  exception  of 
Cicero,  and  perhaps  of  CiEsar. 

The  authorities  for  the  life  of  David  may  be 
divided  uitc  six  classes :  — 


<»  The  shorter  form  is  u.-<od  in  the  earlier  books ; 
indeed,  everywhere  except  in  1  K.  iii.  14,  and  m  Chr., 
far.,  Neh.,  Cant.,  lies..  Am.,  Kz.  xxxiv.  23,  and  Ze^b., 
In  which  the  longer  form  is  found.     The  Arabic  form 

»     *  ^ 
tt  ttuuame,  in  comimr  use,  is  (^,|»>,  Daood. 


DAVID  553 

I.  The  original  Hebrew  authorities :  — 

1.  Tlie  Davidic  jwrtion  of  the  Psiilms,''  in- 
cluding such  fragments  as  are  preserved  U. 
us  from  other  sources,  namely,  2  Sam.  i. 
19-27,  iii.  33,  34,  xxii.   1-51,  xxiii.  1-7. 

[PsAL.MS.] 

2.  The  "  Clironicles  "  or  "State-papers"  of 
David  (1  Clir.  xxvii.  24),  and  tlie  original 
biographies  of  David  by  Samuel,  Gad,  and 
Nathan  (I  Chr.  xxix.  2J).  These  are  lost, 
but  jwrtions  of  them  no  doubt  are  pre- 
served in 

3.  Tl>e  narrative  of  1  Sam.  xvi.  to  1  K.  ii. 
10;  with  the  supplementary  notices  con- 
tahied  in  1  Chr.  xi.  1  to  xxlx.  30. 

II.  The  two  slight  notices  in  tlie  heathen  his- 
torians, Nicolaus  of  Damascus  in  his  Unicersal 
History  (Joseph.  Ant.  vii.  5,  §  2),  and  Kuix)lemu8 
in  his  HUlori)  of  the  Kings  of  Judah  (Eus.  Prcep. 
Ev.  ix.  30).' 

III.  David's  apocryphal  WTitings,  contained  in 
Fabricius,  Oxlex  pseuUeiiiijrnpliiis  V.  7V.s/.  pp.  906- 
1006.  (1.)  Ps.  cli.,  on  his  victory  over  Goliath. 
(2.)  Colloquies  with  God,  on  madness,  on  his  temp- 
tation, and  on  the  building  of  the  Tem[ile.  (3.) 
A  charm  against  fire.  Of  these  the  first  alone 
deserves  any  attention. 

I V.  The  Jewish  traditions,  which  may  be  divided 
into  three  cLisses :  — 

1.  The  additions  to  tlie  Biblical  narrative  con- 
tained in  Josephus,  Ant.  vi.  8-vii.  15. 

2.  The  Hebrew  traditions  presened  in  Je- 
rome's iltuBstiones  IJtbraiae  in  Libras  Jie- 
gum  et  Paralipomemm  (vol.  iii.,  Venice 
ed.). 

3.  Tlie  Rabbinical  traditions  reported  in  Bas- 
nage,  J/ist.  des  Juifs,  lib.  v.  c.  2 ;  Calmet'i 
Dictionary,  art.  D  irlL 

V.  The  IMussulraan  traditions,  chiefly  remarka- 
ble for  their  extravagance,  are  contained  in  the  Ko- 
ran, ii.  250-252,  xxxviii.  20-24,  xxi.  79-82,  xxii. 
15,  and  explained  in  Lane's  HdtclUms  from,  the 
Kurdn,  p.  228-242;  or  amplified  in  Weil's  Legends, 
Eng.  Tr.  p.  152-170. 

VI.  In  modem  times  his  life  has  been  often 
treated,  both  in  separate  treatises  and  in  historiea 
of  Israel.  Winer's  article  on  David  refers  to  mon- 
ographs on  almost  every  point  in  his  life.  In  Eng- 
lish, the  best  known  is  Dr.  Chandler's  Life,  writ- 
ten in  the  last  century;  in  French,  De  Choisi's, 
and  that  in  Bayle's  DictUmrry.  The  most  retient, 
and  probably  the  best  treatment  is  that  in  EwaJd'« 
Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  iii.  71-257. 

His  life  may  be  divideil  into  three  jxirtions,  more 
or  less  corresponding  to  the  three  old  lost  biogra- 
phies by  Samuel,  Gad,  and  Nathan:  I.  His  youth 
before  his  introduction  to  the  court  of  Saul.  II. 
His  relations  with  Saul.     III.  His  reign. 

I.  Tlie  early  life  of  Duvid  contains  in  man} 
important  respects  the  antecedents  of  h'ls  futurt 
career. 

1.  Unlike  most  of  the  characters  of  the  Script- 
ures, his  family  are  well  known  to  us  by  name, 
and  are  rot  without  bearing  on  his  subsequent  ca- 
reer. Thej  may  best  be  seen  in  the  form  of  a  gen- 
ealogy. 


f>  In  quoting  the  Psalms  in  connection  with  th« 
hist-f-ry,  we  have  been  guided  partly  by  the  titles  (ai 
expressing  the  Jewish  traditions),  partly  by  the  inter 
nal  evidence,  as  verified  by  the  judgmont  of  Uebrav 
scholam 


652 


DAVID 


DAVID 


Klimelech  —  Naomi  (Bath  i.  1) 


Salmon 
or  Salinah  , 

(Riithiv.  !•!;  ' 

1  Chr.  ii.  11)  

Boaz  c=  Ruth  =  Mnlilon       Chiiion  •>  Orpah 
I  (Uutliiv.  10) 


Obed  (Ruth  iv.  17) 


0  Bam.  ztU.  W]  Nahaih  »  unknown  =  Jesse 
I  I 


Jonathan  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  32) 


Zcruiah    Abiirail 
(I  Clir. 
u.  10) 


■  Jethors"  Ira??       

(I  C'lir.  (Jerome,     Klihu 
a.  li")     V".  J/<b.    (1  Clir. 

on  I  Chr.   xxvii.  18) 
xi.  40) 


:(idila 


Eliab    Abiuadab    Shnniinah  Ncthancel    Rodilai    Ozem    (one    UAVQ 
'^''-                         Shiinnia  (Itacl,    (Axuin,  is  not 

Sliinieah  Jiw.  Aut.  Jo».  Ant.  fiven 

(iiSani.  vi.  N.  I,    vi.  S.  1)    uiileM 

xxi.  m  Rei,  Ewuld) 


Abiiiiai  Joab  Asahel    Aniasa 

^ebndiah 
(1  Chr.  xxvii.  7) 


Abihnil  =>  Reboboom 
(2  Chr.  xi.  ¥J) 


Jonathan 

(2Snni.  xxi.  21; 

1  Chr.  xxvii.  .-Ji') 

(Nathan  ?  ? 

Jcr.  Vk.  J /eh. 

on  I  Sam.  xvi.  12) 


Jonndnb 
(2  Sum. 
xiii.  3) 


JrK'l  ?  ? 
Jerome, 
(J«.  Jlih. 
on  I  Chr. 

xi.  3») 


Glihu, 

Syr.  and 

Arali. 

1  Chr.  ii.  IS) 


It  tliiis  appears  that  David  was  the  youngest  son, 
probably  the  youngest  child,  of  a  family  of  ten. 
His  nif'ther's  name  is  unknown.  Ills  father,  Jesse, 
was  of  a  great  age  when  David  was  still  young 
(1  Sam.  xvii.  12).  His  parents  both  lived  till 
after  his  final  rupture  with  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxii.  3). 
Through  them  David  inherited  several  points  which 
he  never  lost.  {(t.)  His  connection  with  Moab 
through  his  great-grandmother  Kuth.  This  he 
kept  up  when  he  escaped  to  Moab  and  entrusted 
his  aged  parents  to  the  care  of  the  king  (1  Sam. 
xxii.  3),  and  it  may  not  have  been  without  its  use 
in  keeping  open  a  wider  view  in  his  mind  and  his- 
tory than  if  he  had  been  of  purely  Jewish  descent. 
Such  is  i)robably  the  design  of  the  express  mention 
of  Kuth  in  the  genealogy  in  Matt.  i.  5. 

(b.)  His  birthplace,  Ukthleheji.  His  recol- 
lection of  the  well  of  IJethlehem  is  one  of  the  most 
touching  iiiMdents  of  his  later  life  (1  Chr.  xi.  17). 
From  the  territory  of  lietlilehem,  as  from  his  own 
patrimony,  he  gave  a  property  as  a  reward  to 
Chimhani,  son  of  IJarzillai  (2  Sam.  xix.  37,  38; 
Jer.  xli.  17);  and  it  is  this  connection  of  David 
with  Bethlehem  that  brought  the  place  again  in 
later  times  into  universal  fame,  when  Joseph  went 
up  to  lietlilehem,  "  because  he  was  of  the  house 
and  lineage  of  David  "  (Luke  ii.  4). 

(c.)  His  general  connection  with  the  tribe  of 
Judah.  In  none  of  the  tribes  does  the  tribal  feel- 
ing appear  to  have  been  stronger;  and  it  must  be 
borne  in  mind  throughout  the  story  both  of  his 
security  amongst  the  hills  of  Judah  during  his 
flight  from  Saul,  and  of  the  early  period  of  his  reign 
at  Hebron,  as  well  as  of  the  jealousy  of  tlie  tribe  at 
having  lost  their  exclusive  possession  of  him,  which 
broke  out  in  the  revolt  of  Absalom. 

{(1.)  His  relations  to  Zeruiah  and  Abigail. 
Though  called  in  1  Chr.  ii.  10,  sisters  of  David, 
they  are  not  expressly  called  the  daughters  of 
^esM;  and  Abigail,  in  2  Sam.  xvii.  25,  is  called 
liic  daughter  of  Naliash.  Is  it  too  much  to  sup- 
pose that  David's  niotlier  had  been  the  wife  or  con- 
cubine" of  Naliash,  and  then  married  by  Jesse? 
This  would  agree  with  the  difference  of  age  between 
David  and  his  sisters,  and  also  (if  Nahash  was  the 
lame  as  the  king  of  Ammon)  with  the  kindnesses 
which  David  received  first  from  Nahash  (2  Sam. 


a  Ihe  lat«r  rabbis  represent  him  as  bom  In  adul- 
*ry.  This  is  probably  a  coarse  inference  from  Ps.  li. 
'' ;  but  It  may  possibly  have  reference  to  a  tradition  of 
lie  above.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  carl'er  rabbin 
•«  tiave  an   attempt  at  "immaculate   conception." 


X.  2),  and  then  from  Shobi,  son  of  Nahash  (xviL 

27).  ■ 

2.  As  the  youngest  of  the  family  he  may  possi- 
bly have  rceeivcfl  from  his  parents  the  name,  which 
first  apj)e.ars  in  him,  of  Band,  the  btluveil,  the  dar- 
ling. But,  perhaps  for  this  same  reason,  he  was 
never  ultimate  with  his  Ijrethi-cn.  The  eldest 
brother,  who  alone  is  nientioiied  in  connection  with 
him,  and  who  was  afterwards  made  by  him  head  of 
the  trilie  of  Judali  (1  Clir.  xxvii.  18),  treated  him 
scornfully  and  iniperioiisly  (1  Sam.  xvii.  28),  as 
the  eldest  brothers  of  large  ihmihes  are  apt  to  do ; 
his  command  was  reganled  in  the  family  as  law 
(xx.  29);  and  the  fatlier  looked  upon  the  youngest 
son  as  hardly  one  of  the  family  at  all  (xvi.  11),  and 
as  a  mere  attendant  on  the  rest  (xvii.  17 ).  The 
familiarity  which  he  lost  with  his  brothers,  he 
gained  with  his  nephews.  The  three  sons  of  his 
sister  Zeniiah,  and  the  one  son  of  his  sister  Abigail, 
seemingly  from  the  fact  that  their  mothers  were 
the  eldest  of  the  whole  family,  were  probably  of  the 
same  age  as  David  himself,  and  they  accordingly 
were  to  him  —  csi)ecially  the  three  sons  of  Zeruiah 
—  throughout  life  in  the  relation  usually  occupied 
by  brothers  and  cousins.  In  them  we  see  the 
rougher  qualities  of  the  family,  which  David  sliared 
with  them,  whilst  lie  was  distinguished  from  them 
by  quaUties  of  his  own,  peculiar  to  himself.  The 
two  sons  of  his  brother  Shinieah  are  both  connected 
with  his  after  history,  and  both  celebrated  for  the 
gift  of  sagacity  in  which  David  himself  excelled. 
One  was  Jonadab,  the  friend  and  adviser  of  his  eld- 
est son  Amnon  (2  Sam.  xiii.  3).  The  other  waa 
Jonathan  (2  Sam.  xxi.  21),  who  aftenvards  became 
the  counsellor  of  David  himself  (1  Chr.  xx\ii.  32). 
It  is  a  conjecture  or  tradition  of  the  Jews  preserveid 
by  Jerome  (  Uu.  Ihb.  on  1  Sam.  xvii.  12)  that  this 
was  no  other  than  Nathan  the  |)rophet,  who,  being 
adopted  into  Jesse's  family,  makes  up  the  eighth 
son,  not  named  in  1  Chr.  ii.  13-15.  But  this  is 
hardly  probable. 

llie  first  time  that  Dand  appears  in  history  at 
once  admits  us  to  the  whole  family  circle.  There 
was  a  practice  once  a  year  at  15ethlehem,  probably 
at  the  first  new  moon  of  the  year,  of  holding  a  sac- 
rificial feast,  at  which  Jesse,  as  the  chief  proprietor 
of  the  place,  would  preside  (1  Sam.  xx.  G),  with  the 
elders  of  the  town.     At  this  or  such  like  feast  (xvi. 


They  make  Nahash  —  "  the  serpent "  —  to  bo  anothm 
name  of  Josse,  bccanse  he  bad  no  sin  excopt  thai 
which  ho  contracted   from  the  original  serptnt;  and 
thus  David  inherited  none.     (Jeroire,  (^u.  Heb.  in 
Sam.  xtU.  25.) 


DAVID 

1)  suddenly  appeared  the  great  prophet  Samuel, 
irinng  a  heifer  before  him,  and  having  in  his  hand 
a  horn  of  the  consecrated  oil "  of  the  Tabernacle. 
The  elders  of  the  little  town  were  terrified  at  this 
apparition,  but  were  reassured  bj'  the  august  visitor, 
and  invited  by  him  to  the  ceremony  of  sacrificing 
the  heifer.  The  heifer  was  killed.  The  party 
were  waiting  to  begin  the  feast.  Samuel  stood 
with  his  horn  to  pour  forth  the  oil,  as  if  for  an  in- 
vitation to  begin  (comp.  ix.  22).  He  was  restrained 
by  divine  intimation  as  son  after  son  passed  by. 
Eliab,  the  eldest,  by  "  his  height "  and  "  his  coun- 
tenance," seemed  the  natural  counterpart  of  Saul, 
whose  rival,  unknown  to  them,  the  prophet  came 
to  select.  But  the  day  was  gone  when  kings  were 
chosen  because  they  were  head  and  shoulders  taller 
than  the  rest.  "  Samuel  said  unto  Jesse,  Are 
tliese  all  thy  children  V  And  he  said.  There  re- 
maineth  yet  the  youngest,  and  behold  he  keepeth 
the  sheep." 

This  is  our  first  and  most  characteristic  intro- 
duction to  the  future  king.  The  boy  was  brought 
in.  We  are  enabled  to  fix  his  appearance  at  once 
in  our  minds.  He  was  of  short  stature,  thus  con- 
trasting with  his  tall  brother  Eliab,  with  his  rival 
Saul,  and  with  his  gigantic  enemy  of  Gath.  He 
had  red*  or  auburn  hair,  such  as  is  not  unfre- 
quently  seen  in  his  countrymen  of  the  East  at  the 
present  day.  In  later  life  he  wore  a  beard.<=  His 
bright  eyes  <<  are  especially  mentioned  (xvi.  12),  and 
generally  he  was  remarkable  for  the  grace  of  his 
figure  and  countenance  ("fair  of  eyes,"  "comely," 
"goodly,"  xvi.  12,  18,  xvii.  42),  well  made,  and  of 
immense  strength  and  agility.  His  swiftness  and 
activity  made  him  (like  his  nephew  Asahel)  like  a 
wild  gazelle,  his  feet  like  harts'  feet,  and  his  arms 
strong  enough  to  break  a  bow  of  steel  (Ps.  xviii. 
33,  34).  He  was  pursuing  the  occupation  aiiotted 
in  Eastern  countries  usually  to  the  slaves,  the 
females,  or  the  despised  of  the  family  (comp.  the 
case  of  jMoses,  of  Jacob,  of  Zipporah,  and  Itachel, 
and  in  later  times,  of  Moliammed;  Sprenger,  p.  8). 
The  pastures  of  Bethlehem  are  famous  throughout 
the  sacred  history.  The  Tower  of  Shepherds  (Gen. 
XXXV.  21),  the  shepherds  abiding  with  their  flocks 
by  night  (Luke  ii.),  were  both  there.  He  usually 
carried  a  switch  or  wand*  in  his  hand  (1  Sam. 
xvii.  40),  such  as  would  be  used  for  his  dogs  (xvii. 
43),  and  a  scrip  or  wallet  round  his  neck,  to  carry 
anything  that  was  needed  for  h's  shepherd's  life 
(xvii.  40).  Such  was  the  outer  afe  of  David  when 
(as  the  later  Psalmists  described  his  call)  he  was 
"  taken  from  the  sheepfolds,  from  following  the 
ewes  great  with  young,  to  feed  Israel  according  to 
the  integrity  of  his  heart,  and  to  guide  them  by 
the  skillfulness  of  his  hands"  (Ps.  kxviii.  70-72). 
The  recollection/ of  the  sudden  and  great  elevation 


a  «  The  oil ; "  so  Joseph.  Ant.  vi.  8,  §  1. 

6  1  Sam.  xvi.  12,  xvii.  42.  Ruddy  =  red-haired ; 
Tuppaio)?,  LXX. ;  riifus,  Vulg. :  the  same  word  as  for 
Esau,  Gen.  xxv.  25.  The  rabbis  (probably  from  this) 
lay  that  he  was  like  Esau.  Josephus  {Ant.  vi.  8,  §  1) 
Hakes  it  his  tawny  complexion  (favObs  -rhv  xpoo^-- 
Bee  at  the  end  of  the  article.] 

c  1  Sara.  xxl.  13. 

d  "Fierce,  quick;"  yopyo^  Tai  oifieC^  (Joseph,  jlnt. 
'    8,§1). 

e  The  same  word  as  is  used  in  Glen.  xxx.  37 ;  Jer  i. 
J ;  Hos.  IV.  12. 

/  It  is  useless  to  speculate  on  the  extent  to  which 
ail  mission  was  kr  own  to  himself  or  to  others.     Jose- 


DAVID  558 

from  this  humble  station  is  deeply  impi-essed  on  hit 
after  life.  "  The  man  who  was  raised  up  on  high  " 
(2  Sam.  xxiii.  1)  —  "I  have  exalted  one  chosen  out 
of  the  people"  (Ps.  Ixxxix.  19)  — "I  took  thee 
from  the  sheepcote  "  (2  Sam.  vii.  8). 

3.  But  there  was  another  preparation  still  more 
needed  for  his  office,  which  possibly  had  made  him 
already  known  to  Samuel,  and  which  at  any  rate  ia 
his  next  introduction  to  the  history.  When  the 
body-guard  of  Saul  were  discussing  with  their  mas- 
ter where  the  best  minstrel  could  be  found  to  chase 
away  his  madness  by  music,  one  of  the  young  men 
in  the  guard  suggested  David.  Saul,  with  the  ab- 
solute control  inherent  in  the  idea  of  an  Oriental 
kuig,  instantly  sent  for  him,  and  in  the  successful 
effort  of  David's  harp  we  have  the  first  glimpse  into 
that  genius  for  music  and  poetry  which  was  after- 
wards consecrated  in  the  Psalms.  It  is  impossible 
not  to  connect  the  early  display  of  this  gift  with 
the  schools  of  the  prophets,  who  exercised  their  vo- 
cation with  tabret,  psaltery,  pipe,  and  harp  (1  Sam. 
X.  5),  in  the  pastures  {Naioth;  comp.  Ps.  xxiii.  2), 
to  which  he  afterwards  returned  as  to  his  natural 
home  (1  Sam.  xtx.  18).!/ 

Whether  any  of  the  existing  Psalms  can  be 
referred  to  this  epoch  of  David's  life  is  uncertain. 
The  23d,  from  its  subject  of  the  shepherd,  and  from 
its  extreme  simplicity  (though  placed  by  Ewald 
somewhat  later),  may  well  have  been  suggested  by 
this  time.  The  Stli,  19th,  and  29th,*  which  are 
miiversally  recognized  as  David's,  describe  the  phe- 
nomena of  nature,  and  as  such  may  more  naturally 
be  referred  to  this  tranquil  period  of  his  life  than 
to  any  other.  The  imagery  of  danger  from  wild 
beasts,  lions,  wild  bulls,  &c.  (Ps.  vii.  2,  xxii.  20, 
21),  must  be  reminiscences  of  this  time.  And 
now,  at  any  rate,  he  must  have  first  acquired  the 
art  which  gave  him  one  of  his  chief  claims  to  men- 
tion in  after  times  —  "  the  sweet  singer  of  Israel  " 
(2  Sam.  xxiii.  1),  "  the  inventor  of  instruments  of 
music"  (.4.m.  vi.  5);  "with  his  whole  heart  he 
sung  songs  and  loved  him  that  made  him  "  (Ec- 
clus.  xlvii.  8). » 

4.  One  incident  alone  of  his  solitary  shepherd 
life  has  come  down  to  us  —  his  conflict  with  the 
lion  and  the  bear  in  defense  of  his  father's  flocks 
(1  Sam.  xvii.  34,  35).  But  it  did  not  stand  alone. 
He  was  already  known  to  Saul's  guards  for  his 
martial  exploits,  probably  against  the  Philistine! 
(xvi.  18),  and  when  he  suddenly  appeared  in  the 
camp,  his  elder  brother  immediately  guessed  that 
he  had  left  the  sheep  in  bis  ardor  to  see  the  battle 
(xvii.  28).  To  this  new  aspect  of  his  character  we 
are  next  introduced. 

There  is  no  perfectly  satisfactory  means  of  recon- 
ciling the  apparently  contradictory  accounts  in  1 
Sam.  xvi.  14-23,  and  xvii.  12-31,  55-58.    The  first 


phus  {Ant.  vi.  8,  §  1)  says  that  Samuel  whispered  H 
into  his  ear. 

9  The  Mussulman  traditions  represent  him  as  skilled 
in  making  haircloth  and  sackcloth  —  the  usual  occu- 
pations of  the  prophets.  See  the  notes  to  Bethlshem, 
p.  293  a. 

A  The  Mussulman  traditions  describe  him  as  under- 
standing the  language  of  birds  {Koran,  xxi.  9,  xxii.  16). 

>  In  Mussulman  traditions,  as  Abraham  is  called 
■'  the  Friend,"  and  Mohammed  "  the  Apostle,"  so  Da- 
vid is  "  the  Prophet  of  God."  In  Weil's  Legends,  p. 
157,  Jl  i  striing  Oriental  description  of  his  powezi 
as  a  psalmist :  "  He  could  imitate  the  thunden  of 
heaven,  the  roar  of  the  lion,  th'd  notes  of  th»  nightin 
gale." 


66i  DAVID 

Itates  that  David  was  made  known  to  Saul  and 
became  his  armor-bearer  in  consequence  of  the 
charm  of  his  music  in  assuaging  the  king's  melan- 
choly. The  second  implies  tiiat  David  was  still  a 
ihcpherd  with  his  father's  flocks,  and  unknown  to 
Saul.  The  Vatican  JIS.  of  the  LXX.,  followed  by 
Kennicott  (who  argues  the  question  at  length,  Dh- 
tertation  on  Jlebitw  Ttxt,  418-432,  554-558), 
rejects  the  narrative  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  12-31,  55-58, 
as  spurious.  15ut  the  internal  endence  from  its 
graphic  touches  is  much  in  its  favor,  and  it  must  at 
least  be  accepted  as  an  ancient  tradition  of  David's 
hfe.  llorsley,  but  with  no  external  authority,  trans- 
poses 1  Sam.  xvi.  14-23.  Another  explanation 
8up[)oscs  that  Saul  had  forgotten  him.  But  this 
only  solves  half  tlie  difficulty,  and  is  evidently  not 
the  intention  of  the  narrative.  It  may  therefore 
be  accepted  as  an  independent  statement  of  David's 
first  api)eanirice,  modified  by  the  counter-statement 
already  noticed." 

The  scene  of  the  battle  is  at  Ephes-dammim, 
in  the  fnjntier-liills  of  .(udali,  called  probably  from 
this  or  similar  encounters  "  the  bound  of  blood." 
Saul's  aniiv  is  encanqKid  on  one  aide  of  the  ravine, 
the  I'hilisiines  on  the  other,  the  water-course  of 
I'Uah  or  "  the  Terel)inth  "  runs  between  them.*  A 
Philistine  of  gigantic  stature,  and  clothed  in  com- 
plete armor,  insults  the  comparatively  defenseless 
Israelites,  iunongst  whom  the  king  alone  appears  to 
be  well  arme<l  (xvii.  38;  corap.  xiii.  20).  No  one 
can  be  found  to  take  up  the  challenge.  At  this 
juncture  David  ajipeiu's  in  the  camp,  sent  by  his 
father  witli  ten  loaves  and  ten  slices  of  milk-cheese 
to  his  tln-(«  eldest  brothel's,  fresh  from  the  sheep- 
folds.  Just  ."IS  he  comes  to  the  circle  of  wagons 
which  forinttl,  as  in  Arab  settlements,  a  rude  forti- 
fication round  the  Israelite  camp  (xvii.  20),  he 
hears  the  well  known  shout  of  the  Israelite  war  cry 
(comp.  Num.  xxiii.  21).  The  martial  spirit  of  the 
boy  is  stiiTed  at  tlie  sound ;  he  leaves  liis  pro\isions 
with  the  baggage-master,  and  darts  to  join  his 
brothers  (like  one  of  the  royal  messengers'^)  into 
the  midst  of  the  Unes.''  Then  he  hears  the  chal- 
lenge, now  made  for  the  fortieth  time  —  sees  the 
dismay  of  his  countrymen  —  hears  the  reward  pro- 
posed by  the  king  —  goes  with  tlie  impetuosity  of 


a  •  On  the  question  of  the  consistency  of  the  dif- 
ferent passages  referred  to  in  this  paragraph,  see  addi- 
tion at  the  euil  of  the  article.  II. 

6  Variations  in  the  common  account  are  suggested 
by  two  other  passages.  1.  In  2  Ssim.  xxi.  19,  it  is 
stated  that  "  Ooliath  of  Uath,  the  staff  of  whose  spear 
■vas  like  a  wejiver's  beam,"  was  killed  (not  by  David, 
lut)  by  Kihanan  of  Hctliluhem.  Tliis,  combined  with 
Je  fact  that  tlie  Philistine  whom  David  slew  is  usually 
nuncless,  has  suggested  to  Ewald  (ii.  23,  611)  the  in- 
{3niou8  conjecture  that  the  name  of  Ooliath  (which  is 
Mily  given  twice  to  Dai-id's  enemy,  1  Simi.  xvii.  4, 
xxi.  9)  was  borrowed  from  the  conflict  of  the  real 
Ooliath  with  Klhanan,  whose  Bethlehcmite  origin  has 
led  to  the  confusion.  Jerome  (  Qk.  Heb.  ad  loc.)  mal<es 
Blhanan  (he  same  as  David.  2.  In  1  Chr.  xi.  12, 
SUeuzar  (or  more  probably  Shammah,  2  Sam.  xxiii.  11) 
is  Bald  to  have  fought  with  David  at  Ephes-dammim 
against  the  Philistines.  It  is  of  course  possible  that 
the  same  scene  may  have  witnessed  two  encounters 
between  Israel  and  the  Phllisrtnea ;  but  it  may  also 
Indicate  that  David's  first  acquaintance  with  Kleazar, 
afterwards  one  of  his  chief  captains,  was  made  on  this 
nemorabU^  occasion. 

•  The  conjecture  of  Ewald  is  wholly  unnecessary, 
rbe  Vhilistine  whom  David  slew  is  as  expressly  called 
3k>liath  (see  at>ove)  as  the  Philistine  whom  Elhanan 
Uew,  aad,  a«  the  writer  of  the  book,  of  Samuel  distia- 


DAVID 

youth  from  soldier  to  soldier  talking  of  Ube  e^  eul^ 
ill  spite  of  his  brother's  rebuke  —  he  is  introduced 
to  Saul  —  undertakes  the  combat.  His  \nctory  ova 
the  gigsntic  Philistine  is  rendered  more  conspicuous 
by  his  own  diminutive  stature,  and  by  the  simple 
weapons  with  which  it  was  accomplished  —  not  the 
anuor  of  Saul,  which  he  naturally  found  too  largo, 
but  the  shepherd's  sling,  which  he  always  carried 
with  him,  and  the  five  polished  pebbles  which  he 
picked  up  as  he  went  from  the  water-conrse  of  the 
valley,  and  put  in  his  shepherd's  wallet.*  Two 
trophies  long  remained  of  the  battle  —  one,  the 
huge  sword  of  the  Philistine,  which  was  hung  up 
behind  the  ephoil  in  the  Tabeniacle  at  Nob  (1  Sam. 
xxi.  9);  the  other,  the  licad,  whicl*  he  l>ore  away 
himself,  and  which  was  either  laid  up  at  Nob,  or 
subsequently  at  Jenisalem.  [Noii.]  Ps.  cxliv., 
though  by  its  contents  of  a  much  liiter  date,  is  by 
the  title  in  the  I, XX.  "against  t^ioUatli."  Hut 
there  is  also  a  jisalm,  preserved  in  the  1>XX.  at  the 
end  of  the  Psixlter,  and  which,  though  ])robably 
mere  adaptation  I'roin  the  history,  well  sums  u[ 
this  early  period  of  his  life:  '*  This  is  the  psalm  ol 
David's  own  writing  ("■')  (JSitf-ypo^oy  (h  Aavio' 
and  outside  the  imniber,  wlicn  he  foui;ht  the  single 
combat  with  (joliatli."  "  1  was  small  amongst  my 
brethren,  and  the  youngest  in  my  fatlier's  house. 
I  was  feeding  my  fatlier's  sheep.  My  hands  made 
a  harp,  and  my  fiiigei-s  fitted  a  psiUtery.  And  who 
shall  tell  it  to  my  Lord  ?  He  is  the  Lord,  He 
heareth.  He  sent  his  messenger  (angel  V)  and  took 
me  from  my  father's  Hocks,  and  anointed  me  with 
the  oil  of  His  anointing.  My  brethren  were  beauti- 
ful and  tiUl,  but  the  Lord  was  not  well  jileased  witli 
tliein.  I  went  out  to  meet  the  Philisthie,  and  he 
cursed  me  by  his  idols,  liut  I  drew  his  own  sworil 
and  behea<led  him,  and  took  away  the  reproach 
from  the  children  of  Israel."/ 

1 1.  Jielidiuns  tritli  Smd.  —  We  now  enter  on  a 
new  aspect  of  David's  life.  The  victory  o\er  Goliath 
had  been  a  tuniiiig-jwint  of  his  career.  Saul 
inquired  his  parentage,  and  took  him  finally  to  his 
court.  Jonathan  was  inspired  by  the  romantic 
friendship  which  bound  the  two  youths  together  to 
the  end  of  their  lives.  The  triumphant  songs  i'  of 
the  Israelitish  women  announced  that  they  felt  that 


guishcs  the  time  and  place  of  David's  victory  from  the 
time  and  place  of  Elhan.in's  victory  (which  was  after 
David  became  king  and  at  Gob),  he  must  have  had  in 
view  different  PL'li.stiucs  who  bore  this  name.  If  they 
were  brothers  (co.nip.  2  Sum.  xxi.  22),  the  second  of 
them  may  have  a.ssumed  the  other's  name  after  his 
death,  and  if  they  were  not,  the  Hebrews  might  nat 
urally  enough  speak  of  them  by  the  same  name,useil  in 
a  sort  of  representative  sense  (Ooliiith  =ginnt,  hero). 
"  The  brother  of"  in  A.  V .,  2  Sam.  x\i.  VJ,  is  italicized, 
but  very  possibly  states  what  was  true  of  the  two 
champions  referred  to.  For  other  suggestions,  see 
Wordsworth,  Iioolcs  of  Samuel,  p.  122. 

It  is  justly  remarked  above  that  Kphes-danimim  (or 
Pas-dammim,  a  shorter  form,  1  Chr.  xi.  13)  within  the 
valley  of  Elah  (which  »:ec),  may  have  been  the  scene 
of  more  than  one  conflict.  It  was  near  the  frontier 
of  the  hostile  races,  and  fighting  between  them  musi 
often  have  taken  place  there.  11. 

c  The  same  word  is  used  as  in  1  Sam.  xxil.  17. 

</  As  in  1  Sam.  iv   lU,  2  Siim.  xviii.  22. 

e  For  the  Mussulman  legend,  see  Weil's  Legends 
p.  103. 

/  Of  these  and  of  like  songs,  Bunscn  (Bibelwtric 
Pref.  p.  cl.)  interprets  the  expression  in  2  Sam.  xxib 
1,  not  "  the  sweet  singer  of  Israel,"  but  "  the  darilna 
of  the  songs-  of  Israel." 

U  See  Fabricius,  '^■od.  psetuiepigr.   V.  T.  i.  906 


DAVID 

h  him  Israel  had  now  found  a  deliverer  mightier 
even  than  Saul.  And  in  those  songs,  and  in  the 
feme  which  David  thus  acquired,  was  laid  the  foun- 
dation of  that  unhappy  jealousy  of  Saul  towards  him 
which,  mingling  with  the  king's  constitutional  mal- 
ady, poisoned  his  whole  future  relations  to  Uavid. 

'I'iiree  new  quaUties  now  begiin  to  develop  them- 
selves in  David's  character.  The  first  was  his 
prudence.  It  had  been  already  glanced  at  on  the 
first  mention  of  him  to  Saul  (1  Sam.  xvi.  18), 
"  prudent  in  matters."  But  it  was  the  marked 
feature  of  the  beginning  of  his  public  career.  Thrice 
over  it  is  emphatically  said,  "  he  behaved  himself 
-.visely,"  and  evidently  with  the  impression  that  it 
was  the  wisdom  called  forth  by  the  necessities  of 
his  delicate  and  difficult  situation.  It  was  that 
j)eculiar  Jewish  caution  which  has  been  compared 
to  the  sagacity  of  a  hunted  auimal,  such  as  is 
remarked  in  Jacob,  and  afterwards  in  the  perse- 
cuted Israelites  of  the  iMiddle  Ages.  One  instance 
of  it  appears  immediately,  in  his  answer  to  the  trap 
Laid  for  him  by  Saul's  servants,  ''  Seemeth  it  to 
you  a  light  thing  to  be  the  kuig's  son-in-law,  seeing 
that  1  am  a  poor  man  and  hghtly  esteemeir?" 
(xviii.  23).  Secondly,  we  now  see  his  magnanimous 
forbearance  called  forth,  in  the  first  instance,  to- 
wards Saul,  but  displaying  itself  (with  a  few  pain- 
ful exceptions)  in  the  rest  of  his  life.  He  is  the 
first  example  of  the  virtue  of  chivalry.  Tliirdly, 
his  hairbreadth  escapes,  conthmed  through  so  many 
years,  impressed  upon  him  a  sense  of  dependence 
on  the  Divine  help,  clearly  derived  from  this  epoch. 
His  usual  oath  or  asseveration  in  later  times  was, 
"  As  the  Ix)rd  Uveth  who  hath  redeemed  my  soul 
out  of  adversity"  (2  Sam.  iv.  9;  1  K.  i.  2i));  and 
the  Psalms  are  filled  with  imagery  taken  even 
Uterally  from  shelter  against  pursuers,  slipping 
dowE  precipices  (Ps.  xviii.  36),  hiding-places  in 
iX)cks  and  caves,  leafy  coverts  (xxxi.  20),  strong 
fastnesses  (xviii.  2). 

This  course  of  life  subdivides  itself  into  four 
portions :  — 

1.  llis  life  at  the  court  of  Saul  till  his  final 
escape  (1  Sam.  xviii.  2-xix.  18).  His  office  is  not 
exactly  defined.  But  it  would  seem  that,  having 
been  first  armor-bearer  (xvi.  21,  xviii.  2),  then  made 
captain  over  a  thousand  —  the  subdivision  of  a 
tribe —  (xviii.  13),  he  finally,  on  his  marriage  with 
Michal,  the  king's  second  daughter,  was  raised  to 
the  high  office  of  captain  of  the  king's  body-guard," 
second  only,  if  not  equal,  to  Abner,  the  captain  of 
the  host,  and  Jonathan,  the  heir  apparent.  These 
three  formed  the  usual  companions  of  the  king  at 
his  meals  (xx.  25).  David  was  now  chiefly  known 
for  his  successful  exploits  against  the  Philistines, 
by  one  of  which  he  won  his  wife,  and  drove  back 
the  Philistine  power  with  a  blow  from  which  it 
only  rallied  at  the  disastrous  close  of  Saul's  reign.* 
He  also  still  performed  from  time  to  time  the  office 


o  1  Sam.  XX.  25,  xxii.  14,  as  explained  by  Ewald, 
V.  98. 

6  The  story  of  his  wooing  Merab,  and  of  her  mar- 
riage with  Adriel  (1  Sam.  xviii.  17-19),  is  omitted  in 
LXX.  and  Joseph.  {Ant.  vi.  10,  §  1;  There  is  the 
name  obhteration  of  her  name  in  the  existing  Text  of 
2  Sam.  xxi.  8. 

c  The  first  of  these  (1  Sam.  xviii.  9  -11)  is  omitted 
m  the  Vatican  MS.  of  the  LXX.  and  Joseph  (Ant.  vi. 
to,  §  1). 

<i  For  the  Mussulman  legend,  see  Weils  Legends, 
9.154. 

e  Tho  allusions  to  his  danger  fron.^  the  Bet\jamite 


DAVID  666 

of  minstrel.  But  the  successive  snares  laid  by  S«d 
10  entrap  him,  and  the  open  violence  into  which 
the  king's  madness  twice  broke  out,<^  at  last  corv- 
vinced  him  that  his  Ufe  was  no  longer  safe.  He 
had  two  faithful  allies,  however,  in  the  court  —  the 
son  of  Saul,  his  friend  Jonathan  —  the  dauglitcr  of 
Saul,  his  wife  Michal.  ^\'^amed  by  the  one,  and 
assisted  by  the  other,  he  escaped  by  night,''  and 
was  from  thenceforwai'd  a  fugitive.  Jonathan  he 
never  saw  again  except  by  stealth.  ISlichal  was 
given  in  marriage  to  another  (I'haltiel),  and  he 
saw  her  no  more  till  long  after  her  fatlier's  death 
[MiCHAi.].  To  this  escajjc  the  traditional  title 
assigns  Ps.  lix.  Internal  evidence  (according  to 
Ewald)  gives  Ps.  vi.*  and  vii.  to  this  juried.  In 
the  fonner  he  is  first  beginning  to  conteuii^late  the 
necessity  of  ffight;  in  the  latter  he  is  mcved  bj 
the  plots  of  a  person  not  named  in  the  history 
(perhaps  those  alluded  to  in  1  Chr.  xii.  17)  —  ac- 
cording to  the  title  of  the  psalm,  Cush,  a  Bci^amite, 
and  therefore  of  Saul's  tribe. 

2.  His  escape  (1  Sam.  xix.  18-xxi.  15).  —  (a.) 
He  first  fled  to  Naioth  (or  the  pastures)  of  Uamah, 
to  Samuel.  This  is  the  first  recorded  occasion  of 
his  meeting  with  Samuel  since  the  original  inter- 
view during  his  boyhood  at  Bethlehem.  It  might 
almost  seem  as  if  he  had  intended  to  devote  him- 
self with  his  musical  and  poetical  gifts  to  the  pro- 
phetical office,  and  give  up  the  cares  and  dangers 
of  public  life.  But  he  had  a  higher  destiny  still. 
Up  to  this  time  both  the  king  and  himself  had 
thought  that  a  reunion  was  possiljle  (see  xx.  5,  26). 
But  the  madness  of  Saul  now  became  Tnore  settled 
and  ferocious  in  character;  and  David's  danger 
proportionably  greater,  'llie  secret  interview  with 
Jonathan,  of  which  the  recollection  was  probably 
handed  doym  through  Jonathan's  descendants  when 
they  came  to  David's  com-t,  confinued  the  alanu 
already  excited  by  Saul's  endeavor  to  seize  him  at 
Pamah,  and  he  now  determined  to  leave  his  coun- 
try, and  take  refuge,  hke  Coriolanus,  or  Themis- 
tocles  in  like  circumstances,  in  the  court  of  his 
enemy.  Before  this  last  resolve,  he  visited  Nob, 
the  seat  of  the  tabernacle,  partly  to  obtain  a  final 
interview  with  the  High-priest  (I  Sam.  xxii.  9, 15), 
partly  to  obtain  food  and  weapons.  On  the  pre- 
text of  a  secret  mission/  from  Saul,  he  gained  an 
answer  from  the  oracle,  some  of  the  consecrated 
loaves,  and  the  consecrated  sword  of  Goliath. 
"  There  is  none  like  that:  give  it  me."  The  inci- 
dent was  of  double  importance  in  David's  career. 
First,  it  estabUshetl  a  connection  between  him  and 
the  only  survivor  from  the  massacre  in  which 
David's  visit  involved  the  house  of  Ahimelech. 
Secondly,  from  Ahimelech's  surrender  of  the  con- 
secrated bread  to  David's  hunger  our  Lord  drew 
the  inference  of  the  superiority  of  the  moral  to  the 
ceremonial  law,  which  is  the  only  allusion  made  to 
David's  life  in  the  N.  'T.a  (Matt.  xii.  3 ;  Mark  ii. 


archers  (Ps.  xi.  2),  to  his  flight  like  a  bird  to  the 
mountains  (xi.  1,  comp.  1  Sam.  xxvi.  20),  and  probably 
to  the  neighborhood  of  the  Dead  Sea  (xi.  6),  rathei 
point  to  the  time  when  he  was  at  En-gedi. 

/  The  statement  cf  his  pretended  mission  is  dif- 
ferenf.y  given  in  the  Hebrew  and  in  the  LXX.  It 
must  be  observed  that  the  young  men  spoken  of 
as  his  companions  were  imaginary,  lie  was  quita 
alone. 

g  It  is  a  characteristic  Jewish  comment  (as  diatin> 
guished  from  the  lesson  drawn  by  Christ)  that  tbf 
bread  was  useless  to  him  (Jerome,  Qu.  Heb.  in  loe.). 


656  DAVID 

t&,  Luke  vi.  3,  4).     It  is  also  coaunemorated  by 
the  traditional  title  of  Ps.  lii. 

(6.)  His  stay  at  the  court  of  AcHiSH  was  short. 
Discovered  possibly  by  "the  sword  of  Goliath,"  his 
presence  revived  the  national  enmity  of  the  Philis- 
tines against  their  former  conqueror;  and  he  only 
escaped  by  feigning  madness,"  violent  gestures, 
playing  on  the  gates  of  tlie  city,  or  on  a  drum  or 
cymbal,  letting  his  beard  grow,  and  foaming  at  the 
mouth  (1  Sam.  xxi.  13,  LXX.).  The  56th  and 
34th  psalms  are  both  referred  by  their  titles  to  this 
event,  and  the  titles  state  (what  does  not  appear  in 
the  nairative)  that  he  had  been  seized  as  a  prisoner 
by  the  Philistines,  and  that  he  was,  in  consequence 
of  this  stratagem,  set  free  by  Achish,  or  (as  he  is 
twice  called)  Abimelech. 

3.  His  life  as  an  independent  outlaw  (xui.  1- 
xxvi.  25.  (a.)  His  first  retreat  was  the  cave  of 
Adullam,  probably  the  large  cavern  (the  only  very 
large  one  in  Palestine),  not  far  from  Bethlehem, 
now  called  Khureiiun  (see  lionar's  Land  nf  Prmnise, 
p.  244).  From  ite  vicinity  to  Bethlehem,  he  was 
joined  there  by  his  whole  family,  now  feeling  them- 
selves insecure  from  Saul's  fury  (xxii.  1).  This 
was  probably  the  foundation  of  his  intimate  con- 
nection with  his  nephews,  the  sons  of  Zeruiah. 

Of  these,  Abishai,  vrith  two  other  companions, 
was  amongst  the  earliest  (1  Chr.  xi.  15,  20 ;  1  Sam. 
xxvi.  6;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  13,  18).  Beside  these, 
were  outlaws  and  debtors  from  every  part,  including 
doubtless  some  of  the  original  Canaanites  —  of 
whom  the  name  of  one  at  least  has  been  preserved, 
Ahimelech  the  Hittite  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  6)fi 

(6.)  His  next  move  was  to  a  stronghold,  either 
the  momitain,  afterwards  called  Herodium,  close  to 
Adullam,  or  the  fastness  called  by  Josephus  {B.  J. 
vii.  8,  §  3)  Masada,  the  Grecizcd  form  of  the 
Hebrew  word  Mcitzed  (1  Sam.  xxii.  4,  5;  1  Chr. 
xii.  16),  in  the  neighborhood  of  En-gedi.  Whilst 
there,  he  had  deposited  his  aged  parents,  for  the 
sake  of  greater  security,  beyond  the  Jordan,  with 
their  ancestral  kinsman  of  Moab  (ib.  3).  The 
neighboring  king,  Nahash  of  Ammon,  also  treated 
him  kindly  (2  Sam.  x.  2).  Here  another  com- 
panion appears  for  the  first  time,  a  schoolfellow,  if 
we  may  use  the  word,  from  the  schools  of  Samuel, 
the  prophet  Gad,  his  subsequent  biographer  (1  Sam. 
xxii.  5)  ;  and  whilst  he  was  there,  occurred  the 
chivalrous  exploit  of  the  three  heroes  jiist  mentioned 
to  procure  water  from  the  well  of  Bethlehem,  and 
David's  chivalrous  answer,  hke  that  of  Alexander 
in  the  desert  of  Gedrosia  (1  Chr.  xi.  16-19;  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  14-17).  He  was  joined  here  by  two  separate 
bands.  One  a  little  body  of  eleven  fierce  Gadite  <^ 
mountaineers,  who  swam  the  Jordan  in  flood-time 
to  reach  him  (1  Chr.  xii.  8).  Another  was  a  detach- 
ment of  men  from  Judah  and  Benjamin  under  his 
Qcphcw  Aniasai,  who  henceforth  attached  himself 
Ic  David's  fortunes  (1  Chr.  xii.  16-18). 

(c.)  At  the  warning  of  Gad,  he  fled  next  to  the 
forest  of  Hartth  (somewhere  in  the  hills  of  Judah, 
\vA  its  exact  site  unknown),  and  then  again  fell  in 
with  the  Philistines,  and  again,  apparently  advised 
by  Gad  (xxiii.  4)  made  a  descent  on  their  foraging 
parties,  and  relieved   Keilah  (also  unknown),  in 

o  This  is  the  subject  of  one  of  David's  apocry- 
phal colloquies  (Fabricius,  Cod.  paeudepigr.  V.  T.  p. 
1002). 

b  Sibbechai,  who  kills  the  giant  at  Gob  (2  Sam.  xxi. 
\^\  is  said  by  Josephus  to  have  been  a  Hittite. 

t'  Oad.  as  Jerome's  Jewish  conunentators  observe 


DAVID 

which  he  took  up  hb  abode.  Whilst  then,  no* 
for  the  first  time  in  a  fortified  town  of  his  own 
(xxiii.  7),  he  was  joined  by  a  new  and  most  im- 
portant  ally  —  Abiathar,  the  last  survivor  of  the 
house  of  Ithamar,  who  came  with  the  High-priest't 
Ephod,  and  henceforth  gave  the  oracles,  which 
David  had  hitherto  received  from  Gad  (xxiii.  6,  9, 
xxii.  23).  By  this  time,  the  400  who  had  joined 
him  at  Adullam  (xxii.  2)  had  swelled  to  600  (xxiii. 
13). 

(e^.)  The  situation  of  David  was  now  changed 
by  the  appeai-ance  of  Saul  himself  on  the  scene. 
Apparently  the  danger  was  too  great  for  the  little 
army  to  keep  together.  They  escaped  from  Keilah, 
and  dispersed,  "  whithersoever  they  could  go,"' 
amongst  the  fastnesses  of  Judah.  Henceforth  it 
becomes  difficult  to  follow  his  movements  with 
exactness,  partly  from  ignorance  of  the  localities, 
partly  because  the  same  event  seems  to  be  twice 
narrated  (1  Sam.  xxiii.  19-24,  xxvi.  1-4,  and 
perhaps  1  Sam.  xxiv.  1-22,  xxvi.  5-25).  But  thus 
much  we  discern.  He  is  in  the  wildeniess  of  Zij)h. 
Once  (or  twice)  the  Ziphites  betray  his  movements 
to  Saul.  From  tlience  Saul  literally  hunts  him 
like  a  partridge,  the  treacherous  Ziphites  beating 
the  bushes  before  him,  and  3000  men  stationed  to 
catch  even  the  print  of  his  footsteps  on  the  hills 
(1  Sam.  xxiii.  14,  22  (Heb.),  24  (LXX.),  xxiv.  11, 
xxvi.  2,  20).  David  finds  himself  driven  to  the 
extreme  south  of  Judah,  in  the  wilderness  of  Maon. 
On  two,  if  not  three  occasions,  the  pursuer  and 
pursued  catch  sight  of  esich  other.  Of  the  first  of 
these  escapes,  the  memory  was  long  preserved  in 
the  name  of  the  "  Cliff  of  Divisions,"  givu;  to  the 
cliff  down  one  side  of  which  David  climbed,  whilst 
Saul  was  surrounding  the  hill  on  the  other  side 
(xxiii.  25-29),  and  was  suddenly  called  away  by  a 
■  jjanic  of  a  Philistine  invasion.  On  another  occasion, 
David  took  refuge  in  a  cave  "  by  the  spring  of  the 
wild  goats  "  (Engedi)  immediately  above  the  Dead 
Sea  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  1,  2).  The  rocks  were  covered 
with  the  pursuers.  Saul  entered,  as  is  the  custom 
in  Oriental  comitries,  for  a  natural  necessity.  The 
followers  of  David,  seated  in  the  dark  recesses  of 
the  cave,  seeing,  yet  not  seen,  suggest  to  him  the 
chance  thus  thrown  in  their  way.  David,  with  a 
characteristic  mixture  of  humor  and  generosity, 
descends  and  silently  cuts  off  the  skirt  of  the  long 
robe,  spread,  as  is  usual  in  the  luist  on  such  occa- 
sions, before  and  behind  the  person  so  occupied  — 
and  then  ensued  the  pathetic  scene  of  remonstrance 
and  forgiveness  (xxiv.  8-22).''  The  third  (if  it  can 
be  distinguished  from  the  one  just  given)  was  in 
the  wilderness  further  south.  There  was  a  regular 
camp,  formed  with  its  usual  fortification  of  wagon 
and  baggage.  Into  this  inclosiu"e  David  penetrated 
by  night,  and  carried  off  the  cruse  of  water  and 
the  well  known  royal  spear  of  Saul,  which  had 
twice  so  nearly  transfixed  him  to  the  wall  in  former 
days  (xxvi.  7,  11,  22).  [Arms,  Chanith.]  Thi 
same  scene  is  repeated  as  at  Engedi  —  and  tins  ij 
the  last  interview  between  Saul  and  David  (xxvi. 
25).  He  had  already  parted  with  Jonatlian  in  the 
forest  of  Ziph  (xxiii.  18). 

To  this  period  are  annexed  by  their  traditional 


(t^.  Hth.  in  loc.),  appears  suddenly,  without  intro 
duction,  like  El^ah.    Is  it  possible  that  he,  lUce  Kl\jab 
may  have  been  from  beyond  the  Jordan,  and  com* 
as  his  name  implies,  with  the  eleven  Gadites  ? 
d  For  the  Mussulman  legend,  see  Weil,  p.  166. 


DAVID 

Utks  Psalms  liv.  ("  When  the  Ziphim  came  and 
laid,  l>oth  not  David  hide  himsel/with  us?  ");  Ivii. 
("  When  he  fled  horn  Saul  in  the  cave,"  though 
this  may  refer  alio  to  Adullam)^  Ixiii.  ("  When  he 
was  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah,"  or  Idumaea, 
r^XX.);  cxlii.  ("A  prayer  when  he  was  in  the 
cave").  It  is  probably  these  psalms  which  made 
the  Psalter  so  dear  to  Alfred  and  to  Wallace  during 
their  like  wanderings. 

Whilst  he  was  in  the  wilderness  of  Maon  occurred 
David's  adventure  with  Nabal,  instructive  as 
showing  his  mode  of  carrying  on  the  freebooter's 
life,  and  his  marriage  with  Abigail.  His  marriage 
with  Ahinoam  from  Jezreel,"  also  in  the  same 
neighborhood  (Josh.  xv.  50),  seems  to  have  taken 
place  a  short  time  before  (1  Sam.  xxv.  43,  xxvii. 
.3;  2  Sam.  iii.  2). 

4.  His  service  under  Achish  *  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  1- 
2  Sam.  i.  27).  —  Wearied  with  his  wandering  life 
he  at  last  crosses  the  Philistine  frontier,  not  as 
liefore  in  the  capacity  of  a  fugitive,  but  the  chief 
of  a  [wwerful  band  —  his  600  men  now  grown  into 
an  organized  force,  with  their  wives  and  families 
around  them  (xxvii.  3-4).  After  the  manner  of 
Eastern  potentates,  Achish  gave  him,  for  his  sup- 
port, a  city  —  Ziklag  on  the  frontier  of  Philistia  — 
and  it  was  long  remembered  that  to  this  curious 
an-angement  the  kings  of  Judah  owed  this  appanage 
of  their  dynasty  (xxvii.  6).  There  we  meet  with 
the  first  note  of  time  in  David's  life.  He  was 
settled  there  for  a  year  °  and  four  months  (xxvii. 
7),  and  his  increasing  importance  is  indicated  by 
the  fact  that  a  body  of  Beiyamite  archers  and 
slingers,  twenty-two  of  whom  are  specially  named, 
joined  him  from  the  very  tribe  of  his  rival  (1  Chr. 
xii.  1-7).  Possibly  during  this  stay  he  may  have 
acquired  the  knowledge  of  military  organization,  in 
which  the  Philistines  surpassed  the  Israelites,  and 
in  which  he  surpassed  all  the  preceding  rulers  of 
Israel. 

He  deceived  Achish  into  confidence  by  attacking 
the  old  nomadic  inhabitants  of  the  desert  frontier, 
ind  representing  the  plunder  to  be  of  portions  of 
\he  southern  tribes  or  the  nomadic  allied  tribes  of 
Urael.  But  this  confidence  was  not  shared  by  the 
Philistine  nobles;  and  accordingly  David  was  sent 
oack  by  Achish  from  the  last  victorious  campaign 
against  Saul.  In  this  manner  David  escaped  the 
difficulty  of  being  present  at  the  battle  of  Gilboa, 
but  found  that  during  his  absence  the  Bedouin 
Amalekites,  whom  he  had  plundered  during  the 
previous  year,  had  made  a  descent  upon  Ziklag, 
burnt  it  to  the  ground,  and  carried  off  the  wives 
and  children  of  the  new  settlement.  A  wild  scene 
of  frantic  grief  and  recrimbiation  ensued  between 
David  and  his  followers.  It  was  calmed  by  an 
oracle  of  assurance  from  Abiathar.  It  happened 
that  an  important  accession  had  just  been  made  to 
his  force.  On  his  march  with  the  Philistines  north- 
ward to  Gilboa,  he  had  been  joined  by  some  chiefs 
of  the  Manassites,  through  whose  territory  he  was 
passing.  Urgent  as  must  have  been  the  need  for 
them  at  home,  yet  David's  fascination  carried  them 
off,  and  they  now  assisted  him  against  the  plun- 
derers (1  Chr.  xii.  19-21).  They  overtook  the 
invaders  in  the  desert,  and  recovered  the  spoil.  | 
These  were  the  gifts  with  which  David  was  now  > 


DAVID 


557 


able  for  the  first  time  to  requite  the  friendly  inhftb* 
itants  of  the  scene  of  his  wanderings  (1  Sam.  xxx. 
26-31).  A  more  lasting  memorial  was  the  law 
which  traced  its  origin  to  the  arrangement  made 
by  him,  formerly  in  the  attack  on  Nabal,  but  now 
again,  more  completely,  for  the  equal  division  of 
the  plunder  amongst  the  two-thirds  who  followed 
to  the  field,  and  one-third  who  remained  to  guard 
the  baggage  (1  Sam.  xxx.  25,  xxv.  13).  Two  day» 
after  this  victory  a  Bedouin  arrived  from  the  North 
with  the  fatal  news  of  the  defeat  of  Gilboa.  ITie 
reception  of  the  tidings  of  the  death  of  his  rival 
and  of  his  friend,  the  solemn  mourning,  the  vent 
of  his  indignation  against  the  bearer  of  the  message, 
the  pathetic  lamentation  that  followed,  well  cloat 
the  second  period  of  David's  life  (2  Sam.  i.  1-27) 

III.  David's  reign. 

(I.)  As  king  of  Judah  at  Hebron,  7i  years  (S 
Sam.  ii.  11;  2  Sam.  ii.  1-v.  5). 

Hebron  was  selected,  doubtless,  as  the  ancient 
sacred  city  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  the  burial  place 
of  the  patriarchs  and  the  inheritance  of  V^aleh. 
Here  David  was  first  formally  anointed  king  —  by 
whom  isf  not  stated  —  but  the  expression  seems  t» 
limit  the  inauguration  to  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and 
therefore  to  exclude  any  intervention  of  Abiathar 
(2  Sam.  ii.  4).  To  Judah  his  dominion  was 
nominally  confined.  But  probably  for  the  first  five 
years  of  the  time  the  dominion  of  the  house  of  Saul, 
whose  seat  was  now  at  Malianaim,  did  not  extend 
to  the  west  of  the  Jordan ;  and  consequently  David 
would  be  the  only  Israelite  potentate  amongst  the 
western  tribes.  Gradually  his  power  increased,  and 
during  the  two  years  which  followed  the  elevation 
of  Ishboshcth,  a  series  of  skirmishes  took  place 
between  the  two  kingdoms.  First  came  a  success- 
ful inroad  into  the  territory  of  Ishbosheth  (2  Sam. 
ii.  28).  Next  occurred  the  defection  of  Abner  (2 
Sam.  iii.  12),  and  the  surrender  of  Michal,  who 
was  now  separated  from  her  second  husband  to 
return  to  her  first  (2  Sam.  iii.  15).  Then  rapidly 
followed,  though  without  David's  consent,  the  suc- 
cessive murders  of  Ai*ner  and  of  Ishbosheth 
(2  Sam.  iii.  30,  iv.  5).  The  throne,  so  long  waiting 
for  him,  was  now  vacant,  and  the  united  voice  of 
the  whole  people  at  once  called  him  to  occupy  it. 
A  solemn  league  was  made  between  him  and  his 
people  (2  Sam.  v.  3).  For  the  third  time  David 
was  anointed  king,  and  a  festival  of  three  days 
celebrated  the  joyful  event  (1  Chr.  xii.  39).  His 
little  band  had  now  swelled  into  "  a  great  host, 
like  the  host  of  God  "  (1  Chr.  xii.  22).  The  com- 
mand of  it,  which  had  formerly  rested  on  David 
alone,  he  now  devolved  on  his  nephew  Joab  (2  Sam. 
ii.  28).  It  was  formed  by  contingents  from  every 
tribe  of  Israel.  Two  are  specially  mentioned  as 
bringing  a  weight  of  authority  above  the  others 
The  sons  of  Issachar  had  "  understanding  of  the 
times  to  know  what  Israel  ought  to  do,"  and  with 
the  adjacent  tribes  contributed  to  the  common  feast 
the  peculiar  products  of  their  rich  territory  (1  Chr. 
xii.  32,  40).  The  Levitical  tribe,  formerly  repre- 
sented in  David's  following  only  by  the  solitary 
fugitive  Abiathar,  now  came  in  strength,  repre- 
sented by  the  head  of  the  rival  branch  of  Eleazar, 
the  High-iiriest,  the  aged  Jehoiada  and  his  youth- 


»  Joseph.  Ant.  yl.  13,  §  8,  calls  it  Abessar.  e  But  the  value  of  this  is  materially  damaged  by 

6  According  to  the  Jewish  tradition  (Jerome,  Qa  '  the  variations   in   the   LXX.    to   « 4   months,"   and 

Vtb.  on  2  Sam.  viii.  10),  he  was  the  f  •^n  of  the  former  j  Joseph.  Ant.  \i.  13,  to  «  4  months  and  20  days  '* 

ichish  ;  bis  mother's  name  Maa  ■nb.  i 


568  DAVID 

bl  and  warlike  kinsman  Zadok  (1  Chr.  xli.  27,  28, 
xxvii.  5). 

Tlie  only  psalm  directly  referred  to  this  epoch  is 
»Jie  27th  (by  its  title  in  the  LXX.  Jlph  rod  ^pia- 
trivai  —  "iKjlore  the  anointing"  i.  t.  at  Hebron). 

Underneath  this  show  of  outward  prosperity, 
two  cankers,  incident  to  the  royal  state  which 
David  now  assmned,  had  tirst  nuwle  tlicniselves 
apparent  at  Hebron,  which  darkened  all  liie  rest 
of  his  career.  Tlie  first  was  tiie  formation  of  a 
harem,  accordin};  to  the  usas;e  of  Oriental  kings. 
To  the  two  wives  of  his  wandering  life,  he  had  now 
adde<l  four,  and  inchidhig  JNIicIial,  five  (2  Sam.  ii. 
2,  iii.  2-5,  15).  The  second  was  the  increasing 
power  of  his  kinsmen  and  chief  oHicers,  which  the 
king  strove  to  restrain  within  tlie  limits  of  right, 
tnd  thus  of  all  the  incidents  of  this  part  of  his 
canier  the  most  plaintive  and  characteristic  is  his 
lamentation  over  his  powerle-ssness  to  prevent  the 
muriler  of  Ahner  (2  Sam.  iii.  31-30). 

(II.)  Ueign  over  all  Israel  33  years  (2  Sam.  v. 
6,  to  1  K.  ii.  1 1 ). 

(1.)  The  Foundation  of  Jervsalem.  —  It  must 
have  l)een  with  no  ordinary  interest  that  the  sur- 
rounding nations  watched  for  the  prey  on  which 
the  IJon  of  .ludah,  now  aiiout  to  issue  from  his 
native  Lair,  and  estal)lish  himself  in  a  new  home, 
would  make  his  first  spring.  One  f;i.stness  alone 
in  the  centre  of  the  land  had  hitherto  defied  the 
arms  of  Israel.  On  this,  with  a  singular  prescience, 
David  fixetl  as  his  future  capital.  Hy  one  sudden 
assault  .lebns  was  tak§n,  and  became  henceforth 
known  by  the  names  (whether  borne  by  it  before 
or  not  we  camiot  tell)  of  Jerusalem  and  Zion.  Of 
all  the  cities  of  Palestine  great  in  fonner  ages, 
JeiTJsalem  alone  has  vindicated  by  its  long  perma- 
nence the  choice  of  its  founder.  The  importance 
of  the  capture  was  marked  at  the  time.  The  re- 
ward bestowed  on  the  succes-sful  scaler  of  the  pre- 
cipice, was  the  highest  place  in  the  army.  Joab 
henceforward  became  captain  of  the  host  (1  Chr. 
xi.  G).  The  royal  residence  was  instantly  fixed 
there  —  fortifications  were  added  by  the  king  and 
by  Joab  —  and  it  was  knowA  by  the  special  name 
of  tlie  "city  of  David"  (1  Chr.  xi.  7;  2  Sam.  v. 
9)- 

The  neighboring  nations  were  partly  enraged 
and  partly  aw&struck.  The  Philistines  "  made  two 
ineffectual  attacks  on  the  new  king  (2  Sam.  v.  17- 
20),*  and  a  retribution  on  their  former  victories 
took  place  by  the  capture  and  conflagration  of  their 
own  idols  (1  Chr.  xiv.  12).  Tyre,  now  for  the  first 
time  appearing  in  the  saci-ed  history,  allied  herself 
with  Israel;  and  lliram"  sent  cedarwood  for  the 
buildings  of  the  new  capital  (2  Sam.  v.  1 1 ),  espe- 
cially for  the  palace  of  David  himself  (2  Sam.  vii. 
2).  Unhallowed  and  profane  as  the  city  had  been 
before,  it  was  at  once  elevated  to  a  sanctity  which 
it  haa  iiiver  lost,  above  any  of  the  ancient  sanc- 
tuaries of  the  land.  The  ark  was  now  removed 
from  Mi  obscurity  at  Kirjath-jearira  with  marked 

o  The  importance  rf  the  victory  is  indicated  by  the 
'j»robable)  allusion  to  it  in  Is.  xxviii.  21. 

6  In  1  Chr.  xiv.  8,  the  incoherent  words  of  2  Sam. 
r.  17,  "  Dayid  went  down  into  the  hold,"  are  omitted. 

c  Eupolenius  (Kus.  Prtrp.  Ev.  ix.  30)  mentions  an 
expedition  against  Iliram  kin*:  of  Tyre  and  Sidon, 
and  a  letter  to  Vafres  king  of  JS^^vpt  to  make  an  al- 


<l  1  Chr.  xvi.  1,  says  « they  offered ; "  2  Sam.  tI. 
17,  "he  ofTerud."  Both  say  "he  blessed."  The 
UkX  ,  by  a  slight  variation  of  the  text,  reads  both  in 


DAVID 

solemnity.  A  temporary  halt  (owing  Ic  the  deati 
of  Uzzah)  detained  it  at  Obed-edoni's  house,  aflei 
which  it  again  moved  fonvard  with  great  st;ite  tc 
Jenisalem.  An  assembly  of  the  nation  was  con- 
vened, and  (according  to  1  Chr.  xiii.  2,  xv.  2-27> 
especially  of  the  I.evites.  The  musical  arts  in 
which  David  himself  excelled  were  now  developed 
on  a  great  scde  (1  (  lir  xv.  10-22;  2  Sam.  vi.  5) 
Zadok  and  Al)iatliar,  the  representatives  of  the  two 
Aaronic  families,  were  loth  j.resent  (1  Clir.  xv.  11  . 
Chenaniah  j)resideil  over  the  nnmic  (1  Clir.  xv.  22 
27).  01)ed-ed()m  followed  his  sacred  charge  (1 
Chr.  XV.  18,  21,  24).  The  prophet  Nathan  api)ears 
for  the  first  time  as  the  controlling  adviser  of  the 
future  (2  Sam.  vii.  3).  A  sacrifice  was  ofiered  as 
soon  as  a  successful  start  was  made  (1  (.'lir.  xv.  20; 
2  Sam.  vi.  13).  David  himself  was  dressed  in  the 
white  linen  dress  of  the  jjriestly  order,  without  his 
royal  robes,  and  played  on  stringed  instnunents  (1 
Chr.  XV.  27;  2  Sam.  vi.  14,  20).  As  in  the  pro- 
phetic schools  where  he  had  himself  been  brought 
up  (1  Sam.  X.  6),  and  as  still  in  the  impressive  cere- 
monial of  some  Ijistern  Der\ishes,  and  of  Se\iUe 
cathedral  (probably  derived  (rom  the  ICast),  a  wild 
dance  was  part  of  tiie  religious  solenmitj'.  Into  this 
David  threw  himself  with  unresened  enthusiasm, 
and  thus  conveyed  the  symbol  of  the  presence  of  Je- 
hovah into  tiie  ancient  heathen  fortress.  In  the  siinio 
spirit  of  uniting  the  sticerdotal  with  the  royal  func- 
tions, he  offered  sacrifices  on  a  large  scale,  and 
himself  gave  the  benediction  to  the  jieople  (2  Sam. 
vi.  17,  18;  1  Chr.  xvi.  2).''  The  scene  of  this  in- 
auguration was  on  the  hill  which  from  David'i 
habitation  was  specially  knowTi  as  the  "  City  of 
David."  As  if  to  mark  the  new  era  he  had  not 
l)rought  the  ancient  tabeniacie  from  Gibeon,  but 
had  erected  a  new  tent  or  tabeniacie  (1  Chr.  xv.  1) 
for  the  reception  of  tlie  ark.  it  was  the  first  be- 
ginning of  the  great  design,  of  which  we  will  speak 
presently,  afterwards  carried  out  by  his  son,  of 
erectmg  a  permanent  temjile  or  palace  for  the  ark, 
corresponding  to  the  state  in  which  he  himself  was 
to  dwell.  It  was  the  greatest  day  of  David's  life. 
One  incident  only  tarnished  its  spkndor  —  the  re- 
proach of  Michal,  his  wife,  as  he  was  finally  enter- 
ing his  o\vn  palace,  to  carry  to  his  own  household 
the  benediction  which  he  had  already  pronounced 
on  his  people.  [MicriAi..]  His  act  of  severity 
towards  her  was  an  additional  mark  of  the  stress 
which  he  himself  laid  on  the  solemnity  (2  Sam.  n. 
20-23;  1  Chr.  XV.  2I»). 

No  less  than  eleven  psalms,  either  in  their  tra- 
ditional titles,  or  in  the  irresistible  evidence  of 
their  contents,  liear  traces  of  this  great  festi^Til. 
The  29th  psalm  (by  its  title  in  the  LXX.)  is  said 
to  be  on  the  "Going  forth  of  the  tabernacle."* 
The  30th  (by  its  title),  the  15th  and  101st  by  their 
contents,  express  the  feelings  of  David  on  his  occu- 
pation of  his  new  home.  The  G8th,  at  least  in 
part,  and  the  24th/  seem  to  have  been  actu.illy 
composed  for  the  entrance  of  the  ark  into  the 


2  Sam.  Ti.  14  and  2  Chr.  xxx.  21,  "instruments  of 
praise,"  for  "  all  his  might." 

«  As  "  the  tabernacle  "  was  never  moved  from  Gib- 
eon in  David's  time,  "  the  ark  "  is  probably  uiennt  I 
is  the  psalm  which  describee  a  thunder-storui.  Is  it 
possible  to  connect  this  with  the  event  described  in  t 
Sam.  t1.  67  A  similar  allusion  may  be  found  in  Pa 
IxTili.  7,  83.     (See  Chandler,  ii.  211.) 

/  In  the  LXX  title  said  to  be  "  on  the  Sabbatb 
day." 


DAVID 

uicient  galas  of  the  heathen  fortress  -  and  the  last 
words  of  the  stniond  of  these  two  psahns  "  may  he 
regarded  as  tiie  iua'i;^uratioii  of  (lie  new  name  by 
which  God  lieiicefortli  is  called.  The  Ijurd  of  hosts. 
"Who  is  this  kins  of  glory?"  "The  Ix)rd  of 
bosts,  lie  is  the  king  of  gbry"  (I's.  xxiv.  10; 
comp.  2  Sam.  \i.  2).  l-ragnients  of  poetry  worked 
up  into  i).salms  (xcvi.  2-1  •'J,''  cv.,  cvi.  1,  47,  48), 
occur  in  I  (,'hr.  xvi.  8-'M,  :«  having  \>ee\i  delivered 
by  David  "  into  the  hands  of  Asaph  and  his 
brother"  after  the  close  of  the  festival,  and  the 
two  mysterious  terms  in  the  titles  of  I's.  vi.  and 
xlvi.  (Sheininith  and  Aliimoth)  appear  in  the  lists 
of  those  mentioned  on  this  occasion  in  1  Chr.  xv. 
20,  21.  The  l-'52d  is,  liy  its  contents,  if  not  by  its 
authorshi]),  tiirown  back  to  this  time.  7'be  whole 
progress  cf  the  removal  of  the  ark  is  traced  in 
David's  vein. 

(2.)  Foumlition  of  the  Court  ami  Empire  of 
Israel,  2  Sam.  viii.  to  xii.  —  The  erection  of  the 
new  capital  at  .lerusidem  introduces  us  to  a  new 
era  in  D.avid's  life  and  in  the  history  of  the  mon- 
archy. Up  to  this  time  he  had  Inien  a  king,  such 
as  Saul  had  been  before  him,  or  ;vs  the  kings  of  the 
neighboring  trills,  each  ruling  over  his  territory, 
unconcerned  with  any  foreign  relations  except  so  far 
as  was  necessary  to  defend  his  own  nation.  But 
David,  and  tiirough  him  the  Israelitish  monarchy, 
now  took  a  wider  range,  lie  became  a  king  on  the 
scale  of  the  great  Oriental  sovereigns  of  I'>gypt  and 
Persia,  with  a  reguhir  administration  and  organiza- 
tion of  court  and  camp;  and  he  also  founded  an 
imperial  dominion  which  for  the  first  time  reaUzed 
the  prophetic  description  of  the  bounds  of  the  cho- 
sen people  (Gen.  xv.  18-21).  The  hiternal  oi^an- 
ization  now  established  Listed  till  the  final  overthrow 
of  the  monarchy.  The  empire  was  of  much  shorter 
duration,  contiiming  only  through  the  reigns  of 
David  and  his  successor  Solomon.  But,  for  the 
period  of  its  existence,  it  lent  a  peculiar  character 
to  the  sacred  history.  For  once,  the  kings  of  Israel 
were  on  a  level  with  the  great  ix)tentates  of  the 
world.  Da\'id  was  an  inii)erial  conqueror,  if  not 
of  the  same  magnitude,  }et  of  the  same  kind,  as 
Rameses  or  Cyrus,  —  "I  have  made  thee  a  great 
name  like  unto  the  name  of  the  great  men  that  are 
in  the  earth"  (2  Sam.  vii.  9).  "Thou  hast  shed 
blood  abundantly,  and  hast  made  great  wars"  (1 
Chr.  xxii.  8).  And  as,  on  the  one  hand,  the  exter- 
nal relations  of  life,  and  the  great  incidents  of  war 
and  conquest  receive  an  elevation  by  their  contact 
with  the  religious  history,  so  the  religious  history 
swells  into  larger  and  broader  dimensions  from  its 
contact  with  the  course  of  the  outer  world.  The 
enlargement  of  territory,  the  am[)lification  of  power 
and  state,  leafls  to  a  corresponding  enlargement 
and  amplifievtiou  of  ideas,  of  imagery,  of  sympa- 
thies; and  thus  (humaidy  speaking)  the  magnifi- 
cent forebodings  of  a  wider  dispensation  in  the 
prophetic  wTitings  first  became  possible  through 
the  court  and  empire  of  David. 

(a.)  In  the  internal  organization  Df  the  kingdom 
the  first  new  element  that  has  to  be  considered  is 
the  royal  family,  the  dynasty,  of  which  David  was 


DAVID  559 

the  founder,  a  position  which  entitled  htm  to  the 
name  of  "  Patriarch  "  (Acts  ii.  29)  and  (ultimately) 
of  the  ancestor  of  the  Alessiah. 

Of  these,  Absalom  and  Adonijah  Iwth  inherited 
their  father's  beiuty  (2  Sam.  xiv.  2-J;  1  K.  i.  G); 
but  Solomon  alone  possessed  any  of  his  higher  qual- 
ities. It  was  from  a  union  of  the  children  of  Sol- 
omon and  Absalom  that  the  royal  line  was  carried 
on  (1  K.  XV.  2).  The  princes  were  under  the  charga 
of  Jehiel  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  32),  jjerhaps  tlie  Levite  (1 
Chr.  XV.  21;  2  Chr.  xx.  14),  with  the  exception  of 
Solomon,  who  (according  at  least  to  one  rendering) 
was  under  the  charge  of  Nathan  (2  Sam.  xii.  25). 
David's  strong  parental  affection  for  all  of  them  ib 
very  remarkable  (2  Sam.  xiii.  31,  33,  30,  xiv.  33, 
xviii.  5,  33,  xix.  4;  1  K.  i.  G). 

(b.)  The  military  organization,  ■which  was  1b 
faet  inherited  from  Saul,  but  greatly  developed  by 
David,  was  iis  follows: 

(I.)  "The  Host,"  i.  e.  the  whole  available  mil- 
itary force  of  Israel,  consisting  of  all  males,  capabh 
of  bearing  arms,  and  suunnoned  only  for  war.  This 
hat!  always  existed  from  the  time  of  the  fii-st  settle- 
ment in  Canaan,  and  had  been  commanded  by  the 
chief  or  the  judge  who  presided  o\er  Israel  for  the 
time.  Under  Saul,  we  first  find  the  recognized 
post  of  a  captain  or  commander-in-chief  —  in  the 
person  of  Abner;  and  under  David  this  post  was 
given,  as  a  reward  for  the  assault  on  Jerusalem,  to 
his  nephew  Jo.vb  (1  Chr.  xi.  G,  xxvii.  34),  who  con- 
ducted the  army  to  battle  in  the  absence  of  the 
king  (2  Sam.  xii.  26).  Tiiere  were  12  divisions  of 
24,000  each,  who  were  held  to  be  in  duty  month 
by  month ;  and  over  each  of  them  presided  an  of- 
ficer, selected  for  this  puqwse  from  the  other  mil- 
itary bodies  formed  by  David  (I  Chr.  xxvii.  1-15). 
The  army  was  still  distinguished  from  those  of 
surrounding  nations  by  its  primitive  aspect  of  a 
force  of  infantry  without  cavalry.  The  only  innova- 
tions as  yet  allowed  were,  the  introduction  of  a  very 
limited  number  of  chariots  (2  S.am.  viii.  4)  and  of 
mules  for  the  princes  and  officers  instead  of  the 
asses  (2  Sam.  xiii.  2D,  xviii.  9).  According  to  a 
Mussulnlan  tradition  (Koran,  xxi.  80),  David  in- 
vented chain  armor.°  The  usual  we;ipons  were  still 
spears  and  shields,  as  appears  from  the  Psalms. 
For  the  general  question  of  the  numbers  and  equip- 
ment of  the  army,  see  Aims  and  Ai!MY. 

(2.)  The  Body-guard.  This  also  had  existed  in 
the  court  of  Saul,  and  David  himself  had  probably 
been  its  commanding  officer  (1  Sam.  xxii.  14; 
Ewald).  But  it  now  assumed  a  peculiar  organiza- 
tion. They  were  at  least  in  name  foreigners,  aa 
having  been  drawn  from  the  Philistines,  probably 
during  David's  residence  at  the  court  of  Gath. 
They  are  usually  called  from  this  circumrance 
"  Cherethites  and  Pelethites,"  but  had  also ''  a  body 
especially  from  Gath  «  amongst  them,  of  whom  the 
name  of  one,  Ittai,  is  preserved,  as  a  faithful  serv- 
ant of  David  (2  Sam.  xv.  19).  The  captain  of  the 
force  was,  however,  not  only  not  a  foreigner,  but  an 
Israelite  of  the  highest  distinction  and  purest  de- 
scent, who  first  appears  in  this  capacity,  but  who 
outlived  David,  and  became  the  chief  support  of 


a  Ewald,  iii.  164.  I'or  an  elaborate  adaptation  of 
tlie  68th  Psalm  to  this  event,  see  Chandler,  li.  64. 

'"  In  the  title  ol  the  LXX.  said  to  be  David's 
'  wben  the  house  was  built  after  the  captivity."  It 
■•  possible  that  by  "the  captivity  "  may  be  meant  the 
(activity  of  the  ark  in  Philistia,  as  in  Judg.  xviii.  30. 

c  Compare  the  legends  in  Weil's  Legends,  p.  165, 
tad  Lane's  Selections  from  the  Koran,  p.  229.     Thus 


a  good  coat  of  mail  is  often  called  by  the  AiatX 
"  Daooilee,"  i.  e.  Davidean. 

rf  A  tradition  in  Jerome  ( Qu.  Heb.  on  1  Chr.  xriU 
17)  speaks  of  their  being  in  the  place  of  the  seventj 
judges  appointed  by  Moses. 

e  But  here  the  reading  is  doubtful  (Ewald,  Ki.  ]|* 
note.) 


560 


DAVID 

(I  )  WiTKS  OP  THB  WANDERmaS 

a  Sara.xxTii.  3;  1  Chr.  iii.  1) 

AUnoam  of  Jezrecl    s    Abigail  of  Cormel 

Amnon  or  Jehiel  ?  t         Chileab  or  Daniel 

( jer.  Qu.  J/eb.  (1  Chr.  iii.  1. 

on  1  Chr.  xxvii.  82)  Jos.  Ant.  vU.  1,  4) 


N.  B.  —  There  were,  besides,  10  concubines 
f2  8om.  T.  1.-!,  XV.  16),  whose  children  (1  Chr. 
ul.  9)  ore  not  named. 


Maacaha  a  Hagcith 
of  Qeshur 


DAVID 

(n.)  WrVBS  AT  IlEBSOn. 
(2  Sam.  Iii.  2-3;  1  Chr.  Ui.  1-4) 

Abital  »  £g1ah&  w.  Ulehd 


S.^ 


Absalom  Tamar  Adon^ah  Shephatiah  Ithnam 


8  sons  who 

died  (2  Sam. 

xiv.  27, 

xvul.  18) 


Tamor  =  RbhobOAM 

(or 
Maacnh) 
(^  Sam. 
xiv.  iff, 
Jos.  Ant. 
Til.  8,  i) 


r 


Ibhar       Eliahuad 
Ebear      Eiisharaa 
(ULX.)   (1  Chr. 
Ui.6) 


.liphe 


(m.)  WlTES  AT  JeBUSALEM.c 
(2  Sam.  ▼.  13-161  1  Chr.  iU.  5-8,  xlv.  4-7) 


Cliphelet       Nogah       Nephee 
[Elnalet,  (1  Chr.  iii.  7) 
1  Chr. 
xiv.fi] 


Jap 


mia 


Eliahama 


Eliada 
Beeliada 
(1  Chr. 
xiT.  7) 


EUp: 


ihalet 


Jerimoth 
(2  Chr.  xi.  18) 


(2.)  Bathsheba 

(IChr.  iii.  5) 

Batlishua 


Mahalath  »  IUhoboas 


one  aied 

as  a  child 

(2  Sam.  xU.  U) 


Shammoa 

Shiiiiea 

(1  Chr.  UL  5) 


Natha 


Jedldlah 
or 
SoLOMOir 
(2  Sam.  xil.  2S) 


Mahalath  =  Reiioboam  =  Tamar  (or 

IMaacah) 
(1  K.  XV.  ij 

Abijax 


the  throne  of  his  son,  namely,  Benaiali,  son  of  the 
chief  priest  Jehoiada,  representative  of  the  eldest 
branch  of  Aaron's  house  (2  Sam.  viii.  18,  xv.  18, 
XX.  23;  IK.  i.  38,  44). 

(3.)  The  most  pecuUar  military  institution  in 
David's  army  was  that  which  arose  out  of  the  pe- 
culiar circumstances  of  his  early  life.  As  the 
nucleus  of  the  Russian  army  is  the  Preobajinsky 
raiment  formed  by  Peter  the  Great  out  of  the 
companions  who  gathered  round  him  in  the  suburb 
of  that  name  in  Moscow,  so  the  nucleus  of  what 
afterwards  became  the  only  standing  army  in  Da- 
vid's forces  was  tlie  band  of  600  men  who  had 
gathered  round  him  in  his  wandei'ings.  The  num- 
ber of  600  was  still  preserved,  with  the  name  of 
Gibbwim,  "heroes"  or  "mighty  men."  It  be- 
came yet  further  subdivided  «  into  3  large  bands  of 
200  each,  and  small  bands  of  20  each.  The  small 
bands  were  commanded  by  30  officers,  one  for  each 
band,  who  together  formed  "  the  thirty,"  and  the 
3  large  bands  by  3  officers,  who  together  formed 
"  the  three,"  and  the  whole  by  one  chief,  "  the  cap- 
tain of  the  mighty  men"  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  8-39;  1 
"^hr.  xi.  9-47).  This  commander  of  the  whole 
Ibrce  was  Abishai,  David's  nephew  (1  Chr.  xi.  20; 
and  comp.  2  Sam.  xvi.  9).  "  The  tliree "  were 
Jaah)beam  (1  Chr.  xi.  11)  or  Adino  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 


o  Taken  in  war  (Jerome,  Qu.  Heb.  ad  2  Sam.  xiil.  37). 

6  Eglab  alone  is  called  "  David's  wife "  in  the 
enumeration  2  Sam.  iii.  5.  The  tradition  in  Jerome 
(Qu.  Heb.  ad  loc.)  says  that  she  was  Michal;  and  (ib. 
ad  2  Sam.  yi.  23)  that  she  died  in  giving  birth  to  Ith- 
renm. 

t  The  LXX.  in  2  Sam.  y.  16,  after  having  given 
tubstantially  the  same  list  as  the  present  Ilebrew  text, 
|!tpeats  the  list,  with  strange  variationa,  as  follows : 
Suma'd,  lessibath,  Nathan,  Ualamaan,  lebaar,  Theesus, 
ElpKaiat,  Naged,  yap/uk,  lanathan,  Leanunys,  Baal- 
taiMtb,  Eliphaath. 

li  JowpbuB  {Ant.  vii.  3,  §  3)  gives  the  following  list, 


8),  Eleazar  (1  Chr.  xi.  12;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  9),  Sham- 
mah  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  11)./  Of  "the  thirty,"  some 
few  only  are  known  to  fame  elsewhere.  Asahel, 
David's  nephew  (1  Chr.  xi.  26;  2  Sam.  ii.  18); 
Elhanan,  the  victor  of  at  least  one  Goliath  (1  Chr. 
xi.  26;  2  Sam.  xxi.  19);  Joel,  the  brother  or  son 
(LXX.)  of  Nathan  (1  Chr.  xi.  38);  Naharai,  the 
armor-bearer  of  Joab  (1  Chr.  xi.  39 ;  2  Sam.  xxiii. 
37);  Eliam,^  the  son  of  Ahithophel  (2  Sam.  xxiii. 
34);  Ira,  one  of  Da\id's  priests  (1  Chr.  xi.  40;  2 
Sam.  xxiii.  38,  xx.  26);  Uriah  the  Hittite  (1  Chr. 
xi.  41;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  39,  xi.  3). 

(c.)  Side  by  side  with  this  military  organization 
were  established  social  and  moral  institutions. 
Some  were  entirely  for  pastoral,  agricultural,  and 
financial  purposes  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  25-31),  others  for 
judicial  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  29-32).  Some  few  are 
named  as  constituting  what  would  now  be  called 
the  court  or  council  of  the  king;  the  councillors, 
Ahithophel  of  Gilo,  and  Jonathan  the  king's 
nephew,  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  32,  33);  the  ocmpanion  or 
"friflBd,"  Hushai  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  33;  2  Sam.  xv. 
37,  xvi.  19);  the  scribe,  Sheva,  or  Seraiah,  and  at 
one  time  Jonathan  (2  Sam.  xx.  25;  1  Chr.  xxvii. 
32);  Jehoshaphat,  the  recorder  or  historian*  (2 
Sam.  XX.  24),  and  Adoram  the  tax  collector,  both 
of  whom  survived  him  (2  Sam.  xx.  24;  1  K.  xil. 


of  which  only  four  names  are  identical.  He  states 
that  the  two  last  were  sons  of  the  concubines  :  Am- 
nus.  Emnus,  Eban,  Nathan,  Solomon,  lebar,  Elies, 
Phalna,  Ennaphen,  lonas,  Eliphale. 

e  See  Ewald,  iii.  178. 

/  The  LXX.  (cf.  2  Sam.  xxiii.  8)  make  them :  1.  la- 
boseth  the  Canaanite ;  2.  Adino  the  Asonite ;  8.  £lea> 
zar,  son  of  Dodo. 

0  Perhaps  the  fiither  of  Bathsbeba,  whose  marriagl 
with  Uriah  would  thus  be  accounted  for.  (See  Blunt 
Coincidences,  II.  x.) 

h  A9  in  the  court  of  Persia  (Herod,  vi.  100,  tU.  9C 
vili.  lOOJ. 


DAVID 

)8,  iv.  3,  6).  Eacn  tribe  had  its  own  head  (1  Chr. 
ixvii.  16-22).  Of  these  the  most  remarkable  were 
Elihu,  David's  brother  (probably  Eliab),  prince  of 
Judah  (ver.  18),  and  Jaasiel,  the  son  of  Abner,  of 
Benjamin  (ver.  21). 

But  the  more  peculiar  of  David's  institutions 
were  those  directly  bearing  on  religion.  Two 
prophets  appear  as  the  king's  constant  advisers. 
Of  these,  Gad,  who  seems  to  have  been  the  elder, 
had  been  David"s  companion  in  exile;  and  from 
his  being  called  "the  seer."  belongs  probably  to 
the  earliest  form  of  the  prophetic  schools.  Nathan, 
who  appears  for  the  first  time  after  the  establish- 
Dcent  of  the  kingdom  at  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  vii.  2), 
13  distinguished  both  by  his  title  of  "prophet," 
and  by  the  nature  of  the  prophecies  which  he  utters 
(2  Sam.  vii.  5-17,  xii.  l-ll),  as  of  the  pvu-est  type 
of  prophetic  dispensation,  and  as  the  hope  of  the 
new  generation,"  which  he  supports  in  the  person 
of  Solomon  (1  K.  i.).  Two  high-priests  also  ap- 
pear—  representatives  of  the  two  rival  houses  of 
Aaron  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  3);  here  again,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  two  prophets,  one,  Abiathar,*  who  attended 
him  at  Jerusalem,  companion  of  his  exile,  and  con- 
nected with  the  old  time  of  the  judges  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  31),  joining  him  after  the  death  of  Saul,  and 
becoming  afterwards  the  support  of  his  son,  the 
other  Zadok,  who  ministered  at  Gibeon  (1  Chr.  xvi. 
39),  and  who  was  made  the  head  of  the  Aaronic  fam- 
ily (xxvii.  17).  Besides  these  four  great  religious 
functionaries  there  were  two  classes  of  subordinates 
—  prophets,  specially  instructed  in  singing  and 
music,  under  Asaph,  Heman,  the  grandson  of 
Samuel,  and  Jeduthun  (1  Chr.  xxv.  1-31)  —  Le- 
vites,  or  attendants  on  the  sanctuary,  who  again 
were  subdivided  into  the  guardians  of  the  gates  and 
guardians  of  the  treasures  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  1-28) 
which  had  been  accumulated,  since  the  rei^stablish- 
ment  of  the  nation,  by  Samuel,  Saul,  Abner,  Joab, 
and  David  himself  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  20-28). 

The  collection  of  those  various  ministers  and 
representatives  of  worship  round  the  capital  nmst 
have  given  a  new  aspect  to  the  history  in  David's 
time,  such  as  it  had  not  borne  under  the  discon- 
nected period  of  the  Judges.  But  the  main  pecu- 
liarity of  the  whole  must  have  been,  that  it  so  well 
harmonized  with  the  character  of  him  who  was  its 
centre.  As  his  early  martial  life  still  placed  him 
at  the  head  of  the  military  organization  which  had 
sprung  up  around  him,  so  his  early  education  and 
his  natural  disposition  placed  him  at  the  head  of 
his  own  rehgious  institutions.  Himself  a  prophet, 
a  psalmist,  he  was  one  in  heart  with  those  whose 
advice  he  sought,  and  whose  arts  he  fostered.  And, 
more  remarkably  still,  though  not  himself  a  priest, 
be  yet  assumed  almost  all  the  functions  usually 
ascribed  to  the  priestly  oflBce.  He  wore,  as  we  have 
leen,  the  priestly  dress,  offered  the  sacrifices,  gave 
the  priestly  benediction  (2   Sam.  vi.  14,  17,  18); 


DAVID 


561 


a  2  Sam.  xii.  25,  is  by  some  interpreters  rendered 
"lie  put  him  (Solomon)  under  the  hand  of  Nathan ;  " 
thus  makinf;  Nathan  Solomon's  preceptor.  (See 
Chandler,  ii.  272.) 

6  Compare  Blunt,  II.  xv. 

c  6  Upev?  rm  y«Vei  (Joseph.  Ant.  vii  12,  §  4). 

<i  By  the  reduction  of  Gath,  1  Chr.  xvUi.  1. 

<  The  punishment  of  the  Moabites  is  too  obscurely 
worded  to  be  explained  at  length.  A  Jewish  tradition 
(which  shows  that  there  was  a  sense  of  its  being  ex 
cessivc)  maintained  that  it  was  in  consequence  of  the 
Moabites  having  murdered  David's  parents,  when  con- 
Sdsa  to  them,  1  Sam.  xxii.  3  (Chandler,  ii.  163). 
86 


and,  as  if  to  include  hia  whole  court  within  the 
same  sacerdotal  sanctity,  Benaiah  the  captain  of  hi« 
guard  was  a  priest  c  by  descent  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  5), 
and  joined  in  the  sacred  mu»ic  (1  Chr.  xvi.  6); 
David  himself  and  "  tlie  captains  of  the  host "  ar- 
ranged the  prophetical  duties  (1  Chr.  xxv.  1);  and 
his  sons  are  actually  called  "  priests  "  (2  Sam.  viii. 
18;  1  Chr.  xviii.  17,  translated  "chief,"  and 
av\dpxaty  "chief  rulers  "),  as  well  as  Ira,  of  Man- 
asseh  (2  Sam.  xx.  26,  translated  "chief  ruler," 
but  LXX.  ifpfis)-  Such  a  union  was  never  seen 
before  or  since  in  the  Jewish  history.  Even  Solo- 
mon fell  below  it  in  some  important  points.  But 
from  this  time  the  idea  took  possession  of  the  Jew- 
ish mind  and  was  never  lost.  What  the  heathen 
historian  Justin  antedates,  by  referring  it  back  to 
Aaron,  is  a  just  description  of  the  effect  of  the 
reign  of  David:  — "  Sacerdos  mox  rex  creatur; 
semperque  exinde  hie  mos  apud  Judaeos  fuit  ut  eoa- 
dem  r^es  et  sacerdotes  haberent;  quorum  justitiA 
religione  permixta,  incredibile  quantum  coaluere "' 
(Justin,  xxxvi.  2). 

{d. )  From  the  internal  state  of  David's  kingdom, 
we  pass  to  its  external  relations.  These  will  be 
found  at  length  under  the  various  countries  to 
which  they  relate.  It  will  be  here  only  necessary 
to  briefly  indicate  the  enlargement  of  his  domin- 
ions. Within  10  years  from  the  capture  of  Jeru- 
salem, he  had  reduced  to  a  state  of  permanent  sub- 
jection the  Philistines  '^  on  the  west  (2  Sam.  viii. 
1);  the  MoABiTKs«  on  the  east  (2  Sam.  viii.  2), 
by  the  exploits  of  Benaiah  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  20);  the 
Syrians  on  tlie  northeast  as  far  as  the  Euphrates/ 
(2  Sam.  viii.  3):  the  Edo.mitksc'  (2  Sam.  viii. 
14),  on  the  south;  and  finally  the  Ajimonites,* 
who  had  broken  their  ancient  alliance,  and  made 
one  grand  resistance  to  the  advance  of  his  empire 
(2  Sam.  X.  1-19,  xii.  26-31).  These  three  last 
wars  were  entangled  >'  with  each  other.  The  last 
and  crowning  point  was  the  siege  of  Kabbah.  The 
ark  went  with  the  host  (2  Sam.  xi.  11).  David 
himself  was  present  at  the  capture  of  the  city  (2 
Sam.  xii.  29).  The  savage  treatment  of  the  in- 
habitants —  the  only  instance  as  far  as  appears  of 
cruel  severity  against  his  enemies  —  is  perhaps  to 
be  explained  by  the  formidal)le  nature  of  their  re- 
sistance —  as  the  like  stain  on  the  generosity  of  the 
Black  Prince  in  the  ma.ssacre  of  IJmoges.  The 
royal  crown,  or  "  crown  of  Milcom,"  was  placed  on 
David's  head  (2  Sam.  xii.  30),  and,  according  to 
Josephus  {Ant,  vii.  5)  was  always  worn  by  him 
afterwards.  The  Hebrew  tradition  (.Jerome,  Qu. 
Heb.  (ul  1  Chr.  xx.  2)  represents  it  as  having  been 
the  diadem  of  the  Ammonite  god  Milcom  or  Mo- 
loch; and  that  Ittai  the  Gittite  (doing  what  no 
Israelite  could  have  done,  for  fear  of  pollution )  tore 
it  from  the  idol's  head,  and  brought  it  to  David. 
The  general  peace  which  followed  was  commem- 
orated in  the  name  of  "  the  Peaceful  "  (Solomon), 
given  to  the  son  born  to  him  at  this  crisis.*-" 

To  these  wars  in  general  may  be  ascribed  Ps. 


/  Described  briefly  in  a  ftwgnient  of  Nicolaus  of 
Damascus,  in  Joseph.  Ant.  vii.  5,  §  2,  and  Eupolemus, 
in  Eus.  Prctp.  Ev.  ix.  30. 

(7  To  these  Eupolemus  adds  the  Nabateans  and  Neb- 
daeans. 

A  For  the  details  of  the  punishment,  see  Rabbah. 
Chandler  Cu.  237,  238)  interprets  it  of  hard  servitude; 
Ewald  (iii.  2(4),  of  actual  torture  and  slaughter. 

«'  The  story  appears  to  be  told  twice  over  '2  Sam. 
viii.  3-14,  X.  1-xi.  1,  xii.  26-31). 

k  The  go' leu  shields  taken  in  the  Syrian  wan  n 


562  DAVID 

a.,  as  ilhisti-ntiiijj  both  the  sacerdotal  character  of 
David,  and  also  his  mode  of  going  forth  to  lattle. 
To  the  Ivdoniite  wsir,  both  by  its  title  and  contents 
must  Ik)  ascril)ed  Ps.  Ix.  G-12  (cviii.  7-13),  describ- 
ing the  assaidt  on  I'etra.  I's.  Lxviii.  may  probably 
liave  receivefl  additional  touches,  as  it  was  sung  on 
the  return  of  tlie  ark  from  the  siege  of  l.'abliidi." 
Vs.  xviii.*  (rei)eated  in  2  Sam.  xxii.)  is  ascribe<l  by 
its  title,  and  a|)]ieiirs  from  some  exi;rcssions  to 
belong  to  the  day  "  When  the  Lord  had  delivered 
him  out  of  the  hand  of  all  his  enemies,"  as  well  as 
•'  out  of  ihe  hand  of  Saul "  (2  Sam.  xxii.  1 ;  I's. 
xviii.  1).  That  "day  "  may  be  either  at  this  time 
or  at  the  end  of  his  life.  I's.  xx.  (Syr.  Vers.)  and 
xxi.  relate  to  the  general  imion  of  religious  and  of 
military  excellences  displayed  at  this  time  of  his 
career.  (I's.  xxi.  3,  "  Thou  settext  a  crown  of  pure 
gold  upon  his  head,"  not  im])robably  refers  to  the 
golden  crown  of  Anmion,  2  Sam.  xii.  30.) 

(3.)  In  describing  the  incidents  of  the  life  of 
David  after  his  accession  to  the  throne  of  Israel, 
most  of  the  details  will  be  best  found  under  the 
names  to  which  they  refer.  Here  it  will  be  need- 
ful only  to  gi\e  a  brief  thread,  enlarging  on  those 
points  in  which  David's  individual  character  is 
brought  out. 

Three  great  calamities  may  be  selected  as  mark- 
ing the  beginning,  middle,  and  close,  of  David's 
otherwise  prosixM-ous  reign;  which  appears  to  be 
intimated  in  the  question  of  (iad,  2  Sam.  xxiv.  13, 
"  a  three  '^  years'  famine,  a  three  months'  flight,  or 
a  three  daj-s'  jjestilence."  <^ 

{(I.)  Of  these,  the  first  (the  three  years'  famine) 
Introduces  us  to  the  last  notices  of  David's  rela- 
tions «  with  the  house  of  Saul,  'i'here  has  often 
arisen  a  painful  suspicion  in  later  times,  as  there 
seems  to  have  been  at  the  time  (xvi.  7),  that  the 
oracle  which  gave  as  the  cause  of  the  famine  Said's 
massacre  of  the  (Jilieonites,  may  have  been  con- 
nected with  the  dwire  to  extinguish  the  last  remains 
of  the  fallen  dynasty.  But  such  an  ex|)lanation  is 
not  needed.  The  nia.ssacre  was  probably  the  most 
recent  national  crime  that  had  left  any  deep  im- 
pression ;  and  the  whole  tenor  of  D'avid's  conduct 
towanis  Saul's  family  is  of  an  opposite  kind.  It 
was  then  that  he  took  the  opportunity  of  removing 
the  bodies  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  to  their  own 
ancestral  sepulchre  at  Zelah  (2  Sam.  xxi.  14);  and 
it  was  then,  or  shortly  Ijefore,  that  he  gave  a  jier- 
manent  home  and  restored  all  the  property  of  the 
family  to  Mcphibosheth,  the  only  surviving  son  of 
Jonathan  (2  Sam.  ix.  1-13,  xxi.  7).  The  seven 
who  fwrished  were,  two  sons  of  Saul  by  Iiizpah, 
and  five  grandsons — sons  of  Merab/  and  Adriel 
(2  Sam.  xxi.  8). 


niained  long  afterwartis  as  trophies  in  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  viii.  7 ;  Cant.  iv.  4).  [Arms,  Mf/c<, 
p.  162.)  The  brass  was  used  for  the  brazen  basins  and 
pUlars  (2  Sam.  viii.  8 ;  I.XX.). 

o  See  Ilengstenbcrgon  1*8.  lxviii. 

ft  The  imagery  of  tlie  thunderctorm,  Ps.  xriii.  7-14, 
may  possibly  allude  to  the  events  either  of  2  Sam.  t. 
aO-24  (Chandler,  ii.  211),  or  of  2  Simi.  vi.  8. 

c  So  I.X.X.  and  1  Chr.  xxi.  12,  Instead  of  seren. 

rf  Ewald,  iii.  207. 

e  That  this  incident  took  plare  early  in  the  reifi^n, 
tppears  (1)  from  the  freshness  of  the  allusion  to  Saul's 
act  (2  Siun.  xxi.  1-8) ;  (2)  from  the  allusions  to  the 
massacre  of  Saul's  sons  in  xix.  28 ;  (3)  fh>m  the  ap- 
parent connection  of  the  story  with  ch.  ix. 

/  The  niepliou  of  Adjiel  necessitates  the  reading  of 
Marab  for  Miclial. 


DAVID 

(h.)  The  second  group  of  inciit>nt)  containt  tha 
tragedy  of  David's  life,  which  grew  in  ail  its  parti 
out  of  the  polygamy,  with  its  evil  consequences, 
into  which  he  had  plunged  on  becoming  king 
Underneath  the  splendor  of  his  last  irlorious  cam- 
paign against  the  Anmionites,  w:ls  a  dark  story, 
known  probably  at  that  time  only  to  a  very  few, 
and  even  in  later  times  tf  kept  as  nuicli  as  possible 
out  of  the  view  of  the  people,  but  now  recognized 
as  one  of  the  most  instructive  jiortions  of  his  career 
—  the  double  crime  of  adidtery  with  liathsheba, 
and  of  the  virtual  muitler  of  Uriah.  'Jlie  crimes  * 
are  undoubtedly  those  of  a  common  Oriental  despot 
Hut  the  rebuke  of  Nathan;  the  sudden  revival  cl 
the  king's  conscience ;  his  grief  for  the  sickness  of 
the  child;  the  gathering  of  his  uncles  and  eldei 
brothers  around  him;  his  return  of  hope  and  peace; 
are  characteristic  of  David,  and  of  David  only. 
And  if  we  add  to  these  the  two  psalms,  the  32d 
and  the  51st,  of  which  the  first  by  its  acknowledged 
internal  evidence,  the  2d  by  its  title  '  also  claim  to 
belong  to  this  cri.sis  of  Ilavid's  life,  we  shall  feel 
that  the  instruction  drawn  from  the  sin  has  more 
than  comimisated  to  us  at  least  fur  the  scandal 
occasioned  by  it. 

Hut,  though  the  "free  spirit "  and  "  clean  heart" 
of  David  returned,  and  though  the  birth  of  Solomon 
was  as  auspicious  as  if  notliing  had  occurre<l  to 
trouble  the  victorious  festival  which  succeedetl  it; 
the  clouds  from  this  time  gathered  over  David's 
fortunes,  and  henceforward  "  the  sword  never  de- 
parted from  his  house"  (2  Sam.  xii.  10).  The 
outrage  on  his  daughter  Tamar;  the  mui-der  of  his 
eldest  son  Amnon;  and  then  tl;e  revolt  of  his  best 
beloved  Al)saJom,  brought  on  the  crisis,  which  once 
more  sent  him  forth  a  wanderer,  as  in  the  days 
when  he  fled  from  Saul ;  and  this,  the  heaviest  trial 
of  his  life,  was  aggra\ated  by  the  inii)etuosity  of 
.loai),  now  perhajjs  from  his  complicity  in  David's 
crime  more  unmanagealile  *'  than  ever.  The  rebell- 
ion was  fostered  apparently  by  the  growing  Jeidousy 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah  at  seeing  their  king  absorbed 
into  the  whole  nation;  and  if.  as  appeiirs  from'  2 
Sam.  xi.  3,  xxiii.  34,  Ahithophel  was  the  grand- 
father of  Hathsheba,  its  main  su])]X)rter  w.is  one 
whom  David  had  provoked  iiy  his  own  crimes.  ]''or 
its  general  course,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the 
names  just  mentioned.  Hut  two  or  three  of  its 
scenes  relate  so  touchingly  and  peculiarly  to  David, 
that  this  is  the  place  for  dwcllini;  ii\wu  then".. 

The  first  is  the  most  detailed  description  of  any 
single  day  that  we  find  in  the  Jewish  history. 

It  was  apparently  early  on  the  morning  of  the 
day  after  he  had  received  the  news  of  the  rc))ellion 
at  Hebron  that  the  king  left  the  city  of  .lenisalem 
on  foot.  He  was  accompanied  by  a  vast  concourse ; 
in  the  midst  of  which  he  and  his  body  guard  were 


0  It  is  omitted  in  the  Chronicles. 

A  This  is  the  subject  of  one  of  the  apocr>'i  hal  col- 
loquies of  David  (Kubric.  Cot/.  p^"nJfpi!(r.  V.  T.  i. 
1000).  The  story  is  also  told  in  the  Koran  (xxxTill. 
20-24).  and  \ri\d  legends  are  formed  out  of  it  (Weil'l 
LegeTuJs,  p.  158-160, 170). 

«■  Ewald  places  it  after  the  Capfivity.  Fran  th« 
two  last  verses  (Ii.  18,  19)  this  would  be  the  almoi>l 
certain  conclusion.  But  is  it  not  ullowable  to  suppoe* 
these  Tcrses  to  be  an  adaptation  of  the  psalm  to  thai 
later  time  ? 

k  See  Blunt'B  Coineiiiencn,  TI.  xl.  for  a  theory  per 
haps  too  much  elaborated,  yet  not  without  some  flnin 
dation. 

(  Blunt  II.  X. ;  Jerome,  Qk.  Heb.  on  2  Sam.  iL  4 


DAVID 

lonspicuous.  They  started  from  a  nouse  on  the 
)utskirts  of  the  city  (2  Sam.  xv.  17,  LXX.),  and 
every  ota<i;e  of  the  mournful  procession  was  marked 
by  some  incident  which  called  forth  a  proof  of  the 
deep  and  iastin";  attection  which  the  king's  peculiar 
character  had  the  power  of  inspiring  in  all  who 
knew  him.  The  first  distuict  halt  was  by  a  solitary 
olive-tree  (2  Sam.  xv.  18,  LXX.),  that  marked  the 
road  to  the  wilderness  of  the  Jordan.  Amongst 
his  guard  of  Philistines  and  his  faithfid  company 
of  COO  "  he  observed  Ittai  of  Gath,  and  with  the 
true  nobleness  of  his  character  entreated  the  I'hilis- 
tinc  chief  not  to  peril  his  own  or  his  countrymen's 
lives  in  tlie  service  of  a  fallen  and  a  stranger  sov- 
ereign. 15ut  Ittai  declared  his  resolution  (uith  a 
fervor  which  almost  inevitably  recalls  a  like  profes- 
sion made  almost  on  the  same  spot  to  the  great 
descendant  of  David  centuries  afterwards)  to  follow 
him  in  life  and  in  death.  They  all  passed  over  the 
ravine  of  the  Kedron ;  and  here,  when  it  became 
apparent  that  the  king  was  really  bent  on  departure, 
"  the  whole  land  wept  with  a  loud  voice"  —  the 
mountain  and  the  valley  resounded  with  the  wail 
of  the  i«ople.  At  this  point  they  were  overtaken 
by  the  two  i)riests,  Zadok  and  Abiathar,  bringing 
the  ark  from  its  place  on  the  sacred  hill  to  accom- 
pany David  on  his  flight — Abiathar,  the  elder, 
going  forward  up  the  mouiituin,  as  the  multitude 
defiled  ])ast  him.  Again,  with  a  spirit  worthy  of 
the  king,  who  was  prophet  as  well  as  priest,  David 
turned  them  back.  He  had  no  superstitious  belief 
in  the  ark  as  a  charm ;  he  had  too  much  reverence 
for  it  to  risk  it  in  his  personal  peril.  And  now  the 
whole  crowd  turned  up  the  mountiiin  pathway;  all 
wailing,  all  with  their  hejuls  nuiffled  as  they  went ; 
the  king  only  distinguished  from  the  rest  liy  his 
unsandalled  feet.  At  the  top  of  the  mountain, 
consecrated  by  an  altar  of  worship,  they  were  met 
by  Hushai  the  Archite,  "  the  friend,"  as  he  was 
officially  called,  of  the  king.  The  priestly  garment, 
which  he  wore ''  after  the  fashion,  as  it  would  seem, 
of  David's  chief  otficei-s,  was  torn,  and  his  head 
was  smeiired  with  dust,  in  the  bitterness  of  his 
grief.  In  him  David  saw  his  first  gleam  of  hope. 
A  moment  before,  the  titlings  had  come  of  the 
treason  of  Ahithophel;  and  to  frustrate  his  designs 
Hushai  was  sent  back,  just  in  time  to  meet  Absalom 
arriving  from  Hebron.  It  was  noon  when  David 
passed  over  the  mountain  top,  and  now,  as  Jerusalem 
was  left  behind,  and  the  new  scene  opened  before 
him,  two  new  chai-acters  appeared,  both  in  con- 
nection with  the  hostile  tribe  of  Benjamin,  whose 
territory  they  were  entering.  One  was  Ziba,  ser- 
vant of  Mephibosheth,  taking  advantage  of  the  civil 
ivar  to  make  his  own  fortunes.  At  Bahurim,  also 
evidently  on  the  downward  pass,  came  forth  one  of 
its  inhabitants,  Shimei,  in  whose  furious  curses 
broke  out  the  long  suppressed  hatred  of  the  fallen 
family  of  Saul,  as  well  jierhaps  as  the  popular  feel- 
ing against  the  murderer  ^^  of  Uriah.  With  charac- 
teristic replies  to  both,  the  king  descended  to  the 
"ordan  valley  (2  Sam.  xvi.  14;  and  comp.  xvii.  22; 
Jos.  Ant,  vii.  9,  §  4)  and  there  rested  after  the 
long  and  eventful  day  at  the  ford  or  bridge''  {Abara) 


a  EwalJ.  iii.  177.  note.  According  to  the  reaiiing 
K  Gtbborim  for  Gittim. 

b  2  Sam.  XV.  82.  Cuttontth:  rov  xiTwca:  A.  Y. 
'  coat."' 

c  Blunt,  IT.  X. 

rf  Oomp.  2  Sam.  xt.  2*,  xlx.  18  (both  Chetib  ;  the 
leti  has  .irabotk,  i. «.  th«  "  plains  "  or  "  deserts    \. 


DAVID  663 

of  the  river.  At  midnight  they  were  at  >used  by 
the  arrival  of  tlie  two  sons  of  the  hiirli-priests,  and 
by  break  of  dawn  tlicy  had  reached  the  opposite 
side  in  safety. 

To  the  dawn  of  tliat  niommg  is  to  he  ascribed 
Ps.  iii.,  and  (according  to  Ewald,  though  this  seema 
less  certain)  to  the  previous  evening,  Ps.  iv.  Ps. 
cxUii.  by  its  title  in  the  LXX.,  '*  When  his  son 
was  pursuing  him,"  belongs  to  this  time.  Also  by 
long  popular  belief  the  trans-.Jordanic  exile  of  Ps. 
xlii.  has  been  supposed  to  be  David,  and  the  com- 
plaints of  Ps.  Iv.,  Ixix ,  and  cix.,  to  be  levelled 
against  Ahithophel. 

The  history  of  the  remaining  period «  of  thj 
rebellion  is  compressed  uito  a  brief  summary.  Ma- 
hanaim  was  the  capifcil  of  David's  exile,  as  it  had 
been  of  the  exiled  house  of  Saul  (2  Sam.  xvii.  24, 
comp.  ii.  8,  12).  Three  great  chiefs  of  that  pastoral 
district  are  specially  mentioned  as  supiwrting  him; 
one,  of  great  age,  not  before  nametl,  Barzillai  the 
Gileadite;  the  two  others,  bound  to  him  by  I'ormer 
ties,  Shobi,  the  son  of  David's  ancient  friend  Na- 
hash,  probably  put  by  Da^id  in  his  brother's  place 
(xii.  30,  x.  2);  and  Machir,  the  son  of  Annniel, 
the  form'er  protector  of  the  cluld  of  David's  friend 
Jonathan  (2  Sam.  xvii.  27,  ix.  4).  His  forces  were 
arranged  under  the  three  great  military  officers  who 
remah)ed  faithful  to  his  fortunes  —  Joal>,  captain 
of  the  host ;  Abishai,  captain  of  "  the  mighty  men ; " 
and  Ittai,  who  seems  to  have  taken  the  place  of 
Beuaiali  (had  he  wavered  in  his  allegiance,  or  was 
he  ap|»intetl  afterwards"?),  as  captain  of  the  guard 
(2  Sam.  xviii.  2).  On  Absalom's  side,  was  Da\-id's 
nephew,  Amasa  {ib.  xvii.  25).  The  warlike  spirit 
of  the  old  king  and  of  his  faithful  followers  at  this 
extremity  of  their  fortunes  is  well  de])icted  by 
Hushai,  "  chafed  in  their  minds,  as  a  be:ir  robbed 
of  her  whelps  in  the  '  field '  (or  a  fierce  wild  boar 
in  the  Jordan  vallej',  LXX.);"  the  king  himself, 
as  of  old,  "  lodging  not  with  the  people,"  but  "  hid 
in  some  pit  or  some  other  place"  (2  Sam.  xvii.  8, 
!) ).  The  final  battle  was  fought  in  the  "  forest  of 
Kphraim,"  which  terminated  in  the  accident  lead- 
ing to  the  death /of  Absalom.  At  this  ])oint  the 
narrative  resumes  its  minute  detail.  As  if  to  mark 
the  greatne.ss  of  the  calamity,  every  particular  of 
its  first  reception  is  recorded.  David  was  waiting 
the  event  of  the  l)attle  in  the  gateway  of  Malianaim. 
Two  messengers,  each  endeavoruig  to  outstrip  the 
other,  were  seen  running  breathless  from  the  field. 
The  first  who  arrived  was  Ahimaaz,  the  son  of 
Zadok,  already  employed  as  a  messenger  on  the 
first  day  of  the  king's  flight.  He  had  been  en- 
treated by  Joab  not  to  make  himself  the  bearer  of 
tidings  so  mournful;  and  it  would  seem  that  when 
he  came  to  the  point  his  heart  failed,  and  he  spoke 
only  of  the  great  confusion  in  which  he  had  left  the 
army.  At  this  moment  the  other  messenger  burst 
in  —  a  stranger,  perhaps  an  Lthiopian  o  —  and 
abruptly  revealed  the  fatal  news  (2  Sam.  xviii.  1!)- 
32).  [Cusiii.]  The  passionate  burst  of  grief  which 
followed,  is  one  of  the  best  proofs  of  the  deep  affec- 
tion of  David's  character.  He  wTapt  himself  up 
in  his  sorrow;  and  even  at  the  very  moment  of  hia 


e  If  Ewald's  interpretation  of  2  Sam.  xxiv.  13  bt 
correct,  it  was  3  months.  The  Jewish  tnulition  (il 
Jerome,  Q«.  Heb.  on  2  Sam.  iv.  4)  makes  it  6. 

/  For  the  Mussulman  legend,  see  Weil,  p.  161. 

J  "  Cushi  "  —  or  Hebrew  ha-ChAjthi,  with  the  artick 
It  is  doubtful  whether  it  is  a  proper  nauia 


664  DAVID 

triumph,  he  could  not  forget  the  hand  that  had 
•lain  his  son.  I  le  made  a  solemn  vow  to  Bupers«xle 
Joab  liy  Aniasa,  and  in  this  was  laid  the  lasting 
bi-esich  between  himself  and  his  powerful  nephew, 
which  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  ever  forgave 
(2  Sam.  xix.  13). 

The  return  was  marked  at  every  stage  by  rejoic- 
mg  and  amnesty,  —  Shimei  forgiven,  ftlephibo- 
iheth"  partially  reinstated,  Barzillai  rewarded  by 
the  gifts,  long  remembered,  to  his  son  Chimham 
(2  Sam.  xix.  16-40;  1  K.  u.  7).  Judah  was  first 
reconciled.  The  embers  of  the  uisurrection  still 
smouldering  (2  Sam.  xix.  41-43)  in  David's  hered- 
itary enemies  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  were  tram- 
pled out  by  the  mixture  of  boldness  and  sagacity 
in  Joab,  now,  after  the  murder  of  Amasa,  once 
more  in  his  old  position.  And  David  again  reigned 
in  undisturbed  peace  at  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  xx. 
l-22).'> 

(c.)  The  closing  period  of  David's  life,  with  the 
exception  of  one  gi'eat  calamity,  may  be  considered 
«3  a  gradual  prepamtiou  for  the  reign  of  his  suc- 
cessor. This  calamity  was  the  three  days'  pesti- 
lence which  visited  Jerusalem  at  the  warning  of  the 
prophet  Gad.  The  occasion  which  led  to  this 
warning  was  the  census  of  the  people  taken  by  Joab 
at  the  king's  orders  (2  Sam.  xxiv.  1-9 ;  1  Chr.  xxi. 
1-7,  xxvii.  23,  24);  an  attempt  not  unnaturally 
suggested  by  the  uicrease  of  his  power,  but  imply- 
ing a  confidence  and  pride  alien  to  the  spirit  incul- 
cated on  the  kings  of  the  chosen  people  [see  NuM- 
BEKs].  Joab's  repugnance  to  the  measure  was 
such  that  he  refused  altogether  to  number  Levi  and 
Benjamin  (1  Chr.  xxi.  (J).  The  king  also  scrupled 
to  number  those  who  were  under  20  years  of  age 
(1  Chr.  xxvii.  23),  and  the  final  result  never  was 
recorded  in  the  "  Chrorucles  of  King  David  "  (1 
Chr.  xxvii.  24).  The  plague,  however,  and  its  ces- 
sation were  commemorated  down  to  the  latest  times 
of  the  Jewish  nation.  Possibly  Ps.  xxx.  and  xci. 
had  reference  (whether  David's  or  not)  to  this  time. 
But  a  more  certain  memorial  was  preserved  on  tlie 
exact  s|)ot  which  witnessed  the  close  of  the  pesti- 
lence, or,  as  it  was  called,  Uke  the  Black  Death  of 
1348,  "  The  Death."  Outside  the  walls  of  Jerusa^ 
lem,  Araunah  or  Oman,  a  wealthy  Jebusite  —  per- 
haps even  the  ancient  king  of  Jebus  (2  Sam.  xxiv. 
2-i)'-'  —  possessed  a  threshing-floor;  there  he  and 
his  sons  were  engaged  in  threshing  the  corn  gath- 
ered in  from  the  harvest  (1  Chr.  xxi.  20).  At  this 
spot  an  awfid  vision  appeared,  such  as  is  described 
in  the  later  days  of  Jerusalem,  of  the  Angel  of  the 
Lord  stretching  out  a  drawn  sword  between  earth 
and  sky  over  the  devoted  city.''     The  scene  oi  such 


<*  The  iiyustlco  done  to  Mephibosheth  by  this  divis- 
ion of  hLs  property  was  believed  in  later  traditions  to 
be  the  sin  which  drew  down  the  division  of  David's 
kingdom  (Jerome,  Qti.  Heb.  on  2  Sam.  xix.).  The 
question  is  argued  at  length  by  Selden,  De  Siiccesxione, 
I.  25,  pp.  67,  68.     (Chandler,  li.  376.) 

b  To  many  English  readers,  the  events  and  names 
of  this  period  have  acquired  a  double  interest  fVom  the 
power  and  skill  with  which  Dryden  has  made  the  story 
cf  "  Absalom  and  Achitophel "  the  basis  of  his  political 
poem  on  the  Court  of  King  Charles  II. 

c  In  the  original  the  expression  is  much  stronger 
than  in  the  A.  V. —  "Araunah,  the  king."  [See 
Abaunah.] 

d  Tills  apparition  is  also  described  in  a  fragment 
•f  the  heatlien  historian  Eupolemus  (Eus.  Prtrp.  Ei\ 
Iz  90),  but  is  confused  with  the  warning  of  Nathan 
Igninst  building  the  Temple.     "  An  angel  pointed  out 


DAVID 

an  apparition  at  such  a  moment  was  at  onoi 
marked  out  for  a  sanctuary.  David  demanded, 
and  Araunah  willingly  granted,  the  site;  the  altar 
was  erected  on  the  rock  of  the  threshing-floor;  the 
place  was  called  by  the  name  of  "  Mm-inh  "  (2  Chr. 
iii.  1);  and  for  the  first  time  a  noly  place,«  sancti- 
fied by  a  vision  of  the  Divine  presence,  was  recog- 
nized in  Jerusalem.  It  was  this  spot  which  after- 
wards became  the  altar  of  the  Temple,  and  there- 
fore the  centre  of  the  national  worship,  with  but 
slight  interruption,  for  more  than  1000  years,  and 
it  is  even  contended  that  the  same  spot  is  the  rock, 
still  regarded  with  almost  idolatrous  veneration,  iu 
the  centre  of  the  Mussulman  "  Dome  of  the  Rock  ' 
(see  Professor  Willis  in  Williams's  Holy  City,  ii.). 

The  selection  of  the  site  of  this  altar  i)robably 
revived  the  schemes  of  ♦he  king  for  the  building  of 
a  permanent  edifice  *o  receive  the  ark,  which  still 
remamed  inside  h's  own  palace  in  its  temporary 
tent.  Such  schemes,  we  are  told,  he  had  enter- 
tained after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  or  at  the  end 
of  his  wars.  Two  reasons  were  given  for  their  de- 
lay. One,  that  the  ancient  nomadic  form/ of  wor- 
ship was  not  yet  to  be  abandoned  (2  Sam.  vii.  6); 
the  other,  that  David's  wars »  unfitted  him  to  b« 
the  founder  of  a  seat  of  peaceful  worship  (1  Chr. 
xxii.  8).  But  a  solemn  assurance  was  given  that 
his  dynasty  should  continue  "  for  ever  "  to  continue 
the  work  (2  Sam.  vii.  13;  1  Chr.  xxii.  9,  10). 
Such  a  founder,  and  the  ancestor  of  such  a  dynasty, 
was  Solomon  to  be,  and  to  him  therefore  the 
stores  '*  and  the  plans  of  the  future  Temple  (accord- 
ing to  1  Chr.  xxii.  2-19,  xxviii.  1-xxix.  19)  were 
committed. 

A  formidable  conspiracy  to  intemipt  the  succes- 
sion broke  out  in  the  List  days  of  David's  reign  [see 
Adonijah],  which  detached  from  his  person  two 
of  his  court,  who  from  personal  offense  or  adherence 
to  the  ancient  family  had  been  alienated  from  him 
—  Joab  and  Abiathar.  But  Zadok,  Nathan,  Be- 
naiah,  Shimei,  and  Kei «'  remaining  firm,  the  jilot 
was  stifled,  and  Solomon's  inauguration  took  place 
under  his  father's  auspices*-'  (1  K.  i.  1-53). 

The  Psalms  which  relate  to  this  period  are,  by 
title,  Ps.  xcii. ;  by  internal  evidence,  Ps.  ii. 

By  this  time  David's  infirmities  had  grown  upon 
him.  The  warmth  of  his  exhausted  frame  was  at- 
tempted to  be  restored  by  the  introduction  of  a 
j'oung  Shunammite,  of  the  name  of  Abishag,  men- 
tioned apparently  for  the  sake  of  an  incident  which 
grew  up  in  connection  with  her  out  of  the  later 
events  (1  K.  i.  1,  ii.  17).  His  last  song  is  pre- 
served—  a  striking  union  of  the  ideal  of  a  just 
nder  which  he  had  placed  before  him,  and  of  the 


the  place  where  the  altar  was  to  be,  but  forbade  hin 
to  build  the  TempV.  as  being  stained  with  blood,  an: 
having  fought  many  wars.  His  name  was  Diitut- 
than." 

e  Tn  1  Chr.  xxi.  26,  a  fire  from  heaven  de«<>ends  to 
sanctify  the  altar.  This  is  not  mentioned  in  2  Sum. 
xxiv. 

/  This  is  the  subject  of  one  of  the  apocryplial  col- 
loquies (Fabric.  Cod.  pseudepigr.  V.  T.  i.  1004). 

a  In  this  respect  David  still  belonged  to  the  older 
generation  of  heroes.     (See  Jerome,  Qii.  Heb.  ad  loc.) 

A  Eupolemus  (Eus.  Prerp.  Ev.  ix.  80)  makes  David 
send  fleets  for  these  stores  to  Elath  and  to  Ophir. 

<  Jerome  {Qu.  Heb.  ad  loc.)  renders  Rei  =  Ira,  no' 
improbably.  Ewald's  conjecture  (iii.  266,  note)  is  that 
he  is  identical  with  Raddai. 

k  Eupolemus  (Eus.  Prri-p.  Ev.  ir  80)  adds,  "  in  th« 
presence  of  the  bigh-priest  Ell." 


DAVID 

iifficulties  which  he  had  felt  in  realizing  it  (2  Sam. 
rxiii.  1-7).  His  last  words,  as  recorded,  to  his 
luccessor,  are  general  exhortations  to  his  duty, 
jombined  with  warnings  against  Joab  and  Shimei, 
uid  charges  to  remember  the  children  of  Barzillai 
(1  K.  ii.  1-9). 

He  died,  according  to  Josephus  (Ant.  viii.  15, 
§  2),  at  the  age  of  70,  and  "  was  buried  in  the  city 
of  David."  "  After  the  return  from  the  Captivity, 
"  the  sepulclires  of  David  "  were  still  pointed  out 
"between  Siloah  and  the  house  of  the  'mighty 
men,'  "  or  "the  guardhouse"  (Neh.  iii.  IG).  His 
tomb,  which  bee.  nie  the  general  sepulchre  of  the 
kings  of  Judah,  was  pointed  out  in  the  latest  times 
of  the  Jewish  people.  "  His  sepulchre  is  with  us 
imto  this  day,"  says  St.  Peter  at  Pentecost  (Acts 
ii.  29);  and  Josephus  (Ant.  vii.  15,  §  3;  xiii.  8, 
§  4 ;  xvi.  7,  §  1 )  states  that,  Solomon  having  buried 
a  vast  treasure  in  the  tomb,  one  of  its  chambers 
was  broken  open  by  Hyrcanus,  and  another  by 
Herod  the  Great.  It  is  said  to  have  fallen  into 
ruin  in  the  time  of  Hadrian  (Dion  Cassius,  Ixix. 
1-t).  In  Jerome's  time  a  tomb,  so  called,  was  the 
object  of  pilgrimage  (Ep.  ad  Marctll.  17  (46)),  but 
apparently  in  the  neighborhood  of  Bethlehem.  The 
edifice  shown  as  such  from  the  Crusades  to  the 
present  day  is  on  the  southern  hiU  of  modem  Jeru- 
salem commonly  called  Mount  Zion,  under  the  so- 
called  "  Coenaculum."  For  the  description  of  it 
see  Barclay's  City  of  the  Great  Kinr/,  p.  209.  For 
the  traditions  concerning  it  see  Williams's  Holy 
City,  ii.  509-51-'}.  The  so-called  "  Tombs  of  the 
Kings  "  have  of  late  been  claimed  as  the  royal  sep- 
ulchre by  De  Saulcy  (ii.  1G2-215),  who  brought  to 
the  Louvre  (where  it  may  be  seen)  what  he  believed 
to  be  the  lid  of  David's  sarcophagus.  But  these 
tombs  are  outside  the  walls,  and  therefore  cannot 
i)e  identified  with  the  tomb  of  David,  which  was 
emphatically  udtliin  the  walls  (see  Robmson,  iii. 
252,  note). 

The  character  of  David  has  been  so  naturally 
brought  out  in  the  incidents  of  his  life  that  it  need 
not  be  here  described  in  detail.  In  the  complexity 
of  its  elements,*  passion,  tenderness,  generosity, 
fierceness  —  the  soldier,  the  shepherd,  the  poet,  the 
statesman,  the  priest,  the  prophet,  the  king  —  the 
romantic  friend,  the  chivalrous  leader,  the  devoted 
father  —  there  is  no  character  of  the  0.  T.  at  all  to 
be  compared  to  it.  Jacob  comes  nearest  in  the 
variety  of  elements  included  within  it.  But  David's 
chanicter  stands  at  a  higher  point  of  the  sacred 
history,  and  represents  the  Jewish  people  just  at  the 
moment  of  their  transition  from  the  lofty  virtues 
of  the  older  system  to  the  fuller  civilization  and 
cultivation  of  the  later.  In  this  manner  he  becomes 
naturally,  if  one  may  so  say,  the  likeness  or  por- 
trait of  the  last  and  grandest  development  of  the 
natioi  and  of  the  monarchy  in  the  person  and  the 
f.eriod  of  the  Messiah.  In  a  sense  more  than  figu- 
rative, he  is  the  type  and  prophecy  of  Jesus  Christ. 
Christ  is  not  called  the  son  of  Abraham,  or  of  Ja- 


«  A  striking  legend  of  his  death  is  preserved  in 
Weil's  Legends,  pp.  169,  170 ;  a  very  absurd  one,  in 
Basnage,  Hiit.  des  Juifs,  bk.  v.  oh.  2. 

b  This  variety  of  elements  is  strikingly  expressed 
In  "  the  Song  of  David,"  a  poem  written  by  the  unfor- 
^nate  Christopher  Smart  in  chaicoal  on  the  walls  of 
his  cell,  in  the  intervals  of  madness. 

<?  It  may  be  remarked  that  the  name  never  appears 
«s  given  to  any  one  else  in  the  Jewish  history,  as  if, 
Jke  "  Peter  "  in  the  Papacy,  it  was  too  sacred  to  be 
impropriated. 


DAVID  565 

cob,  or  of  Moses,  but  he  was  tndy  "  the  Km  ol 
David." 

To  his  own  people  his  was  the  name  most  dearly 
cherished  after  their  first  ancestor  Abraham. 
"  The  city  of  David,"  "  the  house  of  Da\'id,"  "  the 
throne  of  David,"  "  the  seed  of  David,"  "  the  oath 
sworn  unto  David  "  (the  pledge  of  the  continuance 
of  his  dynasty),  are  expressions  which  pervade  the 
whole  of  the  Old  Testament  and  all  the  figurative 
language  of  the  New,  and  they  serve  to  mark  the 
lasting  significance  of  his  appearance  in  history.^ 

His  Psalms  (whether  those  actually  written  by 
himself  be  many  or  few)  have  been  the  source  of 
consolation  and  instruction  beyond  any  other  part 
of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  In  them  appear  quali- 
ties of  mind  and  religious  perceptions  not  before  ex- 
pressed in  the  sacred  WTitings,  but  eminently  char- 
acteristic of  David,  —  the  love  of  nature,  the  sense 
of  sin,  and  the  tender,  ardent  trust  in,  and  com- 
munion with,  God.  No  other  part  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament comes  so  near  to  the  spirit  of  the  New. 
The  Psalms  are  the  only  expressions  of  devotion 
which  have  been  equally  used  tlirough  the  whole 
Christian  Church  —  Abyssinian,  Greek,  Latin,  Pu- 
ritan, Anglican. 

The  difficulties  which  attend  on  his  character  are 
valuable  as  proofs  of  the  impartiality  of  Scripture 
in  recording  them,  and  as  indications  of  the  union 
of  natural  power  and  weakness  which  his  character 
included.  The  Rabbis  in  former  times,  and  critics 
(like  Bayle) ''  in  later  times,  have  seized  on  its  dark 
features  and  exaggerated  them  to  the  utmost.  And 
it  has  been  often  asked,  both  by  the  scoffers  and 
the  serious,  how  the  man  after  God's «  own  heart 
could  have  murdered  Uriah,  and  seduced  Bathsheba, 
and  tortured  the  Ammonites  to  death  ?  An  ex- 
tract from  one  who  is  not  a  too-indulgent  critic  of 
sacred  characters  expresses  at  once  the  common 
sense  and  the  religious  lesson  of  the  whole  matter. 
"  Who  is  called  '  the  man  after  God's  own  heart '  ? 
David,  the  Hebrew  king,  had  fallen  into  sin« 
enough  —  blackest  crimes  —  there  was  no  want  of 
sin.  And  therefore  the  unbelievers  sneer,  and  ask 
'  Is  this  your  man  according  to  God's  heart  ? ' 
The  sneer,  I  must  say,  seems  to  me  but  a  shallow 
one.  What  are  faults,  what  are  the  outward  de- 
tails of  a  life,  if  the  inner  secret  of  it,  the  remorse, 
temptations,  the  often  baffled,  never-ended  struggle 
of  it  be  forgotte  ?  .  •  .  David's  life  and  history, 
as  written  for  us  in  those  Psalms  of  his,  I  consider 
to  be  the  truest  emblem  ever  given  us  of  a  man's 
moral  progress  and  warfare  here  below.  All  earnest 
souls  will  ever  discern  in  it  the  faithful  struggle  of 
an  earnest  human  soul  towards  what  is  good  and 
best.  Struggle  often  baffled  —  sore  baflled  —  driven 
as  into  entire  wreck :  yet  a  struggle  never  ended, 
ever  with  tears,  repentance,  true  unconquerable  pur- 
pose begun  anew"  (Carlyle's  Heroes  and  HerO' 
Worship,  p.  72).  A.  P.  S. 

*  The  conciliation  of  1  Sam.  rvi.  14-23  with 
xvii.  12-31,  55-58  (see  I.  4  of  the  article  above) 


(i  For  some  just  remarks,  in  answer  to  Bayle,  on  the 
necessity  of  taking  into  account  the  circumstances  of 
David's  age  and  country,  see  Dean  Milman's  Hist,  of 
•h.'.  Jews,  i.  247. 

e  This  expression  has  been  perhaps  too  much  made 
of.  It  occiurs  only  once  in  the  Scriptures  (1  Sam.  xiii 
14,  quoted  again  in  Acts  xiii.  22),  where  it  merely  in 
dica^s  a  man  whom  God  will  approve,  in  distinction 
froa.  Saul  who  was  rejected.  A  much  stronger  and 
mork  peculiar  commendation  of  David  is  that  contained 
in  1  K.  XV.  »-5,  and  impUed  in  Ps.  Ixxxix.  20-28 


bbt) 


DAVID 


has  gi\-cii  rise  to  various  explanations.  It  must  be 
«cknowieil<;e(l  tiiat  there  are  some  difficulties  here. 
Winer  (though  without  assenting  to  them  all  as 
equally  well  founded)  enumerates  them  in  his  DM. 
Rmlw.  i.  259  ft".,  and  IJleek  also  in  his  Einl.  in  das 
A.  Test.  p.  3.3G  ft'.,  with  the  admission  at  the  same 
time  that  they  have  been  urged  too  fi\r.  The 
readier  may  be  disapjxjinted  if  no  notice  should  be 
tiiken  of  tliem  here,  or  of  the  considerations  which 
have  been  ofl'ered  to  account  for  the  apparent  dis- 
agreen)ent.  It  should  be  stated  that  the  better 
critical  judgment  of  scholars  (as  De  \^'ette,  Kwald, 
IJIeek,  Koil)  is  tiiat  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  pas- 
sages under  remark  has  not  been  corruptetl  or  inter- 
polated, but  that  the  two  sections  (from  whatever 
SKurce  originally  derived)  form  an  integral  part  of 
the  work  as  it  came  from  the  hand  of  the  writer  or 
compiler. 

One  of  the  principal  difficulties  in  the  rclat'on 
of  the  two  portions  to  each  other,  is  that,  in  the 
first  of  them,  David  is  said  to  have  been  a  musician 
and  an  armor-liearer  at  the  court  of  Saul  (1  Sam. 
xvi.  19  ft'.);  and,  in  the  second,  that  he  appears  to 
be  introduced  to  the  king,  at  the  time  of  the  battle 
with  Goliath,  as  a  stranger  of  whom  Saul  had  no 
previous  knowledge  (I  Sam.  xvii.  31  ft'.).  It  desenes 
to  be  said,  in  reply  to  this  representation,  that  David 
may  not  have  been  permanently  connected  with 
Saul  in  Iiis  capacity  as  harpist,  but  was  only  sum- 
moned to  him  as  the  intermittent  malady  of  Saul 
required,  and  then,  after  exerting  his  skill  for  its 
removal,  returned  to  the  care  of  his  flocks.  (See 
Chandler's  Lift  of  I)  nil,  p.  48.)  It  is  expressly 
stated,  at  all  events,  that  even  after  the  outbreak 
of  the  war  with  the  Philistines  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  passing  to  and  fro  between  the  camp  and  his 
father's  home  at  Bethlehem  (1  Sam.  xvii.  17,  18). 
It  is  true,  he  was  appointed  at  the  same  time  one 
of  Saul's  arnior-Learers  as  well  as  his  musician; 
but  this  office,  at  least  in  times  of  peace,  was  one 
of  honor  ratiier  than  of  active  sen-ice,  and  would 
not  require  that  he  should  be  constantly  al  out  the 
person  of  the  king.  This  was  the  less  necessary, 
because  the  number  of  such  servitors  was  to  great. 
Joab,  David's  chief  commander  at  a  later  date,  is 
said  to  have  had  ten  armor-bearers,  and  Saul  in  his 
higher  station  must  have  had  many  more.  Under 
these  circumstances,  Saul's  fii-st  acquaintance  with 
David  may  have  been  often  interrupted  and  hence 
comparatively  slight;  so  that  when  they  met  again, 
possibly  after  an  interval  of  some  considerable  dura- 
tion, amid  the  distraction  and  tumulk  of  a  war 
which  was  engrossing  every  energy  of  the  king's 
mind,  it  is  not  incredible  that  Saul  at  first  sight 
niay  not  have  recognized  the  shepherd  loy  whom 
he  had  occasionally  seen ; "  while  as  to  l)a\  id  him- 
self it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  would  put 
forward  any  obtrusive  claim  to  the  king's  recogni- 
tion on  the  ground  of  his  former  services. 

Again,  it  is  objected  that  Saul's  inquiry  of  Abner, 
eaptain  of  the  host  (1  Sam.  xvii.  55),  after  David's 
ilaying  of  Goliath,  "  Whose  son  is  this  youth,"  is 
extraordinary,  if  David  had  really  stood  in  the  rela- 
tion to  Saul  which  the  previous  account  has  men- 
tioned. I5ut  as  Kurtz  remarks  (Ilerzog's  Real- 
Encyk.  iii.  300),  the  import  of  the  question  may 


«  a  Thfi  physical  development  is  much  more  rapid 
n  the  fast  than  amongst  U!>,  and  a  young  person  there 
non  pnsses  out  cf  the  knowledge  of  thoco  from  whom 

N«i  l8  seiiarated.     For  some  very  interesting  remarks  |  went  forth  to  fight  Qoliath 
Ml  this  point,  see  Xhomsoa's  Land  and  Boole,  il.  386. 


DAVID 

have  been  not  so  much  who  is  David's  iivthtr  as  tc 
his  name  merely,  as  what  is  David's  anccstiy,  °nu 
parentage  and  rank  in  life.  Saul  may  hav«  lieen 
indifferent  respecting  the  family  of  his  harp-playei 
and  armor -bearer;  but  after  the  victory,  when  the 
successful  champion,  according  to  the  terms  which 
Saul  himself  had  proposetl,  was  about  to  become 
his  son-in-law  (1  Sam.  xvii.  25),  it  was  obviously 
a  matter  of  great  interest  to  him  to  obtain  more 
particular  uifonuatiou  respecting  his  birth  and  con- 
nections. 

It  is  affirmed  also  that  the  account  of  David  at 
the  time  of  his  first  introduction  to  Saul  (1  Sam. 
xvi.  18),  as  "  a  mighty  valiant  man,  and  a  man 
of  war,"  is  out  of  place  there,  because  he  had  not 
yet  displayed  the  military  qualities  which  those 
words  ascribe  to  him.  This  description,  as  Winer 
admits  {Realm,  i.  200),  may  be  merely  prolepfic. 
inserted  by  the  historian  not  of  course  as  repre- 
senting what  David  was  at  that  time,  but  what  he 
was  known  to  be  in  history  to  readers  of  the  story. 
Keil  and  Delitzsch  prefer  to  say,  that  his  conflicts 
with  the  lion  and  tiie  bear  (1  Sam.  xvii.  34,  35) 
had  already  furnished  such  proofs  of  heroism,  that 
none  who  knew  him  could  fsiil  to  discern  in  him 
the  future  warrior  {Books  of  Samutl,  p.  171, 
Clark's  Library).  Stanley  (see  I.  4  above)  thbiks 
that  David  may  already  have  fought  against  the 
Philistines,  and  was  known  to  some  of  Saul's  guards 
for  his  military  exploits.  But  this  supposition  im- 
plies in  effect  that  the  two  parts  of  the  narrative 
are  inconsistent  with  each  other;  for  David's  awk- 
wardness in  the  use  of  weajmns  when  he  assumed 
the  championship  against  Goliath  (1  Sam.  xvii. 
38  ff".)  shows  that  he  was  then  inexperienced  in 
war. 

Another  allegation  is  that  the  statement  in  1 
Sam.  xvii.  54,  that  "David  took  the  head  of  the 
Philistine  and  brought  it  to  Jenisalem,"  must  cer- 
tainly be  an  anachronistic  addition  to  the  history, 
because  Jerusalem  was  not  then  in  possession  of 
the  IleLrews,  but  was  captured  by  David  (or  Joab) 
at  a  later  period  (1  Chr.  xi.  4  ff'.).  But  the 
statement  in  that  pa.ssage  really  is  that  David  took 
at  that  time  not  Jerusalem  itself,  but  the  fortress 
of  Jerusalem,  the  citadel  on  Mount  Zion  (called 
after  him  the  city  of  David),  which  had  not  before 
been  wrested  from  the  ancient  inhabitants  (Josh. 
XV.  03).  As  to  Jerusalem  itself,  i.  e.  the  other  hills 
and  the  suburbs  which  the  city  comprised,  we  read 
that  it  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Hebrews  from 
the  time  of  their  first  arrival  on  the  west  of  the  Jor- 
dan, in  the  days  of  Joshua  (Judg.  i.  8,  21).  David 
at  first  deposited  the  armor  of  Goliath  in  his  own 
tent  or  house  at  Bethlehem  (1  Sam.  xvii.  54);  but 
it  was  in  the  natural  course  of  things  that  such  a 
trophy  after  a  time  would  be  placetl  in  some  more 
public  custody.  No  one  can  seriously  think  that 
this  statement  conflicts  with  1  Sam.  xxi.  9,  from 
which  it  appears  that  the  sword  of  GoUath  waa 
found  in  the  sanctuary  at  Ncm  at  the  time  of 
David's  interview  with  the  priest  Ahinielech.  Nor 
is  such  a  return  of  David  to  Bethlehem,  to  leave 
there  the  spoils  of  war  or  to  visit  his  friends,  incon- 
sistent with  1  Sam.  xviii.  2,  where  it  is  said  that  Saul 
did  not  permit  him  any  more  "  to  go  to  his  father'i 


Josephus  {Ant.  vl.  9,  §  1)  says  that  even  a  few  year* 
elapsed  between  David's  leaving  the  court  of  Saul,  and 
their  meeting  again  in  the  camp  from  which  Davil 


DAVID 

house."  The  meaning  in  that  passage  is  that 
David  was  liencefortli  to  attach  himself  to  Saul  as 
one  of  liis  personid  i-etiiiue,  and  not  again,  as  he 
had  fonnerlj'  done,  resume  his  occupation  as  a 
Bhepherd. 

Dean  Stanley  has  three  I..ectures  on  David  in 
his  UUloiii  vf  the  .leic'isli  C/nirch  (il.  49-155).  lie 
has  presented  tiicre  assentially  the  same  facts  and 
ispects  of  ciiaraeter  that  are  brought  before  us  in 
tLe  precaling  sketch :  but  with  the  advantage  of 
making  tlie  picture  more  livhig  and  real  by  being 
put  in  tlie  frame-work  of  the  history  and  finished 
Kith  minutiT  touches.  C)f  David's  personal  appcar- 
uiee  in  his  boyiiood,  \  e  retains  hi  his  Lectures  the 
lescriptiou  prexiously  given  in  the  Dictionary  (p. 
^53).  Against  one  of  the  traits  in  this  figure 
Dietrich  urges  an  objection  from  an  unexpected 
]uart€r.  He  understands  (Ges.  Jhb.  mid  ChaU. 
Uandw.  p.  16,  Gte  Aull.)  that  what  the  A.  V.  ren- 
'lei-s  "a  pillow  of  goafs  hair,''  which  j\Iichal  placed 
In  David's  i)ed  (1  Sam.  xix.  l^J),  was  in  reiUity  a 
texture  of  goafs  hair,  a  sort  of  wig  which  she  put 
around  the  head  of  the  terajjliim  or  image  so  as  to 
make  it  appear  like  David's  liair,  and  thus  deceive 
Saul's  messengers.  On  that  view  of  the  ca.se,  he 
nays,  the  sti-afagem  presup[X)ses  that  David's  hair 
was  black,  that  being  the  usual  coloi  cf  goafs  hair 

in  Palestine.  I'iirst  also  (i.  25)  refers  "^D^ttTS 
not  to  the  hair,  but  to  the  countenance  of  David. 
Bunsen  {Oibelwerk,  ii.  Iter  Theil,  p.  122)  says: 
^^  rot/nraii(j!ff,  wrtl.  ri  tliUch.  An  die  Haare  ist 
dabei  wol  nicht  zu  denken."  Its  being  used  of 
Esau,  Gen.  xxv.  25,  is  not  decisive,  for  being  generic 
(=  "  reddish  "),  it  admits  of  that  application  or  the 
one  claimed  here.  'I'iie  older  translators  often  ren- 
der mechanically  (hence  perhaps  irvppdia)^,  Sept. ; 
and  iiij'i/s,  Vulg.).  It  was  because  David  appeared 
BO  boyish  (ruddy  and  fair),  that  Goliath  looked  on 
him  with  contempt  (1  Sam.  xvi.  12,  xvii.  42).  It 
does  not  appear  why  he  should  be  thought  less  a 
warrior  for  being  red-haired. 

In  regard  to  the  variations  which  appear  in  the 
node  of  relating  David's  history,  Kurtz  has  well 
.tated  and  answered  the  current  objections  in  his 
jirticle  on  Da\id  in  llerzog's  Real-Kncyk.  iii.  298- 
307.  He  does  not  consider  them  to  be  of  any 
great  moment.  See  also  Hiivernick's  Ehil.  in  dis 
A.  Test.  ii.  135  flf".  for  the  grounds  of  a  similar 
conclusion.  Tholuck  has  given  a  goo<l  sketch  of 
David's  outward  hfe  in  its  relation  to  his  writings, 
and  has  grouped  together  on  that  basis  the  princi- 
pal psalms  which  he  would  refer  to  him  as  the 
author  ( Ubersetzung  u.  Auslegung  der  Psalmen,  § 
3).  Pei'owiie's  remarks  here  are  valuable  for  the 
light  which  they  throw  on  the  connection  between 
the  Psnlmisf  s  imier  and  outward  life  as  expressed 
In  his  poetry  {Book  (if  Psalms,  i.  xviii.-xxiv.). 
C'handhi's  Life  of  Dniid  (Oxford,  1853),  though 
antiquated  in  some  respects,  still  remains  one  of  our 
best  helps  for  tlie  study  of  David's  history.  Herder 
commends  it  strongly  {Stw/iam  der  Theohijie,  8ter 
Brief).  Kitto's  Daily  Bible  Jllustratiovs  furnish 
aseful  information  on  the  leading  incidents  in  the 
•areer  of  the  poet-king.  There  is  a  collection  of 
sermons,  JJarid,  der  Konif/,  by  F.  W.  Krum- 
macher  (1800),  similar  to  those  Dn  £)ijah  and 
Elisha  by  the  same  author,  which  have  obtained 
10  much  celebrity. 

Ou  the  probable  scene  of  David's  encounter  with 
Goliath  {Wndy  es-Sumjit  =  yali.ey  of  Elah,  3^ 
'loun  southwest  of  Jerusalem),  see  Bob.  Bibl.  Res. 


DAY  567 

ii.  350,  1st  ed.;  Thomson's  Land  ami  Book,  ii, 
303  ;  Porter's  Giant  Cities,  &e.,  p.  223  ;  Sepp'» 
.Jerusalem  u.  das  lieil.  lAiml,  i.  57 ;  Tobler's  Drilt* 
Wandtrunfj,  p.  122.  11. 

DAVID,  CITY  OF.     [Jeuusai.km.] 

DAY  ( Vom,  D^^,  perhaps  from  J^H^'  ««'»'«)  ^ 
be  warm).  The  variable  length  of  the  natural  day 
("  ab  exortu  ad  occasum  solis,"  Censor,  de  Die  Nat. 
p.  2.3)  at  diflierent  seasons  letl,  in  the  very  earliest 
times,  to  the  adoption  of  the  civil  day  (or  one  rev- 
olution of  the  sun)  as  a  standard  of  time.  The 
commencement  of  the  civil  day  varies  in  different 
nations:  the  Baljylonians  (like  the  people  of  Nu- 
reml)erg)  reckoned  it  from  sunrise  to  sunrise  (Isidor. 
Orii/.  V.  .30);  the  Umbrians  from  noon  to  noon; 
the  Pomans  from  midnight  to  midnight  (PUn.  ii. 
79);  the  Athenians  and  others  from  sunset  to  sun- 
set (Macrob.  Saturn,  i.  3;  Gell.  iii.  2). 

The  Hebrews  naturally  adopted  the  latter  reckon- 
ing (Lev.  xxiii.  32,  "from  even  to  even  shall  yc 
celebrate  your  sabbath")  from  Gen.  i.  5,  "the 
ereninij  and  the  mornin/j  were  the  first  day  "  (a 
passage  which  the  Jews  are  said  to  have  quoted  to 
Alexander  tlie  Great  {Gem.  Tamid,  00,  1;  Pcland, 
Ant.  Iltbr.  iv.  1,  §  15).  Some  (as  in  Godwyn's 
.^hses  and  Aaron)  argue  foolishly  from  JMatt.  xxviii. 
1,  tliat  they  began  tlieir  civil  day  in  the  mornuig; 
but  the  expression  i-nKpwaKovffri  shows  that  the 
natural  63.y  is  there  intended.  Hence  the  expres- 
sions " evenmg-morning "  =  day  (Dan.  viii.  14; 
LXX.  vux6rii-i.epov;  also  2  Cor.  xi.  25),  the  Hindoo 
alioratrn  (Von  Pohlen  on  Gen.  i.  4),  and  vvx^'h' 
fiepov  (2  Cor.  xi.  25).  There  was  a  similar  custom 
among  the  Athenians,  Arabians,  and  ancient  Teu- 
tons (Tac.  Germ,  xi.,  "nee  dierum  numerum  ut 
apud  nos,  sed  noctium  computant  .  .  .  nox  ducere 
diem  videtur"),  and  Celtic  nations  (Caes.  de  B.  G. 
vi.  18,  "  ut  noctem  dies  subsequatur  ").  TJiis  mode 
of  reckoning  was  widely  spread.  It  is  found  in  the 
Poman  law  (Gains,  i.  112),  in  the  Nibelungenlied, 
in  the  Sahc  Law  {inter  decern  noctes),  in  our  own 
terms  "  fort-n/^/(<,"  "  seven-7j/<///^s "  (see  Orelli, 
&c.  in  he.  Tac.),  and  even  among  the  Siamese 
("they  reckon  by  nights,"  15o\vring,  i.  137)  and 
New  Zealanders  (Taylor's  Te-Jka-.]favi.,  p.  20). 
No  doubt  this  arose  from  the  general  notion  "  that 
the  first  day  in  Eden  was  30  hours  long  "  (Lightr- 
foot's  Works,  ii.  334,  ed.  Pitman;  lies.  Theogon. 
p.  123;  Aristoph.  Av.  G03:  Wilkinson,  Anc.  I'.gypt 
iv.  274).  Kalisch  plausibly  refers  it  to  the  use  of 
lunar  years  {Gen.  p.  67).  Sometimes,  however, 
they  reckoned  from  sunrLoe  (rifiepovvKTiov,  comp, 
Ps.  i.  2;  I^v.  vii.  15). 

*  The  Hebrew  custom  of  reckoning  the  day  from 
evening  to  evening,  arose  from  the  use  of  the  lunar- 
calendar  in  regulating  the  feast-days,  and  other 
days  of  religious  observance.  It  was  not  "  adopted 
from  Gen.  i.  5,"  where  the  A.  V.  {the  evening  ana 
the  morning  icere  the  first  day)  misrepi-esents  the 
sacred  writer's  meaning,  assuming  a  construction 
of  the  Hebrew  which  is  grammatically  impossible. 
The  true  construction  is:  Ami  there  was  evening 
(the  close  of  a  period  of  light),  and  there  was 
morning  (the  close  of  a  period  of  darkness),  one 
day.  So  De  Wette:  "  Und  so  ward  Abend  una 
ward  .Vargen,  Kin  Tag."  So  also  Keil;  and  he 
adds.  p.  18:  "llieraus  folgt,  dass  die  Schiipfunga- 
tage  nicht  von  Abend  zu  Abend,  sondem  .  .  . 
von  Morgen  zu  Jlorgen  geziihlt  sind."  Delitzsch 
(3d  ed.  p.  100):  "Nachdem  es  mit  der  Schijpftmg 
des  Lichts  Tag  geworden,  wurde  es  Abend  und 


568  DAY 

mirde  wieder  ilorgen  .  .  .  Ein  Tag."  Langc: 
"  Und  so  ward  es  Abend  und  ward  Morgen,  der 
erete  Tag  [Mn  Tag  hier  fiir  der  erste  Tag]." 

The  day  consisted,  therefore,  of  a  period  of  light 
followed  by  a  period  of  darkness,  being  reckoned 
from  morning  to  morning.  In  later  Hebrew  usage 
also,  where  simply  the  natural  day  is  meant,  as  in 
Lev.  vii.  15,  the  terminating  limit  b  the  following 
momhig.  See  further  in  Herzog's  Encyk.,  art. 
Tag  (XV.  410).  T.  J.  C. 

ITie  Jews  are  supposed,  like  the  modem  Arabs, 
to  have  adopted  from  an  early  period  minute  speci- 
fications of  the  parts  of  the  natural  day.  Roughly 
Indeed  they  were  content  to  divide  it  into  "  morn- 
ing, evening,  and  noonday  "  (Ps.  Iv.  17);  but  when 
tliey  wished  for  greater  accuracy  they  pointed  to 
six  unequal  parts,  each  of  which  was  again  subdi- 
vided.    These  are  held  to  have  been :  — 

I.  Aesheph,    ^1^3    (from   r|P'3,  "to  blow") 

and  Skachar,  IHtt?,  or  the  dawn.  After  their  ac- 
quaintance with  Persia  they  divided  this  into,  (a) 
tlie  time  when  the  eastern,  and  (b)  when  the  west- 
em  horizon  was  illuminated,  like  the  Greek  Leuco- 
thea  —  JIatuta  —  and  ,\urora ;  or  "  the  gray  dawn  " 
(Milton ),  and  the  rosy  dawn.  Hence  we  find  the  dual 
Shaharaim  as  a  proper  name  (1  Chr.  viii.  8).  The 
writers  of  the  Jems.  Talmud  divide  the  dawn  into 
Jour  parts,  of  which  the  (I.)  was  Aijtleth  hasha- 
char,  "the  gazelle  of  the  morning"  [Aijkleth 
Siiahak],  a  name  by  which  the  Arabians  call  the 
sun  (comp.  "eyelids  of  the  dawn,"  Job  iii.  9; 
afxfpas  fi\((papoy.  Soph.  Antig.  109).  This  was 
the  time  when  Christ  arose  (Mark  xvi.  2 ;  Jolm  xx. 
1;  Rev.  xxii.  16;  ^  iwKpaxTKovffri,  Matt,  xxviii.  1). 
The  other  three  divisions  of  the  dawn  were,  (2.) 
"  when  one  can  distinguish  blue  from  white " 
(irpoot,  a-Korlas  en  otjcrris,  John  xx.  1 ;  "  obscunmi 
adhuc  coeptsE  lucis,"  Tac.  //.  iv.  2).  At  this  time 
they  began  to  recite  the  phylacteries.  (3.)  Cum 
lucescit  oriens  (vpdpos  $aBv^,  Luke).  (4.)  Oriente 
sole  {\lav  nrput,  avareiXapros  rov  rjKlou,  Mark 
xvi.  2;  Lightfoot,  Hot:  Ilebr.  ad  Marc.  xvi.  2). 

n.  Boker,  "^17.2,  "sunrise."  Some  suppose  that 
the  Jews,  like  other  Oriental  nations,  commenced 
their  civil  day  at  this  time  until  the  Exodus  (Jen- 
nings's Jewuli  AiU.). 

III.  Chom  nat/&m,  DVrT  CP,  "  heat  of  the 
day"  (fus  Stedep/iivOi}  f]  fj/xtpa,  LXX.),  about  9 
o'clock. 

rV.  Tzdharaim,  D"]"]r!l?,  "the  two  noons" 
{Gen.  xliii.  16;  Deut.  xxviiiT29). 

V.  Ruach  haijom,  U^^^  TTn,  "the  cool  (lit. 
tcind)  of  the  day,"  before  sunset  (Gen.  iii.  8);  so 
ralle<l  by  the  Persians  to  this  day  (ChpTdin,  Voy. 
Ir.  8;  Jahn,  Arch.  Bibl.  §  29). 

TL  Ereb,  2^3?,  "evening."  The  phrase  "be- 
tween the  two  evenings"  (Ex.  xvi.  12,  xxx.  8), 


a  *  But  this  precision  appears  not  merely  by  com- 
oanng  Matthew's  6i/iia  with  Mark's  ore  iiv  6  jJXtot,  but 
•till  more  clearly  by  observing  that  Mark  himself  sub- 
Joliu  this  clause  to  oi^i'at  in  his  own  text  (i.  82).  This 
louble  note  of  time  Mark  introduces  as  tacitly  ex- 
alaining  why  th«  people  of  Capernaum  did  not  bring 
their  sick  to  Jcsua  before  the  sun  went  down :  they 
were  restrained  by  their  scruples  about  the  Sabbath. 
Thomson  (Ijand  und  Book,  i.  426)  represents  this 
Kmpuloslty  as  still  entertained  by  many  ot  the  east- 
n  Jews  with  whom  be  has  come  In  contact :  "  A  pro- 


DAY 

being  the  time  marked  for  slaying  the  paschal  laml 
and  offering  the  evening  sacrifice  (Ex.  xii.  6,  xxix. 
39),  led  to  a  dispute  between  the  Karaites  and 
Samaritans  ou  the  one  hand,  and  the  Pharisees  on 
the  other.  The  fomier  took  it  to  mean  betweet 
sunset  and  full  darkness  (Deut.  xvi.  6);  the  Rab- 
binists  explained  it  as  the  time  between  the  begin- 
ning (StlKr)  irptota,  "little  evening,"  Hab.)  and 
end  of  sunset  (5.  6\(/ia,  or  real  sunset:  Joseph.  B. 
./.  vi.  9,  §  3 ;  Gcsen.  s.  v. ;  Jahn,  Arch.  BU>i.  § 
101;  Bochart,  Hieroz.  i.  558). 

Since  the  sabbaths  were  reckoned  from  sunset  to 
sunset  (I^v.  xxiii.  32),  the  Sabbatarian  Phaiisees, 
in  that  spirit  of  scrupulous  superstition  which  so 
often  called  forth  the  rebukes  of  our  Lord,  were  led 
to  settle  the  minutest  rules  for  distinguishing  the 
actual  instant  when  the  sabbath  began  (o\J/ia,  Matt, 
viii.  16  =  St*  ^Sv  d  t^\ios,  Mark)."  They  there- 
fore called  the  time  between  the  actual  sunset  and 
the  appearance  of  three  stars  (Maimon.  in  Shabb. 
cap.  5,  comp.  Neh.  iv.  21,  22),  and  the  Talmudists 
decided  that  "  if  on  the  evening  of  the  sabbath  a 
man  did  any  work  after  one  star  had  appeared,  ho 
was  forgiven;  if  after  the  appearance  of  two,  he 
must  offer  a  sacrifice  for  a  doubtful  transgression ; 
if  after  three  stars  were  visible,  he  must  offer  a  sin- 
oflering:  "  the  order  l)eing  reversed  for  works  done 
on  tlie  evening  o/ter  the  actual  sabbath  (Lightfoot, 
Hor.  Ilebr.  ad  Matt.  viii.  16 ;  Otho,  Lex.  Bad.  s. 
v.  Sabbathum). 

Before  the  Captivity  the  Jews  divided  the  night 
into  three  watclies  (Ps.  Ixiii.  6,  xc.  4),  namely,  the 
first  watch,  lasting  till  midnight  (Lam.  ii.  19,  A. 
V.  "the  beginning  of  the  watches  ")  =  ipp^^j 
i'vkt6s',  the  ^^ middle  watch"  (which  proves  the 
statement),  lasting  till  cock-crow  (Judg.  vii.  19)  = 
ixicrov  vvKTwv'i  and  the  morning  watch,  lasting  till 
sunrise  (Ex.  xiv.  2i)  ^=  a.fi<\)i\vK-n  vvt  (Horn.  II. 
vii.  433).  These  divisions  were  probably  connected 
with  the  I^evitical  duties  in  the  Temple  sei-vice. 
The  Jews,  however,  say  (in  spite  of  their  own  def- 
inition, "a  watch  is  the  third  part  of  the  night") 
that  they  always  had  four  night-watches  (comp. 
Neh.  ix.  3),  but  that  the  fourth  was  counted  as  a 
part  of  the  n'oming  (Buxtorf's  Lex.  Talni.  s.  v. 
Carpzov.  Appnr.  Crit.  p.  347;  Reland,  iv.  18). 

In  the  N.  T.  we  have  allusions  to  four  watches, 
a  division  borrowed  ftx)m  the  Greeks  (Herod,  ix. 
51)  and  Romans  {(puXaK-f),  rh  reraprov  /xepos  rrjs 
vvKr6s,  Suid.).  These  were,  (1 )  h^e,  o\|/io,  or  o\^ia 
&pa,  from  twilight  till  9  o'clock  (Mark  xi.  11 ; 
John  XX.  19);  (2)  jxeffowvKTtov,  midnight,  from  9 
till  12  o'clock  (Mark  xiii.  35);  (3)  ii\fKTopo<j)uvia, 
till  3  in  the  morning  (Mark  xiii.  35,  Sir.  \ey. ;  3 
Mace.  V.  23);  (4)  irpwt,  till  daybreak,  the  same  as 
irpcDta  (&pa)  (John  xviil.  28 ;  Joseph.  Ant.  v.  6,  § 
5,  xviii.  9,  §  6). 

The  word  held  to  mean  "  hour "  is  first  found 
in  Dan.  iii.  6,  15,  v.  5  (Shd'dh,  TIVW,  also  "a 
moment,"  iv.  19).      Perhaps  the  Jews,  like  Uie 

fane  and  most  quarrelsome  fellow  once  handed  me  hia 
watch  to  wind  just  alter  sunset  on  Friday  evening.  It 
was  now  his  Sabbath,  and  he  could  not  work.  Thus 
they  still  tithe  mint,  and  anise,  and  cummin,  and 
teach  for  doctrines  the  commandmentx  of  men,  male- 
ing  void  the  law  of  God  by  their  traditions  (Matt.  XT. 
5).  It  was  such  perverse  traditions  as  these  that  oui 
Lord  rebuked  when  he  declared  that  the  Sabbath  wM 
made  for  man,  not  man  for  the  Sabbath  (Maik  ii.  27). 
See  other  like  examples  on  the  same  page.  IL 


DAY'S  JOURNEY 

Greeks,  learnt  from  the  Babylonians  the  division 
Df  the  day  into  12  parts  (llerod.  ii.  109).  In  our 
Lord's  time  the  division  was  common  (John  xi.  9). 
It  is  probable  that  Ahaz  introduced  the  first  sun- 
dial from  Babylon  (upo\6yiov,  ^'^^V.^j  !*• 
sxxviii.  8;  2  K.  xx.  11),  as  Anaximenes  did  the 
first  a-Kiadrjpov  into  Greece  (Jahn,  Arch.  §  101). 
Possibly  the  Jews  at  a  later  perioi  adopted  the 
clepsydra  (Josajth.  Anl.  xi.  0).  The  third,  sixth, 
md  ninth  hours  were  devoted  to  prayer  (Uan.  vi. 
10;  Acts  ii.  15,  iii.  1,  &c.). 

On  the  Jewish  way  of  counting  their  week-days 
from  the  sabbath,  see  Lightfoot's  Works,  ii.  334, 
ed.  Pitman.     [WEiiK.] 

The  word  "day"  is  used  of  a  festal  day  (Hos. 
vii.  5);  a  birthday  (Job  iii.  1);  a  day  of  ruin  (Hos. 
1.  11;  Job  xviii.  23;  covnp.  tempus,  temjwra  rei- 
publicce,  Cic,  and  dks  Caiinensts) ;  the  judgment- 
day  (Joel  i.  15;  1  Thess.  v.  2);  the  kingdom  of 
Christ  (John  viii.  5G;  Rom.  xiii.  12);  and  in  other 
senses  which  are  mostly  self-explaining.  In  1  Cor. 
iv.  3,  vwb  avepwwivr)s  T](i.tpa.s  is  rendered  "  by  man's 
judymenl." "  Jerome,  ad  Alyas.  Qucest.  x.  con- 
siders this  a  Cilicism  (Bochart,  Ilieroz.  ii.  471). 
On  the  prophetic  or  year-day  system  (Lev.  xxv.  3, 
4;  Num.  xiv.  34;  Ez.  iv.  2-0,  &c.),  see  a  treatise 
in  Elliott's  Ilor.  Apoc.  iii.  154  fF.  The  expression 
iiriovcnov,  rendered  "  daily  "  in  Matt.  vi.  11,  is  a 
St.  \('y.,  and  has  been  much  disputed.  It  is  un- 
known to  classical  Greek  {(oiKe  ireirXoiada.i  vith 
rmv  ^vayyiXiaTwv,  Orig.  Oral.  c.  IC).  The 
Vulg.  has  supersuljskmiidein,  a  rendering  recom- 
mended by  Abelard  to  the  nuns  of  the  Paraclete. 
Theophyl.  explains  it  as  6  iwl  rrj  ovffict  Kol  ffutr- 
rdffei  r,fjia)v  aiirapK^s,  and  he  is  followed  by  most 
commentators  (cf.  Clirysost.  Horn,  in  Or.  Domin. 
Suid.  <fc  Etym.  M.  s.  v.).     Salmasius,  Grotius,  &c., 

arguing  from  the  rendering  "iriQ  in  the  Nazarene 
Gospel,  translate  it  as  though  it  were  =  T)}s  iinov- 
ffrjs  Tjfifpas,  or  ets  avpiov  (Sixt.  Senensis  BiOl. 
Sand.  p.  444  a).  But  see  the  question  examined 
at  full  length  (after  Tholuck)  in  Alford's  Greek 
Test,  ad  loc. ;  ^  Schleusner,  Lex.  a.  v. ;  Wetstein, 
N.  T.  i.  4G1,  &c.     See  CiiKONouiGY. 

F.  W.  F. 

*  DAY'S  JOURNEY.  Distance  is  often 
reckoned  in  the  Bible  by  this  standard  (see  Gen. 
xxxi.  23;  Ex.  iii.  18;  Num.  xi.  31;  Deut.  i.  2;  1 
K.  xix.  4 ;  2  K.  iii.  9 ;  Jonah  iii.  3,  4 :  Luke  ii.  44 ; 
Acts  i.  12).  It  is  certainly  conceivable  that  this 
mode  of  reckoning,  used  vaguely  at  first,  as  Ijeing 
dependent  on  circumstances  that  were  liable  to  vary 
In  the  case  of  each  particular  journey,  might  at 
'.ength  have  become  definite,  so  as  to  denote  a  cer- 
tain distance  traversable  under  conditions  assumed 
as  always  the  same.  Something  like  this  was  true 
no  doubt  among  the  Greeks  and  Homans,  who  reck- 
oned by  days  and  at  the  same  time  by  stadia  or 


a  *  Strictly,  by  "  hitman  or  mail's  day  "  as  opposeu 
to  Christ's  day,  or  that  of  the  final  accouat :  comp. 
Sfie  in  Tur.  2.  II. 

6  •  The  reader  will  find  a  much  fuller  note  than 
Uford's,  on  en-iouo-ioi/  ia  M;itt.  vi.  11,  in  Dr.  Conant's 
Mattliew.  with  a  Htvise/i  Virsinn,  p.  30  (New  York 
i860).  The  conclusion  is  that  "  daily  "  of  the  A.  V. 
to  substantially  correct  and  sanctioned  by  the  oejit  au- 
Stiorities,  ancient  and  modern.  Dr.  Schaff  supports 
the  8an>e  view  in  his  L'tm^e's  Matthew,  p.  \m^  (NVw 
fork,  1835).  llford  makes  firiovcriov  =  "  proper  for 
raatexsance."  U. 


DAY'S  JOURNEY  569 

miles;  so  that,  inttrcbanging  the  two  mofUs,  thej 
meant  often  by  a  day's  journey  a  fixed  number  of 
stadia  or  miles,  without  taking  into  account  the  cir 
cumstances  which  might  control  the  distance  act- 
ually traversed  in  a  given  instance.  This  Liter  and 
more  precise  scale  for  measuring  distances  arose 
gradually  among  them,  and  appears  never  to  have 
superseded  altogether  the  m:«re  primitive  method. 
Herodotus  (as  an  example  of  this  fluctuation)  de- 
scribes a  day's  journey  at  oni  time  as  150  stadia  or 
about  19  Kom;ui  miles,  and  it  another  as  200  sta- 
dia or  nearly  25  such  rnilts.*^  For  infonuation  on 
this  subject  see  Forbiger's  Ihindb.  der  Alltn  Ge/}gr. 
i.  549  ft".  Roman  mile-stones  are  still  found  on  dif- 
ferent lines  of  travel  in  Palestine,  e  <j.  two  south  of 
Sidon,  on  the  maritime  road  along  the  ^lediterra- 
nean  (Uob.  Bibl.  Res.  iii.  415,  1st  ed.),  and  one  at 
lieth-zur,  between  Bethlehem  and  Hebron  (Stan- 
ley's Notices  of  certain  Loadiiies,  &c.,  p.  109). 
The  proverbial  expression  in  Matt.  v.  41,  "And 
whosoever  shall  compel  thee  to  go  a  mile,  go  with 
liim  twain,"  refers  to  a  foreign  custom  made  famil- 
iar to  the  Jews  in  the  days  of  their  Roman  subjec- 
tion. Most  of  the  Roman  roads  with  their  mile 
stones  {vim  stratce)  have  as  late  an  origin  as  the  time 
of  the  Emperor  Septimius  Severus,  a.  d.  193-211. 
Traces  of  them  are  fomid  on  tlie  east  of  the  Jordan 
as  well  as  the  west. 

But  nothing  strictly  correspondent  to  the  Greek 
and  Roman  system  of  measurement  (as  fiir  as  such 
a  system  existed  among  them)  appears  to  have 
been  known  among  the  Hebrews.  It  may  be  as- 
sumed, as  a  genenal  rule,  that  when  the  writers  of 
the  Bible  speak  of  a  day's -journey,  they  mean  to 
speak  historically  rather  than  geometrically,  *".  e. 
to  mention  the  time  actually  employed  in  the  jour- 
ney rather  than  any  certain  distance  assigned  by 
universal  consent  to  a  day's  journey.  Hence,  to 
know  the  actual  distance  in  any  instance,  we  must 
know  more  or  less  of  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  travelling  took  place.  As  the  modes 
of  travelling  were  so  various,  —  as  the  people  jour- 
neyed on  foot,  or  with  horses  and  camels  (though 
if  they  went  in  caravans  the  difference  then  would 
not  be  very  great),  with  flocks  or  without  them, 
with  women  and  children  or  without  them,  across 
plains  or  mountains,  and  with  stations  for  halting 
at  nigiit  along  the  route  at  irregular  inten'als,  de- 
termineil  by  herbage,  streams,  fountains,  and  the 
like,  —  it  is  evident  that  a  fixed  uniformity  must 
have  been  out  of  the  question.  It  may  lie  men- 
tioned, as  illustrating  this  uncertainty,  that  the 
pilgrim  caravans  at  the  present  day  occui)y  two 
days  in  going  from  Jerusalem  to  the  Jordan,  about 
25  miles;  and  yet  a  mounted  horseman  can  easily 
accomplish  the  distance,  rough  as  some  i)arts  of 
the  way  are,  in  less  than  half  a  day.  Josephua 
states  repeatedly  that  it  was  a  journey  of  throe  days 
from  the  Holy  City  to  the  Sea  of  Tiberias  or  Gali- 
lee.    Dragomen  at  the  present  time,  jwrtly  l)ecause 

c  *  The  s:une  remark  may  be  made  of  the  Persian 
parasang.  "  The  truth  is,"  says  lUwlinson  ( Herod. 
iii.  260),  "  that  the  ancient  parasang,  like  the  modem 
farsakh,  was  originally  a  measure  of  time  (an  hour), 
not  a  measure  of  dist<ince.  In  passing  from  the  one 
meaning  to  the  other,  it  came  to  mark  a  dilferent 
length  in  different  places,  according  to  the  nature  of 
the  country  travei-sed.  The  modern  farsakh  varies 
also,  but  not  so  much  as  the  panisang,  if  we  can  trust 
Strabo.  It  is  estimated  at  from  3^^  to  4  miles,  or  trra 
oO  to  35  stadia."  B. 


570  DAY'S  JOURNEY 

Ihey  would  adjust  the  time  to  the  conven'.enoe  of 
tourists,  usually  allot  4  days  to  the  journey.  Tlie 
English  consul  at  Jerusalem  (aa  hapijciis  to  be 
within  the  writer's  kiiowledj^e)  on  one  occasion  of 
special  enier<;ency  rode  on  horseback  from  Jerusa- 
lem to  Nazaretl>  in  one  day. 

It  is  obvious  tliat  such  "  posting  "  (that  of  "  a 
runner"  in  I leb.)  as  that  to  which  Job  refers  (ix. 
25),  menlionetl  Ijy  him  as  an  emblem  of  speed  along 
with  tliat  of  tlie  "swift  shii«  "  (lit.  "  reed-skiHs  " ) 
sind  of  "  the  eagle  tliat  hasteth  to  the  prey."  must 
be  very  different  from  tliat  of  ordinary  travellers. 
[See  A.N«AHi;uo.]  liehuid,  therefore,  could  well 
Bay  {PiiLcsltii'i,  p.  400):  "  Iter  unius  diei,  quod  spa- 
tium  dietam  vocant,  certo  intervallo  detiniri  vix 
|K)test.  darum  est,  pro  locorum  ratione,  et  modo 
iter  faciendi,  diversa  si)atia  uno  die  confici." 

One  consequence  of  a  neglect  to  consider  how 
variously  inciclental  causes  may  affect  tlie  length  of 
a  day's  journey  in  the  liast  is  that  tlie  statements 
of  the  sjicretl  writers  may  not  only  have  leen  mis- 
miderstood,  but  charged  with  inaccuracies  and  con- 
tradictions for  which  the  writera  are  not  to  be  held 
accountable.  It  is  obvious,  for  example,  that  when 
the  journeyings  of  the  Israelites  in  the  desert  are 
mentioned  by  days,  great  latitude  must  be  allowed 
in  judging  of  the  distance,  since  the  movements  of 
the  vast  concourse  must  often  have  been  hastened 
or  retarded  by  circumstance<i  of  which  no  account 
b  given.  The  "eleven  days'  journey  from  lloreb, 
by  the  way  of  Mount  Seir  unto  Kadesh-barnea  " 
(Ueut.  i.  2),  as  the  writer  would  merely  insert 
there  a  general  notice  of  the  distance,  are  to  be 
taken  in  all  probability  as  the  days  of  ordinary 
travel  with  camels,  and  not  such  days  as  people 
would  need  with  Hocks  and  herds.  This  specifica- 
tion accords  substantially  with  the  report  of  modern 
travellers  (a^  Seetzen,  Kussegger,  Kobinson).  See 
Knolel,  Kxet/tf.  Jlamlb.  ii.  208. 

Yet  it  is  not  to  be  inferred  that  the  "  day's  jour- 
ney "  allows  no  proximate  scale  of  measurement  in 
this  matter  of  distances.  The  itineraries  of  travel- 
lers, ancient  and  modern,  show  that  the  usual  rate 
of  tlie  foot-journey  (as  it  may  be  called,  since  those 
who  walk  may  easily  keep  pace  with  those  who 
ride)  varies  from  3  to  4  miles  an  hour,  and  as  the 
number  of  hours  devoted  to  travelling  rarely  ex- 
ceeds 6  or  8  hours  j)er  day,  the  distance  of  an  ordi- 
nary day's  journey  may  be  said  to  average  about  25 
or  30  miles."  When  there  is  nothing  in  the  known 
or  probable  circimistances  of  the  Ciuse  to  modify  this 
rule,  we  may  safely  follow  it  in  judging  of  the  dis- 
tances represented  by  time  in  the  Scriptures.  Yet 
here,  too,  at  Icivst  in  the  case  of  caravans,  some  al- 
lowance must  be  made  for  the  shortness  of  the  first 
day's  march.  That  is  usually  restricted  t«  2  or  3 
hours,  or  even  less,  and  these  the  hours  near  the 
tlose  of  the  day;  and  yet  in  estimating  the  time 
^his  short  distance  may  be  reckoned  in  Ilastern  par- 
ance  as  a  whole  day's  journey.  It  i?  so  counted, 
.»o  doubt,  in  siieaking  of  the  day's  journey  (prob- 
libly  in  this  ciise,  if  they  went  through  rerceii,  3  or 
4  miles  only  out  of  Jenisalem)  which  the  parents 
>f  Jesus  made  before  they  discovered  liis  absence 
[Luke  ii.  44).  See  the  addition  under  Ukehotii 
(Amer.  eti.). 

Souic  of  the  journeys  mentioned  in  the  Script- 
|rea  confirm  the  genend  rule  laid  down  above,  and 


o  *  Dr.  Robinnon  puts  down  (as  the  rule  for  com- 
muting hU  Loum  into  miles)  1  hour  with  camels  as  s 
2J  m^leo,  and  with  horses  or  mules  =  3  miles  (^Bibl. 


DAY'S  JOUllNEY 

others  require  some  exceptioii.-il  qualification,  eitha 
intimated  in  the  narratives  or  justified  by  them. 
'I'hus,  Cornelius  (Acts  x.  1  ff.)  sent  messengers  from 
Cffisarea  to  Joppa,  distant  about  40  llomaii  miles 
(according  to  lveland"s  coiiil)ination  from  the  iliner. 
//ieroso/i/iii.  and  the  Jlltier.  Aiitonm),  to  invite 
Peter  to  come  to  him ;  tliey  starteil  "n  the  day  of 
the  vision  in  the  aftemoon  (vers.  7,  30),  and  arrived 
at  Joppa  on  the  next  day  about  noon  (ver.  0);  and 
returning  on  the  morrow,  they  reached  fasaiea  on 
the  day  following,  tlie  fourth  from  the  setting  out 
thence.  They  were  unencuml)cred  by  any  laig- 
gage,  had  in  tlie  main  a  level  road,  aid  could  pro- 
ceed rapidly.  The  return  appears  to  have  occupied 
more  time  than  the  going  to  Joppa,  which  woidil 
be  a  natural  result  in  the  latter  part  of  a  continu- 
ous journey  of  some  length.  Again,  we  read  in 
.\cts  xxiii.  31  that  the  lioman  chiliarch,  Lysias, 
sent  Paul  under  a  military  escort  by  night  froii. 
Jenisalem  to  Antipatris.  'ihis  latter  jilace  was 
about  38  miles  from  Jerusalem  on  the  route  to 
Csesarea.  To  perform  the  journey  in  that  time 
would  require  them  to  tnl^■el  at  the  rate  of  about 
4  miles  an  hour.  As  those  who  conducted  Paul 
had  a  good  road  (traces  of  the  old  Itonian  pave- 
ment are  still  visible;  see  Hob.  li'M.  Jies.  iii.  79), 
they  could  accomplish  a  forced  march  of  that  ex- 
tent in  nine  hours.  Strabo  says  that  an  army  un- 
der ordinary  circumstances  could  march  from  250 
to  300  stadia  in  a  day,  i.  e.  an  average  of  about  30 
miles.  See  I'orbiger's  Ilandb.  dtr  Alltn  iitogr  «, 
551. 

The  distances  indicated  by  such  reckoning  some- 
times agree  remarkalJy  with  information  derived 
from  other  sources.  Jonah  (iii.  3)  describes  Nin- 
eveh as  "a  city  of  three  days'  journey,"  i.  e.  in  its 
circumference:  for  it  could  have  had  no  diameter 
of  that  extent  unless,  contrary  to  all  precedent,  il 
was  built  in  a  circle.  The  dimensions  which  l)iod- 
orus  (ii.  7)  assigns  to  Nineveh  give  it  a  circuit  of 
about  60  miles;  and  thus  his  statement  accords 
very  closely  with  that  of  the  prophet,  who  would 
naturally  have  in  view  the  foot-journey  of  about  25 
miles.  I'urther,  Jonah's  "day's  journey"  in  the 
city  (about  25  miles)  delivering  his  message  as  he 
went  from  one  end  of  it  to  the  other  (Jonah  iii.  4), 
would  be  the  proportionate  length  of  a  street  in  a 
city  whose  longer  sides  according  to  Diodorus  were 
150  furlongs,  the  shorter  90  furlongs.  See  Dr 
Pusey's  Cvmmenlni-y  a«  Jomih,  p.  253.  Modern 
investigations  on  the  ground  support  the  same  con- 
clusion (Layard's  Nin.  and  Bab.  p.  G40).  On  tlie 
other  hand,  Laban's  overtaking  Jacob  in  seven  days 
when  the  latter  fled  from  llaran  to  Gilead,  a  dis- 
tance of  300  miles,  seems  at  first  sight  to  Ite  topo- 
graphically imfKissible,  and  obliges  us  to  resort  to 
suppositions  for  clearuig  up  the  difliculty  which  lie 
entirely  outside  of  the  history  (see  IIakax,  Amer. 
ed. ;  li'M.  Sacra,  xxiv.  17G-179:  and  Kitto's  Daily 
Bibl  Jllu.ll.  i.  320,  Porter's  ed.  18GU).  The  ques- 
tion whether  the  jMoriah  of  Abraham's  sacrifice 
(Gen.  xxii.  2)  was  the  mount  of  that  name  near 
Jerusalem,  or  Gerizim  near  Shechem,  depends  in 
part  on  how  we  are  to  dispose  of.  the  patriarch's 
journey  of  3  days  from  Heltron  to  the  place  in- 
tended (see  the  addition  to  Mohiaii,  Amer.  ed.). 

The  Israelites  prayed  I'haraoh  (Kx.  iii.  18)  to 
allow  them  "  to  go  a  three  day's  journey  into  tbt 


Res.  i.  15,  2d  ed.)-     I'blH  estimate  seems  slightly  belof 
rather  than  above  the  guuerai  average.  U. 


DAY'S  JOURNEY 

mWerness,"  in  order  to  offer  sacrifices  to  Jehovah. 
Some  have  supposed  tliat  Horeb  was  the  place 
irhicb  they  had  in  view  ii'  making  tliat  recpiest. 
But  Ilorel)  is  about  150  miles  from  Suez;  travellers 
with  camels  occupy  7  days  on  the  way  (Hob.  Bibl. 
lies.  i.  00).  There  is  no  rea.son  for  finding  a  topo- 
^phical  error  in  1  Ki)igs  xix.  4  ff.  It  is  not  meant 
there  that  IClijah  siient  40  days  in  going  from  IJeer- 
gheba  to  Horeb;  but  that  in  the  strength  of  the 
food  miraculously  provided  for  him  he  wandered  40 
days  and  nights  in  the  desert  before  he  came  to 
that  mount,  as  Israel,  nourished  with  manna  from 
hea\en,  wandered  40  y&irs  before  reaching  the 
promised  land.  The  direct  journey  from  Beer- 
shel)a  to  Horeb  is  one  of  8  or  10  days  only  (see 
Keil  and  Delitzsch,  Backer  der  Konitje,  p.  100). 
The  day's  route  of  the  confederate  kings  of  Israel, 
Judah,  and  Edom  in  their  expedition  against  Moab 
(2  K.  iii.  0  ft".),  though  not  entirely  certain,  is  less 
uncertain  for  its  being  said  tliat  they  made  a 
"journey  of  7  days  "  before  reaching  the  border  of 
Moab  (ver.  19).  The  opinion  at  least  must  be 
set  aside  that  they  went  through  Arabia  so  as  to 
march  against  Jloab  from  the  south,  as  did  the  Is- 
raelites under  JMoses.  It  would  be  impossible  to 
make  that  journey  in  7  days.  The  note  here  in 
Keil  and  Dehtzsch,  as  above  (p.  223),  shows  the 
value  of  the  modern  researches  on  questions  of  this 
nature.  At  the  same  time  it  may  be  hoped  that 
the  proper  surveys  and  observations  are  soon  to  be 
made,  which  will  remove  the  vagueness  connected 
with  these  calculations  by  time,  and  give  us  a  fixed 
scale  of  distances  at  least  for  the  places  on  this  side 
of  the  Jordan. 

The  re;uler  may  consult  on  the  topics  of  this  ar- 
ticle, Keland,  PaLesliiii,  pp.  307,  424,  451;  Pauly, 
Real-Encyk.  vi.  254  ff.,  and  v.  190  ff. ;  Greswell's 
Dissertations  on  the  Ifiriiwny  of'  the  Gospels,  ii. 
138-142,  219,  iv.  525  ff.;  Winer,  Realw:  ii.  501; 
De  Wette,  Lehrb.  ikr  Jlebr.  Archiiohxjie,  p.  390 
(1864);  and  I.«yrer,  in  Herzog's  Reul-Encyk.  xv. 
157-109.  The  last  writer  refers  also  to  liergier, 
Hist,  des  grmvls  Chemins  de  t Emp.  rom.,  Brux- 
ell.  1728,  translated  in  Grsevii  Thes.  Aittt.  Rom. 
tom.  X. ;  and  Tilargix,  De  lupid.  Rom.  juxta  vias 
posilis.  H. 

*  DAY'S  JOURNEY  ON  THE  SAB- 
BATH.      [S.VBB.VTH  D.VY'S  JoUKXEY.] 

DAYSMAN,  an  old  English  term,  meaning 
umpire  or  ai-bitratvr  (Job  ix.  33).  It  is  derived 
from  dfty,  in  the  specific  sense  of  a  Aa.y  fxedfor 
a  trial  (comp.  1  Cor.  iv.  3,  where  avdpwwli/ri 
rifitpa  —  lit.  vnrCs  dny,  and  so  given  m  Wyclifte's 
translation  —  is  rendered  "  man's  jiuhpnent "  in  the 
A.  v.).  Similar  expressions  occur  in  German  {eine 
Sache  t'if/en  =  io  bring  a  matter  before  a  court  of 
justice)  and  other  Teutonic  languages.  The  word 
"  daysman  "  is  found  in  Spenser's  Fnerie  Queene, 
ii.  c.  8,  in  the  Bible  published  in  1551  (1  Sam.  ii. 
25),  and  ui  other  works  of  the  same  age. 

W.  L.  B. 

DEACON  (^idKovos:  diaconus).  The  office 
described  by  this  title  appears  in  the  N.  T.  as  the 
correlative  of  irrlffKOiros  [Hisiioi'].  The  two  are 
mentioned  together  in  Phil.  i.  1 ;  1  Tim.  iii.  2,  8. 
The  union  of  the  two  in  the  LXX.  of  Is.  Ix.  17. 
may  have  sujjgested  both  as  fit  titles  for  the  officer* 
*f  the  ChristLin  Church,  or  have  led  to  the  adop- 
tion of  one  after  the  other  had  i)een  chosen  on  inde- 
pendent grounds.  The  coincidence,  at  all  events, 
won  attracted   notice,  and  was  appealed   to  by 


DEACON  (571 

Clement  of  Rome  (1  Cor.  xlii.)  as  prophetic.  IJk« 
most  words  of  similar  imiK)rt,  it  apjiears  to  har« 
been  first  used  in  its  generic  sense,  implying  subor- 
dinate activity  (1  Coi.  iii.  5;  2  Cor.  vi.  4),  and 
afterwards  to  have  gained  a  more  defined  connota- 
tion, as  apphed  to  a  distmct  body  of  men  in  the 
Christian  society. 

The  narrative  of  Acts  \'i.  is  commonly  referred 
to  as  giving  an  account  of  the  institution  of  this 
office.  The  Apostles,  in  order  to  meet  the  com- 
plaints of  the  Hellenistic  Jews,  that  their  widows 
were  neglected  in  the  daily  ministraiion  (SiaKoyia), 
call  on  the  body  of  believers  to  choose  seven  men 
"full  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  of  wisdom,"  whom  they 
"may  appoint  over  this  business."  The  seven  are 
accordingly  appointed,  and  it  is  left  to  them  ''  to 
serve  tables  "  —  to  attend  to  the  distribution  of  the 
alms  of  the  Churcli,  in  money  or  in  kind  (Xeander. 
Pjianz.  u.  Lett.  i.  51,  ed.  1847),  while  the  ministry 
(SiaKouia)  of  the  word  is  reserved  for  the  Apostles. 
On  this  Niew  of  the  narrative  the  seven  were  the 
first  deacons,  and  the  name  and  the  office  were  de- 
rived by  other  Churches  from  that  of  Jerusalem. 
At  a  later  period,  the  desire  to  reproduce  the  apos- 
tolic pattern  led  in  many  mstances  to  a  limitation 
of  the  deacons  in  a  given  diocese  to  the  original 
number  (Cone.  Neocces.  c.  14). 

It  may  be  questioned,  however,  whether  the 
seven  were  not  appointed  to  higher  functions  than 
those  of  the  deacons  of  the  N.  T.  They  are 
spoken  of  not  by  that  title  but  as  "  the  seven " 
(Acts  xxi.  8).  The  gifts  implied  in  the  words  "  full 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  of  wisdom "  are  higher 
than  those  required  for  the  office  of  deacon  in  1 
Tim.  iii.  Two  out  of  the  seven  do  the  work  of 
preachers  and  evangehsts.  It  has  been  infen-ed 
accordingly  (Stanley,  Apostolic  Age,  p.  02),  that 
we  meet  in  this  narrative  with  the  record  of  a 
special  institution  to  meet  a  special  emergency,  and 
that  the  seven  were  not  deacons,  in  the  later  sense 
of  the  term,  but  commissionei-s  who  were  to  super- 
intend those  that  did  the  work  of  deacons.  There 
are  indications,  however,  of  the  existence  of  another 
body  in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  whom  we  may 
compare  with  the  deacons  of  Phil.  i.  1,  and  1  Tim. 
iii.  8.  As  the  Trpea-^uTepoi  of  Actj  xiv.  2-3,  tv. 
G;  1  Pet.  v.  1,  were  not  merely  men  advanced  in 
years,  so  the  vewrepoi  or  vtaviffKot  of  Acts  v.  6, 
10  were  probably  not  merely  young  men,  but  per- 
sons occupying  a  distinct  position  and  exercising 
distinct  functions  (cf.  Jlosheim  de  Reb.  Christ,  p. 
118).  The  identity  of  iiriffKoiroi  and  irpetrfivrfpot 
has  been  shown  under  Bisiior;  and  it  is  natural 
to  infer  from  this  that  there  was  a  similar  relation 
between  the  two  titles  of  SiaKovot  and  ved>Tepoi. 
The  pai-allelism  of  6  vedrepos  and  &  StaKovQv  in 
Luke  xxii.  20,  tends  to  the  same  conclusion. 

Assuming  on  these  data  the  identity  of  the  two 
names  we  have  to  ask  — 

(1.)  To  what  previous  organization,  if  iny,  the 
order  is  traceable  ? 

(2.)  What  were  the  qualifications  anrt  fwictiona 
of  the  men  so  designated  ? 

I.  As  the  constitution  of  the  Jewish  sjTiagogue 
had  its  elders  (D^'^nt)  or  pastors  (^'D^'^Q),  so 

also  it  had  its  subordinate  officers  (CD-tn),  the 
inrrfptTai  of  Luke  iv.  20,  whose  work  it  was  to  giv« 
the  ro.ader  the  rolls  containing  the  lessons  for  tho 
day,  to  clean  the  synagogue,  to  open  and  close  it 
at  the  right  times  (Synagogue;  and  see  Winer). 


672  DEACON 

It  was  natumi  that  when  the  Galilean  disciples 
found  themselves  at  the  head  of  congregations  of 
their  own,  tliey  siiould  adopt  tliis  as  well  as  other 
parts  of  tlie  arrangenienls  with  which  they  were 
(aniilinr,  and  accordingly  the  vfuTtpoi  of  Acts  v. 
do  what  the  umipfTai  of  the  synagogue  would  have 
done  under  like  circumstances. 

II.  The  moral  qualifications  described  in  1  Tim. 
lii.  as  necessary  for  the  office  of  a  deacon  are  sub- 
Btanfially  the  same  as  those  of  the  bishop.  The 
deac(jns,  however,  were  not  required  to  be  "  given 
to  hospitality,"  nor  to  be  "apt  to  teach."  It  was 
enough  for  them  to  "  hold  the  mystery  of  the  faith 
in  a  pure  conscience."  They  were  not  to  gain  their 
living  by  disrejiutable  occupations  (jut;  alaxP"' 
KcpSeTs)-  C)n  offering  themsehes  for  their  work 
Ihey  were  fo  lie  suljcct  to  a  strict  scrutiny  (1  Tim. 
iii.  10),  and  if  this  ended  satisfactorily  were  to  enter 
on  it.  On  the  view  that  has  been  taken  of  the 
events  of  Acts  v'l.,  there  is  no  direct  evidence  in  the 
N.  T.  that  they  were  appointed  i>y  the  laying  on  of 
bands,  but  it  is  at  least  probable  that  what  was  so 
familiar  as  the  outward  sign  of  the  bestowal  of 
spiritual  gifts  or  functions  would  not  have  been 
omitted  in  this  instJince,  and  therefore  that  in  this 
respect  the  Liter  practice  of  the  Church  was  in 
harmony  witli  tiie  earlier.  What  the  functions  of 
the  deacons  were  we  are  left  to  infer  from  that 
later  practice,  from  the  analogy  of  the  synagogue 
and  from  the  scanty  notices  of  the  N.  T.  From 
these  data  we  may  think  of  the  vtdiTfpoi  in  the 
Church  of  .lerusalem  as  preparing  the  rooms  in 
which  the  disciples  met,  taking  part  in  the  distribu- 
tion of  alms  out  of  the  common  fund,  at  first  with 
no  direct  supervision,  then  under  that  of  the  Seven, 
and  afterwards  under  the  elders,  maintaining  order 
at  the  daily  meetings  of  the  disciples  to  break 
bread,  baptizing  new  converts,  distributing  the 
bread  and  the  wine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  which 
the  Aiwstle  or  his  representative  had  blessed.  In 
the  Asiatic  and  Greek  churches,  in  which  the  sur- 
render of  property  and  consequent  dejiendence  of 
large  numbers  on  the  common  treasury  had  never 
been  carried  to  the  same  extent,  this  work  would 
be  one  of  l(!ss  difficulty  than  it  wa-s  when  "  the 
Grecians  niurnun-ed  against  the  Hebrews,"  and 
hence  probably  it  was  that  the  appointment  of  the 
Seven  stands  out  as  a  solitary  fact  with  nothing 
answering  to  it  in  tlie  later  organization.  ^\'hat- 
ever  alms  there  were  t«  l)e  distribute<l  woidd  nat- 
urally pass  through  their  hands,  and  the  other  func- 
tions continued  prol)alily  as  before.  It  does  not 
apjwar  to  have  belonged  to  the  office  of  a  deacon 
to  teach  publicly  in  the  Church.  The  possession 
3f  any  siMJcial  x^piafia  would  lead  naturally  to  a 
jigher  work  and  office,  but  the  idea  that  the  diac- 
^onafe  was  l)ut  a  probation  through  which  a  man 
had  to  pass  l)efore  he  could  be  an  elder  or  bishop 
Hus  foi-eign  to  the  constitution  of  the  Church  of 
(he  Ist  century.  Whatever  countenance  it  may 
receive  from  the  common  patristic  intepretation  of 
1  Tim.  iii.  l-'i  (cf.  Kstius  and  Hammond  nd  loc), 
there  can  be  lillle  doubt  (as  all  the  higher  order  of 
expositors  have  felt,  cf.  Wiesinger  and  Ellicott  ad 
foe.)  that  when  St.  Paul  speaks  of  the  KaXhs  Pad 
u6s,  which  is  gained  by  those  who  "  do  the  office 
cif  a  deacon  well,"  he  refers  to  the  honor  which  be- 
longs essentially  to  the  lower  work,  not  to  that 
which  they  were  to  find  in  promotion  to  a  higher. 
Traces  of  the  primitive  constitution  and  of  the 
permanence  of  the  diaconate  are  found  even  in  the 
iiore  developed  system  of  which  we  find  the  com- 


DEACON 

mencement  in  the  Ignatian  epistles.  Originall^J 
the  deacons  had  been  the  helj)ers  of  the  bishop- 
elder  of  a  Church  of  a  given  district.  When  the 
two  names  of  the  latter  title  were  divided  and  th« 
bishop  presided,  whether  as  primus  inter  pares,  of 
with  a  more  absolute  authority  over  many  elders, 
the  deacons  api)ear  to  have  l)een  deiiendent  directly 
on  him  ar.d  not  on  the  presbytera,  and  a.s  bein^ 
his  ministers,  the  "  eyes  and  ears  of  the  bishop " 
(Const.  Ajxisl.  ii.  44),  were  tempted  to  set  them- 
selves up  against  the  elders.  Hence  the  necessity 
of  laws  like  those  of  Cotic.  Nic.  c.  18;  Cone. 
Cnrth.  iv.  c.  37,  enjoining  greater  humility,  and 
hence  probably  the  strong  language  of  Ignatius  as 
to  the  reverence  due  to  deacons  (lip.  nd  Tndl.  c. 
3;  ad  Smym.  c.  8).  E.  II.  P. 

*  We  think  it  proper  to  add  a  few  remarks  to 
this  article,  supplementary  in  part,  and  in  part  by 
way  of  dissent. 

(1.)  The  diaconate  or  office  of  help,  like  the 
presbytero-episcopate,  grew  out  of  the  apo.stoli»* 
office,  wliich  at  first  embraced  all  the  ministerial 
functions  and  duties.  Christ  did  not  appoint, 
either  directly  or  by  verbal  conimaiid,  bishops, 
priesfs,  and  deacons,  Ijut  he  chose  apostles  and 
endowed  them  with  his  Spirit,  under  whose  guid- 
ance they  divided  their  labor  with  projier  rep^rd  to 
times  and  seasons,  and  founded  such  institutions 
in  the  Church  as  were  useful  and  neces.sary.  The 
diaconate  originated  in  the  congregation  of  Jeru- 
salem at  the  time  and  on  the  occasion  recorded  in 
Acts  vi.  1-7. 

(2.)  The  Seren,  ol  tjrrcj,  elected  on  the  occasion 
referred  to  (Acts  vi.  3,  cf.  xxi.  8),  were  not  extra- 
ordinary commissioners  or  superintendents  of  dea- 
cons (Stanley,  Plumptre),  but  deacons  in  the  prim- 
itive sense  of  the  term ;  for  their  office  is  expressly 
descril)ed  as  StuKoviu,  liflp,  and  hiaKovtiv  rpaire- 
^ais,  to  seite,  or  wait  tipon,  the  tables,  i.  e.  to 
distribute  ftxxl  to  the  widows  and  the  jjoor  (Acts  vi. 
1,  2).  Exegetical  tradition  is  almost  unanimously 
in  favo*-  of  this  view,  and  the  latest  and  liest  com- 
mentators sustain  it  (comp.  Meyer,  Alford  and 
I>ange-I>echler  on  Acts  vi.  3).  In  tiie  ancient 
church  the  mmiber  seven  was  even  considered  bind 
ing ;  and  at  Home,  for  example,  as  late  as  the  third 
century,  there  were  only  seven  deacons,  though  the 
number  of  presbyters  amounted  to  forty.  The 
name  seven  is  no  argument  against  this  view;  for 
the  word  deacons  nowhere  occurs  in  the  Acts. 
There  is  indeed  some  difierence  between  the  apostolic 
deacons  and  the  ecclesiastical  deacons,  a  difU'rence 
which  is  acknowledged  by  Chrysostom,  Oicimienins 
and  others  (see  Suicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v.  ^kLkouos): 
but  the  latter  were  universally  regarded  as  the  legit- 
imate successors  of  the  foraer  —  as  much  so  as  the 
presbyters  were  the  successors  of  the  vp«7$vTfpii 
=  iviffKoirot  of  tlie  X.  T.,  —  notwithstanding  the 
change*  in  their  duties  and  relations.  "  In  these 
early  days,"  says  AUbrd,  on  Acts  vi.  3,  "  titles 
sprung  out  of  realities,  and  were  not  mere  hierarch- 
ical classifications."  Ilackett  says,  on  Acts  vi.  3 
(p.  IIG,  2d  ed.),  "The  general  ojnnion  at  present 
is,  that  this  order  arose  from  the  institution  of  the 
Seven,  but  by  a  gradual  extension  of  the  sphere  of 
duty  at  first  assigned  to  them." 

(.3.)  Tliere  is  no  evidence  whatever  for  the  as- 
sumption (of  Mosheim,  Mack,  Kuinoel,  Olshausen, 
Meyer,  Conybeare  and  Howson,  Stanley,  and  the 
writer  of  the  above  article)  that  the  '^  young 
(younger)  men"  mentioned  in  Acts  v.  (of  ve^ 
rtpoi,  ver.  6,  and  oi  vfwiffKoi,  ver.  10;  comp.  Lukt 


DEACON 

ixii.  26,  where  6  vfirepos  is  used  as  equivalent 
to  i  ^ia.K3vwv)  were  identical  with  deacons  and  reg- 
ularly appointed  church  oificers  whose  official  duty 
require<l  tliem  to  attend  to  the  burial  of  the  dead. 
There  Is  no  trace  in  the  N.  T.  of  such  an  ecclesias- 
tical class  as  ol  vetirepoi,  in  distinction  from  the 
TTptafivTepoi  (who  first  appear  Acts  xi.  30),  and  the 
alternate  use  of  yeaviffKoi  in  ver.  10  of  the  same 
persons  is  against  it.  Nor  was  the  burial  of  the 
dead  ever  re^^arded  as  a  part  of  the  deacon's  duty, 
but  was  left  during  the  first  three  centuries  to  the 
kindness  of  friends  and  neighbors,  until  a  special 
class  of  officers  called  copi'tke  (variously  derived 
from  Koiri.^fiui'juiescere,  or  from  Koirer6s,pl  mctus, 
or  from  Kividv,  libornre)  among  the  Greeks,  and 
foss  iril.,J'iissor(rs  among  the  Latins,  were  appointed 
for  this  office,  at  least  in  large  cities,  as  Constanti- 
nople. In  the  case  before  us  the  removal  and 
burial  of  the  lx)dies  of  Ananias  and  Sapphira  was 
in  all  probability  a  voluntary  service,  for  which  the 
younger  members  of  the  congregation  would  nat- 
urally offer  themselves  from  a  sense  of  propriety, 
or  in  obedience  to  Jewish  custom,  or  on  a  hint  given 
oy  Peter.  (So  Neander,  Gescliic/ile  der  PJlnn- 
zunff,  i.  07;  R.  Kothe,  AnfiiiKje  der  Chrisll. 
Kirche,  p.  1G3  ff.;  and  De  Wette,  Alford,  Ilackett, 
Lechler  in  he.) 

(4.)  The  diaconate  of  the  Apostolic  Church  can- 
not be  derived  (as  is  done  in  the  above  article) 
from   the   office   of    "ministers"    or    "servants" 

{W^}'^^,  inrnpirai,  Luke  iv.  20,  cf.  John  vii.  32) 

in  the  Jewish  sjiiagogue,  whose  business  was  simply 
to  open  and  close  the  synagogues,  to  keep  them 
clean,  and  to  hand  out  the  books  to  the  reader. 
Tiie  correspondence  between  the  Christian  irpea- 

fivrepoi  and  the  Jewish  zekenhn  (D'^pn?)  is  no 
reason  why  the  diaconate  should  have  had  a  Jewish 
precedent.  There  were  no  officers  in  the  syna- 
gogue similar  to  the  apostles,  evangelists,  and  dea- 
conesses. 

(5.)  The  diaconate  was  instituted  first  for  the 
care  of  the  poor  and  the  sick.  Those  who  held  the 
office  were  alms-distributors  and  nurses,  the  deacons 
for  the  male  portion  of  the  congregation,  the  dea- 
conesses for  tlie  female.  But  this  care  was  spiritual 
as  well  as  temporal,  and  implied  instruction  and 
consolation  as  well  as  bodily  relief;  for  Christian 
charity  uses  poverty  and  affliction  as  occasions  for 
leading  the  soul  to  the  source  of  all  comfort.  Hence 
Paul  counts  the  helps  and  ministrations  (avn- 
\-fl\peti)  among  the  spiritual  gifts  (1  Cor.  xii.  28). 
Hence  the  appointment  of  such  men  for  the  office  of 
deacons  as  were  of  strong  faith  and  exemplary  piety 
(Acts  vi.  3;  1  Tim.  iii.  8  ff. ;  comp.  the  fiaprvpou- 
v-evo'j?.  Acts  vi.  3,  and  aveyKK-qroi,  1  Tun.  iii. 
3).  In  many  cases,  no  doubt,  already  in  the  apos- 
.  lie  age,  the  diaconate  was  the  stepping-stone  to 
the  higher  office  of  the  presbyterate  which  had  the 
charge  of  public  instruction,  church  government, 
and  general  pastoral  care.  Stephen  preached  and 
prepared  the  way  for  Paul's  ministry  of  the  Gentiles, 
and  Philip,  another  of  the  seven  deacons  of  Jeru- 
salem, subsequently  labored  as  an  evangelist  (Acts 
xxi.  8).  The  patristic  interpreters  refer  the  passage 
in  1  Tim.  iii.  13  to  promotion  from  the  office  of 
leacon  to  that  of  presbyter.  [Ukgree,  Amer.  ed.] 
Sut  fre  shoiUd  not  confound  the  liberty  of  the 
.postolic  church  with  the  fixed  ecclesiastical  order 
>f  a  later  age.  In  the  fullness  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
lod  uuder  the  guidance  of  inspired  apostles,  the 


DEACONESS 


57U 


Cliurch  of  the  first  century  stood  above  the  need  of 
the  mechanism  of  office,  and  Divine  charity  WM 
the  leveller  and  equalizer  of  all  class  distinctions. 

r.  s. 

DEACONESS  (SidKovos:  dlncmissn,  Tert.). 
Tlie  word  BiiSlkovos  is  found  in  Kom.  xvi.  I  asso- 
ciated with  a  female  name,  and  this  has  led  to  the 
conclusion  that  there  existed  in  the  apostolic  age, 
as  there  undoubtedly  did  a  little  kter  (Pliny,  Kp. 
ad  Traj.),  an  order  of  women  bearing  tiiat  title, 
and  exercising  in  relation  to  their  own  sex  function! 
which  were  analogous  to  those  of  the  deacons.  Oil 
this  hypothesis  it  has  been  inferred  that  tlie  women 
mentioned  in  Kom.  xvi.  6,  12,  belonged  to  such  an 
order  (Herzog,  lieril-Encykl.  s.  v.).  The  ru.'ea 
given  as  to  the  conduct  of  women  in  1  Tim.  iii.  11, 
Tit.  ii.  3,  have  in  like  manner  been  refen-ed  to 
them  (Chrysost.,  Theophyl.,  Hamm.,  Wicsuiger, 
rif/Zoc),  and  they  have  been  identified  even  with 
the  "widows"  of  1  Tim.  v.  3-10  (Schaff,  Ai>osl 
Kirche,  p.  3-50  [Amer.  ed.  in  English  p.  535  ff.J). 

In  some  of  these  instances,  however,  it  seems 
hardly  doubtful  that  WTiters  have  transfeired  to  the 
earliest  age  of  the  Church  the  organization  of  a 
later.  It  was  of  course  natural  that  the  example 
recorded  in  Luke  viii.  2,  3,  should  be  followed  by 
others,  even  when  the  Lord  was  no  kiiger  with  his 
disciples.  The  new  life  which  penaded  the  whole 
Christian  society  (Acts  ii.  44,  45,  iv.  31,  32)  would 
lead  women  aa  well  as  men  tj  devote  themsehes  to 
labors  of  love.  The  strong  feeling  that  the  true 
dp-qa-Keia  of  Christians  consisted  in  "  visiting  the 
fatherless  and  the  widow "  would  make  this  the 
sjjecial  duty  of  those  who  were  best  fitted  to  under- 
take it.  The  social  relations  of  the  sexes  in  the 
cities  of  the  empire  (cf.  Grot,  on  Kom.  xvi.  1) 
would  make  it  fitting  that  the  agency  of  women 
should  be  employed  largely  in  the  direct  personal 
application  of  Christian  truth  (Tit.  ii.  3,  4),  pos- 
sibly in  the  preparation  of  female  catechumens. 
Even  the  later  organization  implies  the  previous 
existence  of  the  germs  from  which  it  w.os  develofjed. 
It  may  be  questioned,  however,  whether  the  pas- 
sages referred  to  imply  a  recognized  body  bearing  a 
distinct  name.  The  "widows  "  of  1  Tim.  v.  3-10 
were  clearly,  so  far  as  the  rule  of  ver.  9  was  acted 
on,  women  who  were  no  longer  able  to  discharge 
the  active  duties  of  life,  and  were  therefore  main  ■ 
tained  by  the  Church  that  they  might  pass  their 
remaining  days  in  "prayers  night  and  day."  The 
conditions  of  v.  10  may,  however,  imply  that  those 
only  who  had  been  previously  active  in  mini-itering 
to  the  brethren,  who  had  in  that  sense  been  dea- 
conesses, were  entitled  to  such  a  maintenance.  For 
the  fuller  treatment  of  this  suliject,  see  Winow. 
On  the  existence  of  deaconesses  in  the  aposfolij 
age,  see  Mosheim,  de  Reb.  Christ,  p.  IIS;  Nean- 
der, PJlnm.  u.  Leit.  i.  285;  Augusti,  JIandb.  der 
Christ.  Archciol.  ii.  3.  E.  II.  P.  _ 

*  Ziegler's  De  Diaconis  et  Diaconissis  vetei-it 
Eccleuie  (Wittenbergse,  1678),  a  monograph  of 
sterling  value,  should  not  be  lefl  out  of  the  list 
here.  The  reader  will  find  the  argument  for  "  dea- 
conesses "  in  the  primitive  church  well  stated  bj 
Dr.  SchafF  in  his  History  of  the  AjwstoUc  Church, 
p.  535.  He  understands  the  controverted  koto- 
XeytcrQo),  1  Tim.  v.  9,  of  "  election  and  ordina- 
tion" to  this  particular  office.  Pressense  also 
{Itistoire  des  trois  premieis  Siecles,  ii.  234)  holds 
to  the  existence  of  this  order  of  women  in  the  first 
Christian  age,  but  places  it  not  so  much  on  tin 


d74  deaconess 

ground  of  explicit  Scripture  proof,  as  that  of  gen- 
eral fitness  and  probability,  llutlier's  view  is  not 
essentially  different  from  this.  AV'ithout  supposing 
that  the  widows  m  question  were  formally  set  apart 
U)  an  official  work  at  this  early  period,  he  thinks 
that  their  "  being  put  on  the  roll "  (KaraKfyfaBw) 
Df  those  wholly  supported  by  the  Church  would 
naturally  bring  with  it  the  result,  as  it  did  the  ob- 
ligation, of  devoting  themselves  to  such  works  of 
L«nevolence  as  were  suited  to  their  age  and  sex. 
(See  in  Meyers  Comm.  tib.  diis  N.  TtM.  viii.  G4.) 
Out  of  this  Ansiilz  may  have  grown  the  female 
iiafionate  of  later  times 

liev.  J.  S.  llowson,  D.  D.,  has  written  a  valu- 
able treatise  on  this  subject :  Deaconesses ;  or, 
The  OJicial  Help  of  Woinm  in  Parocldcil  Work 
ind  in  Cliai-ilcMe  Insliiutions  (Lond.  18(10).  lie 
«peaks  here  in  a  more  jwsitive  tone  than  in  his 
Life  ami  Kpistles  'f  St.  Paul,  of  the  validity  of 
the  texts  to  which  appeal  is  usually  made  in  proof 
of  such  ministrations  in  the  apostolic  church.  He 
pltttuls  for  the  revival  of  the  institution  in  Protes- 
tant churches,  and  states  the  results  of  some  at- 
ten)pts  for  this  purpose  in  England,  France,  and 
Germany.  See  also  his  remarks  on  this  point  in 
his  still  later  work:  Scenes  from  the  Lift  of  St. 
Paul,  and  their  Lteliyious  Lessmis  (Lond.  1806). 

For  the  later  ecclesiastical  opinions  and  usages 
on  this  subject,  the  reader  may  see  Woman's  Work 
in  the  Church,  by  J.  JI.  Ludlow  (l>ond.  18G5). 
The  writer  treats  there  less  fully  of  the  Scripture 
argument,  assuming  rather  than  proving,  that  5j- 
aKovos  applied  to  Phoebe  (Kom.  xvi.  1)  can  mean 
only  "deaconess"  as  the  correlative  of  "deacon," 
and  that  yvva7Kas  (1  Tim.  iii.  11)  nmst  mean 
"deaconesses,"  and  tliat  all  other  explanations  are 
impossible.  Dissenting  from  most  of  those  who 
yet  adopt  his  conclusion  on  the  main  question,  he 
denies  that  the  "widows"  (1  Tim.  v.  9  ff.)  were 
deaconesses  at  all,  and  thus  relias  almost  wholly 
upon  the  controverted  yvi/aTxas  for  his  Scripture 
proof  of  a  primitive  female  diaconate.  See  also 
Church  Polity,  by  IL  J.  Ripley,  D.  D.  (l?oston, 
1867).  The  author  suggests  that  on  whatever 
ground  the  Scripture  warrant  for  this  office  may 
be  put,  its  proper  sphere  of  exercise  is  not  to  con- 
flict with  the  Apostle's  views  of  woman's  position 
in  the  church  (1  Cor.  xiv.  34,  35;  1  Tim.  ii.  12). 

It  may  not  be  knowTi  to  all  readers  that  the 
earliest  Congregational  churches  in  England,  in  the 
16tl)  century,  recognized  fully  this  order  of  female 
laborers  as  a  part  of  their  organization.  Robert 
Browne  (1582)  speaks  of  the  deacon  as  "the  re- 
liever "  and  the  deaconess  as  "  the  widow  "  (Han- 
bury's  MemoriaU  relatinr/  to  Imlepemlents,  i.  21). 
The  Separate  or  Congregational  church  of  Gains- 
borough, England  (1.581i)  — out  of  which  came  the 
Scrooby  church,  the  I-eyden  church,  and  the  Ply- 
mouth church  —  had  "relievers"  or  "widows,"  who 
must  be  '•  widows  of  GO  years  of  age  at  least,"  whose 
work  it  was  "  to  minister  to  the  sick,"  &c.  (Han- 
burj',  i.  30,  31).  Johnson  and  Ainsworth's  Con- 
gr^ational  church  in  Amsterdam  (1606)  had  "one 
ancient  widow  for  a  deaconess."  Though  60  years 
aid  when  chosen,  "  she  did  frequently  visit  the  sick 
md  weak ;  .  .  .  and  if  they  were  poor,  she  would 
gather  relief  of  them  that  were  able,  or  acquauit 
he  deacons ;  and  she  was  obeyed  as  an  officer  of 
Christ"  (Young's  Chronicles,  p.  455,  Boston, 
1841).  The  Cambridge  Platform  (ch.  vii.  §  7)  rec- 
#gniz«  this  office  of  deaconess.  "  The  Ix)rd  hath 
ippointed  ancient  widows  (where  they  may  he  had) 


DEAD,  THE 

to  minister  in  the  Cliurch,  in  giving  attendsmce  t< 
the  sick,  and  to  give  succor  unto  them,  and  other* 
in  the  like  necessities."  The  Rev.  Mr.  Punchard, 
well  known  for  his  studies  in  the  esxrly  ecclesiasticaj 
history  of  New  1'jigl.and,  has  kindly  pointed  out  to 
the  writer  the  foregouig  references.  H. 

DEAD  SEA.  This  name  nowhere  occurs  in 
the  Bilile,  and  apjiears  not  to  have  existed  until  the 
2d  century  after  Christ.  It  originated  in  an  erro- 
neous opinion,  and  there  can  be  Uttle  doubt  that 
to  the  name  is  due  in  a  great  measure  the  mistake! 
and  misrepresentations  which  were  for  so  long  prev- 
alent regarding  this  lake,  and  which  have  not  in- 
deed yet  wholly  ceased  to  exist. 

In  the  O.  f.  the  lake  is  called  "'  the  Salt  Sea," 
and  "the  Se:i  of  the  Plain  "  {Arabah);  and  under 
the  former  of  these  names  it  will  be  fomid  describefl 
[Sea,  Thk  Salt.]  G 

*  The  popular  name  of  this  remarkable  sheet  of 
wat«r  is  a  natural  and  appropriate  appellation, 
although  exaggerated  stories  have  been  cuiTcnt  re- 
specting its  properties  —  among  them  the  fable 
that  it  exhales  a  noxious  miasma.  Reposing  in  its 
deep  chasm  or  caldron,  without  any  current  or  out- 
let; its  heavy  waters  impregnated  with  mineral 
salts,  combined  with  asphaltum  and  sidphur,  acrid 
and  nauseous  to  the  taste,  and  fatal  to  animal  and 
vegetable  life;  no  fin  stirring  its  still  depths,  and 
no  flowers  or  foliage  fringing  its  borders ;  its  shores 
and  surrounding  territory  sterile,  desolate  and 
dreary;  the  whole  region  lonely  and  stem,  and 
bearing  marks  of  some  dre.id  convulsion  of  nature: 
the  cemetery  of  cities  that  once  occupied  a  portion 
of  i(s  site,  and  a  perpetual  memorial  of  the  right- 
eous judgments  of  God ;  —  by  what  more  suitable 
and  expressive  name  can  it  be  called,  than  that  by 
which  it  is  now  generally  known,  Tlie  Dead  Sea  V 

S.  W. 

*DEAD,  THE.  By  this  term  the  A.  V. 
represents  the  Hebrew  word  C*S2"n  (once  trans- 
lated, deceased,  Is.  xxvi.  14),  as  well  as  the  word 
nX5  to  which  it  properly  eorresjwnds.  It  thus 
confounds  two  words  of  very  different  import ;  and 
what  is  greatly  to  be  regretted,  it  effaces,  in  the 
English  version  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  a  dis- 
tinct and  striking  recognition  of  the  separate  exis- 
tence of  the  soul,  or  spiritual  part  of  man,  after 
the  death  of  the  body. 

The  dead  (those  wlio  have  ceased  to  live  on  earth, 
and  are  therefore  absolutely  dead  to  all  earthly  re- 
lations) are  represented  by  C^nXi,  which,  as  gen- 
eric, includes  also  the  other  term. 

The  other  term  translated  dead,  CS -^,  means 
disembodied  spirits  separated  from  the  body  at 
death,  and  continuing  to  live  in  a  separate  existence. 

According  to  Fiirst  {Ileb.  n.  Chald.  Ilandw.  nC"^, 
II.),  it  is  from  a  root  meaning  to  be  obscure,  dark, 
and  was  applied,  by  the  same  figure  as  the  German 
Schalten,  to  departed  spirits,  conceived  as  mere 
shadowy  forms.  According  to  Gesenius,  it  meani*, 
either  the  quiet,  the  silent,  from  their  supposed  stat« 
of  inactivity  and  repose,  "  ut  incolse  regni  tenebrosi 
ctsilentis"  (comp.  Is.  xiv.  9),  or  the  weak,  tht 
feeble,  "  dehiles,  flaccUi,  .  .  .  quod  manium  n* 
turse  satis  accommodatum  est,"  Is.  xiv.  10  ( The* 
iii.  1305;).o 


a  •Belitawh,  Syitem  der  BM.  Ptydtologie,  p.  401 


DEARTH 

In  either  case,  it  is  well  represented  bj'  the  word 
thade,  by  which  the  same  object  is  designated  in 
English  usage.  The  Hebrew  word  occurs  in  the 
following  i)assagcs,  which  show  the  importance  of 
the  distinction  overlooked  in  the  A.  V. 
The  shades  tremble, 
Beaeath  the  waters  and  their  inhabitants. 

Job  xxTi.  5. 
Wilt  thou  show  wonders  to  tha  dead? 
Will  the  shades  arise  and  praise  thee  ? 

Fs.  Lxxxriii.  10. 
For  her  house  inclines  to  death, 
And  her  ways  to  the  shades. 

ProT..  ii.  18. 
And  he  knows  not  that  the  shades  are  there, 
Her  guests  iu  the  depths  of  the  underworld  I 
Prov.  ix.  18. 

The  boldness  of  this  truthful  representation  is 
worthy  of  notice.  "  Her  house"  is  called  (ch.  vii. 
27)  "ways  to  the  underworld,"  and  "her  steps" 
(it  is  said  in  ch.  v.  5)  ''  take  hold  on  it; "  so  near 
to  its  abodes,  that  (by  a  bold  figure)  the  shades  of 
the  dead  are  there,  and  her  guests  are  in  the  depths 
of  hell! 

Other  passages  in  which  this  word  occurs  are 
Prov.  xxi.  10 ;  Is.  xiv.  9,  xxvi.  14,  19.  See,  in  the 
art.  GiAXTS,  the  i)aragraph  added  at  the  close  of 
No.  3.  T.  J.  C. 

DEARTH.     [Famixk.] 

DE'BIR,  the  name  of  three  places  of  Palestine. 
1.  ("Ii'?,  but  in  Judg.  and  Chr.  I^^l  [Jnnchr 
part  as  of  a  temjile,  and  hence  (he  sanctuary,  Ges. ; 
perh.  pasture,  I'iirst] :  Aaffip ;  [Vat.]  Alex.  Ao- 
fiftp-  Dabir),  a  town  in  the  mountains  of  Judah 
(Josh.  XV.  49),  one  of  a  group  of  eleven  cities  to 
the  west  of  Hebron.  In  the  narrative  it  is  men- 
tioned as  being  the  next  place  which  Joshua  took 
after  Hebron  (x.  38).  It  was  the  seat  of  a  king 
(x.  39,  xii.  13),  and  was  one  of  the  towns  of 
the  Anakim,  from  which  they  were  utterly  des- 
troyed by  Joshua  (xi.  21).  The  etirlier  name  of 
Oebir  was  KiiUATH-SEruER,  "city  of  book" 
(Josh.  XV.  15;  Judg.  i.  11),  and  Kirjatii-san- 
NAH,  "city  of  palm"  [or  palm-branch  or  leaf] 
(Josh.  XV.  49).  The  records  of  its  conquest  vary, 
though  not  very  materially.  In  Josh.  xv.  17  and 
Judg.  i.  13  a  detailed  account  is  given  of  its  cap*- 
ture  by  Othniel  son  of  Kenaz,  for  love  of  Achsah 
the  daughter  of  Caleb,  while  in  the  general  his- 
tory of  the  conquest  it  is  ascribed  to  the  great 
commander  himself  (Josh.  x.  38,  39)  [since  the 
acts  of  the  principal  and  the  subordinate  in  such  a 
case  may  be  ascribeil  to  one  or  the  other].  In  the 
last  two  passages  the  name  is  given  in  the  Hebrew 

text  as  Debu^h  (n"13"7).    It  was  one  of  the  citias 

given  with  their  "  suburbs  "  (tt?^?^)  to  the  priests 
(Josh.  xxi.  15;  1  Chr.  vi.  58).  '  Debu-  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  known  to  Jerome,  nor  has  it 
been  discovered  with  certainty  in  modem  times. 
About  three  miles  to  the  W.  of  Hebron  is  a  deep 
and  secluded  valley  called  the  Wady  Nunkur,  in- 
rlosed  on  the  norih  by  hills  of  which  one  bears  a 

foot-note :   "  Der  Name  der  Hadesbewohner  D^SD"1 

•  T   : 

lie  Schlaffen  (von  SC"1  schlaff,  matt  sein)  stimmt  zu 

T    T  ' 

len  homeriachen  Beuennungen  ol  xajmoi^cf  die  Er- 
Klilafrten,  iiietniva.  Kapriva  die  Haupter  ohne  Kraft, 
iMt'»ws),  o-Kiai,  eiiioAa,  und  kommt  auch  in  der  Inschrift 
Im  sidonischen  Konigs-Sarges  Tor." 


JUEBORAH  6T6 

name  certainly  suggestive  of  Debir,  —  Deioir-bam. 
(See  the  narrative  of  Hosen  in  the  Zeitsch.  d.  D. 
M.  a.  1857,  pp.  50-04.)  ITie  subject,  and  indeed 
the  whole  topography  of  this  district,  requires  fur- 
ther examination :  in  the  mean  time  it  is  perhap? 
some  confirmation  of  Dr.  ivosen's  suggestion  that 
a  village  or  site  on  one  of  these  hills  was  pointeo 
out  to  the  writer  as  called  Jga,  the  Arabic  name  fot 
Joshua.  Schwarz  (p.  80)  speaks  of  a  Wady  Dibit 
in  this  direction.  Van  de  Velde  (Mi-moir,  p.  307) 
finds  Debir  at  JJilbeli,  six  miles  S.  W.  of  Hebron 
where  Stewart  mentions  a  spring  brought  dowt 
from  a  high  to  a  low  level  by  an  aqueduct. 

^'  V,  '^  V  •  ^t2  t^  Tfraprov  ttjs  (pipay/a\ 
'Ax(!>p'  JJtbera.')  A  place  on  the  north  boundary 
of  Judah,  near  the  "  Valley  of  Achor  "  (Josh,  xv 
7),  and  therefore  somewhere  in  the  complications 
of  hill  and  ravine  behind  Jericho.  De  Saulcy  (ii. 
139)  attaches  the  name  T/iour-ed-Dabour"  to  the 
ruined  khan  on  the  right  of  the  road  from  Jerusa- 
lem to  Jericho,  at  which  travellers  usually  stop  to 
refresh  [themselves],  but  this  is  not  corroborated 
by  any  other  traveller.  The  name  given  to  it  by 
the  Arabs  when  the  writer  passed  (1858)  was  Khan 
flatherurah.  A  Wady  Dubor  is  marked  in  Van 
de  Velde's  map  as  close  to  the  S.  of  Neby  Musa, 
at  the  N.  W.  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

3.  The  "  border  ( V^23)  of  Debir  "  is  named  as 
forming  part  of  the  boundary  of  Gad  (.losh.  xiii. 
20),  and  as  apparently  not  far  from  JIahanaim. 
Kelaud  (p.  734)  conjectures  that  the  naine  may  pos- 
sibly be  the  same  as  Lodebar  ("imv),  but  no 
identification  has  yet  taken  place  (IJv^X.  Aai^wv, 
[Vat.]  Alex.  Aafieip  ■  Dabir).  Lying  in  the  graz- 
ing country  on  the  nigh  downs  east  of  Jordan,  the 

name  may  be  derived  {torn  1^"^,  Dubar,  the 
same  word  which  is  the  root  of  Miilhar,  the  wilder- 
ness or  pasture  (see  Ges.  p.  318).     [Dkskist.] 

G. 

DE'BIR  i'^^n'^:  Aafilv,  [Vat.  Aa$ay;] 
Alex.  Aafieip-  Dabir),  king  of  Eglon,  a  town  in 
the  low  country  of  Judah ;  one  of  the  five  kings 
hanged  by  Joshua  (Josh.  x.  3,  23). 

DEB'ORA  (Af$$aipd;  [Alex.  At/xBupa: 
Vulg.  omits]),  a  woman  of  Naphtali,  mother  of 
Tobiel,  the  father  of  Tobit  (Tob.  1.  8).  Tlie  same 
name  as 

DEB'ORAH  i'i^'pl^  U>ee]i  Af06^^a, 
[Alex.]  Affifiwpa'-  Debora).  1.  The  nurse  of  Re- 
bekali  (Gen.  xxxv.  8).  Nurses  held  a  high  and 
honorable  place  in  ancient  times,  and  especially  in 
the  East  (2  K.  xi.  2;  Hom.  Od.  i.  429;  Virg.  yEn. 
vii.  2,  "  ^Eneia  nutrix ;  "  Ov.  Met.  xiv.  441 ),  wherB 
they  were  often  the  principal  members  of  the  fam- 
ily (2  Chr.  xxii.  11;  Jahn,  Arch.  Bibl.  §  166). 
Deborah  accompanied  Rebekah  from  the  house  of 
Bethuel  (Gen.  xxiv.  59),  and  is  only  mentioned  by 
name  on  the  occasion  of  her  burial,  under  the  oak- 
tree*  cf  Bethel,  which  was  called  in  her  honor 
Allon-BacLuth  (B6.\avos  irevOovs,  LXX.).  Such 
spots  were  usually  chosen  for  the  purpose  (Gen. 
xxiii.  17,  18;  1  Sam.  xxxi.  13;  2  K.  xxi.  18,  &c.). 


o  De  Saulcy  quotes  the  name  in  Joshua  as  "  Da- 
bor ;  "  but  on  what  authority  is  not  apparent.  Cer- 
tainly not  that  of  the  Hebrew  or  the  Vulgate. 

6  •  The  A.  V.  omits  the  article,  and  thus  obscurei 
the  &ct  that  the  tree  was  well  k  nown  for  ages.     H 


676 


DEBORAH 


Man)-  have  been  puzzled  at  finding  her  in  Jacob's 
family;  ii  is  unlikely  that  she  was  sent  to  summon 
Jacob  from  Haran  (as  Jarchi  suggests),  or  tliat  slie 
had  returned  during  the  lifetinie  of  Kehekah,  and 
was  now  coming  to  \-isit  her  (as  Aliarlianel  and 
others  say);  but  she  may  very  well  have  returned 
at  Reliekah's  death,  and  that  she  was  dead  is  prob- 
able from  the  omission  of  her  name  in  Gen.  xxxv. 
27 ;  and  if,  according  to  the  Jewish  legend,  Jacob 
first  heard  of  his  mother's  death  at  this  spot,  it  will 
be  an  ailditional  reason  for  the  name  of  the  tree, 
and   may  jwisibbj  be  implied  in   the  expression 

Tf7?Z1^1,  comforted,  A.  V.  ''blessed'"  (Gen.  xxxv. 
ftf'aeetoo  Ewald,  (Jesch.  i.  390). 

2.  [A6)3/3ai/)a:  Dtbbara.']  A  prophetess  who 
judged  Israel  (Judg.  iv.,  v.).  Her  name,  mh"^, 
meiins  "a  l)ee"  (or  j-(/)iq|,  " a  wasp " ),  just  as  Me- 
X»(7(ro  and  Melitilla  were  proper  names.  This 
name  may  imply  nothing  whatever,  being  a  mere 
appellative,  derived  like  Kachel  (a  lamb),  Tamar  (a 
palm),  &c.,  from  natural  objects;  although  she  was 
(as  Corn,  a  Lapide  quaintly  puts  it)  suis  mtllen, 
liostibm  nculeata.  Some,  however,  see  in  the  name 
an  official  title,  implying  her  prophetic  authority. 
A  bee  was  an  I'^gyptian  symbol  of  regal  power  (cf. 
Call.  Jm:  GG,  and  AY.  Moff.  s.  v.  iaar-hv)^  and 
among  the  Greeks  the  term  was  applied  not  only 
to  poets  {imrre  apis  MatirKB,  Hor.),  and  to  those 
peculiarly  chaste  (as  by  the  Neoplatonists),  but  es- 
{lecially  to  the  priestesses  of  Delphi  {^pyjanhs  fi  e- 
Klffffas  A(K(plSos,  I'ind.  P.  iv.  lOG),  Cybele. 
and  Artemis  ((jreuzer,  Symbollk;  iii.  3.54,  Ac),  just 
as  iaaiiv  was  to  the  priests  (IJddell  and  Scott, 
t.  v.).  In  both  these  senses  the  name  suits  her, 
since  she  Wiis  essentially  a  vates  or  seer,  combining 
the  functions  of  jwetry  and  prophecy. 

She  lived  under  tlie  palm-tree  ("  such  tents  the 
patriarchs  loved,"  Coleridge)  of  Deborah,  between 
Kaniali  and  Ifethel  in  Mount  Ephraim  (Judjg.  iv.  5), 
which,  as  palm-trees  were  rare  in  Palestine,  "is 
mentioned  as  a  well-known  and  solitary  landmark, 
and  was  probably  the  same  spot  as  that  called 
(Judg.  XX.  33)  IJaal-Tamar,  or  the  sanctuary  of 
the  palm  "  (Stanley,  S.  (/•  P.  p.  14G).  Von  Boh- 
len  (p.  334)  thinks  that  this  tree  is  identical  with 
Allon-Hachuth  ((Jen.  xxxv.  8),  the  name  and  local- 
ity being  nearly  the  same  (Ewald,  Gesc/i.  i.  391, 
405),  although  it  is  unhistorical  to  say  that  this 
"  may  have  suggested  a  name  for  the  nurse  "  (Iliiv- 
emick's  Jntrwl.  to  Pent.  p.  201 ;  Kalisch,  Gen.  ad 
loc.).  Possibly  it  is  again  mentioned  as  "the  oak 
of  Tabor,"'  in  1  Sam.  x.  3,  where  Thenius  would 

read  n^HIT  for  **1^3ri.  At  any  rate  it  was  a 
weU-known  tree,  and  she  may  have  chosen  it  from 
its  previous  associations. 

She  was  probably  a  woman  of  Ephraim,  although 
from  the  expression  in  Judg.  v.  15,  some  suppose 
her  to  have  belonged  to  Issachar  (Ewald,  Cesch.  ii. 

489).  The  expression  niT'Sb  Hp-'S  is  much 
dispiitwl;  it  is  generally  thought  to  mean  "  wife  of 
Lapidoth,"  as  in  A.  V.;  but  other  versions  render 
It  "  uxor  principis,"  or  "  Foeniina  I^apidothana  " 


a  •  Ca88et  (RiclUer  una  Hut/iy  p.  43)  explains  lappi- 
dOlh  (8C«  above)  of  the  fiery  Fpirit,  entliuxiafiin,  and 
ardor,  which  hurued  in  her,  and  enabled  her  to  pet 
Dthers  on  fire  by  the  contagion  of  her  own  example. 
The  beautiful  fountain  at  the  bare  of  the  hill  on  which 
Mthon  standi,  the  place  of  the  famous  JewiKh  ceme- 
-.'-•ry,  abt  ut  6  miles  west  of  Safed,  is  known  among  the 


DEBORAH 

("  that  great  dame  of  Ijipidoth,"  Tennyson),  or 
imditr  spkndoi-um,  i.  e.  one  dinnely  illuminated, 

since  mT*S  _.  =  lightnings."  But  the  most  pro- 
saic notion  is  that  of  the  rabbis,  who  take  it  to 
mean  that  she  attended  to  the  tabernacle  lamps 
from  "fS^,  lappiJ,  a  lamp!  llie  fem.  termimi- 
tion  is  often  found  in  men's  names,  as  in  Shclo- 
mith  (1  Chr.  x.xiii.  9),  Koheleth,  Ac.  lapidoth 
then  was  probably  her  husband,  and  not  Barak,  m 
some  say. 

She  was  not  so  much  a  judge  (a  title  which  be- 
longs rather  to  Barak,  Hei).  xi.  32)  as  one  gifted 
with  prophetic  command  (Judg.  iv.  C,  14,  v.  7), 
and  by  virtue  of  her  inspiration  "  a  mother  in  Is- 
rael." Her  sex  would  give  her  additional  weight, 
as  it  did  to  Veleda  and  Alaurinia  among  the  Ger- 
mans, from  an  instinctive  belief  in  the  divinity  of 
womanhood  (Tac.  Germ.  c.  8).  Compare  the  in- 
stances of  IMiriam,  Huldah,  Anna,  Noadiali  (2  K. 
xxii.  14;  Neh.  vi.  14). 

Jabin's  tyranny  was  peculiarly  felt  in  the  north- 
em  tribes,  which  were  near  his  capital  and  under 
her  jurisdiction,  namely,  Zebulon,  Naphtali,  and  Is- 
sachar; hence,  when  she  summoned  Barak  to  the 
deliverance,  " it  was  on  them  that  the  bnmt  of  tie 
battle  fell ;  but  they  were  joined  by  the  adjacent 
central  tribes,  I'phraim,  jManasseh,  and  Benjamin, 
though  not  by  those  of  the  extreme  west,  south, 
and  east"  (Stanley,  p.  339).  Under  her  direction 
Barak  encamped  on  "  the  broad  summit  of  Tabor  ' 
(Joseph.  B.  J.  ii.  20,  §  C).  "When  asked  to  ac- 
company him,  "  she  answered  indignantly,  lliou, 
oh  Barak,  deliverest  up  meanly  the  authority  which 
God  hath  given  thee  into  the  hands  of  a  woman ; 
neither  do  I  reject  it"  (Joseph,  ^n/.  v.  5,  §  2). 
The  LXX.  interjiolate  the  words  on  ouk  olSa  riip 
rjfxipav  iv  fi  (voSo7  6  Kvpios  rhy  &YYf^oi>  /x(t' 
(fj.od  as  a  sort  of  excuse  for  Barak's  request  (iv.  8; 
cf.  14,  V.  23).  AVhen  the  small  band  of  ill-armed 
(Judg.  V.  8)  IsraeUtes  saw  the  dense  iron  chariots 
of  the  enemy,  "  they  were  so  frightened  that  they 
wished  to  march  off  at  once,  had  not  Deborah  de- 
tained them,  and  commanded  them  to  fight  the 
enemy  that  very  day  "  (.Joseph.  /.  c).  They  did 
so,  but  Deborah's  prophecy  was  fulfilled  (Judg.  iv. 
9),  and  the  enemy's  general  jierished  among  the 
"oaks  of  the  wanderers  (Zaanaim),"  in  the  tent 
of  the  Bedouin  Kenite's  wife  (Judg.  iv.  21)  in  the 
northern  mountains.  "  And  the  land  had  rest  forty 
years  "  (Judg.  v.  31).  For  the  natural  phenomena 
which  aided  (Judg.  v.  20,  21)  the  victory,  and  the 
other  details  (for  which  we  have  ample  authority  in 
the  twofold  narration  in  prose  and  poetry),  see  Ba- 
KAK,  where  we  have  also  entered  on  the  difficult 
question  of  the  chronology  (Ewald,  Gesch.  ii.  489- 
494). 

Deborah's  title  of  "prophetess"  (nK*Zlp) 
includes  the  notion  of  inspired  poetry,  as  in  Fjt.  xv. 
20;  and  in  this  sense  the  glorious  triumphal  ode 
(.Judg.  V.)  well  vindicates  her  claim  to  the  office. 
On  this  ode  much  has  been  written,  and  there  are 
separate  treatises  about  it  by  Ilollmann,  Kalkar, 


.)pw9  at  present  as  DelK>rah's  fountain.  They  have  a 
tradition  that  the  heroine  passed  there  with  Barak  on 
his  march  to  Tabor,  and  bathed  in  this  fountain  oc 
the  morning  of  the  derisive  battle.  See  the  writei 
rivsir.  of  Scripture,  p.  243  (revised  ed.);  and  Than 
son's  Land  and  Book,  1.  424.  Ii. 


DEBTOR 

tad  Keurick.  it  is  also  explained  by  Ewald  (die 
Poei.  Jiiicher  des  Allen  Bundes,  i.  125),  and  Gum- 
pach  (AlUestament.  Stitdien,  pp.  1-140). « 

F.  W.  F. 


DECEITFULLY 


577 


DEBTOR.     [Loan.] 

DECAP'OLIS  (AfKdwoKis,  "the  ten  cit- 
ies"). This  name  occurs  only  three  times  in  the 
Scriptures,  Matt.  iv.  25;  Mark  v.  20,  and  vii.  31; 
but  it  is  frequently  mentioned  by  Josephus  and 
other  ancient  writers.  Immediately  after  the  con- 
quest of  S^ria  by  the  Romans  (b.  c.  65),  ten  cities 
appear  to  have  been  rebuilt,  partially  colonized,  and 
endowed  with  peculiar  privileges;  the  country 
around  them  w;is  hence  called  DecapoUs.  The 
limits  of  the  territory  were  not  very  clearly  defined ; 
and  [jrolably  in  the  course  of  time  other  neighlwr- 
jng  cities  received  similar  privileges.  This  may 
account  for  the  fact  that  ancient  geographers  speak 
so  indefinitely  of  the  province,  and  do  not  even 
agree  as  to  the  names  of  the  cities  themselves. 
Pliny  (v.  18)  admitting  that  "non  omnes  eadem 
observant,"  enumerates  them  as  follows:  Scythopo- 
lis,  IIip/Hi;s,  Gddara,  Fella,  F/dladelphia,  Genisn, 
Dion,  Can'ithn,  Damascus,  and  Raphana.  Ptol- 
emy (v.  17 )  makes  CnpitoUas  one  of  the  ten ;  and 
an  old  Palrayrene  inscription  quoted  by  Keland 
{Pal.  p.  525)  includes  AbUa,  a  town  which,  accord- 
ing to  Eusebius  (Onom.  s.  v.  Abil-t)  was  12  Roman 
miles  east  of  Gadara.  Josephus  (B.  J.  iii.  9,  §  7) 
calls  ScytlwpoRs  the  largest  city  of  Decapolis,  thus 
manifestly  excluding  Damascus  from  the  number. 
AU  the  cities  of  Decapolis,  with  the  single  excep- 
tion of  Scythopolis,  lay  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan; 
and  both  Eusebius  and  Jerome  ( Omrm.  s.  v.  Oe- 
ccijwlis)  say  that  the  district  was  situated  "beyond 
the  Jordan,  around  Hippos,  Pella,  and  Gadara," 
that  is,  to  the  east  and  southeast  of  the  Sea  of 
Galilee.  With  this  also  agrees  the  statement  in 
Mark  v.  20,  that  the  demoniac  who  was  cured  at 
Gadara  "  began  to  publish  in  Decapolis  how  great 
things  Jesus  had  done  to  him."  It  would  appear, 
however,  from  Matt.  iv.  25  and  Mark  vii.  31,  that 
Decapolis  was  a  general  aj^pellation  for  a  large  dis- 
trict extending  along  both  sides  of  the  Jordan. 
Pliny  (v.  18)  says  it  reached  from  Damascus  on  the 
north  to  Philadelphia  on  the  south,  and  from  Scy- 
thopolis on  the  west  to  Canatha  on  the  east  —  thus 
making  it  no  less  than  100  miles  long  by  60  broad; 
and  he  adds,  that  between  and  around  these  cities 
are  tetrarchies,  each  like  a  kingdom ;  such  as  Trach- 
onitis,  Paneas,  Abila,  Area,  &c. 

This  region,  once  so  populous  and  prosperous, 
from  which  multitudes  flocked  to  hear  the  Saviour, 
and  through  which  multitudes  followed  his  foot- 
steps —  is  now  almost  without  an  inhabitant.  Six 
out  of  the  ten  cities  are  completely  ruined  and  de- 
serted. Scythopolis,  Gadara,  and  Canatha  have 
still  a  few  families,  living,  more  like  wild  beasts 
than  human  beings,  amid  the  crumbling  ruins  of 
palaces,  and  in  the  cavernous  recesses  of  old  tombs. 
Damascus  alone  continues  to  flourish,  like  an  oasis 
in  a  desert.  j.  L.  P. 

*  DECEITFULLY,    A.   V.  Job   vi.  15  ff. 

^^Deceitfid  as  a  brook,"  appears  to  have  been  a 
jort  of  proverb  among  the  Semitic  tribes.  Thus, 
Job  in  the  al)ove  passage  compares  the  conduct  of 
insincere,  false-hearted  friends  to  the  streams  of  the 


desert.     Dr.  Conant  (Book  of  Job,  p.  24)  tnui«- 

lates  the  passage  thus :  — 

"  My  brethren  are  deceitful,  like  the  brook, 
As  the  channel  of  brooks  that  pass  away : 
That  become  turbid,  from  ice ; 
The  snow  hides  itself  in  them. 
At  the  time  they  are  poured  off,  they  foil ; 
When  it  is  hot  they  are  consumed  from  their 

place. 
The  caravans  along  their  way  turn  aside  ; 
They  go  up  into  the  wastes,  and  perish. 
The  caravans  of  Tenia  looked  ; 
The  companies  of  Sheba  waited  for  them 
They  were  ashamed  that  they  had  trusted , 
They  came  thither  and  were  confounded." 

The  ground  of  the  comparison  here  lies  in  the 
uncertain  character  of  the  brooks  or  streams  in  the 
East.  A  detailed  example  may  best  serve  to  illus- 
trate the  peculiarity  referred  to.  On  the  2d  of 
Ajiril  the  writer  crossed  the  stone  bridge  to  the 
right  of  KuUmieh,  1^  hours  to  the  northwest  ol 
Jerusalem.  The  channel  of  the  stream  was  then 
entirely  destitute  of  water.  Richardson  ( Travtls 
along  (\e  MedUerranean,  ii.  236)  found  there  on 
the  15th  of  April,  of  another  year,  "  a  small  brook 
trickling  down  the  valley."  Prokesch  {Reke  ins 
heiliye  Land,  p.  41),  who  was  there  at  another 
time,  a  few  weeks  later  in  the  season,  speaks  of  a 
full  rushing  stream  as  dashing  along  the  water-bed. 
Otto  von  Richter  (  WuUfahrten  ini  Mat-yenlande, 
p.  15)  who  was  there  in  August,  says  that  it  con- 
tained then  a  little  water.  Again,  Salzbacher  {Er- 
innerunyen  aus  meiner  Pilgerreise,  ii.  31),  who 
saw  the  brook  near  the  end  of  June,  says  that  it 
was  then  entirely  dry.  The  stream,  therefore,  ia 
evidently  a  very  precarious  one.  It  varies  not  only 
in  winter,  but  at  the  same  season  in  different  years. 
It  is  a  fair  example  of  what  is  true  of  eastern 
brooks  in  general.  These  water-courses,  as  they 
may  more  properly  be  called,  flow  with  water  dur- 
ing the  rainy  season ;  but  soon  after  that  are  liable 
to  be  wholly  dried  up,  or  if  they  contain  water  still 
later,  contain  it  only  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time, 
according  to  their  situation  and  the  severity  of  the 
heat  of  particular  years.  Hence,  the  traveller  in 
quest  of  water  must  often  be  disappointed  when  he 
comes  to  such  streams.  He  may  find  them  en- 
tirely exhausted ;  or,  he  may  find  the  water  gone  at 
the  place  where  he  approaches  them,  though  it  may 
still  Unger  in  other  places  which  elude  his  observa- 
tion ;  he  may  perceive,  from  the  moisture  of  the 
ground,  that  the  last  drops  have  just  disappeared, 
and  that  he  has  arrived  but  a  few  hours  too  late 
for  the  attainment  of  his  object.  Fainting  with 
thirst  and  after  many  a  weary  step  out  of  his  direct 
course  in  pursuit  of  the  cooling  stream,  the  way- 
farer reaches  at  length  the  place  of  hoped-for  relief, 
but  only  to  be  doomed  to  disappointment  —  the 
deceitful  brook  has  fled. 

We  meet  with  the  same  comparison  somewhat 
differently  applied  ui  Jer.  xv.  18.  The  prophet's 
sky  had  long  been  darkened  with  trouble  and  sor- 
row ;  but  the  helper  for  whom  he  was  waiting  de- 
lay-ed  to  come.  The  more  exact  translation  would 
be:  — 

"  Why  is  my  affiction  perpetual 
And  my  wound  incurable  ? 
It  will  not  be  healed. 
Thou  art  to  me  as  a  lying  brook. 
As  waters  which  are  not  enduring." 

a  *  For  the  fuller  Uterature  of  the  Song,  see  Barak         Thomson  {Land  and  Book,  ii.   231)  haa  some 
*^®'-  *^-  H      ,  remarks  on  this  characteristic  of  the  brook.     He 

37 


578      DECISION,  VALLEY  OF 

nipposes,  on  account  of  the  reference  to  Tema  and 
Sheba,  tliat  the  streams  which  suggested  Job's  il- 
lustration are  those  "  which  flowed  down  from  the 
high  lands  of  Gilead  and  Bashan,  and  came  to 
nothing  in  the  neighboring  desert."  H. 


*  DECISION,  VALLEY  OF. 

IIAPIIAT.] 


[Jehos- 


DETDAN  0^^  {depression^  low  country, 
Furst]:  AaScii';  [Vat.  in  1  Chr.  louSaSaj/:]  Da- 
dun).  1.  The  name  of  a  son  of  Raamah,  son  of 
Gush  (Gen.  x.  7 ;  1  Chr.  i.  9,  "  the  sons  of  Raa- 
mah, Sheba,  and  Dedan  "). 

2.  [In  Gen.  AeScfj',  Alex.  AaiSai';  1  Chr.  and 
Ez.  AaiMv;  Jer.  xxv.  23,  i^aiMv,  FA.  AeSoj'; 
xlix.  8,  AaiSd/j.,  Alex.  FA.  AaiSav:  Dadan,  De- 
dan.]  That  of  a  son  of  Jokshan,  son  of  Keturah 
(Gen.  xxv.  3,  and  "  Jokshan  begat  Sheba  and  De- 
dan.  And  the  sons  of  Dedan  were  Asshurim,  Le- 
tushim,  and  Leummim."  Cf.  1  Chr.  i.  32).  The 
usual  opinion  respecting  these  founders  of  tribes  is 
that  the  first  settled  among  the  sons  of  Gush, 
wherever  these  latter  may  be  placed ;  the  second,  on 
the  SjTian  borders,  about  the  territory  of  Edom. 
But  Gesenius  and  Winer  have  suggested  that  the 
name  may  apply  to  one  tribe;  and  this  may  be 
adopted  as  probable,  on  the  supposition  that  the 
descendants  of  the  Keturahite  Dedan  intermarried 
with  those  of  the  Cushite  Dedan,  whom  the  writer 
places,  presumptively,  on  the  borders  of  the  Persian 
Gulf.  [AuABiA,  CusH,  Raamah,  &c.]  The 
theory  of  this  mixed  descent  gains  weight  from  the 
fact  that  in  each  case  the  brother  of  Dedan  is  named 
Sheba.  It  njay  be  supposed  tliat  the  Dedanites 
were  among  the  chief  traders  traversing  the  cara- 
van-route from  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the 
south  of  Palestine,  bearmg  merchandise  of  India, 
and  possibly  of  Southern  Arabia;  and  hence  the 
mixture  of  such  a  tribe  with  another  of  different 
(and  Keturahite)  descent  presents  no  impossibility. 
The  passages  in  the  Bible  in  which  Dedan  is  men- 
tioned (besides  the  genealogies  above  referred  to) 
are  contained  in  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah,  Jeremiah, 
and  Ezekiel,  and  are  in  every  case  obscure.  The 
Edomite  settlers  seem  to  be  referred  to  in  Jer.  xlix. 
8,  where  Dedan  is  mentioned  in  the  prophecy 
against  Edom ;  again,  in  xxv.  23,  with  Tema  and 
Buz;  in  Ez.  xxv.  13,  with  Teman,  in  the  prophecy 
against  Edom;  and  in  Is.  xxi.  13  ("The  burden 
upon  Arabia.  In  the  forest  in  Arabia  shall  ye 
lodge,  0  ye  travelling  companies  of  Dedanim"), 
with  Tema  and  Kedar.  This  last  passage  is  by 
some  understood  to  refer  to  caravans  of  the  Cushite 
Dedan ;  and  although  it  may  only  signify  the  wan- 
dering propensities  of  a  nomad  tribe,  such  as  the 
Momite  jwrtion  of  Dedan  may  have  been,  the 
supposition  that  it  means  merchant-caravans  is 
strengthened  by  the  remarkable  words  of  Ezekiel 
in  the  lamentation  for  Tyre.  This  chapter  (xx\'ii.) 
twice  mentions  Dedan;  first  in  ver.  15,  where,  after 
enumerating  among  the  traffickers  with  the  mer- 
chant-city many  Asiatic  peoples,  it  is  said,  "  The 
children  of  Dedan  were  thy  merchants,  many  isles 

(D'^J'S)  were  the  merchandise  of  thine  hand:  they 
hrought  thee  for  a  present  horns  of  ivory,  and 
ebony."  Passing  thence  to  SjTia  and  western  and 
northern  peoples,  the  prophet  again  (in  ver.  20) 
mentions  Dedan  in  a  manner  which  seems  to  point 
to  the  wide-spread  and  possibly  the  mixed  ancestry 
of  this  tribe.  Ver.  16  may  be  presumed  to  allude 
eiperially  to  the  Cushite  Dedan  (of.  ch.  xxxviil.  13, 


DEDICATION,  FEAST  OF  THE 

where  we  find  Detlan  with  Sheba  and  the  merchanti 
of  Tarshish ;  apparently,  from  the  context,  the  De- 
dan of  ch.  xxvii.  15);  but  the  passage  commencing 
in  V.  20  appears  to  include  the  settlers  on  the  bor- 
ders of  luiom  (i.  e.  the  Keturahite  Dedan).  The 
whole  of  the  passage  is  as  follows :  "  Dedan  [was] 
thy  merchant  in  precious  clothes  for  chariots. 
Arabia,  and  all  the  princes  of  Kedar,  they  occupied 
with  thee  in  lambs,  and  rams,  and  goats :  in  these 
[were  they]  thy  merchants.  The  merchants  of 
S/iel/a  and  Raamah  they  [were]  thy  merchants: 
they  occupied  in  thy  fairs  with  chief  of  all  spices, 
and  with  all  precious  stones,  and  gold.  Ilaran,  and 
Canneh,  and  Eden,  the  merchants  of  Sheba,  As- 
shur,  [and]  Chilmad,  [were]  thy  merchants."  (Ez. 
xxvii.  20-23.)  We  have  here  a  Dedan  connected 
with  Arabia  (probably  the  northwestern  part  of 
the  peninsula)  and  Kedar,  and  also  with  the  fatlier 
and  l)rother  of  the  Cushite  Dedan  (Raamah  and 
Sheba),  and  these  latter  with  Asiatic  peoples  com- 
monly placed  in  the  regions  bordering  the  head  of 
the  Persian  Gulf.  This  Dedan  moreover  is  a  mer- 
chant, not  in  pastoral  produce,  in  sheep  and  goats, 
but  in  "  precious  clothes,"  in  contradistinction  to 
Arabia  and  Kedar,  like  the  far-off  eastern  nations 
who  came  with  "  spices  and  precious  stones  and 
gold,"  "blue  clothes  and  broidered  work,"  and 
"  chests  of  rich  apparel." 

The  probable  inferences  from  these  mentions  of 
Dedan  support  the  argument  first  stated,  namely: 
1.  That  Dedan  son  of  Rxiamah  settled  on  the  shores 
of  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  his  descendants  became 
caravan-merchants  between  that  coast  and  Pales- 
tine. 2.  That  Jokshan,  or  a  son  of  Jokshan,  by 
intermarriage  with  the  Cushite  Dedan  formed  a 
tribe  of  the  same  name,  which  appears  to  have  had 
its  chief  settlement  in  the  borders  of  Idumiea,  and 
perhaps  to  have  led  a  pastoral  life. 

All  traces  of  the  name  of  Dedan,  whether  in  Idu- 
ma^a  or  on  the  Persian  Gulf,  are  lost  in  the  works 
of  Arab  geographers  and  historians.  The  Greek 
and  Roman  geographers  however  throw  some  light 
on  the  eastern  settlement;  and  a  native  indication 
of  the  name  is  presumed  to  exist  in  the  island  of 
Dddan,  on  the  borders  of  the  gulf.  The  identifica- 
tion must  be  taken  in  connection  with  the  writer's 
recovery  of  the  name  of  Sheba,  the  other  son  of 
Raamah,  on  the  island  of  Awdl,  near  the  Arabian 
shore  of  the  same  gulf.  This  is  discussed  in  the 
art.  Raamah.  E.  S.  P. 

DED'ANIM  (D"'?'!'^:  Aaiddv-  Dedamm), 
Is.  xxi.  13.     [Dedan.] 

DEDICATION,  FEAST  OF  THE   (rh 

iyKaivia,  John  x.  22 :  Enctenia,  Vulg. ;  6  4yKat- 
vKTfxbs  rod  dvcricurrrtplov,  1  Mace.  iv.  56  and  59 
(the  same  term  as  is  used  in  the  LXX.  for  the 
dedication  of  the  altar  by  Moses,  Num.  vii.  10); 
6  KaOapur/xhs  rod  yaou,  2  Mace.  x.  5:  Mishna, 

nSpn,  i.  e.  dedication :  Joseph,  cpura,  Ant.  lii. 
7,  §  7),  the  festival  iTistituted  to  commemorate  the 
purging  of  the  Temple  and  the  rebuilding  of  the 
altar  after  Judas  Maccabseus  had  driven  out  the 
Syrians,  b.  c.  164.  It  is  named  only  once  in  the 
Canonical  Scriptures,  John  x.  22.  Its  institution 
is  recorded  1  Mace.  iv.  52-59.  It  commenced  on 
the  2.")th  of  Chisleu,  the  amli^e^sary  of  the  pollu- 
tion of  the  Temple  by  Antioclius  E])iphanes,  B.  c. 
167.  Like  the  great  Mosaic  feasts,  it  lasted  eight 
days,  but  it  did  not  require  attendance  at  Jeruw- 
lem.     It  was  an  occasion  of  much  festivity.     TIm 


DEEP,  THE 

witer  of  2  Mace,  tells  us  that  it  was  celebrated  in 
nearly  the  same  manner  as  the  Feast  of  Taberna- 
cles, with  the  carrying  of  branches  of  trees,  and 
tvith  much  singing  (x.  6,  7).  Josephus  states  that 
Lhe  festival  was  called  "  Lights,"  and  that  he  sup- 
poses the  name  was  given  to  it  from  the  joy  of  the 
nation  at  their  unexpected  liberty  —  rijy  iopr^v 
ayoixev  KaXovvns  avTrju  4>aJTa,  €(c  rov  irap'  i\- 
k'lSos  olfiai  ravTTiy  fifuf  (payrjyai  r^f  e^ovfflav 
(Ant.  xii.  7,  §  7).  The  Mishna  informs  us  that 
no  fast  on  account  of  any  public  calamity  could  be 
coumienced  during  this  feast.  In  the  Gemara  a 
story  is  related  that  when  the  Jews  entered  the 
'i'l-'inple,  after  driving  out  the  Syrians,  they  found 
tl'.ere  only  one  bottle  of  oil  which  had  not  been  pol- 
luted, and  thai  this  was  miraculously  increased,  so 
as  to  feed  the  lamps  of  the  sanctuary  for  eight 
(lays.  Maimonides  ascribes  to  this  the  custom  of 
the  -lews  illuminating  each  house  with  one  candle 
on  the  first  day  of  the  feast,  two  on  the  second  day, 
three  on  the  third,  and  so  on.  Some  had  this 
number  of  candles  for  each  person  in  the  house. 
Neither  the  books  of  Maccabees,  the  Mishna,  nor 
.Josephus  mention  this  custom,  and  it  would  seem 
to  be  of  later  origin,  probably  suggested  by  the 
name  which  Josephus  gives  to  the  festival.  In  the 
Temple  at  Jerusalem,  the  "  Hallel "  was  sung  every 
day  of  the  feast. 

In  Ezra  (vi.  16)  the  w^ord  nSpn,  applied  to 
the  dedication  of  the  second  Temple,  on  the  third 
of  Adar,  is  rendered  in  the  LXX.  by  eyKalvia,  and 
in  the  Vulg.  by  dedicatio.  But  the  anniversary  of 
that  day  was  not  observed.  The  dedication  of  the 
first  Temple  took  place  at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles 
(1  K.  viii.  2;  2  Chr.  v.  3).  [Tabernaclks, 
Feast  of.] 

See  Lightfoot,  Temple  Service,  sect.  v. ;  Hone 
Ihb.  on  John  x.  22,  and  his  Sermon  on  the  same 
text ;  Mishna,  vol.  ii.  p.  369,  ed.  Surenhus.,  and 
Houtingius'  note,  317;  Kuinoel  On  John  x.  22. 

S.  C. 

*  DEEP,  THE  i&Pva-aos:  abyssus).  The 
term  which  the  A.  V.  renders  thus  in  Luke  viii. 
31  and  Kom.  x.  7,  it  renders  "  bottomless  pit"  in 
Rev.  ix.  1,  2,  11 ;  xi.  7 ;  xx.  1,  3.  The  translation 
as  thus  varied  (nhyss  would  be  better)  is  unfor- 
tunate, as  it  not  only  conceals  the  link  of  unity 
which  binds  together  these  passages  (Rom.  x.  7 
partially  excepted ),  but  leads  the  reader  to  confound 
it  with  "  the  deep "  as  meaning  the  sea  (e.  g. 
Luke  V.  4;  2  Cor.  xi.  25),  and  founded  on  a  differ- 
ent original  word  (edKaacra)-  "  The  deep "  in 
Luke  viii.  31,  into  which  the  demons  that  possessed 
the  Gadarene  maniacs  besought  Jesus  not  to  cast 
them,  is  evidently  the  place  of  punishment  to  which 
they  knew  they  were  ultimately  to  be  consigned ; 
for  the  being  sent  thither  stands  in  that  passage  as 
equivalent  to  suffering  the  torment  before  the  time 
gpoken  of  in  Matt.  viii.  29,  which  they  feared  might 
be  at  once  inflicted  on  them.  We  may  say  furtlier, 
in  view  of  the  evident  analogy  between  these  pas- 
sages and  Jude  ver.  6,  that  "  abyss  "  is  the  place 
also  where  other  wicked  spirits  of  the  same  class 
are  already  confined,  awaiting  the  more  complete 
punishment  which  they  are  to  suffer  after  the 
judgment  of  the  great  day.  "  Abyss  "  is  not  one  of 
Jie  names  actually  applied  to  the  state  or  place  of 
ivicked  men  after  death ;  but  we  seem  to  be  for- 
bidden by  such  language  as  that  in  Matt.  xxv.  41 
k>  infer  that  the  condition  of  lost  men  and  fallen 
uigels  is  to  be  essentially  different  when  the  last 


DEGREE  579 

stage  of  their  destiny  is  reached.  In  Rom.  x.  7 
"  the  abyss  "  and  "heaven"  are  opposed  to  each 
other  as  limits  separated  by  the  greatest  conceivable 
distance.  The  use  of  the  term  in  the  Apocalypse 
partakes  of  the  vagueness  and  poetic  freedom  of 
that  figurative  book,  but  retains  stiU  the  ground- 
idea  of  its  more  direct,  literal  application.  The 
"  abyss  "  or  "  bottomless  pit "  is  a  place  enveloped 
in  gloom  and  darkness  whence  arise  clouds  of  smoke 
which  "  darken  the  sun  and  the  air"  (ix.  2);  from 
which  issue  myriads  of  destructive  locusts  whose 
king  is  Abaddon  or  ApoUyon,  who  leads  them  forth 
to  ravage  the  earth  and  torment  mankind  (ix.  3  ff.); 
and  into  which  at  length  this  enemy  of  all  good, 
"  the  old  serpent  which  is  the  Devil  and  Satan," 
is  plunged  and  chained  for  a  thousand  years,  and 
where  after  a  brief  respite  he  is  confined  again 
apparently  forever  (xx.  1  ff.). 

In  regard  to  the  origin  and  force  of  this  imagery, 
which  with  some  variations  has  given  expression  to 
men's  natural  consciousness  of  a  future  retribution, 
among  so  many  diffei'ent  nations,  see  Prof.  Stuart's 
Comment,  on  the  Ajx)c<iltf2)se,  i.  189,  and  Pfanner'a 
Systenii  Theologive  Geniiiis  Pui-ioris,  pp.  459-489. 
For  the  usage  of  the  Septuagint,  see  Biel's  Thesaur. 
Phil.  p.  4,  and  for  that  of  the  Apocrypha,  AVahl's 
Cl^ivis  Librorum  Vet.  Test.  Ajwcryph.  p.  2.  We 
are  not  'o  understand,  of  course,  that  "abyss"  in 
the  N.  T.  is  coextensive  with  Hades  or  the  under- 
world as  the  abode  of  the  dead  indiscriminately 
but  is  the  part  of  that  wider  realm  assigned  as  their 
special  abode  to  the  wicked.     [Hades.]         H. 

DEER.     [Fallow-Deek.j 

*  DEGREE  (3ae/i(is:  gradus).  The  original 
word  occurs  in  the  N.  T.  only  in  1  Tim.  ill.  13 :  "  For 
they  that  have  used  the  office  of  a  deacon  well, 
purchase  to  themselves  a  good  degree,  and  great 
boldness  in  the  faith  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus." 
The  "degree"  or  step  referred  to  has  been  vari- 
ously understood:  (1.)  Of  ecclesiastical  preferment, 
e.  y.  from  the  diaconate  to  a  higher  ofiiee:  so  some 
of  the  fathers,  and  lately  Wordsworth ;  but  this,  a« 
Alford  and  EUicott  admit,  is  untenable.  It  is  not 
likely  that  any  such  process  of  ecclesiastical  prefer- 
ment existed  at  this  early  period.  (2.)  A  station 
or  standing-place  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  with 
reference  to  their  own  salvation  (De  Wette,  Al- 
ford, EUicott).  (3.)  A  place  of  honor  in  the 
estimation  of  the  Church  (Luther,  Calvin).  (4  1 
Progress  in  the  faith. 

The  word  etymologically  signifies  a  step  upward 
or  forward,  and  in  the  tropical  sense  in  which  it  ia 
here  used,  expresses  the  general  idea  of  advance- 
ment. The  somewhat  emphatic  dative  "  for  them- 
selves," makes  distinct  the  idea  of  persoiutl  ad- 
vantage, as  distinguished  from  service  to  ofhers, 
indicated  by  the  verb  rendered  in  A.  V.,  "  used  the 
office  of  a  deacon."  The  subjoined  phrase,  "  bold- 
ness (or  better,  joyous  confidence :  see  De  Wette 
and  Huther  in  he.)  in  faith,"  shows  that  this  advan- 
tage is  of  a  spiritual  nature,  and  essentially  sub- 
jective. The  "degree"  or  step  referred  to,  then, 
would  seem  most  naturally  to  relate  to  jJrogress  in 
spiritu  il  life.  We  may  accordingly  regard  th€ 
passage  in  1  Tim.  iii.  13  as  a  general  proposition 
in  respect  to  the  subjective  spiritual  benefit  ob- 
tained !)'•  faithfully  sendng  as  deacons,  the  impor- 
tance of  which  in  turn  becomes  confirmatory  of  the 
propriety  of  requiring  the  qualifications  mentioned 
in  w.  S-12.  The  passage  in  1  Tim.  iii.  13  may 
be  rendered  and  explained,  then,  as  follows :  "  Pot 


580      DEGREES,  SHADOW  OF 

ihey  who  well  served  as  deacons  "  (the  verb  in  the 
•orist  simply  indicates  the  service  viewed  as  com- 
pleted ;  there  is  nothing  to  mark  a  reference  to  the 
day  of  judgment,  as  Alford  would  have  it)  ^^  obtain 
for  tlaimekts  a  <jood  dtyree "  (furtherance  in 
spiritual  attahiments),  "and  much  confidence" 
(towards  God)  "in  faith  in  Christ  Jesus."  Van 
Oosterzee  \\ould  unite  with  this  the  idea  of  future 
blessedness.  G.  E.  D. 

*  DEGREES,  SHADOW  OF  [Aha/,; 
Dial;  Hkzkkiah.] 

DEGREES,       SONGS       OF        (^-^7 

n  w3?ttn),  a  title  given  to  fifteen  psalms,  from 
cxx.  to  cxxxiv.  inclusive.  Four  of  them  are  attrib- 
uted to  David,  one  is  ascribed  to  the  pen  of  Solo- 
mon, and  the  other  ten  give  no  indication  of  their 
author.  Eichhoni  supposes  them  all  to  be  the 
work  of  one  and  the  same  bard  {Einl.  in  cUis  A.  T.), 
and  he  also  shares  the  opinion  of  Herder  (Geist 
der  ebrdischen  Foesie),  who  inteqjrets  the  title 
"  Hymns  for  a  jouniey."  "The  headings  of  the 
psalms,  however,  are  not  to  be  relied  on,  as  many 
of  these  titles  were  superadded  long  after  the  authors 
of  the  psalms  had  passed  away.  The  words  '  of 
David,'  or  '  of  Solomon,'  do  not  of  themselves 
estsiblish  the  fact  that  the  psalm  was  written  by 
the  person  named,  since  the  very  same  phraseology 
would  be  emjiloyed  to  denote  a  hymn  composed  in 
honor  of  David  or  of  Solomon  "  (Marks's  Sefvums, 
i.  208-!)).  Ijellermann  {Metrik  der  Hebraer)  calls 
these  psalms  "  Trochaic  songs." 

With  respect  to  the  term  mv^^n,  A.  V. 
"  degrees,"  a  great  diversity  of  opinion  prevails 
amongst  Biblical  critics.  According  to  some  it 
refers  to  the  melody  to  which  the  psalm  was  to  be 
chanted.  Others,  including  Gesenius,  derive  the 
word  from  the  ix>etical  composition  of  the  song,  and 
from  tlie  circumstance  that  the  concluding  words 
of  the  preceding  sentence  are  often  repeated  at  the 
commencement  of  the  next  verse.  Thus  Psalm 
cxxi. :  — 

"  I  will  lift  up  mine  eyes  unto  the  hills 
From  whence  cometh  my  help. 
My  help  cometh  even  fcoxa  Jehovah,"  &c. 

And  so  in  other  passages  (comp.  cxxi.  4,  5,  and 
cxxiv.  1,  2  and  3,  4).  Aben  Ezra  quotes  an  ancient 
authority,  which  maintains  that  the  degrees  allude 
to  the  fifteen  steps  which,  in  the  temple  of  Jeru- 
salem, led  from  the  court  of  the  women  to  that  of 
the  men,  and  on  each  of  which  steps  one  of  the 
fifteen  songs  of  degrees  was  chanted.  Adam  Clarke 
( Comment,  on  I's.  cxx. )  refers  to  a  similar  opinion 
as  found  in  the  Apocryphal  Gospel  of  the  birth  of 
Mary  :  "  Her  parents  brought  her  to  the  temple, 
and  set  her  ujwn  one  of  the  steps.  Now  there  are 
fifteen  steps  about  the  temple,  by  which  they  go 
up  to  it,  according  to  the  fifteen  Psalms  of  De- 
grees." 

The  most  generally  accredited  opinion,  however, 

li  that  n737Q  is  etjuiologically  cormected  with 

H^V  "  to  go  up,"  or  to  travel  to  Jerusalem;  that 
jome  of  these  hymns  were  preserved  from  a  period 
interior  to  tiie  Babylonish  Captivity ;  that  others 
•pcre  comiwsed  in  the  same  spirit  by  those  who 
returned  to  Palestine,  on  the  conquest  of  Babylon 
Dy  Cyrus,  and  that  a  few  refer  even  to  a  later  dat«, 
but  were  all  uicorporated  into  one  collection,  be- 
lauae  they  had  tme  and  the  same  object.    This  view 


DEHAVITES 

is  adopted  by  Roseimiiiller,  Herder,  Mendelssohn, 
Joel  Brill,  &c.  &c.  Luther  translates  the  word* 
"  Ein  Lied  im  hohem  Chor,"  thus  connecting  the 
psalm    with   the   manner   of  its   execution ;    and 

Michaelis    compares     H^rO    with    the    Syriac 

t'^nvSIi?  (Scak)  which  would  likewise  characterize 
the  metre  or  the  melody.  D.  W.  M. 

*  If  nivP^n  designates  the  psalms  grouped 
together  under  that  title  as  those  which  the  He- 
brews sung  when  they  went  to  Jerusalem  to  keep 
the  yearly  feasts,  the  rendering  should  be  "  Goings- 
up  "  or  "  Ascents  "  (comp.  ocajSoiVw  as  so  often 
said  of  journeys  thither  in  the  N.  T.).  Hengsten- 
berg's  advocacy  of  this  explanation  {Die  Fmlmen, 
iv.  2te  Abth.  p.  6 ),  has  given  to  it  more  recently 
still  wider  currency.  Some  of  his  arguments  (which 
taken  together  have  a  cumulative   force,    though 

singly  less  decisive)  are  the  following :  (1.)  TT^V 
is  the  usual  expression  for  these  festival  journeys 
(Ex.  xxxiv.  24;  1  Kings  xii.  27,  28;  Ps.  cxxii.  4). 

(2.)  The  article  in  nivl^SH,  by  way  of  pre- 
eminence, denotes  the  joiuneys,  which  can  only  be 
those  annual  journeys  prescribed  by  the  law  (comp 
Ps.  cxxii.  4).  (3.)  The  oldest,  in  all  probabiUty,  of 
these  pilgrim  songs,  namely:  that  which  was  com- 
iwsed by  David  soon  after  the  consecration  of  Ziop 
as  the  seat  of  the  sanctuary  and  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  pilgrimages  thither  (Ps.  cxxii.),  con- 
tains an  explanation  of  the  sense  of  jI'I  vl'Q  in  the 
occurrence  of  two  correspondent  expressions  (as  in 
the  case  of  the  explanation  of  V^3Ji7^,  Ps.  xxxii.), 
namely:  "  We  will  go  to  the  house  of  the  Lord  " 
in  ver.  1,  and  "  to  which  the  tribes  go  up  "  (1737) 
in  ver.  4.  (4.)  Some  of  these  psalms,  in  accordance 
with  the  most  manifest  internal  marks,  have  been 
used  for  this  purpose,  e.  ff.  Ps.  cxxi.  1  shows  how 
appropriate  the  psalm  was  as  designed  to  be  sung 
in  view  of  the  mountahis  of  Jerusalem.  (5.)  Ac- 
cording to  this  interpretation  all  the  common  pecu- 
liarities of  these  jjsalms  are  accounted  for,  such  as 
contents,  rhythmical  structiu-e,  and  local  allusions. 
Hupfeld  {Die  Psalmen,  iv.  252)  favors  this  re- 
vived opinion  of  many  of  the  older  critics.  Ewald 
also  agrees  with  those  who  consider  them  hymns 
designed  for  pilgrimages  to  the  Temple,  composed 
during  and  after  the  time  of  the  exile  {Bibl.  Jahrh. 
vi.  105,  and  Gesch.  Isr.  iv.  315).  Perowne  {Book 
of  Psalms :  Introduction,  p.  xcvi.,  Lond.  1865)  gives 
the  preference  to  this  explanation.  H. 

DEHA'VITES  (NiniJ  :  Aava7oi:  Died)  an 
mentioned  but  once  in  Scripture  (ICzr.  iv.  9).  They 
were  among  the  colonists  planted  in  Samaria  by 
the  Assyrian  monarch  Esarhaddon,  after  the  com- 
pletion of  the  Captivity  of  Israel.  From  their 
name,  taken  in  conjunction  with  the  fact  that  they 
are  coupled  with  the  Susanchites  (Susianians,  or 
people  of  Susa)  and  the  Elamites  (Elymaeans, 
natives  of  the  same  country),  it  is  fairly  concluded 
that  they  are  the  Dal  or  Dahi,  mentioned  by  Herod- 
otus (i.  125)  among  the  nomadic  tribes  of  Persia. 
This  people  appears  to  have  been  widely  difftised, 
beuig  found  as  Dahse  {Adat)  both  in  the  country 
east  of  the  Caspian  (Strab.  xi.  8,  §  2;  Arrian 
Kxped.  Al.  iii.  11,  <fec.),  and  in  the  vicinity  of  th( 
Sea  of  Azof  (Strab.  xi.  9,  §  3);  and  again  as  DL 
(A»ot,  Thucyd.  ii.  96),  Dal  {Adoi,  Strab.),  or  Dao 


DEKAB 

.AMot  Strab.  D.  Cass.  &c.)  upon  the  Danube, 
fhey  were  an  Aryan  Kice,  and  are  regarded  by  some 
IS  having  their  lineal  descendants  in  the  modern 
Danes  (see  Grimm's  O'escliichte  d.  deutsch.  iiprache, 
i.  102-3).  The  Septuagint  form  of  the  name  — 
Davceus,  may  compare  with  the  Davus  ( =  ActFos) 
of  Latin  comedy.  G.  R. 

DE'KAR.  The  son  of  Deker,  i.  e.  Ben-Deker 
("1|7"iT"]2 :  vihs  AaK<ip:  Bendecar),  was  Solo- 
mon's commissariat  officer  in  the  western  part  of 
the  hill-country  of  Juddi  and  Benjamin,  Shaalbim 
and  Beth-shemesh  (1  K.  iv.  9). 

DELA'IAH  [3  syl.]  (^IH^^"^  and  H^b^^z 
"  Jehovah's  freedman  "  — comp.  aireKfvdepos  Kv- 
piov,  1  Cor.  vii.  22;  also  the  Phcenician  name 
AeKaiaa-rdpTO^,  quoted  from  Menander  by  Jose- 
phus,  ConL  Ap.  i.  18,  and  the  modern  name  God- 
frey =  Gottesfrey  ['?J;  LXX.  AaKaia.  AaAaiay: 
Dalaiau,  I)  data),  the  name  of  several  persons. 

1.  Delaiahu  ('A5aA.Aai  ;  [Alex.  AaXa'ia  ■ 
Dalaiau] ) ;  a  priest  in  the  time  of  David,  leader  of 
the  twenty-third  course  of  priests  (1  Chr.  xxiv.  18). 

2.  Delaiah  [AaAai'a;  Vat.  in  Ezr.  Aaxea, 
in  Neh.  AaAea:  Bidiiia].  "Children  of  Delaiah" 
were  among  the  people  of  uncertain  pedigree  who 
returned  from  Babylon  with  Zerubbabel  (Kzr.  ii. 
60  ;  Neh.  vii.  62).  In  1  Esdr.  the  name  is 
Ladan. 

3.  Delaiah  [AaAaio;  Vat.  AaAea:  -Dalaia]; 
son  of  Mehetabed  and  father  of  Shemaiah  (Neh. 
vi.  10). 

4.  Delaiahu  (AaAafas  and  ro5o\las;  [ver.  12, 
Alex.  AaAeas,  FA.  AaAios;  ver.  2.5,  Comp.  Aid. 
FA.*  AaAai'as :  Baluias];  son  of   Shemaiah,  one 

of  the  "  princes "  (D'^'^tZ?)  about  the  court  of 
Jehoiakim  (Jer.  xxxvi.  12,  2.5). 

The  name  also  occurs  in  the  A.  V.  as  Dalaiah. 

DBLI'LAH  (717^7"^  [inning  with  desire] : 
AoAiSd  ;  [Vat.  in  ver.  1.3,  AaAeiSa:]  Joseph. 
AaAiAij:  Dulilii),  a  woman  who  dwelt  in  the 
valley  of  Sorek,  beloved  by  Samson  (Judg.  xvi. 
4-18).  Her  connection  with  Samson  forms  the 
third  and  last  of  those  amatory  adventures  which 
in  his  history  are  so  inextricably  blended  with  the 
•jraft  and  prowess  of  a  judge  in  Israel.  She  was 
bribed  by  the  "  lords  of  the  Philistines  "  to  win 
from  Samson  the  secret  of  his  strength,  and  the 
means  of  overcoming  it.     [Samson.] 

It  is  not  stated,  either  in  Judges  or  in  Josephus, 
whether  she  was  an  Israelite  or  a  Philistine.  Nor 
can  this  question  be  determined  by  reference  to  the 
geography  of  Sorek  ;  since  in  the  time  of  the 
Judges  the  frontier  was  shifting  and  indefinite. 
[SouEK.]  The  following  considerations,  however, 
supyly  presumptive  evidence  that  she  was  a  Phil- 
istine :  — 

1.  I  lor  occupition,  which  seems  to  have  been 
that  of  !i  courtesan  of  the  higher  class,  a  kind  of 
piiliticbJ  tietiera.  The  heta;ric  and  political  view 
of  her  position  is  more  decided  in  Josephus  than 
in  Judges.  He  calls  her  yvv^^  (Taipi(fiix4ur),  and 
issociates  her  influence  over  Samson  with  ir6~o'i 
md  ffjvovaia  {Aiil.  v.  8,  §  11).  He  also  states 
iiore  clearly  her  relation  as  a  political  agent  to  the 

'  lords  of  the  Philistines "    C^.^"?? :    Joseph,    oi 


DEMAS 


581 


a  *  Luko's  name  is  coupled  with  that  of  Demas  in 
Joi  iv.  14,  and  Philem.  ver.  24.  It  is  hardly  neces- 
»rv  to  remind  the  reader  that  Keble  has  foundei  one 


irpofCTTwrfS,  to;s  &pxoii(Ti  TloKaiffrivui' ;  LXX. 
&pXovTes'  SatrapcB  ;  ol  rod  koivov;  magistrates, 
jwlitician  lords,  Milton,  Sams.  Ag.  850,  1195) 
employing  under  their  directions  "  liers  in  wait " 

(3]^Wn  :  tJ)  ivi^pov-  insidiis ;  cf.  Josh.  viii.  14; 
[Joseph.]  (TTpaTiwTuy)-  On  the  other  hand,  Chry- 
sostom  and  many  of  the  Fathers  have  maintained 
that  Delilah  was  married  to  Samson  (so  Milton, 
227),  a  natural  but  uncritical  attempt  to  save  the 
morality  of  the  Jewish  champion.  See  Judg.  xvi. 
9,  18,  as  showing  an  exclusive  command  of  her 
establishment  inconsistent  with  the  idea  of  matri- 
monial connection  (Patrick,  ad  loc).  There  seems 
to  be  little  doubt  that  she  was  a  courtesan ;  and  her 
employment  as  a  political  emissary,  together  with 
the  large  sum  which  was  offered  for  her  services 
(1100  pieces  of  silver  from  each  lord  =  5500  shekels; 
cf.  Judg.  iii.  3),  and  the  tact  which  is  attributed 
to  her  in  Judges,  but  more  especially  in  Josephus, 
indicates  a  position  not  likely  to  be  occupied  by 
any  Israelitish  woman  at  that  period  of  national 
depression. 

2.  The  general  tendency  of  the  Scripture  narra- 
tive: the  sexual  temptation  represented  as  acting 
upon  the  Israelites  from  without  (Num.  xxv.  1,  6, 
xxxi.  15,  16). 

3.  The  special  case  of  Samson  (Judg.  xiv.  1, 
xvi.  1). 

In  Milton  Delilah  appears  as  a  Philistine,  and 
justifies  herself  to  Samson  on  the  ground  of  patri- 
otism {Sams.  Ag.  850,  980).  T.  E.  B. 

DELUGE.     [Noah.] 

DE'LUS  (A^Aos),  mentioned  in  1  Maoc.  xv. 
23,  is  the  smallest  of  the  islands  called  Cyclades  in 
the  ^Egaean  Sea.  It  was  one  of  the  chief  seats  of 
the  worship  of  Apollo,  and  was  celebrated  as  the 
birth-place  of  this  god  and  of  his  sister  Artemis 
(Diana).  We  learn  from  Josephus  {Ant.  xiv.  10, 
§  8)  that  Jews  resided  in  this  island,  which  may 
be  accounted  for  by  the  fact,  that  after  the  fall  of 
Corinth  (b.  c.  146)  it  became  the  centre  of  an 
extensive  commerce.  The  sanctity  of  the  spot  and 
its  consequent  security,  its  festival  which  was  a  kind 
of  fair,  the  excellence  of  its  harbor,  and  its  con- 
venient situation  on  the  highway  ft*om  Italy  and 
Greece  to  Asia,  made  it  a  favorite  resort  of  mer- 
chants. So  extensive  was  the  conmierce  carried  on 
in  the  island,  that  10,000  slaves  are  said  to  have 
changed  hands  there  in  one  day  (Strab.  xiv.  p. 
668).  Delus  is  at  present  uninhabited,  except  by 
a  few  shepherds.  (For  details,  see  Diet,  of  Gr.  (f 
Rom.  Geogr.  s.  v.) 

DE'MAS  (Aijfias),  most  probably  a  contraction 
from  Ar]fxT}Tptos,  or  perhaps  from  Arifiapxos,  a 
companion  of  St.  Paul  (called  by  him  his  a-vvepy6s 
in  Philem.  24;  see  also  Col.  iv.  14)  duruig  his  first 
imprisonment  at  Home.  At  a  later  period  (2  Tim. 
iv.  10)  we  find  him  mentioned  as  having  deserted 
the  Apostle  through  love  of  this  pre.sent  world,  and 
gone  to  Thessalonica.  This  departure  has  been 
magnified  by  tradition  into  an  apostasy  from  Chris- 
tianity (so  I'>piphan.  Hceres.  11.  6,  .  .  .  /col 
AriiLLav,  Kol  'Epfj-oyevriu,  tovs  ayawfiffavras  rhv 
ivTavda  alaiua,  Kol  KaTaKeirpayras  r^v  6Bhv  rrjs 
aKrjOiias),  which  is  by  no  means  unplied  in  the 
passage."  H.  A. 

of  his  grandest  hymns  on  this  association  of  the  twc 
men  with  Paul's  earlier  captivity  and  tb<»  guDse'iu?nt 
apostasy  of  Demas  ( Oiristian  Year :  St.  M.uke).     H. 


582 


DEMETllIUS 


DEMETRIUS  (ATj/x^rpios),  a  maker  of 
lilver  shrines  of  Artemis  at  Ephesus  (Acts  xix.  24). 
These  yaol  apyvaot  were  small  models  of  the  great 
temple  of  the  l'>phesian  Artemis,  with  her  statue, 
which  it  was  customary  to  carry  on  journeys,  and 
place  on  houses,  as  charms.  Demetrius  and  his 
fellow  craftsmen,  in  fear  for  their  trade,  raised  a 
tumult  agauist  St.  Paul  and  his  missionary  com- 
panions. H.  A. 

*  The  speech  of  Demetrius,  by  which  he  so  much 
excited  the  E])hesian  shrine-makers  and  through 
them  the  populace  at  large,  wiis  singularly  adroit. 
lie  took  care,  in  the  first  place,  to  show  his  fellow- 
cniftsmen  how  the  gi-owth  of  this  new  sect  affected 
their  own  personal  interests  (xix.  25),  and  then,  in 
order  to  throw  over  this  motive  a  better  guise,  ap- 
[)ealed  to  their  zeal  for  religion  (vv.  20,  27 ).  But 
the  sjjeaker  relied  mainly,  as  Calvin  thinks,  on  the 
selfishness  of  his  auditors :  "  lies  ipsa  cliimat  non 
tam  pro  arLs  ipsos  quam  pro  focis  pugnare,  ut 
Bcilicet  culiuam  habeant  bene  calentem  "  {In  Ada 
Ajwsi.  xix.  23).  The  attempt  to  identify  this 
Demetrius  with  the  one  next  named  on  the  sup- 
position that  he  may  have  become  a  believer,  is 
unwarranted  by  Scripture  or  history.  H. 

*  DEME'TRIUS  (atj^Vp'os)  another  per- 
gou  of  this  name,  whom  the  Apostle  mentions  in 
3  John,  ver.  12,  as  the  model  of  a  Christian,  to 
whom  the  truth  itself,  so  faithfully  exempUfied  by 
him,  bore  witness.  This  is  the  only  notice  of  him. 
The  relation  between  him  and  John  is  uncertain. 
He  may  have  been  the  bearer  of  the  letter  to  Gains 
(ver.  1),  and  one  of  the  missionaries  (vv.  5,  G) 
whom  the  Apostle  exhorts  Gains  to  forward  on 
their  journey.  There  is  no  contemporary  history 
to  illustrate  the  epistle,  and  these  points  are  neces- 
sarily obscure.  H. 

DEME'TRIUS  I.  {Arifj.4]Tpios)i  suniamed 
"  The  Saviour  "  {'SwT'fip,  in  recognition  of  his  ser- 
vices to  the  Babylonians),  king  of  Syria,  was  the 
son  of  Seleucus  Philopator,  and  grandson  of  An- 
tiochus  the  Great.  While  still  a  boy  he  was  sent 
by  his  father  as  a  hostage  to  Kome  (b.  c.  175)  in 
exchange  for  his  uncle  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  From 
his  positioi.  he  was  unable  to  offer  any  opposition 
to  the  usurpation  of  the  Syrian  throne  by  Ajitiochus 
IV.;  but  on  the  death  of  that  monarch  (b.  c.  104) 
he  claimed  his  liberty  and  the  recognition  of  his 
claim  by  the  Roman  senate  in  preference  to  that 
of  his  cousin  Antiochus  V.  His  petition  was  re- 
fusetl  from  selfish  policy  (Polyb.  xxxi.  12);  and  by 
the  advice  and  assistance  of  Polybius,  whose  friend- 
Unp  he  had  gained  at  Rome  (Polyb.  xxxi.  19; 
Just,  xxxiv.  3),  he  left  Italy  secretly,  and  landed 
witl  a  small  force  at  Tripolis  in  Phoenicia  (2  Mace, 
siv.  1;  1  Mace.  vii.  1;  Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  10,  1). 
The  Syrians  soon  declared  in  his  favor  (b.  c.  102), 
and  Antiochus  and  his  protector  Lysias  were  put  to 
death  (I  Mace.  vii.  2,  3;  2  Mace.  xiv.  2).  Having 
thus  gained  possession  of  the  kingdom,  Demetrius 
iucceedetl  in  securing  the  favor  of  the  Romans 
(Polyb.  xxxii.  4),  and  he  turned  his  attention  to 
the  internal  organization  of  his  dominions.  Tlie 
Grecizing  party  were  still  powerful  at  Jerusalem, 
and  he  sup])orted  them  by  arms.  In  the  first  cam- 
oaign  his  general  liacchides  established  Alcimus  in 
the  high-priesthood  (1  Mace.  vii.  5-20);  but  the 
success  was  not  permanent.  Alcimus  was  forced 
:o  take  refuge  a  second  time  at  the  court  of  Deme- 
Brios,  and  Nicanor,  who  was  commissioned  to  re- 
•ore  him,  was  defeated  in  two  successive  engage- 


DEMETRIUS 

ments  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  (1  Mace.  vii.  31,  33, 
43-5),  and  fell  on  the  field.  Two  other  campaign* 
were  undertaken  against  the  Jews  by  Bacchidet 
(b.  c.  101;  158);  but  in  the  mean  time  Judas  had 
completed  a  treaty  with  the  Romans  shortly  before 
his  death  (b.  c.  101),  who  forbade  Demetrius  to 
oppress  the  Jews  (1  Mace.  \m.  31).  Not  long  after 
wards  Demetrius  furtlier  incurred  the  displeasure 
of  the  Romans  by  the  expulsion  of  Ariarathes  from 
Cappadocia  (Polyb.  xxxii.  20;  Just.  xxxv.  1);  and 
he  alienated  the  affection  of  his  own  subjects  by  his 
private  excesses  (Just.  /.  c. ;  cf.  Polyb.  xxxiii.  14). 
When  his  power  was  thus  shaken  (b.  c.  152), 
Alexander  Balas  was  brought  forward,  with  the 
consent  of  the  Roman  senate,  as  a  claunant  to  the 
throne,  witli  the  powerful  support  of  Ptolemy 
Philometor,  Attains,  and  Ariarathes.  Demetrius 
vainly  endeavored  to  secure  the  services  of  Jona- 
than, who  had  succeeded  his  brother  Judas  aa 
leader  of  the  Jews,  and  now,  from  the  recollection 
of  his  wrongs,  warmly  favored  the  cause  of  Alex- 
ander (1  Mace.  X.  1-0).  The  rivals  met  in  a  deci- 
sive engagement  (b.  c.  150),  and  Demetrius,  after 
displaying  the  greatest  personal  bravery,  was  de- 
feated and  slain  (1  Mace.  x.  48-50;  Joseph.  Ant. 
xiii.  2,  §  4;  Polyb.  iii.  5).  In  addition  to  the  very 
mteresting  fragments  of  Polybius  the  following 
references  may  be  consulted:  Just,  xxxiv.  3,  xxxv. 
1;  App.  Syr.  46,  47,  07.  B.  F.  W. 


Tetradrachm  (Attic  talent)  of  Demetrius  I. 

Obv.  Head  of  Demetrius  to  the  right.    Rev.  BASIAEOS 

AHMHTPIoY  2nTHPo2;  in  field  monogram  and 

Ml;   in  exergue  AEP  (161  of  Era  Seleuc).    Seated 

female  figure  to  the  left  with  sceptre  and  c.imucopia. 

DEME'TRIUS  II.  (ATj/i^rpioj),  "  ITie  Vic- 
torious "  (NifcoTwp),  was  the  elder  son  of  Deme- 
trius Soter.  He  was  sent  by  his  father,  together 
with  his  brother  Antiochus,  with  a  large  treasure, 
to  Cnidus  (Just.  xxxv.  2),  when  Alexander  Balas 
laid  claim  to  the  throne  of  Syria.  When  he  was 
grown  up,  the  weakness  and  vices  of  Alexander 
furnished  him  with  an  opportunity  of  recovering 
his  father's  dominions.  Accompanied  by  a  force 
of  Cretan  mercenaries  (Just.  I.  c. ;  cf.  1  Mucc.  x. 
07),  he  made  a  descent  on  Syria  (b.  c.  148),  and 
was  received  with  general  favor  (1  Mace.  x.  07  ff.). 
Jonathan,  hpwever,  still  supported  the  cause  of 
.Alexander,  and  defeated  ApoUonius,  whom  Deme- 
trius had  appointed  governor  of  Coele-Syria  (1 
Mace.  X.  74-82).  In  spite  of  these  hostilities 
.Jonathan  succeeded  in  gaining  the  favor  of  Deme- 
trius when  he  wiis  established  in  the  kingdom  (1 
Mace.  xi.  23-27),  and  obtained  from  him  an  advan- 
tageous commutation  of  the  royal  dues,  ai  d  othei 
concessions  (1  Jlacc.  xi.  32-37).  In  re(  iim  fo) 
these  fa\ors  the  Jews  rendered  important  senices 
to  Demetrius  when  Tryphon  first  claimed  tl  e  king- 
dom for  Antiochus  VI.,  the  son  of  Alcca  ider  (1 
Mace.  xi.  42) ;  but  afterwards,  being  otfendei  ly  hii 
feithlesR  ingratitude  (1  Maec.  xi.  53),  they  e  poused 
the  cause  of  the  young  pretender.  In  the  ca  ^j'^x" 
which  followed,  Jonathan  defeated  the  fo  .«  <d 


DEMON 

;)enietrius  (b.  c.  144;  1  Mace.  xii.  28);  but  the 
ireachery  to  which  Jonathan  fell  a  victim  (b.  c. 
143)  again  altered  the  policy  of  the  Jews.  Simon, 
the  successor  of  Jonathan,  obtained  very  favorable 
terms  from  Demetrius  (b.  c.  142);  but  shortly 
afterwards  Demetrius  wa^  himself  taken  prisoner 
(b.  c.  138)  by  Arsaces  VI.  (Mithridates),  whose 
Jominions  he  had  invaded  (1  ^Nlacc.  xiv.  1-3;  Just, 
xxxvi.).  Mithridates  treated  his  captive  honorably, 
and  gave  him  his  daughter  in  marriage  (App.  Syr. 
67 ) ;  and  after  his  death,  though  Demetrius  made 
several  attempts  to  escaiM,  he  still  received  kind 
treatment  from  his  successor,  I'hraates.  When 
.^.ntiochus  Sidetes,  who  had  gained  possession  of 
the  Syrian  throne,  invaded  Parthia,  Phraates  em- 
ployed Demetrius  to  effect  a  diversion.  In  this 
Demetrius  succeeded,  and  when  Antiochus  fell  in 
battle,  he  again  took  possession  of  the  Syrian  crown 
(b.  c.  128).  Not  long  afterwards  a  pretender,  sup- 
ported by  Ptol.  Physcon,  appeared  in  the  field 
against  him,  and  after  suffering  a  defeat  he  was 
a.ssassinated,  according  to  some  by  his  wife  (App. 
Syr.  G8),  while  attempting  to  escape  by  sea  (Just. 
xxxix.  1;  Jos.  An/,,  xiii.  9,  3).     [Cleopatra.] 

B.  F.  W. 


DEMON  583 

oil  ixiyvvrat,  oAAi  5(d  Saifiovluiv  iraai  iarrtp  i, 
6/j.i\ia  Kol  rj  SiaKeKTOs  Oeo'ts  irphs  avOpcivois, 
Among  them  were  numbered  the  spirits  of  good 
men,  "made  perfect"  after  death  (Plat.  Crat.  p. 
398,  quotation  from  Hesiod).  It  was  also  believed 
that  they  became  tutelary  deities  of  individuals  (to 
the  purest  form  of  which  belief  Socrates  evidently 
referred  in  the  doctrine  of  his  Saifi6viov);  and 
hence  Saificap  was  frequently  used  in  the  sense  of 
the  "fate"  or  "destiny"  of  a  man  (as  in  the 
tragedians  constantly),  thus  recurring,  it  would 
seem,  directly  to  its  original  derivation. 

The  notion  of  evil  demons  appears  to  have  be- 
longed to  a  later  period,  and  to  have  been  due 
both  to  Eastern  influence  and  to  the  clearer  sep- 
aration of  the  good  and  evil  in  men's  thoughts  of 
the  supernatural."  They  were  supposed  to  include 
the  spirits  of  evU  men  after  death,  and  to  bo 
authors,  not  only  of  physical,  but  of  moral  evil. 

II.  In  the  LXX.  the  words  Saifioov  and  daifx6viov 
are  not  found  very  frequently,  but  yet  employed  to 
render  different  Hebrew  words ;  generally  in  refer- 
ence to  the  idols  of  heathen  worship ;  as  in  Ps.  icvi . 

5  [LXX.  xcv.  5],  for  Q'^b'^bs,  the  "  empty,' 
the  "vanities,"  rendered  x^ipoiroirjTois,  &c.,  ir 
Lev.  xix.  4,  xxvi.  1 ;  in  Deut.  xxxii.  17,  for  D^'TttT, 
"lords"  (comp.  1  Cor.  viii.  5);  in  Is.  Ixv.  11,  for 
12,  Gad,  the  goddess  of  Fortune:  sometimes  in 
the  sense  of  avenging  or  evil  spirits,  as  in  Ps.  xci.  6, 
for  2l2|7_,  "  pestilence,"  i.  e.  evidently  "  the  de- 
stroyer; "  also  in  Is.  xiii.  21,  xxxiv.  14,  for  "1^2?ti7, 

"  hairy,"  and  C^*l?,  "  dwellers  in  the  desert," 
in  the  same  sense  in  which  the  A.  V.  renders 
"satyrs." 

In  Josephus  we  find  the  word  "  demons  "  used 
always  of  evU  spirits;  in  Bell.  Jud.  vii.  6,  §  3,  he 
defines  them  as  ra  Trvevfiara  rwv  voyrjpcou,  and 
speaks  of  their  exorcism  by  fumigation  (as  in  Tob. 
viii.  2,  3).  See  also  Ant.  vi.  c.  8,  §  2,  viii.  c.  2,  § 
5.  Writing  as  he  did  with  a  constant  view  to  the 
Gentiles,  it  is  not  Ukely  that  he  would  use  the 
word  in  the  other  sense,  as  applied  to  heathen 
divinities. 

By  Philo  the  word  appears  to  be  used  in  a  more 
general  sense,  as  equivalent  to  "  angels,"  and  re- 
ferring to  both  good  and  evil. 

The  change,  therefore,  of  sense  in  the  Hellenistic 
usage  is,  first,  the  division  of  the  good  and  evil 
demons,  and  the  more  general  application  of  the 
word  to  the  latter;  secondly,  the  extension  of  the 
name  to  the  heathen  deities. 

III.  We  now  come  to  the  use  of  the  term  in 
the  N.  T.  In  the  Gospels  generally,  in  James  ii, 
19,  and  in  Rev.  xvi.  14,  the  demons  are  spoken  of 
as  spiritual  beings,  at  enmity  with  God,  and  having 
power  to  afflict  man,  not  only  with  disease,  but,  as 
is  marked  by  the  frequent  epithet  "  unclean,"  with 
spiritual  pollution  also.  In  Acts  xix.  12,  13,  &c., 
they  are  exactly  defined  as  to,  in/evfj.aTa  ra.  irovqpd- 
They  "  believe  "  the  power  of  God  "  and  tremble  " 
(James  ii.  19);  they  recognize  our  Lord  as  the  Son 
of  God  (Matt.  viii.  29;  Luke  iv.  41),  and  acknowl- 
edge the  power  of  His  name,  used  ui  exorcism,  in 
the  pkce  of  ^.le  name  of  Jehovah,  by  His  appointed 
messengers  (Acts  xix.  15);  and  look  forward  m 

«  These  who  imputed  lust  and  envy  of  man  to  their    supernatural   powers  of  good  and  evil,   aa  eusm&U; 
(mis  were  hardly  likely  to  have  a  distinct  view  of  |  opposed  to  each  other. 


Tetradrachm  (Attic  talent)  of  Demetrius  II. 
')bv.  Head  of  Demetrius  to  the  right.  Rev.  BA2IAE02 
AHMHTPIoY  ©EoY  *IAAAEA<I>oY  NIKAToPOS  ; 
in  exergue  EP©  (169?  of  Era  Selouc).     Apollo  to 
the  left,  seated  on  cortina,  with  arrow  and  bow. 

DEMON  (LXX.  Sat,i6viovi  N.  T.  Saifi6viov, 

at  rarely  Sal/jLoif-  [dteintmium,  dienum]).  Deriva- 
don  uncertain.  Plato  ( Critt.  i.  p.  398)  connects  it 
vith  Sa'^/xctiJ',  "  intelligent,"  of  which  indeed  the 
form  SaiiMcav  is  found  in  Archil,  (b.  c.  650);  but  it 
seenjs  more  probably  derived  from  5aiai,  to  "  di- 
vide"  or  "assign,"  in  which  case  it  would  be  sim- 
ilar to  Mo7pa.)-  In  sketching  out  the  Scriptural 
doctrine  as  to  the  nature  and  existence  of  the  de- 
mons, it  seems  natural,  1st,  to  consider  the  usage 
of  the  word  Saifiai'  in  cla.ssical  Greek;  2dly,  to 
aotice  any  modification  of  it  in  Jewish  hands ;  and 
then,  3dly,  to  refer  to  the  passages  in  the  N.  T.  in 
which  it  is  employed. 

I.  Its  usage  in  cLissical  Greek  is  various.  In 
Homer,  where  the  gods  are  but  supernatural  men, 
it  is  used  interchangeably  with  0e6s ;  afterwards  in 
Hesiod  {Op.  121),  when  the  idea  of  the  gods  had 
Ijecome  more  exalted  and  less  familiar,  the  Saifioves 
are  spoken  of  as  intermediate  beings,  the  messengers 
of  the  gods  to  men.  This  latter  usage  of  the  word 
Evidently  prevailed  afterwards  as  the  correct  one, 
jlthough  in  poetry,  and  even  in  the  vague  language 
»f  philosophy,  t^  Saifj.6i/tou  was  sometimes  used  as 
equivalent  to  rb  Qelov  for  any  sui)erhuman  nature. 
Plato  {Syiiip.  pp.  202,  203)  fixes  it  distmctly  in 
Jhe  more  limited  sense :  irav  rh  Sat/xdviov  fiera^v 
itrri.   deov  koI  dvrjTov dehi  avOpdireji) 


584  DEMON 

terror  to  the  judgment  to  come  (JIatt.  \'iii.  29). 
The  description  is  precisely  that  of  a  nature  akin 
to  the  angeUc  [see  Angels]  in  knowledge  and 
powers,  but  with  the  emphatic  addition  of  the  idea 
of  positive  and  active  wickedness.  Nothing  is  said 
either  to  support  or  to  contradict  the  common  Jew- 
ish behef,  that  in  their  ranks  might  be  numbered 
the  spirits  of  the  wicked  dead.  In  support  of  it 
are  sometimes  quoted  the  fact  that  the  demoniacs 
sometimes  haunted  the  tombs  of  the  dead  (Matt. 
viii.  28),  and  the  supposed  reference  of  the  epithet 
Madapra  to  the  ceremonial  uncleanuess  of  a  dead 
body. 

In  1  Cor.  X.  20,  21,  1  Tim.  iv.  1,  and  Rev.  ix. 
20,  the  word  daip.6via  is  used  of  the  objects  of 
Gentile  worship,  and  in  the  first  passage  opposed 
to  the  word  ©ei^  (with  a  reference  to  Deut.  xxxii. 
17).  So  also  is  it  used  by  the  Athenians  in  Acts 
xvii.  18.  The  same  identification  of  the  heathen 
deities  with  the  evil  spirits  is  found  in  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  damsel  having  irveC/xo  -nvBoiva,  or 
TTtidaivos,  at  Philippi,  and  the  exorcism  of  her  as  a 
demoniac  by  St.  I'aul  (Acts  xvi.  16);  and  it  is  to 
be  noticed  that  in  1  C"or.  x.  19,  20,  the  Apostle  is 
arguing  with  those  who  declared  an  idol  to  be  a 
pure  nullity,  and  while  he  accepts  the  truth  that  it 
is  so,  yet  declares  that  all  which  is  oflbred  to  it  is 
offered  to  a  "  demon."  There  can  be  no  doubt 
then  of  its  being  a  doctrine  of  Scripture,  mysterious 
(though  not  a  priori  improbable)  as  it  may  be, 
that  m  idolatry  the  influence  of  the  demons  was 
at  work  and  permitted  by  God  to  be  effective  withhi 
certain  bounds.  There  are  not  a  few  passages  of 
profane  history  on  which  this  doctrine  throws  Ught; 
nor  is  it  inconsistent  with  the  existence  of  remnants 
of  truth  in  idolatry,  or  with  the  possibility  of  its 
being,  in  tlie  case  of  the  ignorant,  overruled  by 
God  to  good. 

Of  the  nature  and  origin  of  the  demons.  Scrip- 
ture is  all  but  silent.  On  one  remarkable  occasion, 
recorded  by  tlie  first  three  Evangehsts  (Matt.  xii. 
24-30  ;  Mark  iii.  22-30 ;  Luke  xi.  14-26),  our 
Lord  distinctly  identifies  Satan  with  Beelzebub,  r^ 
iLpxovri  ra>v  Saifxouiuv,  and  there  is  a  similar 
though  less  distinct  connection  in  Kev.  xvi.  14. 
From  these  we  gather  certainly  that  the  demons 
are  agents  of  Satan  in  his  work  of  evil,  subject  to 
the  kingdom  of  darkness,  and  doubtless  doomed  to 
share  in  its  condenniation ;  and  we  conclude  prob- 
ibly  (though  attempts  have  been  made  to  deny  the 
inference)  that  they  must  be  the  same  as  "the 
angels  of  the  devil "  (Matt.  xxv.  41 ;  Kev.  xii.  7,  9), 
"the  principalities  and  powers"  against  whom  we 
"wrestle"  (Eph.  vi.  12,  &c.).  As  to  the  question 
of  their  fall,  see  Satan;  and  on  the  method  of 
their  action  on  the  souls  of  men,  see  Dkjioniacs. 

The  language  of  Scripture,  as  to  their  existence 
•»nd  their  enmity  to  man,  has  suffered  the  attacks 
of  skepticism,  merely  on  the  ground  that,  in  the 
researches  of  natural  science,  tliere  are  no  traces  of 
the  sujiematural,  and  that  the  faU  of  spirits,  created 
doubtless  in  goodness,  is  to  us  inconceivable.  Both 
facts  ai'e  true,  but  the  inference  false.  The  very 
darkness  in  which  natural  science  ends,  when  it 
approaches  the  relation  of  mind  to  matter,  not  only 
does  not  contradict,  but  rather  inipUes  the  existence 
of  supernatural  influence.  The  mystery  of  the 
origin  of  evU  in  God's  creatures  is  inconceivable; 
but  the  difficulty  in  the  case  of  the  angels  differs 
Dnly  in  de'/ree  from  that  of  the  existence  of  sin  in 
aiun  of  which  nev(>rtbeless  as  a  fact  we  are  only 
too  muth  assured.     The  attempts  made  to  explain 


DEMONIACS 

the  words  of  our  Lord  and  the  Apostles  as  a  men 
accMmnuKhtion  to  the  belief  of  the  .lews  iire  incom- 
patible with  the  simple  and  direct  attribution  of 
I«rsonahty  to  the  demons,  as  much  as  to  uieji  or  t< 
God,  and  (if  carried  out  in  principle)  nuist  destroj 
the  truth  and  honesty  of  Holy  Scripture  itself. 

A.  B. 

*  On  the  use  of  the  terms  dalfiwv  and  Saifji6i/iov, 
in  the  Greek  mytliology,  see  Creuzer,  Htliyions  de 
I'Ajiiiquile,  trail,  jxir  Guiijniaut,  torn.  iii.  pt.  i., 
pp.  1-55,  pt.  iii.  p.  873  ff. ;  Ukert,  Vbtr  Udmonen, 
Heroen  u.  Genien,  in  the  Abhandl.  d.  kim.  sdch$, 
Ges.  d.  (I'tM.,  1850,  hist.-phil.  KJ.,  pp.  137-219; 
Gerhard,  Ubtr  Ddmonen,  u.  s.  w.,  iii  the  AbhiiiuU. 
de  kon.  Ahtd.  d.  Wiss.  zu  Berlin,  18^2,  phil.-hist. 
Kl.,  pp.  237-266;  Maury,  Relig.  de  la  Grece  an- 
tique, i.  565  ff.,  iii.  426  ff. 

On  the  Biblical  representations,  and  on  the  lat«r 
superstitions  respecting  the  subject,  see,  in  addition 
to  the  works  referred  to  under  Akgels,  Demo- 
niacs, Magic,  and  Satan,  J.  F.  Ditmar,  Be 
D<emo7iibus,  etc.  (two  diss.)  Helrast.  1719,  4to. 
"useful  for  the  history  of  opinions"  (Bretschn.): 
J.  Oporin,  Krlduterte  Lehre  d.  llebratr  u.  Clirit- 
ten  run  (/iden  u.  bosen  Kngeln,  Hamb.  1736;  J.  G. 
Mayer,  /Jisloria  Dlaboli,  s.  C'omm.  de  Diaboli  ma- 
lurumque  Hpirituum  exiatentia,  etc.,  2d  ed.  Tiib. 
1780,  an  elaborate  work;  J.  F.  Wiuzer,  Commen- 
UU.  L-V.  de  JJcemonoloyiti  in  s'icris  .V.  T.  Librit 
propoaila,  Viteb.  et  Lips.  1812-23,  4to,  "  partic- 
ularly valuable  "  (Bretschn.);  Jahn,  Was  lehrt  die 
Bibel  voiii  TeuJ'el,  vun  der  Damonen,  u.  s.  w.,  in 
the  Nachtrayt  to  his  Theol.  Werke,  Tiib.  1821, 
pp.  61-251,  maintaining  that  "demons,"  in  dis- 
tinction froni  fallen  angels,  are  the  spirits  of  wicked 
men  deceased;  H.  A.  Schott,  Hentmtia  recentiut 
deJVnsa  de  iis  naturis  qtice  in  N.  T.  Salfiovts  audi- 
unt  .  .  .  examintilur,  Jense,  1821,  4to,  in  opposi- 
tion to  Jahn;  Canonicus,  Letters  to  Rev.  W.  E. 
Channincj  (in  the  Existence  and  Ayency  of  Fallen 
SpiriLi,  Bost.  1828;  Rev.  Walter  Scott,  The  Ex- 
istence of  KtH  Spirits  proved,  and  their  Agency 
illustrated,  2d  ed.,  lx)nd.  1845  (Cong.  Lect.);  J. 
T.  Berg,  Abaddon  and  Mahanaim,  or,  Demons  and 
Gua.7'dinn  Angela,  Phila.  1856. 

On  the  fault  of  the  A.  V.  in  rendering  SiiPo\oi, 
SaifKay,  and  Satfj-Syiov  indiscriminately  by  the  same 
word  (devU),  see  Campbell's  Four  Gosj)ek,  Prel. 
Diss.  vi.  pt.  1. 

The  first  elaborate  treatise  by  a  Christian  writer 
on  this  subject  appears  to  be  tliat  of  Michael  Psel- 
lus  (9th  cent.?),  Tlepl  tvepyeias  SaifiSvaiv,  De 
Operalione  Damonum,  reprinted  from  Gaulmin's 
edition  (1615)  in  Migne's  Patrol.  G'.-a-.ca,  vol. 
cxxii.,  which  also  contains  the  so-called  Testament 
of  Solomon.  One  who  has  the  curiosity  to  look 
into  the  speculations  of  the  scholastic  divines  on 
angels  and  demons  will  find  enough  to  satisfy  lum 
in  Bonaventura's  Exjws.  in  Lib.  ii.  Sententia'rum 
(0pp.  torn,  iv.,  Lugd.  1668),  and  in  the  Summa 
totius  Theologice  of  Thomas  Aquinas.  For  the 
Rabbinical  notions,  besides  the  works  of  Eisen- 
menger  and  others  referred  to  under  Angels,  see 
L.  A.  Cohen,  Over  de  booze  geesten  volgens  het 
be  grip  der  Jiabbijnen,  Gron.  1845;  and  J.  F. 
Schrider,  Satzungen  u.  Gebrauche  des  talm.-rabb. 
Jndenthums,  Bremen,  1851,  p.  385  ff.  A. 

DEMONIACS  {5aiij.oviCiiJ.evoi,  Satu.ivia 
(Xotn-€s)-  This  word  is  fre(]uently  used  in  the  N. 
T.,  and  applied  to  persons  suffi-ring  under  the  pot- 
session  of  a  demon  oi  evil  spirit  [see  Dem'  tx],  luct 


DEMONIACS 

sion  generally  showing  itself  visibly  in  bodily 
disease  or  mental  derangement.  The  word  Saiuo- 
yau  is  usetl  in  a  nearly  equivalent  sense  in  classical 
GrueS  (as  in  vlisch.  Choiiph.  566 ;  Sept.  c.  Theh. 
1001,  Eur.  PluBii.  888,  &c.),  except  that,  as  the 
idea  of  spirits  distinctly  evil  and  rebellious  hardly 
existed,  -uch  possession  was  referred  to  the  will  of 
the  gods  or  to  the  vague  prevalence  of  an  "'Atjj. 
Neither  word  is  employed  in  this  sense  by  the 
LXX.,  but  in  our  lord's  time  (as  is  seen,  for  ex- 
ample, constantly  in  Josephus)  the  belief  in  the 
possession  of  men  by  demons,  who  were  either  the 
souls  of  wicked  men  after  death,  or  evil  angels,  was 
thoroughly  established  among  all  the  Jews,  with 
the  exception  of  the  Sadducees  alone.  With  regard 
to  the  frequent  mention  of  demoniacs  in  Scripture, 
three  main  opin'ons  have  been  started. 

I.  That  of  Strauss  and  the  mythical  school, 
whicii  makes  the  whole  account  merely  symbolic, 
without  basis  of  fact.  The  possession  of  the  devils 
is,  according  to  this  idea,  only  a  lively  symbol  of 
the  prevalence  of  evil  in  the  world,  the  casting  out 
the  devils  by  our  lx)rd  a  corresponding  symbol  of 
his  conquest  over  that  evil  ix)wer  by  his  doctrine 
and  his  life.  The  notion  stands  or  falls  with  the 
mythical  theory  as  a  whole:  with  regard  to  the 
itpecial  form  of  it,  it  is  sufficient  to  remark  the 
plain,  simple,  and  prosaic  relation  of  the  facts  as 
facts,  which,  whatever  might  be  conceived  as  pos- 
sible in  highly  poetic  and  avowedly  figurative  pas- 
sages, would  make  their  assertion  here  not  a  symbol 
or  a  figure,  but  a  lie.  It  would  l)e  as  reasonable 
to  exj)ect  a  myth  or  symbolic  fable  from  Tacitus 
or  Thucydides  in  their  accounts  of  contemporary 
history. 

II.  The  second  theory  is,  that  our  I^rd  and  the 
Evangelists,  in  referring  to  demoniacal  possession, 
spoke  only  in  accommodation  to  the  general  belief 
of  the  Jews,  without  any  assertion  as  to  its  truth 
or  its  falsity.  It  is  concluded  that,  since  the  symp- 
toms of  the  affliction  were  frequently  those  of  bodily 
disease  (as  dumbness.  Matt.  ix.  32;  blindness.  Matt, 
xii.  22 ;  epilepsy,  Mark  ix.  17-27 ),  or  those  seen  in 
cases  of  ordinary  insanity  (as  in  Matt.  viii.  28; 
Mark  v.  1-5),  since  also  the  phi-ase  "to  have  a 
devil"  is  constantly  used  in  connection  with,  and 
as  apparently  equivalent  to,  "to  be  mad"  (see 
John  vii.  20,  viii.  48,  x.  20,  and  perhaps  Matt.  xi. 
18;  Luke  vii.  33);  and  since,  lastly,  cases  of  de- 
moniacal [X)ssession  are  not  known  to  occur  in  our 
own  days,  therefore  we  must  suppose  that  our  Lord 
spoke,  and  the  Evangelists  wrote,  in  accordance 
with  the  belief  of  tlie  time,  and  with  a  view  to 
lie  clearly  understood,  especially  by  the  sufferers 
themsel\es,  but  that  the  demoniacs  were  merely 
I)ersons  suffering  under  unusual  diseases  of  body 
and  mind. 

With  regard  to  this  theory  also,  it  must  be  re- 
marked that  it  does  not  accord  either  with  the 
general  principles  or  with  the  particular  language 
of  Scripture.  Accommodation  is  possible  when,  in 
things  indiftei'ent,  language  is  used  which,  although 
jcientifirally  or  etymologically  inaccurate,  yet  con- 
veys a  true  impression,  or  when,  in  Ihings  not 
•ndiifertnt,  a  declaration  of  truth  (1  Cor  iii.  1,  2), 
«r  a  moral  law  (Matt.  xix.  8),  is  given,  true  or 


«  Compare  also  the  case  of  the  damsel  with  the 
|)!rit  of  diviaation  (Tri/eO^.u  rrufluvos)  at  Philippi ; 
Where  also  the  power  of  the  evil  spirit  is  referred  to 
ander  the  well  kncwn  name  o'  •'lie  supposed  inspira- 
tcT  >f  Delphi. 


DEMONIACS  585 

right  as  far  as  it  goes,  but  imperfect,  because  of 
the  imperfect  progress  of  its  recipients.  But  cer- 
tainly here  the  matter  was  not  indifferent.  The 
age  was  one  of  httle  faith  and  great  superstition* 
its  cliaracteristic  the  acknowledgment  of  God  as  a 
distant  I>awgiver,  not  an  Inspirer  of  men's  hearts. 
This  superstition  in  things  of  far  less  moment  waa 
denounced  by  our  Lord ;  can  it  be  supposed  that 
He  would  sanction,  and  the  Evangelists  be  per- 
mitted to  record  forever,  an  idea  in  itself  false^ 
which  has  constantly  been  the  very  stronghold  of 
superstition?  Nor  was  the  language  used  such 
as  can  be  paralleled  with  mere  conventional  expres- 
sion. There  is  no  harm  in  our  "  speaking  of  cer- 
tain forms  of  madness  as  lunacy,  not  thereby  im- 
plying that  we  believe  the  moon  to  have  or  to  have 
had  any  influence  upen  them ;  .  .  .  but  if  we  be- 
gan to  describe  the  cure  of  such  as  the  moon's 
ceasing  to  afflict  them,  or  if  a  physician  were 
solemnly  to  address  the  moon,  bidding  it  abstain 
from  injuring  his  patient,  there  would  be  here  a 
passing  over  to  quite  a  different  region,  .  .  .  there 
would  be  that  gulf  between  our  thoughts  and  words 
in  which^  the  essence  of  a  lie  consists.  Now  Christ 
does  everywhere  speak  such  language  as  this." 
(Trench,  On  the  Mirnclts,  p.  153,  where  the  whole 
question  is  most  ably  treated.)  Nor  is  there,  in 
the  whole  of  the  New  Testament,  the  least  indica- 
tion that  any  "economy"  of  teaching  was  em- 
ployed on  account  of  the  "hardness"  of  the  Jews' 
"hearts."  Possession  and  its  cure  are  recorded 
plainly  and  simply;  demoniacs  are  frequently  dis-, 
tinguished  from  those  afflicted  with  bodily  sickness 
(see  Mark  i.  32,  xvi.  17,  18;  Luke  vi.  17,  18), 
even,  it  would  seem,  from  the  epileptic  {cre\r)via- 
^6fievoL,  Matt.  iv.  24);  the  same  outward  signs 
are  sometimes  referred  to  possession,  sometimes 
merely  to  disease  (comp.  IMatt.  iv.  24,  with  xvii. 
15;  Matt.  xii.  22,  with  Mark  vii.  32,  &c.);  the 
demons  are  represented  as  speaking  in  their  own 
persons  with  superhuman  knowledge,"  and  acknowl- 
edging our  Lord  to  be,  not  as  the  Jews  generally 
called  him,  son  of  David,  but  Son  of  God  (Matt, 
viii.  29;  Mark  i.  24,  v.  7;  Luke  iv.  41,  &c.).  All 
these  things  sfieak  of  a  personal  {wwer  of  evil,  and. 
if  in  any  case  they  refer  to  what  we  might  caU  mera 
disease,  they  at  any  rate  tell  us  of  something  in  it 
more  than  a  morbid  state  of  bodily  organs  or  self- 
caused  derangement  of  mind.  Nor  does  our  Lord 
speak  of  demons  as  personal  spirits  of  evil  to  the 
multitude  alone,  but  in  his  secret  conversations  with 
his  disciples,  declaring  the  means  and  conditions 
by  which  power  over  them  could  be  exercised  (Matt, 
xvii.  21).  Twice  also  He  distinctly  connects  de- 
moniacal possession  with  the  power  of  the  Evil  One ; 
once  in  Luke  x.  18,  to  the  seventy  disciples,  w'lere 
He  speaks  of  his  power  and  theirs  over  deraouiH.-^ 
as  a  "fall  of  Satan,"  and  again  in  Matt.  xii.  25-30, 
when  He  was  accused  of  casting  out  demons  through 
Beelzebub,  and,  instead  of  giving  any  hint  that  the 
possessed  wei-e  not  really  under  any  direct  and  per- 
sonal power  of  ovil.  He  uses  an  argument,  as  to  the 
division  of  Satan  again.st  himself,  which,  if  posses- 
sion be  unreal,  becomes  inconclusive  and  almost  in- 
sincere. Lastly,  the  single  fact  recorded  of  the 
entrance  of  tp°.  demons  at  Gadara  (Mark  v.  10  14) 
into  the  herd  of  swine,*  and  the  effect  which  that 
entrance  caused,  is  sufficient  to  overthrow  the  notion 


6  It  la  almos'  needless  to  refer  to  the  subterfuge! 
of  interpretation  by  which  the  force  of  this  fisict  if 
evaded. 


686  DEMONIACS 

that  our  Lord  and  the  Evangelists  do  not  assert  or 
Imply  aiiy  objective  reality  of  possession.  In  the 
face  of  this  mass  of  evidence  it  seems  difficult  to 
conceive  how  the  theory  can  be  reconciled  with  any- 
thing like  truth  of  Scripture. 

But  besides  this  it  must  be  added,  that  to  say 
of  a  case  that  it  is  one  of  disease  or  insanity,  gives 
no  real  explanation  of  it  at  all ;  it  merely  refers  it  to 
a  class  of  cases  which  we  know  to  exist,  but  gives 
no  answer  to  the  further  question,  how  did  the  dis- 
ease or  insanity  arise  ?  Even  in  disease,  whenever 
the  mind  acts  upon  the  body  (as  e.  g.  in  nervous 
disorders,  epilepsy,  &c.)  the  mere  derangement  of 
the  physical  organs  is  not  the  whole  cause  of  the 
evil ;  there  is  a  deeper  one  lying  in  the  mind.  In- 
sanity may  indeed  arise,  in  some  cases,  from  the 
physical  injury  or  derangement  of  those  bodily 
organs  through  which  the  mind  exercises  its  powers, 
but  far  oftener  it  appears  to  be  due  to  metaphysical 
causes,  acting  upon  and  disordering  the  mind  itself. 
In  all  cases  where  the  evil  lies  not  in  the  body  but 
in  the  mind,  to  call  it  "  only  disease  or  insanity  " 
is  merely  to  state  the  fact  of  the  disorder,  and  give 
up  all  explanation  of  its  cause.  It  is  an  assump- 
tion, therefore,  which  requires  proof,  that,  amidst 
the  many  inexplicable  phenomena  of  mental  and 
physical  disease  in  our  own  days,  there  are  none  in 
which  one  gifted  vvitli  "  discernment  of  spirits  " 
might  see  signs  of  wliat  the  Scripture  calls  "  pos- 
geasion." 

The  truth  is,  that  here,  as  in  many  other  in- 
stances, the  Bilile,  without  contradicting  ordinary 
experience,  yet  advances  to  a  region  whither  human 
science  cannot  follow.  As  generally  it  connects 
the  existence  of  mental  and  bodily  suffering  in  the 
world  with  the  intro(hiction  of  moral  corruption  by 
tlie  Fall,  and  refers  tlie  power  of  moral  evil  to  a 
spiritual  and  personal  source;  so  also  it  asserts  the 
existence  of  inferior  spirits  of  e\'il,  and  it  refers 
certain  cases  of  bodily  and  mental  disease  to  the 
influence  which  they  are  permitted  to  exercise 
directly  over  the  soul  and  indirectly  over  the  body. 
Inexplicable  to  us  this  influence  certainly  is,  as  all 
action  of  si)irit  on  spirit  is  found  to  be;  but  no  one 
can  pronounce  it  pi  hri  wlietlier  it  be  impossible  or 
improbable,  and  no  one  has  a  riglit  to  eviscerate 
the  strong  expressions  of  Scripture  in  order  to 
reduce  its  declarations  to  a  level  with  our  own  ig- 
norance. 

III.  We  are  led,  therefore,  to  the  ordinary  and 
dteral  interpretatif)n  of  these  p.assages,  that  there 
are  evil  spirits  [OkmoxI,  subjects  of  the  Evil 
One,  who,  in  the  days  of  the  Lord  himself  and  his 
Apostles  especially,  were  permitted  by  God  to  exer- 
cise a  direct  influence  over  the  souls  and  bodies 
of  certain  men.  'I'liis  influence  is  clearly  distin- 
guished from  the  ordinary  power  of  corruption  and 
temptation  wielded  by  Satan  through  the  permis- 
sion of  God.  [Satan. J  its  relation  to  it,  indeed, 
appears  to  be  exactly  tliat  of  a  miracle  to  God's  or- 
dinary Providence,  or  of  special  prophetic  inspira- 
tion to  the  ordinary  gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  lioth 
(that  is)  are  actuated  by  the  same  general  prin- 
*jples,  and  tend  to  tlie  same  general  object;  but 
iphe  former  is  a  si)ecial  and  direct  manifestation 
of  that  wliicb  is  worked  out  in  the  latter  by  a  long 
•nurse  of  indirect  action.  The  distinguishing  feat- 
are  of  possession  is  the  complete  or  incomplete 


«  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  almost  all  the  ca-ses  of 
lemcniac  possession  are  recorded  as  occurring  among 
4m  rude  and  balf-Qcntile  population  of  Galilee.     St 


DEMONIACS  m 

loss  of  the  suflferer's  reason  or  power  of  ?riil;  Li  I 
actions,  his  words,  and  ahnost  his  thoughts  an 
mastered  by  the  evil  spirit  (Mark  i.  2-1,  v.  7 ;  Acta 
xix.  15),  till  his  iiersonality  seems  to  be  destroyed, 
or,  if  not  destroyed,  so  overborne  as  to  produce  the 
consciousness  of  a  twofold  will  within  him,  like 
that  sometimes  felt  in  a  dream.  In  the  ordinary 
temptations  and  assaults  of  Satan,  the  will  itself 
yields  consciously,  and  by  yielding  gradually  as- 
sumes, without  losing  its  apparent  freedom  of  action, 
the  characteristics  of  the  Satanic  nature.  It  is 
solicited,  urged,  and  persuaded  against  the  strivings 
of  grace,  but  not  overbonie. 

Still,  however,  possession  is  only  the  si)ecial  and, 
as  it  were,  miraculous  form  of  the  "  law  of  sin  in 
the  memljers,"  the  jwwer  of  Satan  over  the  heart 
itself,  recognized  by  St.  Paul  as  an  indwelling  and 
agonizing  power  (Kom.  vii.  21-24).  Nor  can  it 
be  doubted  that  it  was  rendered  possible  in  the 
first  instance  by  the  consent  of  the  suflTerer  to 
temptation  and  to  sin.  That  it  would  be  mo?t 
probable  in  those  who  yielded  to  sensual  tempta^- 
tions  may  easily  be  conjectured  from  general  obser- 
vation of  the  tyranny  of  a  habit  of  sensual  indul- 
gence." The  cases  of  the  habitually  lustful,  the 
opium-eater,  and  the  drunkard  (especially  when 
struggling  in  the  last  extremity  of  delirium  tre- 
mens) bear,  as  ha.s  been  often  noticed,  many  marks 
very  similar  to  tliose  of  the  Scriptural  possession. 
There  is  in  them  physical  disease,  but  there  is  often 
something  more.  It  is  also  to  l)e  noticed  that  the 
state  of  possession,  although  so  awful  in  its  WTetched 
sense  of  demoniacal  tyranny,  yet,  from  the  very  ' 
fact  of  that  consciousness,  might  be  less  hopeless 
and  more  capable  of  instant  cure  than  the  delib- 
erate hardness  of  willful  sin.  The  spirit  might  still 
retain  marks  of  its  original  purity,  although  through 
the  flesh  and  the  demoniac  power  acting  by  the 
flesh  it  was  enslaved.  Here  also  the  observation  of 
the  suddenness  and  completeness  of  conversion, 
seen  in  cases  of  sensuahsm,  compared  with  the 
greater  difiiculty  in  cases  of  more  refined  and  spir- 
itual sin,  tends  to  confirm  the  record  of  Script- 
ure. 

It  was  but  natural  that  the  power  of  evil  should 
show  itself  in  more  open  and  direct  hostiUty  than 
ever,  in  the  age  of  our  Lord  and  his  Apostles,  when 
its  time  was  short.  It  was  natural  also  that  it 
should  take  the  special  form  of  possession  in  an  age 
of  such  unprecedented  and  brutal  sensuality  as  that 
which  preceded  His  coming,  and  continued  till  the 
leaven  of  Cliristianity  was  felt.  Nor  was  it  lesf 
natural  that  it  should  have  died  away  gradually 
before  the  great  direct,  and  still  greater  indirect, 
influence  of  Christ's  kingdom.  Accordingly  we 
find  early  fathers  (as  Just.  Mart.  IHal.  c.  Tryph. 
p.  311  b;  TertuUian,  ^/w/.  23,  37,43)  alluding 
to  its  existence  as  a  common  thing,  mentioning  the 
attempts  of  Jewisli  exorcism  in  the  name  of  Jeho- 
vah as  occasionally  successful  (see  Matt.  xii.  27; 
Acts  xix.  13),  but  especially  dwelling  on  the  power 
of  Christian  exorcism  to  cast  it  out  from  the  coun- 
try as  a  test  of  the  truth  of  the  gospel,  and  as  one 
well-known  benefit  wliich  it  already  conferred  on 
the  empire.  By  degrees  the  mention  is  less  and 
less  frequent,  till  tlie  very  idea  is  lost  or  perverted. 

Such  is  a  brief  sketch  of  the  Scriptural  notice* 
of  possession.     I'hat  round  the  Jewish  notion  of  it 

John,  writing  mainly  of  the  miniBtry  in  JudsM,  dmb 
tions  none. 


DEMONI4CS 

>here  grew  up,  in  that  noted  age  of  superstition, 
many  foolish  and  evil  practices,  and  much  super- 
stition as  to  fumigations,  &c.  (comp.  Tob.  viii.  1-3 ; 
Joseph.  Ant.  viii.  c.  2,  §  5),  of  the  "vagabond  ex- 
Dreists  "  (see  Acts  xix.  13)  is  ouvious  and  would  be 
inevitable.  It  is  clear  that  Scrigture  does  not  in 
the  least  sanction  or  even  condescend  to  notice  such 
things;  but  it  is  certain  that  in  the  Old  Testament 
(see  l/iv.  xix.  31;  1  Sam.  xxviii.  7,  &c. ;  2  K.  xxi. 
0,  xxiii.  2-1,  &c.)  as  well  as  in  the  New,  it  recog- 
nizes possession  as  a  real  and  du"ect  power  of  evil 
s))irits  upon  the  heart.  A.  B. 

*  It  would  seem  impossible  to  deny  the  fact  of 
demoniac  possession,  properly  so  CiiUed,  without 
dis|)aragiiig  the  inspiration  of  the  Gospels  and  the 
integrity  or  intelligence  of  our  Lord.  That  the 
s;icred  vn-iters  shared  in  the  belief  of  their  time  is 
sufficiently  shown  above,  and  is  as  positively  as- 
serted by  Strauss  {Leben  Jesu,  §  91),  and  Meyer 
(Kommenl.  ^Matt.  iv.  2-i),  as  by  Ellicott  {Life  of 
Christ,  p.  179,  Amer.  ed.).  Jesus  enters  fully  and 
on  all  occasions  into  the  same  view.  He  discrim- 
inates between  demoniacs  and  diseased  persons 
(Matt.  X.  8),  afldresses  the  demons  (Matt.  viii.  32; 
Luke  iv.  35),  commands  them  to  be  silent,  to  come 
out,  and,  in  one  instance  (Mark  ix.  25),  no  more  to 
enter  into  the  person ;  he  argues  with  the  Jews  on 
that  assumption  (Matt.  xii.  25);  he  gives  his  disci- 
ples power  to  cast  out  evil  spirits  (Luke  ix.  1 ; 
.Matt.  X.  1,  8),  and  enters  into  their  rejoicing  over 
their  success  (Luke  x.  18);  and  in  his  private  con- 
versation tells  them  of  the  conditions  of  that  suc- 
cess (Matt.  xvii.  21).  It  was  as  much  his  esoteric 
as  his  exoteric  doctrine.  A  few  additional  sugges- 
tions may  be  in  place.  (1.)  Whatever  resem- 
blances may  be  found  in  some  particulars,  yet  in 
other  respects  the  cases  of  demoniac  possession  men- 
tioned in  the  N.  T.  ctand  clearly  and  entirely 
apart  from  all  phenomena  of  the  present  day; 
e.  (/.  in  the  supernatural  knowledge  exhibited  by 
the  demoniacs,  and  in  such  facts  as  occurred  in 
connection  with  the  herd  of  swine.  (2.)  We  may 
discern  a  special  reason  for  tlie  abundant  outbreak 
of  this  manifestation  at  that  time,  in  its  symbolic 
relation  to  Christ's  work.  He  came  to  "  destroy 
the  works  of  the  devil "  (1  John  iii.  8),  and  to  re- 
eover  the  world  from  its  bondage  to  Satan  unto  its 
allegiance  to  God.  Hence,  just  as  he  expressed  his 
sin-healing  power  by  his  miracles  of  bodily  cure, 
and  as  his  personal  triumph  over  Satan  was  set 
forth  by  tlie  temptations  in  the  wilderness,  so  he 
symbolized  his  great  spiritual  victory  over  the 
prince  of  the  power  of  the  air,  and  the  release  of 
his  captives,  by  casting  out  evil  spirits  from  their 
outward  and  visil)le  possession  and  control  of  human 
beings  around  him.  He  more  than  once  lunts  at 
this  significance;  e.  r/.  Matt.  xii.  28,  and  especially 
Luke  X.  17,  18.  For  this  purpose  in  the  divine 
economy,  perhaps,  were  demoniac  possessions  per- 
mitted to  such  a  remarkable  extent  at  that  time. 
i3.)  Possession  with  devils,  though  always  carefully 
distinguished  from  every  kind  of  dise;ise,  was  very 
.wmraonly  accompanied  by  phenomena  of  disease, 
(specially  such  as  belong  to  a  nervous  system  sliat- 
tvired  by  sin.  (4.)  This  gives  some  support  to  the 
ooinion  expressed  above,  important  in  its  bearings 
VI  the  government  of  God,  that  demoniac  posses- 
jion  was  the  result  of  moral  delinquency ;  that  the 
fictim  had  at  first,  by  a  course  of  vicious  indul- 
gence, yielded  himself  up  outwardly  and  inwardly 
10  the  service  of  Satan,  till  he  was  at  length  given 
5ver  to  the  complete  dominion  of  the  master  he  had 


DEMONIACS 


587 


chosen  For  (5.)  the  evil  spirits  appear  to  have 
taken  entire  control  of  the  body  and  mind  of  the 
victim,  so  that  while  there  was  a  remarkable  plaj 
of  double  consciousness  and  personality,  a  sense  of 
misery  and  some  desire  for  deliverance,  the  subjec- 
tion apparently  was  hopeless,  except  as  deUverance 
was  brought  by  (^Ihrist. 

lor  the  older  hterature  of  the  subject,  see 
Winer's  Renlw.  art.  Besessene.  For  a  fuller  illus- 
tration of  the  general  views  presented  above,  see 
Trench,  On  the  Miraclts,  pp.  129-136;  Olshau- 
sen's  Commentary,  on  Matt.  viii.  28;  Alford's 
Grtek  Test.  ibid. ;  Owen  on  the  Deirninolor/y  of  the. 
N.  T.,  in  the  B'M.  Sacra,  Jan.  1859 ;  Stuart's 
ISIcetc/ies  of  Anf/elolof/y,  in  Kobinson's  Bibl.  Sacr-c, 
1843.  For  the  theory  that  the  possession  was  di»- 
ease  wrought  by  Satan,  but  only  through  the  series 
of  natural  causes  and  laws,  see  Twesteu's  Doctrine 
respecting  Anytls,  in  the  Bibl.  Sacra,  Feb.  1845 
Some  of  the  theological  principles  of  the  subject  are 
well  discussed  by  President  Jesse  Appleton,  D.  D. 
(three  lectures,  in  his  Wwks,  ii.  94-127,  An- 
dover,  183G).  S.  C.  B. 

*  Ort  so  interesting  a  subject  as  the  present,  it 
may  be  well  to  give  a  brief  sketch  of  the  history  of 
opinions,  and  a  fuller  view  of  the  literature.  The 
learned  and  pious  Dr.  Joseph  Mede,  in  a  discourse 
on  John  x.  20,  first  publislied  in  his  Diatribm, 
Lond.  1G42  ( Works,  ed.  1072,  pp.  28-30),  main- 
tained that  the  demoniacs  of  the  Gospels  were  mad- 
men or  epileptics ;  but  though  often  referred  to  as 
a  disbeliever  in  demoniacal  possession,  he  expressly 
admits  that  their  maladies  m'ly  have  been  caused 
by  evil  spirits.  In  1670  a  volume  entitled  The 
Doctrine  of  Deiils  2froved  to  be  the  Grand  Apos- 
tacy  of  these  Later  Times,  etc.,  was  published 
anonymously  in  London  by  a  clergyman  of  the 
Church  of  England,  who  maintained  that  the  de- 
moniacs were  insane  or  diseased  persons.  The 
same  view  was  presented  in  Holland  by  Benj. 
Daillon,  a  French  refugee  minister  of  learning  and 
ability,  in  his  Exitnen  c/e  ['oppression  des  lie- 
formes  en  France,  Amst.  1087,  2d  ed.  1091  (see 
Haag's  La  France  protestante,  iv.  188),  and  by 
Ur.  Balthasar  Bekker,  in  his  famous  work,  De  be- 
tuoverde  weereld,  or  "  The  World  liewitched,"  pub- 
lished at  Amsterdam  in  1091-93  (see  bk.  ii.  ch. 
xxvi.-xxx.).  This  book,  widely  circulated,  and 
speedily  translated  into  French,  German,  English, 
and  Italian,  though  it  called  forth  a  host  of  writ- 
ings in  opposition,  did  much  to  shake  the  prevalent 
i)ehef  in  witchcraft  and  kindred  superstitions. 
Daillon's  opinion  was  also  supported  by  his  brother 
Jacques,  in  a  work  entitled  AaifiovoKoyia,  or  a 
Trtidise  of  Spirits,  I^nd.  1723. 

In  1737  Dr.  A.  A.  Sykes  published  anonymously 
An  Enquiry  into  the  Meaning  of  the  Demoniacks 
in  the  N'ew  Testament,  which,  opposing  the  com- 
mon view,  gave  rise  to  a  considerable  controversy', 
in  which  Twells,  Whiston,  Thos.  Church,  (Gregory 
Sharpe,  Thos.  Hutchinson,  Samuel  Pegge,  and 
others,  took  part.  Dr.  Richard  Mead,  in  his  Med- 
ica  Sacra,  Ix)nd.  1749,  likewise  regarded  the  de- 
moniacs as  afflicted  with  natural  diseases:  and  this 
view  appears  to  have  been  prevalent  aniong  physi- 
ci  ins,  ancient  and  modern  (see  Wetstein  on  Matt, 
iv.  24).  In  1~58  Lardner  published  liis  four  dis- 
courses On  tJr  C  ise  of  the  Dtemoniacs  mentioned 
in  the  N.  T.,  ably  controverting  the  doctrine  of 
real  possession.  (See  his  Work^,  i.  449-519,  ed. 
182,} ;  comp.  x.  265-275,  Retnarks  on  Dr.  IVavrs 
Dissertations.)     In  Germany,  Semler  appears  i» 


688  DEMONIACS 

MTC  been  the  first  who  vigorously  assailed  the  pop-  j 
ular  opinion,  in  his  Commentatto  de  Dcennjiiiacis 
quorum  in  N.  T.  Jit  menlio,  Hal.  1760,  -Ith  ed.  | 
greatly  enlarged,  1779.  This  ea'iay  gave  a  stimu- 
lus to  tlie  discussion  of  the  subject,  and  a  number 
of  dissertations  were  published  on  both  sides  of  the 
question.  Another  controversy  was  excited  in 
England  by  tlie  appearance  of  the  Kev.  Hugh  Far- 
mer's Eiiiy  un  the  Denwrdiics  of  the  N.  T.,  Lond. 
1775,  a  le;iriied  and  elaborate  treatise,  wliich  was 
replied  to  by  W.  Worthington,  An  Imjmrlial  En- 
quiry, etc.  1777.     Farmer  rejoined  in  Letters,  etc. 

1778.  followed  by  Worthingtou's  Farther  Inquiry, 

1779,  and  by  John  Fell's  Dienioniacs :  an  Inquiry 
into  the  Heathen  and  Scripture  Doctrine  of  Due- 
tnons,  1779.  Farmer's  two  volumes  were  transla- 
ted into  German,  and  his  view  found  very  general 
acceptance  in  tliat  country,  while  in  England  it  has 
been  adopted  l)y  such  men  as  Paley,  Abp.  New- 
come,  Dean  Milman  {IJist.  of  Christianity,  i.  228 
f.,  Amer.  ed.),  and  very  generally  by  Unitarians, 
Universalists,  and  theologians  of  a  "  rationalistic  " 
tendency.  The  behef  that  the  demoniacs  of  the 
N.  T.  were  really  possessed  by  evil  spirits  is,  how- 
ever, still  held  by  the  great  majority  of  Christians, 
and  many  recent  writers  dispose  of  the  phenomena 
of  modern  "  Spiritualism  "  or  "  Spiritism  "  by  re- 
ferring them  to  the  same  source. 

Besides  tlie  authors  already  mentioned,  particu- 
larly Lardner,  Farmer,  and  Winer,  the  following 
may  be  consulted,  in  opposition  to  the  doctrine  of 
real  possession:  Wetstein,  note  on  Matt.  iv.  24, 
in  his  A'ot-.  Test.  i.  279-284,  transl.  in  the  Chris- 
tian Disciple,  new  series,  v.  35-42 ;  T.  G.  Timmer- 
mann.  Diatribe  untiquai-io-medica  de  Dcemonincis 
Emnytliorum,  Rintel.  1786,  4to;  J.  F.  Winzer, 
De  Dcermmolof/ia  in  N.  T.  Libris  (as  cited  above, 
art.  Dkmon);  Hewlett's  disquisition  in  his  Comm. 
on  Matt.  iv.  24,  reprinted  in  Critica  Biblica,  vol. 
iii.,  which  also  contains  the  essays  of  Townsend 
and  Carlisle  on  the  other  side;  the  Rev.  E.  S.  Gan- 
nett, On  tlie  Demoniacs  of  the  N.  T.,  in  the 
Scriptural  Interpreter  (Boston),  1832,  ii.  255-302; 
and  the  notes  of  Meyer,  Norton,  and  Bleek  (Syn- 
opt.  Erkl.  d.  drei  ersten  Evang.  i.  217  ff.)  on 
Matt.  iv.  24.  See  also  Neander,  Leben  Jesu,  4<' 
Aufl.,  p.  237  AT.  (pp.  145-151,  Amer.  transl),  who 
holds  a  sort  of  intermediate  view.  See  further  the 
valuable  articles,  Theory  and  Phenomena  of  Pos- 
session amowj  the  Hindoos,  and  Pythonic  am  Dai- 
numiac  Possessions  in  India  and  Judea,  in  the 
Dublin  Univ.  Mag.  for  March,  Sept.  and  Oct. 
1848,  the  two  last  reprinted  in  Littell's  Lirinr;  Aye, 
xix.  385  ff.,  443  ff. ;  compare  also,  for  modem  ana- 
logues of  the  demoniacs,  Roberts's  Oriental  Illus- 
trations of  Scripture  on  Matt.  xii.  27,  and  Thom- 
9on's  Land  and  Book,  i.  212,  213. 

In  favor  of  the  doctrine  of  real  possession,  see. 
In  addition  to  the  treatises  already  referred  to,  art- 
icles by  W.  E.  Taylor,  m  Kitto's  Journnl  of  Sac. 
Lit.  July,  1849,  and  by  "J.  L.  P."  ibid-  April, 
1851 ;  I'^hrard,  art.  Dainonische,  in  Herzog's  lieal- 
Ennjkl.  ii.  240-255,  abridged  translation  by  Prof. 
Reubelt  in  the  Meth.  Quar.  Rev.  for  July,  1857 : 
Samuel  Hopkins,  Demoniacal  Possessions  of  the 
N.  T.,  in  tlie  Amer.  Presb.  and  Theol.  Rev.  Oct. 
1865 :  and  several  of  the  works  referred  to  under 
the  art.  1)k:«on.  See  also  the  cautious  remarks 
9f  Dr.  J.  H.  Morison,  On  Matthew,  pp.  157-168. 
A.  Cair  summary  of  the  arguments  on  both  sides 
Cr  given  in  Jahn's  Bibl.  Archaeology,  Upham's 
iranslation,  §§  193-197,  and  by  J.  F.  Denham, 


DEPOSIT 

art.  Demoniacs,  in  Kitto's  Cycl.  of  Bibl.  lAUra. 
ture.  A. 

DEM'OPHON  {^7i(w<pmv),  a  Syrian  gener* 
in  Palestine  mider  Antiochua  V.  Eupator  (2  Maco 
xii.  2). 

DENA'RIUS  {Jir\v<i.pwv:  denarius;  A.  V. 
"penny,"  Matt,  xviii.  28,  xx.  2,  9,  13,  xxii.  19, 
Mark  vi.  37,  xii.  15,  xiv.  5;  Luke  vii.  41,  x.  35, 
XX.  24;  John  vi.  7, 'xii.  5;  Rev.  vi.  6),  a  Roman 
silver  coin,  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour  and  the 
Aiwstles.  It  took  its  name  from  its  being  first 
equal  to  ten  "  asses,"  a  number  afterwards  in- 
creased to  sixteen.  The  earUest  specimens  are  of 
about  the  commencement  of  the  2d  century  b.  c. 
From  this  time  it  was  the  principal  silver  coin  of 
tlie  commonwealth.  It  continued  to  hold  the  same 
position  imder  the  Empire  until  long  after  the  close 
of  the  New  Testament  Canon.  In  the  time  of  Au- 
gustus eighty-four  denarii  were  struck  from  the 
pound  of  silver,  which  would  make  the  standard 
weight  about  60  grs.  This  Nero  reduced  by  strik- 
ing ninety-six  from  the  pound,  which  would  give  a 
standard  weight  of  about  52  grs.,  results  confirmed 
by  the  coins  of  the  periods,  wliich  are,  however,  not 
exactly  true  to  the  standard.  The  drachm  of  the 
Attic  tiUent,  which  from  the  reign  of  Alexander 
until  the  Roman  domination  was  the  most  impor- 
tant Greek  standard,  had,  by  gradual  reduction, 
become  equal  to  the  denarius  of  Augustus,  so  that 
the  two  coins  came  to  be  regarded  as  identical. 


Denarius  of  Tiberius. 
Obv.  TI  CAESAK  DIVI  AVQ  F  AVQVSTVS.     Head 
of  Tiberius,  laureate,  to  the  right  (Matt.  xxii.  19, 
20,   21).     Rev.   PONTIT   MAXIM.     Seated   female 
figure  to  the  right. 

Under  the  same  emperor  the  Roman  coin  super- 
seded the  Greek,  and  many  of  the  few  cities  which 
yet  struck  silver  money  took  for  it  the  form  and 
general  character  of  the  denarius,  and  of  its  half, 
the  quinarius.  In  Palestme,  in  the  N.  T.  period, 
we  learn  from  numismatic  evidence  that  denarii 
must  have  mainly  formed  the  silver  currency.  It 
is  therefore  probable  that  in  the  N.  T.  by  SpaxM^ 
and  apyvptov,  both  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  piece 
of  silver,"  we  are  to  understand  the  denarius 
[Drachma;  Silvkr,  piece  of].  The  5(5pox- 
fxov  of  the  tribute  (Matt.  xvii.  24)  was  probably  in 
the  time  of  our  Saviour  not  a  current  coin,  like  the 
ffrariip  mentioned  in  the  same  passage  (ver.  27). 
[Money.]  From  the  parable  of  the  laborers  in 
the  vineyard  it  would  seem  that  a  denarius  was 
then  the  ordinary  pay  for  a  day's  labor  (Matt.  xx. 
2,  4,  7,  9,  10,  13).  The  term  denaritis  aureia 
(Plin.  xxxiv.  17,  xxxvii.  3)  is  probably  a  corrupt 
designation  for  the  aureus  {nummus):  in  the  N. 
T.  the  denarius  proper  is  always  mtended.  (See 
Money,  and  Diet,  of  Ant.  art.  Denarius.) 

Ii.  S.  P. 

» DENS.     [Caves.] 

DEPOSIT  (T^^i^St  irapaO-liKri,  irapaKara 
e-flKTi  •■  depositum),  the  arrangement  by  which  on« 
man  kept  at  another's  request  the  property  of  th« 


DEPUTY 

btter,  until  deinaiifled  back,  was  one  common  to 
all  the  naticiis  of  antiquity;  and  the  dishonest 
dealing  with  such  trusts  is  marked  by  profane 
ivriters  with  extreme  reprobation  (Herod,  vi.  86; 
Juv.  xiii.  199,  &c. ;  Joseph.  Ant.  iv.  7,  §  38 ;  B.  J. 
iv.  8,  §  5,  7).  Even  our  Saviour  seems  (Luke  xvi. 
12)  to  allude  to  conduct  in  such  cases  as  a  test  of 
honesty."  In  later  times,  when  no  banking  sys- 
tem was  as  yet  devised,  shrines  were  often  used  for 
the  custody  of  treasure  (2  Mace.  iii.  10,  12,  15; 
Xenoph.  Anab.  v.  3,  §  7;  Cic.  L«.<j(j.  ii.  16;  Plut. 
Lys.  c.  18);  but,  especially  among  an  agricultural 
people,  the  exigencies  of  war  and  other  causes  of 
absence  must  often  have  rendered  such  a  deposit, 
especially  as  regards  animals,  an  owner's  only 
course.  Nor  was  the  custody  of  such  property 
burdensome;  for  the  use  of  it  was  no  doubt,  so  far 
as  that  was  consistent  with  its  unimpairetl  restora- 
tion, allowed  to  the  depositary,  which  otHce  also  no 
one  was  compelled  to  accept.  The  articles  speci- 
fied by  the  Mosaic  law  are  (1)  "money  or  stufl';  " 
and  (2)  "  an  ass,  or  an  ox,  or  a  sheep,  or  any 
beast."  The  first  case  was  viewed  as  only  liable 
to  loss  by  theft  (probably  for  loss  by  accidental 
fire,  (fee,  no  compensation  could  l>e  claimed),  and 
the  thief,  if  found,  was  to  pay  double,  /.  e.,  proba- 
bly to  comj)ensate  the  owner's  loss,  and  the  unjust 
suspicion  thrown  on  the  depositary.  If  no  theft 
could  be  proved,  the  depositary  was  to  swear  before 
the  judges  that  he  hatl  not  appropriated  the  article, 
and  then  was  quit.^  In  the  second,  if  the  beast 
were  to  "  die  or  be  hurt,  or  driven  away,  no  man 
seeing  it,"  —  accidents  to  which  beasts  at  pasture 
were  easily  liable,  —  the  depositary  was  to  purge 
himself  by  a  similar  oath.  (Such  oaths  are  probo/- 
bly  alluded  to  Heb.  vi.  16,  as  "an  end  of  all 
strife.")  In  case,  however,  the  animal  were  stolen, 
the  depositary  was  liable  to  restitution,  which 
probably  was  necessary  to  prevent  collusive  theft. 
If  it  were  torn  by  a  wild  beast,  some  proof  was 
easily  producible,  and,  in  that  case,  no  restitution 
was  due  (Ex.  xxii.  7-13).  In  case  of  a  false  oath 
so  taken,  the  perjured  person,  besides  making  resti- 
tution, was  to  "  add  the  fifth  part  more  thereto," 
to  comijensate  the  one  injured,  and  to  "  bring  a 
ram  for  a  trespass-offering  unto  the  Lord  "  (l>ev. 
vi.  5,  6).  In  the  book  of  Tobit  (v.  3)  a  written 
acknowledgment  of  a  deposit  is  mentioned  (i.  14 
(17),  iv.  20  (21)).  This,  however,  merely  facili- 
tated the  proof  of  the  fact  of  the  original  deposit, 
leaving  the  law  untouched.  The  Mishna  {Babn 
Metzia,  c  iii.,  Sliebuolh,  v.  1),  shows  that  the  law 
of  the  oath  of  purgation  in  such  cases  continued  in 
force  among  the  later  Jews.  Michaelis  on  the  laws 
of  Moses,  ch.  162,  may  be  consulted  on  this  sub- 
ject. H.  H. 

DEPUTY.  The  uniform  rendering  in  the  A. 
V.  of  avdvnaros,  "proconsul"  (Acts  xiii.  7,  8,  12, 
lix.  38).  The  English  word  is  curious  in  itself, 
vclA  to  a  certain  extent  appropriate,  having  been 
ipplied  formerly  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland. 
Thus  Shakespeure,  lien.  VI 1 1,  iii.  2: 

"  Plague  of  your  policy, 
You  sent  me  deputy  for  Ireland." 

W.  A.  W. 


L 


"«  Such  is  probably  the  meaning  of  the  words  iv  rtS 
l\AoTpi<j)  JTtoTot.  It  may  also  be  remarked  that  in  the 
parable  of  the  talents,  the  "  slothful  servant  '  affects 
lo  consider  himself  iis  a  mere  depositarius,  in  the  words 
te  «x«t«  TO  iTov  (Matt.  XXV.  26). 


DERBE  589 

DER'BE  (Ae'p^Tj,  Acts  xiv.  20,  Si,  xvi.  1; 

Et/i  Aepfidios,  Acts  xx.  4).  The  exact  position 
of  this  town  has  not  yet  been  ascertained,  but  its 
general  situation  is  undoubted.  It  was  in  the  east- 
ern part  of  the  great  upland  plain  of  Lycaonia, 
which  stretches  from  Iconium  eastward  along  the 
north  side  of  the  chain  of  Taurus.  It  must  have 
been  somewhere  near  the  place  where  tlie  pass 
called  the  Cilician  Gates  opened  a  way  from  the 
low  plain  of  Cilicia  to  the  table-land  of  the  interior; 
and  probably  it  was  a  stage  upon  the  great  road 
which  passed  this  way.  It  appears  that  Cicero 
went  through  Derbe  on  his  route  from  Cilicia  to 
Iconium  (Cic.  ad  Fam.  xiii.  73).  Such  was  St. 
Paul's  route  on  his  second  missionary  journey  (Acta 
XV.  41,  xvi.  1,  2),  and  probably  also  on  tlie  third 
(xviii.  23,  xix.  1).  In  his  first  journey  (xiv.  20, 
21)  he  approached  from  the  other  side,  namely, 
from  Iconium,  in  consequence  of  persecution  in  that 
place  and  at  Lystija.  No  incidents  are  recorded 
as  having  happened  at  Derbe  [see  infra].  In  har- 
mony with  this,  it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  enum- 
eration of  places  2  Tim.  iii.  11.  "  In  the  apostolic 
history,  Lyst.ra  and  Derbe  are  commonly  mentioned 
together :  in  the  quotation  from  the  epistle,  Lystra 
is  mentioned  and  not  Derbe.  The  distinction  is 
accurate ;  for  St.  Paul  is  here  enumerating  his  pei^ 
secutions"  (Paley,  Ilarce  PauUnce,  in  loc). 

Three  sites  have  been  assigned  to  Derive.  (1.) 
By  Col.  Leake  (Asia  Minor,  p.  101)  it  was  sup- 
posed to  be  at  Binr-bir-Kilisseh,  at  the  foot  of  the 
Karadagh,  a  remarkable  volcanic  mountain  which 
rises  from  the  Lycaonian  plain ;  but  this  is  almost 
certainly  the  site  of  Lystra.  (2.)  In  Kiepert's 
Map,  Derbe  is  marked  further  to  the  east,  at  a 
spot  where  there  are  ruins,  and  which  is  in  the  line 
of  a  Koman  road.  (3.)  Hamilton  (Researches  in 
Asia  Minor,  ii.  313)  and  Texier  (Asie  Mineure,  ii. 
129,  130)  are  disposed  to  place  it  at  Divle,  a  little 
to  the  S.  W.  of  the  last  position  and  nearer  to  the 
roots  of  Taurus.  In  favor  of  this  view  there  is  the 
important  fact  that  Steph.  Byz.  says  that  the  place 
was  sometimes  called  AeXfieia,  which  in  the  Ly- 
caonian language  (see  Acts  xiv.  11)  meant  a  "ju- 
niper tree."  Moreover,  he  speaks  of  a  \i/iriv  here, 
which  (as  I>eake  and  the  French  translators  of 
Strabo  suggest)  ought  probably  to  be  \ifivi];  and 
if  this  is  con-ect,  the  requisite  condition  is  satisfied 
by  the  proximity  of  the  Lake  AL  Gol.  Wieseler 
(Chronol.  der  Ajx)st.  Zeitalter,  p.  24)  takes  the 
same  view,  though  he  makes  too  much  of  the  pos- 
sibility that  St.  Paul,  on  his  second  jouniey,  trav 
elled  by  a  minor  pass  to  the  W.  of  the  Cilician 
Gates.  It  is  difficult  to  say  why  Winer  (Healw. 
8.  V. )  states  that  Derbe  was  "  S.  of  Iconium,  and 
S.  E.  of  Lystra." 

Strabo  places  Derbe  at  the  edge  of  Isauria;  but 
in  the  Synecdemiis  of  Hierocles  (Wesseling.  p.  675, 
where  the  word  is  Aepfiai)  it  is  placed,  as  in  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  in  Lycaonia.  The  boundaries 
of  these  districts  were  not  very  exactly  defined. 
The  whole  neighborhood,  to  the  sea-coast  of  Cili- 
cia, was  notorious  for  robbery  and  piracy.  An- 
tipater,  the  friend  of  Cicero  (ad  Fam.  xiii.  73)  was 
the  bandit  chieftain  of  Lycaonia.  Amyntas,  king 
of  Galatia  (successor  of  Deiotarus  II.),  murdered 


f>  The  Hebrew  expression  S7  DS,  Ex.  xxii.  8, 
reu  iered  in  the  A.  V.  "  to  see  whathor,"  is  a  commoB 
formula  jurandi 


690  DESCRY 

Anti{»ater  and  incorporated  his  dombions  with  his 
own.  Under  the  Roman  provincial  government 
Derbe  was  at  first  placed  in  a  corner  of  Cappado- 
CiA;  but  other  cluuiges  were  suliseqiiently  made. 
[Gai.atia.]  Derbe  does  not  seem  to  be  men- 
tioned in  tlie  Byzantine  writers.  Leake  says  (102) 
that  its  bishop  was  a  suffragan  of  the  metropolitan 
of  Iconium.  J.  S.  H. 

*  "  No  incidents  "  of  an  adverse  character  took 
place  at  Derbe.  But  Paul  and  Bainabas  preached 
there  and  gained  many  disciples  iiJiadr]Tfv(rapre9 
iKavovi,  Acts  xiv.  21).  On  his  second  missionary 
tour  i'aul  visited  Derbe  again  (Acts  xvi.  1),  where 
no  doubt  was  one  of  the  churches  to  which  he  de- 
livered "  the  decrees  "  relating  to  the  treatment  of 
converts  fiom  heathenism  (Acts.  xvi.  4).  The 
Gaius  who  aecompanied  Paul  on  his  journey  from 
Greece  as  far  as  Asia,  belonged  to  Derle  (Acts  xx. 
4).  Some  make  this  place  also  the  home  of  Tim- 
othy (Kuii)oel,  Olshausen,  Neander) ;  but  the  surer 
indication  from  ««€?  in  Acts  xvi.  ]  is  that  he  be- 
longed to  Lystra.  At  the  same  time  we  learn  from 
Acts  xvi.  3  (see  also  ver.  21  that  his  family,  and  no 
doubt  Timothy  himself,  were  well  known  in  many 
of  the  towns  in  that  region,  among  which  Derbe 
would  naturally  be  included.  H. 

*  DESCRY  means  in  Judg.  i.  23  (A.  V.)  to 
observe  in  a  military  sense,  to  reconnoitre:  "And 
the  house  of  Joseph  sent  to  descry  Bethel."  The 
word  occurs  only  in  that  passage  in  our  Bible  and 
i«  now  obsolete  in  that  signification.  Eastwood  and 
Wright  (Bible  Wvrd-Buok;  p.  555)  point  out  ex- 
amples of  the  same  usage  in  Shakespeare  {Rich. 
HI.  v.  8,  and  Lenr,  iv.  5).  H. 

DESERT,  a  wonl  which  is  sparingly  employed 
in  the  A.  V.  to  translate  four  flebrew  terms,  of 
which  three  are  essentially  different  in  signification. 
A"  desert,"  in  the  sense  which  is  ordinarily  at- 
tached to  the  word,  is  a  vast,  burning,  sandy  " 
plain,  alike  destitute  of  trees  and  of  water,  'i'his 
idea  is  probably  derived  from  the  deserts  of  Africa 
•-  that,  for  example,  which  is  overlooked  by  the 
Pyramids,  and  with  which  many  travellers  are  fa- 
laiiliar.  But  it  should  lie  disthictly  understood 
that  no  such  region  as  this  is  ever  mentioned  in 
the  Bible  as  having  any  connection  with  the  history 
of  the  Israelites,  either  their  wanderings  or  their 
settled  existence.  AVith  regard  to  the  sand,  the 
author  of  "  Sinai  and  Palestine "  has  given  the 
fullest  correction  to  this  jjopular  error,  and  has 
shown  that  "  sand  is  the  exception  and  not  the  rule 
of  the  Arabian  desert"  of  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai 
(S.  (/  P.  pp.  8,  9,  (i4).  And  as  to  the  other  features 
of  a  desert,  certainly  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai  is  no 
plain,  but  a  region  extremely  variable  in  height, 
and  diversified,  even  at  this  day,  by  oases  and  val- 
leys of  verdure  and  vegetation,  and  by  frequent 
wells,  which  were  all  probably  far  more  abundant 
in  those  earlier  times  than  they  now  are.  This 
however  will  be  more  appropriately  discussed  under 
the  head  of  Wn.DKKXKns  of  the  Wandkhinus. 
Here,  it  is  «imply  necessary  to  show  that  the  words 
rendered  in  tlie  A.  Y  by  '•  desert,"  when  usetl  in 
the  historical  liooks,  denoted  definite  localities ;  and 
that  those  localities  do  not  answer  to  the  common 
lonception  of  a  "desert." 

1.  AiiABAH  (na^y).     The  root  of  this  word, 


a  ''The  sea  of  sand."     See  Coleridf^'s  parable  on 
IfytaM  and  Mygticism  iAids  to  Reft.  Conclusion). 


DESERT 

according  to  Gesenius  ( Thes.  p.  1066),  is  Arab^ 
^"^37,  to  be  dried  up  as  with  heat ;  and  it  has  been 
ah-eady  shown  that  when  used,  as  it  invariably  is 
in  the  liistorical  and  topographical  records  of  tha 
Bible,  with  the  definite  article,  it  means  that  very 
depressed  and  inclosed  region  —  the  deepest  and 
the  hottest  chasm  in  the  world  —  the  sunken  val- 
ley noitli  and  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  but  more  par- 
ticularly the  former.  [Arabah.]  True,  in  the 
present  depopulated  and  neglected  state  of  I'alestine 
the  Jordan  valley  is  as  arid  and  desolate  a  region 
as  can  be  met  with,  but  it  was  not  always  so.  On 
the  contrary,  we  have  direct  testimony  to  the  fact 
that  when  the  Israelites  were  flourisliing,  and  latei 
in  the  Roman  times,  the  case  was  emphatically  the 
reverse.  Jericho,  "  the  city  of  Palm  trees,"  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  valley,  Bethshean  at  the  upper; 
and  PhasaeUs  in  the  centre,  were  famed  both  in 
.lewLsh  and  profane  history  for  the  luxuriance  of 
their  vegetation  (Joseph.  Ant.  xviii.  2,  §  2;  xvi.  5, 
§  2;  Bkthshkan;  Jkkiciio).  When  the  abund- 
ant water-resources  of  the  valley  were  properly  hus- 
banded and  distributed,  the  tropical  heat  caused 
not  barrenness,  but  tropical  fertihty,  and  here  grew 
the  balsam,  the  sugar-cane,  and  other  plants  requir- 
ing great  heat,  but  also  rich  soil,  for  their  culture. 
Akabah  in  the  sense  of  the  Jordan  Valley  is  trans- 
lated by  the  word  "desert"  only  in  Kz.  xlvii.  8. 
In  a  more  general  sense  of  waste,  deserted  country 

—  a  meaning  easily  suggested  by  the  idea  of  exces- 
sive heat  contained  in  the  root  —  "  Desert,"  as  the 
rendering  of  Arabah,  occurs  in  the  prophets  and 
jxwtical  books;  as  Is.  xxxv.  1,  6,  xl.  3,  xli.  19,  li.  3; 
Jer.  ii.  6,  v.  G,  xvii.  6,  1.  12;  but  this  general  sense 
is  never  found  in  tlie  historical  books.  In  these,  to 
repeat  once  more,  Arabah  always  denotes  the  Jor- 
dan valley,  the  Ghor  of  the  modern  Arabs.  Pro- 
fessor Stanley  proposes  to  use  "desert"  as  the 
translation  of  Arabah  whenever  it  occurs,  and 
though  not  exactly  suitable,  it  is  diflicult  to  sug- 
gest a  better  word. 

2.  But  if  Arabah  gives  but  little  support  to  the 
ordinary  conception  of  a  "  desert,"  still  less  does 
the  other  word  which  our  translators  have  most 

frequently  rendered  by  it.     Midbar  (~12"IX2)  is 

accurately  the  "  pasture  ground,"  deriving  its  name 

fix)m  a  root  dabar  ("^2T).  "  to  drive,"  significant 

of  the  pastoral  custom  of  driN-ing  the  flocks  out  lo 
feed  in  the  morning,  and  home  again  at  night; 
and  therein  analogous  to  the  German  word  tiift, 
which  is  similarly  derived  from  treibifii,  to  drive. 
With  regard  to  the  Wilderness  of  the  M'anderings 

—  for  winch  Midbau  is  almost  invarialily  used-  - 
this  signification  is  most  appropriate;  I'or  we  nmst 
never  forget  that  the  Israelites  had  flocks  and 
herds  with  them  during  the  whole  of  their  passage 
to  the  Promised  Land.  They  had  them  when  they 
left  P:gypt  (Ex.  X.  20,  xii.  38),  they  had  tliem  at 
Hazeroth,  the  middle  point  of  the  wanderings 
(Num.  xi.  22),  and  some  of  the  tribes  jwssessed 
them  in  large  numbers  immediately  before  the 
transit  of  the  Jordan  (Num.  xxxii.  1 ).  Afiilbar  is 
not  often  rendered  by  ",  desert "  in  the  A.  V.  Its 
usual  and  certainly  more  appropriate  translation  is 
"  wilderness,"  a  word  in  which  the  idea  of  vegeta- 
tion is  present.  In  sjicaking  of  the  M'ilderness  of 
the  AA'anderings  the  word  "  desert  "  occurs  as  th« 
rendering  of  Midbar,  in  I'jc.  iii.  1,  v.  3,  xix.  2 
Num.  xxxiii.  15,  lU;  and  in  more  than  oue  o/ 


DESIRE 

these  it  is  evidently  employed  for  the  sake  of  | 
suphcny  merely.  | 

Midbar  is  most  frequently  used  for  those  tracts 
Df  waste  Laud  which  lie  heyond  the  cultivated 
ground  in  the  immediate  neighhorhood  of  the 
towns  and  villages  of  Palestine,  and  wliich  are  a 
very  familiar  feature  to  the  traveller  in  that  country, 
lu  sprmg  these  tracts  are  covered  with  a  rich  green 
verdiu'e  of  turf,  and  small  shruhs  and  herhs  of 
various  kinds.  But  at  the  end  of  summer  the 
herbage  withers,  the  turf  dries  up  and  is  {Mwdered 
thick  with  the  dust  of  the  chalky  soU,  and  the 
whole  has  certainly  a  most  dreary  aspect.  An 
ejcample  of  this  is  furnished  by  the  hills  through 
which  the  path  from  Bethany  to  Jericho  pursues 
its  winding  descent.  In  the  spring  so  abundant  is 
tiie  pasturage  of  these  hills,  that  they  are  the  resort 
of  the  flocks  from  Jerusalem  on  the  one  hand  and 
Jericho  on  the  other,  and  even  from  the  Arabs  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Jordan.  And  even  in  the  month 
of  September  —  when  the  writer  made  this  journey 
—  though  the  turf  was  only  visible  on  close  in- 
spection, more  than  one  large  flock  of  goats  and 
sheep  was  browsing,  scattered  over  the  slopes,  or 
stretched  out  in  a  long  even  line  like  a  regiment 
of  soldiers."  A  strikuig  example  of  the  same  thing, 
and  of  the  manner  in  which  this  waste  pasture  land 
gradually  melts  into  the  cultivated  fields,  is  seen  in 
making  one's  way  up  through  the  mountains  (X 
Benjamin,  due  west,  from  Jericho  to  Mukhmas  or 
Jeba.  These  Mklbnrs  seem  to  have  borne  the 
name  of  the  town  to  which  they  were  most  con- 
tiguous ;  for  example,  Beth-aven  (in  the  region  last 
referred  to);  Ziph,  Maon,  and  I'aran,  in  the  south 
of  Judah ;  Gibeon,  Jerucl,  &c.,  &c. 

In  the  poetical  books  "  desert  "  is  found  as  the 
translation  of  Mklbav  in  Deut.  xxxii.  10 ;  Job  xxiv. 
5;  Is.  xxi.  1;  Jer.  xxv.  2-1. 

3.  Chak'bah  [rather  Chobbah]  (HS'nn). 
This  word  is  perh.aps  related  to  Arabah,  with  the 
substitution  of  one  guttural  for  another;  at  any 
rate  it  appears  to  have  the  same  force,  of  dryness, 
and  th«ice  of  desolation.  It  does  not  occur  in  any 
historical  p;issages.  It  is  rendered  "desert"  in  Ps. 
cii.  G;  Is.  xlviii.  21;  Ez.  xiii.  4.  The  term  com- 
monly employed  for  it  in  the  A.  V.  is  "  waste 
places"  or  "desolation." 

4.  Jesiiimon  ("j'^Q'^tt^")  [desert,  wnste^.  This 
word  in  the  historical  books  is  used  with  the  definite 
article,  apparently  to  denote  the  waste  ti'acts  on 
both  sides  of  the  Dead  Sea.  In  all  these  cases  it  is 
treated  as  a  proper  name  in  the  A.  V.  [Jkshimon  ; 
Beth- jEsiiiMOTH.]  Without  the  article  it  occurs 
in  a  few  passages  of  poetry;  in  the  following  of 
which  it  is  rendered  "desert:"  Ps.  kxviii.  40; 
ovi.  14;  Is.  xliu.  19,  20.  G. 

*  DESIRE  in  2  Chr.  xxi.  20  is  used  in  the 
A.  V.  in  the  sense  of  the  Latin  desiderare,  "  to 
feel  the  loss  of,"  "  to  regret."  "  Jehoram  reigned 
in  Jerusalem  eight  years,  and  departed  without 
being  desired."  A. 

DES'SAU  L^syl.]  (Aea-ffaov;  Alex.  Ae(r<raoi/ , 

Dessau),  a  viUage  (not  "town;"  Kdfni,  casteUum, 
tt  which  Nicanor's  army  was  once  encamped  during 
lis  campaign  with  Judas  (2  JMacc.  xiv.  16 ).  There 
is  no  mention  of  it  in  the  account  of  these  transac- 


DEUTERONOMY 


691 


tions  in  1  Mace,  or  in  Josephus.  Ewald  conject- 
ures that  it  may  have  been  Adasa  (Cesch.  iv.  '6Gi, 
lote). 

DEU'EL  [2  syl.]  (bs*^!?"^  [caUing  en  Gcd, 
Ges. ;  El  is  kiwwing,  Fiirst] :  [Rom.]  Vat.  and 
Alex.   'Payou^A.:  L)uel),   father   of  Eliasaph,  the 

captain"  (S'^ti^S)  of  the  tribe  of  Gad  at  the 
time  of  the  numbering  of  the  people  at  Sinai  (Num. 
i.  14,  vii.  42,  47,  x.  20).  The  same  man  is  men- 
tioned again  in  ii.  14,  but  here  the  name  appears 
as  Reuel,  owing  to  an  interchange  of  the  two  very 

similar  Hebrew  letters  T  and  "1.  In  this  latter 
passage  the  Samaritan,  Arabic  and  Vulg.  retain 
the  D;  the  LXX.,  as  in  the  other  places,  has  K. 
[Ki:UEL.]  Which  of  the  two  was  really  his  name 
we  have  no  means  of  deciding. 

DEUTERONOMY  (D'^"]n"jTn  nVs,  or 
□"'"}2"^,  so  called  from  the  fii-st  words  of  the  book; 
AeuTepov6/j.Lov,  as  being  a  repetition  of  the  L-iw; 

^.ttri»(imuu.,c :  called   a.Uo   by  the   later  Jews 

n;. ,; ,  .7..^^:  and  n'^ns'in  -1^:0). 

A.  Contents.  The  Book  consists  chiefly  of  three 
discourses  dehvered  by  iloses  shortly  before  his 
deatii.  They  were  spoken  to  all  Israel  in  the  plains 
of  iloab  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Jordan  (i.  1),  in 
the  eleventh  month  of  the  last  year  of  their  wan- 
derings, the  fortieth  year  after  their  exodus  from 

Subjoined  to  these  discourses  are  the  Song  of 
Moses,  the  Blessing  of  Moses,  and  the  story  of  his 
death. 

I.  The  first  discourse  (i.  1-iv.  40).  After  a 
brief  historical  introduction,  the  speaker  recapitu- 
lates the  chief  events  of  the  Last  40  years  in  the 
wilderness,  and  especially  those  events  which  had 
the  most  immediate  bearing  on  the  entry  of  the 
people  into  the  promised  land.  He  enumerates  the 
contests  in  which  they  had  been  engaged  with  the 
various  tribes  who  came  in  their  way,  and  in  which 
their  success  had  always  depended  ujwn  their  obo- 
(lience:  and  reminds  them  of  the  exclusion  from 
the  promised  land,  first  of  the  fonuer  generation, 
because  they  had  been  disobedient  in  the  master 
of  the  spies,  and  next  of  himself,  with  whom  the 
Lord  was  wroth  for  their  sakes  (iii.  26).  On  the 
appeal  to  the  witness  of  this  past  history  is  tlien 
based  an  earnest  and  powerful  exhortation  to  obe- 
dience ;  and  especially  a  warning  against  idolatrj 
as  that  which  had  brought  God's  judgment  upon 
them  in  times  past  (iv.  3),  and  would  bring  yet 
sorer  punishment  in  the  future  (iv.  26-28).  To 
this  discourse  is  appended  a  brief  notice  of  the 
severing  of  the  three  cities  of  refuje  en  the  east 
side  of  the  Jordan  (iv.  41-43). 

II.  The  second  discourse  i?  introduced  like  the 
first  by  an  explanation  of  the  circumstances  under 
which  it  was  delivered  (iv.  44-49).    It  extends  from 

I  chap.  V.  1-xxvi.  19,  and  contains  a  recapitulation 
i  with  some  modifications  and  additions,  of  the  Law 
already  given  on  Moui.t  Sinai.  Yet  it  is  not  bare 
recapitulation,  or  naked  enactment,  but  every  word 
shows  the  neart  o^  the  lawgiver  full  at  once  of  zeal 
for  God  and  of  the  most  fervent  desire  for  the  wel- 


I 


a  This  practice  is  not  peculiar  to  Palestine.  Mr. 
ilakesley  observed  it  in  Algeria  ;  and  gives  the  reason 
or  it,  naiiiely,  a  more  systematic,  and  therefore  coai- 


plete,   consumption   of    the  scanty   herbage. 

Mont/is  in  Algeria,  p  30a.) 


(^Fow 


602  DEUTERONOMY 

ore  of  his  uation.  It  is  the  Father  no  less  thaii 
the  legislator  who  speaks.  And  whilst  obedience 
and  hfe  are  throughout  bound  up  together,  it  is 
the  obedience  of  a  loving  heart,  not  a  service  of 
formal  constraint  which  is  the  burden  of  his  exhor- 
tations. The  following  are  the  principal  heads  of 
discourse:  («.)  He  begins  with  that  which  formed 
the  basis  of  the  whole  Mosaic  code,  —  the  Ten 
Commandments,  —  and  impressively  repeats  the  cir- 
cumstances under  which  they  were  given  (v.  1-vi. 
3).  (6.)  ITien  follows  an  exposition  of  the  spirit 
of  the  Fii-st  Table.  The  love  of  Jeliovah  who  has 
done  so  great  things  for  them  (vi.),  and  the  utter 
uprootuig  of  all  idol-worship  (vii.)  are  the  points 
cliielly  insisted  upon.  But  they  are  also  reminded 
tliat  if  idolatry  be  a  snare  on  the  one  hand,  so  is 
self-righteousness  on  the  other  (viii.  10  ff'.,  x. ),  and 
therefore  lest  they  should  be  Ufted  up,  the  speaker 
enters  at  length  on  the  history  of  their  past  rebell- 
ions (ix.  7,  22-24),  and  especially  of  their  sin  hi 
the  matter  of  the  golden  calf  (ix.  0-21).  The  tnie 
nature  of  obedience  is  again  empliatically  urged  (x. 
12-xi.  32),  and  the  great  motives  to  obedience  set 
forth  in  God's  love  and  mercy  to  them  as  a  people 
(x.  15,  21,  22),  as  also  his  signal  punishment  of 
the  rebellious  (xi.  3-G).  The  blessing  and  the  curse 
(xi.  2G-32)  are  further  detailed,  (c.)  From  the 
general  spint  in  which  the  l^w  should  be  observed, 
Moses  passes  on  to  the  several  enactments.  Even 
these  are  introduced  by  a  solemn  charge  to  the 
people  to  destroy  all  objects  of  idolatrous  worship 
in  the  land  (xii.  1-3).  They  aie  upon  the  whole 
arranged  systematic;illy.  We  have  (1)  first  the 
laws  touching  religion  (xii.-xvi.  17);  (2)  then  those 
which  are  to  regulate  the  conduct  of  the  govern- 
ment and  the  executive  (xvi.  18-xxi.  23);  and  (3) 
lastly  those  which  concern  the  private  and  social 
Hfe  of  the  people  (xxii.  1-xxvi.  19).  The  whole  are 
framed  with  express  reference  to  tlie  future  occupa- 
tion of  the  land  of  Canaan. 

(1.)  There  is  to  be  but  one  sanctuary  where  all 
offerings  are  to  be  offered.  Flesh  may  be  eaten 
anywhere,  but  sacrifices  may  only  be  slain  in  "  the 
place  which  the  Lord  thy  God  shall  choose "  (xii. 
5-32).  All  idol  prophets,  all  enticers  to  idolatry 
from  among  themselves,  even  whole  cities,  if  idol- 
atrous, are  to  be  cut  off  (xiii. ) ;  and  all  idolatrous 
practices  to  be  eschewed  (xiv.  1,  2).  Next  come 
regulations  respecting  clean  and  unclean  animals, 
tithe,  the  year  of  release  and  the  three  feasts  of  the 
Passover,  of  Weeks,  and  of  Tabernacles  (xiv.  3-xvi. 
17). 

(2.)  The  laws  affecting  public  personages  and 
defining  the  authority  of  the  Judges  (xvi.  18-20) 
and  the  I'riests  (xvii.  8-13),  the  way  of  proceeding 
in  courts  of  justice  (xvii.  1-13);  the  law  of  the 
King  (xvii.  14-20),  of  the  Priests  and  Levites  and 
Prophets  (xviii.);  of  the  cities  of  refuge  and  of 
ffilnesses  (xix.).  The  order  is  not  very  exact,  but 
on  the  whole  the  section  xvi.  18-xix.  21  is  jwHcial 
hi  its  ■  character.  The  passage  xvi.  21-xvii.  1, 
jeems  strangely  out  of  place.  Bauingarten  ( Comm. 
m  loc.)  tries  to  account  for  it  on  the  ground  of  the 
close  connection  which  must  subsist  between  the 
true  worship  of  God  and  righteous  rule  and  judg- 
mejit.  But  who  does  not  feel  that  this  is  said  with 
more  ingenuity  than  truth  ? 

Next  come  the  laws  of  war  (xx.),  both  as  waged 
{a)  generally  with  other  nations,  and  (b)  especially 
with  the  inhabitants  of  Canaan  (ver.  17). 

(3.)  Laws  touching  domestic  hfe  and  the  relation 
if  iioan  to  man  (xxi.  15-xxvi.  19).     So  Ewald 


DEUTERONOMY 

divides,  assigning  the  former  pju-t  of  chap.  xxi.  to 
the  previous  section,  lliivernick  on  tlie  other  hand 
includes  it  in  the  present.  The  fact  is,  that  vv 
10-14  belong  to  the  laws  of  war  which  are  treated 
of  ui  chap.  XX.,  whereas  1-9  seem  more  naturally 
to  come  under  the  matten*  discussetl  in  this  section. 
It  b^ins  with  the  relations  of  the  family,  jiassea 
on  to  those  of  the  friend  and  neighbor,  and  then 
touches  on  the  general  principles  of  ju.stice  and 
charity  by  which  men  should  be  actuated  (xxiv. 
16-22)-  It  concludes  with  the  solemn  confession 
which  every  Israelite  is  to  make  when  he  offers  the 
first  fruits,  and  which  reminds  him  of  what  he  is 
as  a  member  of  the  theocracy,  as  one  in  covenant 
with  Jehovah  and  greatly  blessed  by  Jehovah. 

Finally,  the  whole  long  discourse  (v.  1-xxvi.  19) 
is  wound  up  by  a  brief  but  powerful  apjieal  (16-19), 
which  reminds  us  of  the  words  with  which  it 
opened.  It  will  be  observed  that  no  pains  are 
taken  here,  or  indeed  generally  in  the  Mosaic  legis- 
lation, to  keep  the  several  portions  of  the  law,  con- 
sidered as  moral,  ritual,  and  ceremonial,  apart  from 
each  other  by  any  clearly  marked  hne.  But  there 
is  in  this  discourse  a  very  manifest  gradual  descent 
from  the  higher  ground  to  the  lower.  The  speaker 
begins  by  settmg  forth  Jehovah  himself  as  the 
great  object  of  love  and  worship,  thence  he  passes 
(1)  to  the  KeUgious,  (2)  to  the  PoUtical,  and  (3) 
to  the  Social  economy  of  his  people. 

III.  In  the  third  discourse  (xxvii.  1-xxx.  20) 
the  Elders  of  Israel  are  associated  with  Moses.  The 
people  are  commanded  to  set  up  stones  upon  Mount 
Ebal,  and  on  them  to  write  "  all  the  words  of  this 
law."  Then  follow  the  several  curses  to  be  pro- 
nounced by  the  Levites  on  Ebal  (xxvii.  14-26),  and 
the  blessings  on  Gerizim  (xxviii.  1-14).  How  ter- 
rible will  be  the  punishment  of  any  neglect  of  this 
law,  is  further  portrayed  in  the  vivid  words  of  a 
prophecy  but  too  fearfully  verified  in  the  subsequent 
history  of  the  people.  The  subject  of  this  discourse 
is  briefly  "  The  Blessing  and  the  Curse." 

IV.  The  delivery  of  the  Law  as  written  by  Moses 
(for  its  still  further  preservation )  to  the  custody  of 
the  Levites,  and  a  charge  to  the  people  to  hear  it 
read  once  every  seven  years  (xxxi. ) :  the  Song  of 
Moses  spoken  in  the  ears  of  the  jieople  (xxxi.  30- 
xxxii.  44):  and  the  blessing  of  the  twelve  tribes 
(xxxiii. ). 

V.  The  Book  closes  (xxxiv.)  with  an  account  of 
the  death  of  Moses,  which  is  first  announced  to  him 
m  xxxii.  48-52.  On  the  authorship  of  the  last 
chapter  we  shall  speak  below. 

B.  MtUitum  of  Deuttronomy  to  the  pi-eceding 
books.  It  has  been  an  opinion  very  generally  enter- 
tained by  the  more  modem  critics,  as  well  as  by  tlie 
earher,  that  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  forms  a  com- 
plete whole  in  itself,  and  that  it  was  appended  to 
the  other  books  as  a  later  addition.  Only  chapters 
xxxii.,  xxxiii.,  xxxiv.,  have  been  in  whole  or  in  part 
called  in  question  by  De  Wette,  Ewald,  and  Von 
Lengerke.  De  Wette  thhiks  that  xxxii.  and  xxxiii. 
have  been  borrowed  from  other  sources,  and  that 
xxxiv.  is  the  work  of  the  Elohist  [Pkmatkuch]. 
Ewald  also  supposes  xxxii.  to  haie  been  borrowed 
from  another  writer,  who  lived,  however  (in  accord- 
ance with  his  theory,  which  we  shall  notice  lowei 
down),  after  Solomon.  On  the  other  hand,  he  con- 
siders xxxiii.  to  be  later,  whilst  Bleek  (Rrpert.  i.  25 
and  Tuch  {Gen.  p.  556)  decide  that  it  is  Elohistic. 
Some  of  these  critics  imagine  that  these  chapten 
originally  formed  the  conchision  of  the  book  of 
Numbers,  and  that  the  Deuteronomiat  [Pekta 


DEUTERONOMY 

TEPCii]  tore  them  away  from  tlieir  proper  position 
In  order  the  better  to  incorporate  his  own  work 
with  the  rest  of  the  Pentateuch,  and  to  give  it  a 
fitting  conclusion.  Gesenius  and  liis  followers  are 
of  opinion  that  the  whole  book  as  it  stands  at 
present  is  by  the  same  hiuid.  But  it  is  a  question 
of  some  interest  and  importance  whether  the  book 
of  Deuteronomy  should  be  assigned  to  the  author, 
or  one  of  the  authors,  of  the  former  portions  of  the 
Pentateuch,  or  whether  it  is  a  distinct  and  inde- 
pendent work.  The  more  conservative  critics  of  the 
school  of  Hengsteuberg  contend  that  Deuteronomy 
fbnus  an  integral  part  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  is 
throughout  to  be  ascribed  to  Moses.  Others,  as 
St.ahelin  and  Delitzsch,  have  given  reasons  for  be- 
lieving that  it  was  written  by  the  Jehovist;  whilst 
others  again,  as  Ewald  and  De  Wette,  are  in  favor 
of  a  difierent  author. 

The  chief  grounds  on  which  the  last  opinion 
rests  are  the  many  variations  and  additions  to  be 
found  in  Deuteronomy,  both  in  the  historical  and 
legal  portions,  as  well  as  the  observable  difference 
of  style  and  phraseology.  It  is  necessary,  therefore, 
before  we  come  to  consider  more  directly  the  ques- 
tion of  authorship,  to  take  into  account  these  alleged 
peculiarities;  and  it  may  be  well  to  enumerate  the 
principal  discrepancies,  additions,  &c.,  as  given  by 
De  Wette  in  the  last  edition  of  his  Einleituny 
(many  of  his  former  objections  he  afterwards  aban- 
doned), and  to  subjoin  the  replies  and  explanations 
which  they  have  called  forth. 

I.  Discrepancies.  —  The  most  important  dis- 
crepancies alleged  to  exist  between  the  historical 
portions  of  Deuteronomy  and  the  earlier  books  are 
the  following  — 

(1.)  The  appointment  of  judges  (i.  6-18)  is  at 
variance  with  the  account  in  Ex.  xviii.  It  is  re- 
ferred to  a  different  time,  being  placed  after  the 
departure  of  the  people  from  Horeb  (ver.  6),  whereas 
in  Exodus  it  is  said  to  have  occurred  during  their 
encampment  before  the  mount  (Ex.  xviii.  5).  The 
circumstances  are  different,  and  apparently  it  is 
mixed  up  with  the  choosing  of  the  seventy  elders 
(Num.  xi.  11-17).  To  this  it  has  been  answered, 
that  altliough  Deut.  i.  6  mentions  the  departure 
from  Sinai,  yet  Deut.  i.  9-17  refers  evidently  to 
what  took  place  during  the  abode  there,  as  is  shown 
by  comparing  the  expression  "  at  that  time,"  ver. 
9,  with  the  same  expression  ver.  18.  The  speaker, 
as  is  not  unnatural  in  animated  discourse,  checks 
himself  and  goes  back  to  take  notice  of  an  important 
ircumstance  prior  to  one  which  he  has  already 
..entioned.  This  is  manifest,  because  ver.  19  is  so 
V  early  resumptive  of  ver.  6.  .\gain,  there  is  no 
force  in  the  objection  that  Jethro's  counsel  is  here 
passed  over  in  silence.  When  making  allusion  to 
a  well-known  historical  fact,  it  is  unnecessary  for 
the  sptaiker  to  enter  into  details.  This  at  most  is 
91  omission,  not  a  rontradiction.  Lastly,  the  story 
in  Exodus  is  perfectly  distinct  from  that  in  Num. 
xi.,  and  there  is  no  confusion  of  the  two  here. 
Nothing  is  said  of  the  institution  of  the  seventy  in 
Dent.,  probably  because  the  office  was  only  tem- 
porary, and  if  it  did  not  cease  before  the  death  of 
Moses,  was  not  intended  to  be  perpetuated  in  the 
promised  land.  (So  in  sulistance  Kanke,  v.  Len- 
gerke,  Hengst.,  Hiivem.,  Stiihelin.) 

(2.)  Chap.  i.  22  is  at  variance  with  Num.  xiii. 
2,  because  here  Moses  is  said  to  have  sent  the  spies 
into  Canaan  at  the  suggestion  of  the  j)eople,  whereas 
there  Gud  is  said  to  have  conmianded  the  measure. 
The  explanation  is  obvious.     The  people  make  th»r 

as 


DEUTERONOMY  593 

request;  Moses  refers  it  to  God,  who  then  gives  to 
it  his  sanction.  In  tlie  historical  book  of  Numbers 
the  divine  command  only  is  mentioned.  Here, 
where  the  lawgiver  deals  so  largely  with  the  i'eelings 
and  conduct  of  the  people  themselves,  he  reminds 
them  both  that  the  refjuest  originated  with  them- 
selves, and  also  of  the  circumstances  out  of  which 
that  request  sprang  (vv.  20,  21).  These  are  not 
mentioned  in  the  history.  The  objection,  it  may 
be  remarked,  is  precisely  of  the  same  kind  ;w  that 
which  in  the  N.  T.  is  urged  against  the  reconcilia- 
tion of  Gal.  ii.  2  with  Acts  xv.  2,  3.  Both  admit 
of  a  similar  explanation. 

(3.)  Chap.  i.  44,  "And  the  Amoi-ites  which 
dwelt  in  that  mountain,"  &c.,  whereas  in  the  story 
of  the  same  event.  Num.  xiv.  43-45,  Amalekiies  are 
mentioned.  Answer  :  in  this  latter  pa.ssage  not 
only  Amalekites,  but  Canaanites,  are  siiid  to  have 
come  down  again.st  the  Israelites.  The  Amorites 
stand  here  not  for  "Amalekites,"  but  for  "Canaan- 
ites," as  being  the  most  [Kivverful  of  all  the  Canaan- 
itish  tribes  (cf.  Gen.  xv.  IG;  Deut.  i.  7);  and  the 
Amalekites  are  not  named,  but  hinted  at,  when  it 
is  said, ,"  they  destroyed  3'ou  in  Seir,^'  where,  ac- 
cording to  1  Chr.  iv.  42,  they  dwelt  (so  Hengst. 
iii.  421). 

(4.)  Chap.  ii.  2-8,  confused  and  at  variance  with 
Num.  XX.  14-21,  and  xxi.  4.  In  the  former  we 
read  (ver.  4),  "  Ye  are  to  pass  through  the  coast 
of  your  brethren,  the  children  of  Esau."  In  the 
latter  (ver.  20),  "And  he  said.  Thou  shalt  not  go 
through.  And  Edom  came  out  against  him,"  &c. 
But,  according  to  Deut.,  that  part  of  the  Edomite 
territory  only  was  traversed  which  lay  about  Oath 
and  Ezion-geber.  In  this  exposed  part  of  their 
territory  any  attempt  to  prevent  the  passage  of  the 
Israelites  would  have  been  useless,  whereas  at  Ka^ 
desh,  where,  according  to  Numbers,  the  opposition 
was  offered,  the  rocky  nature  of  the  country  was  in 
favor  of  the  Edomites.  (So  Hengst.  iii.  283  ff"., 
who  is  followed  by  Winer,  i.  293,  note  3.)  To  this 
we  may  add,  that  in  Deut.  ii.  8,  when  it  is  said, 
"  repassed  by  from  our  brethren  the  children  of 
Esau  .  .  .  through  the  way  of  the  plain  from 
Elath,"  the  failure  of  an  attempt  to  pass  elsewhen- 
is  implied.  Again,  according  to  Deut.,  the  Israel- 
ites purchased  food  and  water  of  the  Edoinites  and 
Moabites  (w.  6,  28),  which,  it  is  said,  contradicts 
the  story  in  Num.  xx.  19,  20.  But  in  both  ac- 
counts the  Israelites  offer  to  pay  for  what  they 
have  (cf.  Deut.  ii.  6  with  Num.  xx.  19).  And  if 
in  Deut.  xxiii.  4  there  seems  to  be  a  contradiction 
to  Deut.  ii.  29,  with  regard  to  the  conduct  of  the 
Moabites,  it  may  be  removed  by  observing  (with 
Hengst.  iii.  280)  that  the  unfriendliness  of  the 
Moabites  in  not  coming  out  to  meet  the  Israelites 
with  bread  and  water  was  the  very  reason  why  the 
latter  were  obliged  to  buy  provisions. 

(5.)  More  perplexing  is  the  difference  in  the 
account  of  the  encampments  of  the  Israehtes,  as 
given  Deut.  x.  6,  7,  compared  with  Num.  xx.  23, 
xxxiii.  30  and  37.  In  Deut.  it  is  said  that  the 
order  of  encampment  was,  (1)  Bene-jaakan,  (2) 
Mosera  (where  Aaron  dies),  (3)  Gudgodah,  (4)  .Jot 
bath.  In  Numbers  it  is,  (1)  Moseroth,  (2)  Bene- 
jaakan,  (3)  Hor-hagidgad,  (4)  .Jotbath.  Then  fol- 
low the  stations  Ebronah,  Ezion-geber,  Kadesli,  and 
Mount  Hor,  and  it  is  at  this  last  that  Aaron  dies. 
(It  is  remarkable  here  that  no  account  is  given  of 
the  stations  between  Ezion-geber  and  Kadesli  on 
the  return  route.)  Various  attempts  have  been 
made  to  reconcile  these  accounts.    The  explanation 


594 


DEUTERONOMY 


jivwi  by  Kurte  (AUks  zur  Gesch.  d.  A.  B.  20)  is 
on  tlie  w  hole  the  most  satisfactory.  He  sa3's :  "  In 
the  first  month  of  tlie  fortieth  year  the  whole  con- 
gre^^atioa  comes  a  second  time  to  the  wilderness 
of  Zin,  which  is  Kadesh  (Num.  xxxiii.  30).  On  the 
down-rout«  to  l-jsion-geber  they  had  encamped  at 
the  several  stations  Moseroth  (or  Mosera),  Bene- 
Jiiakan,  Chor-ha<,'idjrad,  and  Jotbath.  But  now 
again  departing?  from  Kadesh,  they  go  to  Mount 
Ilor,  '  in  the  edge  of  the  land  of  J-xlom '  (ver.  37, 
■J8),  or  to  Mosera  (IJeut.  x.  0,  7),  this  last  being 
in  the  desert  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain.  Uene- 
Jaiikau,  Gudgodali,  and  Jotbath  were  also  visited 
about  this  time,  i.  e.  a  second  time,  after  the  second 
halt  at  Kadesh."  'I'his  seems  a  not  improbable 
expliuiation,  and  our  knowle<lge  of  the  topography 
of  the  desert  is  so  inaccurate  that  we  can  hardly 
hojje  for  a  better.  More  may  be  seen  in  Winer, 
art.    Wiisle. 

(6.)  But  this  is  not  so  much  a  discrepance  as  a 
peculiarity  of  the  writ«r:  in  Deut.  the  usual  name 
for  tlie  mountain  on  which  the  law  was  given  is 
lloreb,  only  once  (xxxiii.  2)  Sinai;  whereas  in  the 
other  books  Sinai  is  f:ir  more  common  than  Horeb. 
The  answer  given  is,  that  lloreb  was  the  general 
name  of  tlie  whole  mountain-range;  Sinai,  the  par- 
ticular mountain  on  which  the  law  was  delivered; 
and  that  Horeb,  the  more  general  and  well-known 
name,  was  employed  in  accordance  with  the  rhe- 
torical style  of  this  book,  in  order  to  bring  out  tlie 
contrast  between  the  Sinaitic  giving  of  the  law,  and 
the  giving  of  tlie  law  in  the  land  of  Moab  (Deut. 
i.  5,  xxix.  1 ).  So  Keil.  Of  this  hist  explanation  it 
is  not  too  much  to  say  that  it  is  neither  ingenious 
nor  satisfactory. 

It  must  be  remembered,  with  regard  to  all  the 
answers  alwve  given,  that  so  far  as  they  reconcile 
alleged  contradictions,  they  tend  to  estabUsh  the 
veracity  of  the  writers,  hut  they  by  no  means  prove 
that  the  writer  of  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  is  no 
other  than  the  writer  of  the  earlier  books.  So  far 
indeed  there  is  nothing  to  decide  one  way  or  the 
other.  The  additions  both  to  the  historical  and 
legal  sections  are  in  this  respect  of  far  more  im- 
portance, and  the  principal  of  them  we  shall  here 
enumerate. 

II.  Addithm.  —  These  are  to  be  found  both  in 
lie  History  and  in  the  l>aw. 

1.  In  the  History,  (a.)  The  command  of  God 
to  leave  Horeb,  Deut.  i.  6,  7,  not  mentioned  Num. 
X.  11.  The  re[ientance  of  the  Israelites,  Deut.  i. 
45,  omitted  Num.  xiv.  45.  The  intercession  of 
Moses  in  behalf  of  Aaron,  Deut.  ix.  20,  of  which 
•lothiiig  is  said  Ex.  xxxii.,  xxxiii.  These  are  so 
slight,  however,  that,  as  Keil  suggests,  they  might 
have  been  passed  over  very  naturally  in  the  earlier 
l)Ook8,  supix)sing  both  accounts  to  be  Ijy  the  same 
hand.  But  of  more  note  are:  (6.)  The  command 
not  to  fight  with  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites, 
Deut.  ii.  !),  10,  or  with  the  Kdomites,  but  to  liuy 
of  them  fiXKl  and  water,  ii.  4-8.  The  valuable  his- 
torical notices  which  are  given  respecting  the  earlier 
inhabitants  of  the  countries  of  Moab  and  Amnion 
and  of  Mount  Seir,  ii.  10-12,  20-23;  the  sixty  forti- 
fied cities  of  Bashan,  iii.  4 ;  the  king  of  the  country 
who  was  "of  the  remnant  of  giants,"  iii.  11;  the 
different  names  of  Hemion,  iii.  9;  the  wildeniess 
of  Kedemoth,  ii.  2«;  and  the  more  detailed  account 
of  the  attack  of  th(>  Amalekites,  xxv.  17,  18,  com- 
pared with  I<jc.  xvii.  8. 

2.  In  the  I -aw.  iti  appointment  of  the  cities 
of  refuge,  Deut.  xix.  7-9,  as  compared  with  Num. 


DEUTERONOMY 

XXXV.  14  and  Deut.  iv.  41;  of  one  particular  phei 
for  the  solemn  worship  of  God,  where  all  oflTeriiiga 
tithes,  &c.,  are  to  be  brought,  Deut.  xii.  5,  &c., 
whilst  the  restriction  with  regard  to  the  slaying  of 
animals  only  at  the  door  of  the  tabernacle  of  the 
congregation  (Lev.  xvii.  3,  4)  is  done  away,  15,  20 
21;  the  regulations  respecting  tithes  to  be  brought 
with  the  sacrifices  and  burnt-offerings  to  theap- 
jwiiited  place,  Ueut.  xii.  6,  11,  17,  xiv.  22,  &c., 
xxvi.  12 ;  concerning  false  prophets  and  seducers  to 
idolatry  and  those  that  hearken  unto  them,  xiii. ; 
concerning  the  king  and  the  manrer  of  the  king- 
dom, xvii.  14,  &c.;  the  prophets,  x\iii.  15,  &c.;  war 
and  military  service,  xx. ;  the  expiation  of  secret 
murder;  the  law  of  female  captives;  of  fii-st-born 
sons  by  a  double  marriage;  of  disobedient  sons;  of 
those  who  suffer  death  by  hanging,  xxi. ;  the  laws 
in  xxii.  5-8,  13-21 ;  of  divorce,  xxiv.  1,  and  various 
lesser  enactments,  xxiii.  and  xxv.;  the  form  of 
thanksgiving  in  offering  the  fii-st-fruits,  xxn. ;  the 
command  to  write  the  law  upon  stones,  xxvii.,  and 
to  read  it  before  all  Israel  at  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, xxxi.  10-13. 

Many  others  are  rather  extensions  or  modifica- 
tions of,  than  additions  to,  existing  laws,  as  for  in- 
stance the  law  of  the  Hebrew  slave,  Deut.  xv.  12 
&c.,  compared  witli  Ex.  xxi.  2,  &c.  See  also  the 
ulier  directions  in  Deut.  xv.  19-23,  xxvi.  1-11,  as 
compared  with  tlie  briefer  notices,  Ex.  xiii.  12, 
xxiii.  19. 

C.  Aulhor.  1.  It  is  generally  agreed  that  by 
far  the  greater  portion  of  the  book  is  the  work  of 
one  author.  The  only  parts  which  have  been  ques- 
tioned as  possiiile  interpolations  are,  according  to 
Oe  Wette,  iv.  41-3,  x.  6-9,  xxxii.,  and  xxxiiii.  "in- 
ternal evidence  indeed  is  strongly  decisive  that 
this  book  of  the  Pentateuch  was  not  the  work  of 
a  compiler. 

2.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  style  of  Deuter- 
onomy is  very  different  from  that  of  the  other  four 
books  of  the  Pentateuch.  It  is  more  flowing,  more 
rhetorical,  more  sustained.  The  rhythm  is  grand, 
and  the  diction  more  akin  to  the  sublimer  passages 
of  tlie  prophets,  than  to  the  sober  prose  of  the  his- 
torians. 

3.  Who  then  was  the  author  ?  On  this  point 
the  following  principal  hypotheses  have  been  inain- 
Uiined :  — 

(1.)  The  old  traditional  view  that  this  book,  like 
the  other  books  of  the  Pentateuch,  is  the  work  of 
Moses  himself.  Of  the  later  critics  Hengstenberg, 
llaveriiick,  Kanke,  and  others,  have  maintained  this 
view.  Moses  Stuart  writes :  "  Deuteronomy  ap- 
pears to  my  mind,  as  it  did  to  that  of  Eichhom 
and  Herder,  as  tiie  earnest  outpourings  and  admo- 
nitions of  a  heart  which  felt  the  deepest  interest  in 
the  welfare  of  the  Jewisli  nation,  and  which  real- 
ized that  it  must  soon  bid  farewell  to  them  .  .  . 
Instead  of  bearing  upon  its  face,  as  is  alleged  by 
some,  evidences  of  anotiier  authorship  than  that  ol 
Moses,  I  must  regard  this  book  as  being  so  deeply 
fraugiit  with  holy  and  patriotic  feeling,  as  to  con- 
vince any  unprejudiced  reader  who  is  competent  to 
judge  of  its  style,  that  it  cannot,  with  any  toler- 
able degree  of  probability,  be  attributed  to  any 
preleiider  to  legislation,  or  to  any  mere  imiliitor 
of  the  great  legislator.  Such  a  glow  os  runs  through 
all  this  book  it  is  in  vain  to  seek  for  in  any  arti- 
ficial or  supposititious  composition  "  {Hist,  of  iht 
0.  T.  Oinon,  §  3). 

In  support  of  this  opinion  it  is  said :  (a)  Thmi 
supposing  the  whole  Peutateuch  to  have  been  writ- 


DEUTERONOMY 

len  by  Moses,  the  change  in  style  is  easiiy  accounted 
for  when  we  remember  that  the  last  hook  is  Iior- 
tatory  in  its  character,  that  it  consists  cliiefly  of 
orations,  and  that  these  were  delivered  under  very 
peculiar  circumstances,  (b. )  That  the  usus  hquemli 
is  not  only  genenilly  in  accordance  with  that  of  tlie 
earlier  books,  and  that  as  well  in  their  Elohistic  as 
in  tlieir  Jehovistic  jwrtions,  but  that  there  are  cer- 
tain peculiar  forms  of  expression  common  only  to 
these  five  books,  (r  ^  That  the  aUeged  discrep- 
ancies in  matt*;i.-5  of  fact  between  this  and  the 
earlier  books  may  all  be  reconciled  (see  above),  and 
that  the  additions  and  corrections  in  the  legislation 
are  only  such  as  would  necessarily  be  made  when 
the  people  were  just  about  to  enter  the  promised 
land.  Thus  IJertlieau  observes :  "  It  is  hazardous 
to  conclude  from  contradictions  in  the  laws  that 
they  are  to  be  ascribed  to  a  different  age  .  .  .  He 
who  made  additions  must  have  known  what  it  was 
he  was  making  additions  to,  and  would  either  have 
avoided  all  contradiction,  or  would  have  altered  the 
earlier  laws  to  make  them  agree  with  the  later " 
(Die  Siedefi  Gruppen  Mvs.  (Jeselze,  p.  19,  note). 
(d. )  That  the  book  bears  witness  to  its  own  author- 
shii)  (xxxi.  I'J),  and  is  expressly  cited  in  the  N.  T. 
as  the  work  of  Moses  (Matt.  xix.  7,  8 ;  Mark  x.  3 ; 
Acts  iii.  22,  vii.  37). 

The  advocates  of  this  theory  of  course  suppose 
that  (he  last  chapter,  containing  an  account  of  the 
death  of  Moses,  was  added  by  a  later  hand,  and 
perhaps  formed  origuially  the  beginning  of  the  book 
of  Joshua. 

(2.)  The  opinion  of  Stiihelin  (and  as  it  would 
seem  of  Bleek)  that  the  author  is  the  same  as  the 
writer  of  the  Jehovistic  jwrtions  of  the  other  books. 
He  thinks  that  both  the  historical  and  legislative 
portions  plainly  show  the  hand  of  the  supplementist 
(Kril.  U liters,  p.  7G).  Hence  he  attaches  but 
little  weight  to  the  alleged  discrepancies,  as  he  con- 
siilers  thein  all  to  be  the  work  of  the  reviser,  going 
over,  correcting,  and  adding  to  the  older  materials 
of  the  Elohistic  document  alreatly  in  his  hands. 

(3.)  Tlie  opinion  of  De  Wette,  Gesenius,  and 
others,  that  the  Deuteronomist  is  a  distinct  writer 
from  the  Jehovist.  De  Wette's  arguments  are 
based,  (a)  on  the  difference  in  style;  [b)  on  the 
contradictions  already  referred  to  as  existing  in 
matters  of  history,  as  well  as  in  the  legislation, 
when  compared  with  that  in  Exodus;  (c)  on  the 
peculiarity  ncticeable  in  this  book,  that  God  does 
not  speak  by  xMoses,  but  that  Moses  himself  speaks 
to  the  people,  and  that  there  is  no  mention  of  the 
angel  of  Jehovah  (cf.  i.  30,  vii.  20-23,  xi.  13-17, 
with  Ex.  xxiii.  2'J-33) ;  and  lastly  on  the  fact  that 
the  Deuteronomist  ascribes  his  whole  work  to 
Moses,  while  the  Jehovist  assigns  him  only  certaui 
portions. 

(-1.)  Fi-om  the  fact  that  certain  phrases  occurring 
'.n  Deuteronomy  are  found  also  in  the  prophecy  of 
Jeremiah,  it  has  been  too  hastily  concluded  by  some 
iritics  that  both  books  were  the  work  of  the  prophet. 
>io  Von  Bohlen,  Gesenius  (Gesch.  d.  Jlebr.  Spr. 
p.  32),  and  Hartmann  (Ilist.  Krit.  Forsch.  p.  660). 
Kiinig,  on  the  other  hand  (AlttesL  Stud.  ii.  12  ff.), 
has  shown  not  only  that  this  idiomatic  resemblance 
has  been  made  too  much  of  (see  also  Keil,  £inl.  p. 
117),  but  that  there  is  the  greatest  possible  differ- 
snce  of  style  between  the  two  buoKS.  And  De 
Wette  reirarks  {/Jid.  p.  191),  "Zu  viel  behauptet 
Iber  di&sa  V^ei-wandtsehaft  von  Jiuhlen,  Gen.  s. 
jiivii." 

(5.)  Ewald  is  of  op  nion  that  it  was  written  by  a 


DEUTERONOMY 


695 


Jew  living  in  Egypt  during  the  latter  half  of  tha 
reign  of  Manasseh  (Gesch.  des  V.  I.  i.  171).  He 
thinks  that  a  pious  Jew  of  that  age,  gifted  with 
prophetic  power  and  fully  alive  to  all  the  evils  of 
ins  time,  sought  thus  to  revive  and  to  impress 
more  powerfully  upon  the  minds  of  his  countrymen 
the  great  lessons  of  that  Iaw  which  he  saw  they 
were  in  danger  of  forgetting.  He  avails  himself 
therefore  of  the  groundwork  of  the  earlier  history, 
and  also  of  the  Mosaic  mode  of  expression.  But 
as  his  object  is  to  rouse  a  coiTupt  nation,  he  only 
makes  use  of  historical  notices  for  the  puqwse  of 
introducing  his  warnings  and  exhortations  with  the 
more  effect.  This  he  does  with  great  skill  and  aa 
a  ma.ster  of  his  subject,  whilst  at  the  same  time  he 
gives  fresh  vigor  and  life  to  the  old  law  by  means 
of  those  new  prophetic  truths  which  had  so  lately 
become  the  heritage  of  his  people.  Ewald  further 
considers  that  there  are  passages  in  Deuteronomy 
borrowed  from  the  books  of  Job  and  Isaiah  (iv.  3<d 
from  Job  viii.  8;  and  xxviii.  29,  30,  35  from  Job  t. 
14,  xxxi.  10,  ii.  7;  and  xxviii.  49,  &c.  from  Is.  v. 
26  ff.,  xxxiii.  19),  and  much  of  it  akin  to  Jeremiah 
(Gesch.  i.  171.  note).  The  song  of  Moses  (xxxii.) 
is,  according  to  him,  not  by  the  Deuteronomist,  but 
is  nevertheless  later  than  the  time  of  Solomon. 

D.  Date  of  ComjMisition.  "Was  tlie  book  really 
written,  as  its  language  certainly  implies,  before 
the  entry  of  Israel  into  the  Promised  Land?  Not 
only  does  the  writer  assert  that  the  discourses  con- 
tained in  the  book  were  delivered  in  the  plains  of 
Moab,  in  the  last  month  of  the  40  years'  wander- 
ing, and  when  the  [leople  were  jast  about  to  enter 
Canaan  (i.  1-5),  but  he  tells  us  with  still  further 
exactness  that  all  the  words  of  this  Law  were 
written  at  the  same  time  in  the  book  (xxxi.  9). 
Moreover,  the  fact  that  the  gooilly  land  lay  even 
now  before  their  eyes  seems  everywhere  to  be  up- 
l^ermast  in  the  thoughts  of  the  legislator,  and  to 
lend  a  [leculiar  solemnity  to  his  words.  Hence  we 
constantly  meet  with  such  expressions  as  "  When 
•lehovah  thy  God  bringeth  thee  into  the  land 
which  he  hath  sworn  to  thy  fathers  to  give  thee," 
or  "  whither  thou  goest  in  to  possess  it."  This 
phraseology  is  so  constant,  and  seems  to  fall  in  so 
naturally  with  the  general  tone  and  character  of 
the  book,  that  to  suppose  it  was  written  long  after 
the  settlement  of  the  Israelites  in  Canaan,  in  the 
reign  of  Solomon  (De  Wette,  v.  Lengerke  and 
others),  or  in  that  of  Manasseh  (Ewald  as  above), 
is  not  only  to  make  the  book  an  historical  romance, 
but  to  attribute  very  considerable  uiventive  skill  to 
the  author  (as  Ewald  in  fact  does). 

De  Wette  argues,  indeed,  that  the  character  cf 
the  Laws  is  such  as  of  itself  to  presuppose  a  long 
residence  in  the  land  of  Canaan.  He  instances  the 
allusion  to  the  temple  (xii.  and  xvi.  1-7),  the  pro- 
vision for  the  right  discharge  of  the  kingly  and 
prophetical  offices,  the  rules  for  civil  and  military 
organization  and  the  state  of  the  I^evites,  who  are 
represented  as  living  without  cities  (though  such 
are  gi-anted  to  them  in  Num.  xxxv. )  and  without 
tithes  (allotted  to  them  in  Num.  xviii.  20,  Ac). 
But  in  the  pa.ssages  cited  the  temple  is  not  named, 
much  less  is  it  spoken  of  as  already  existing:  on 
the  contrar"  tlie  phrase  employed  is  "  The  place 
which  the  Ixjrd  your  God  shall  choose."  Again, 
to  sui)pose  that  Moses  was  incapab'iO  of  pr-viding 
for  the  future  and  very  different  position  of  his 
people  as  settled  in  the  land  of  (Canaan,  is  to  deny 
him  even  ordinary  saijacity.  Without  raising  the 
question  about  his  divine  commission,  sorely  it  ii 


596 


DEVIL 


not  too  much  to  assume  that  so  wise  and  great  a 
legfislitor  would  foresee  the  growth  of  a  polity  and 
would  lie  anxious  to  rei^ulate  its  due  administration 
in  tlie  iear  of  God.  Hence  lie  would  guard  against 
false  j)rophet8  and  seducers  to  idolatry.  As  regards 
the  Ijevites,  Moses  luigiit  have  ex{)ected  or  even 
desired  that,  though  possessing  certain  cities  (which, 
however,  were  inhabited  by  others  as  well  as 
theniselxes),  they  should  not  he  confined  to  those 
cities  but  scattered  over  the  face  of  the  country. 
This  niu.st  have  been  the  case  at  first,  owing  to  the 
very  gradual  occupation  of  the  new  territory.  The 
mere  fact  that  in  giving  them  certain  rights  in 
Ueut.  nothing  is  said  of  an  earlier  provision  in 
Num.  does  not  by  any  means  prove  that  this  ear- 
lier provision  was  unknown  or  had  ceased  to  be  in 
force. 

Other  reasons  for  a  later  date,  such  as  the  men- 
tion of  the  worship  of  the  sun  and  moon  (iv.  19, 
xvii.  3);  the  punishment  of  stoning  (xvii.  5,  xxii. 
21,  <fec.);  tlie  name  Feast  <>/'  TaOeituu-ks ;  and 
the  motive  for  keeping  the  Sabbath,  are  of  little 
force.  In  Amos  v.  26,  Saturn  is  said  to  have  been 
worshipjjed  in  the  wilderness :  the  punishment  of 
stoning  is  found  also  in  the  older  documents;  the 
Feast  of  Taliernacles  agrees  with  Ijev.  xxiii.  34; 
and  tlie  motive  alleged  for  the  observance  of  the 
Sabbath  at  least  does  not  exclude  otlier  motives. 

A  further  discussion  of  the  question  of  author- 
ehip,  as  well  as  of  the  date  of  the  legislation  in 
Deuteronomy,  must  be  reserved  for  another  aiticie. 
[Pentatel'CH.]  J.  J.  S.  P. 

*  On  the  general  literature  relating  to  Deuteron- 
omy, see  Pkntatkuch.  Kecent  exegetical  worl« 
on  this  ijook  are:  Kiehm,  Die  Gegetztjebung  Mosis 
im  Lnnde  Moah,  1854;  F.  W.  Schultz,  Das  DtvU- 
evonomium  erkldrt,  1859;  Knobel,  Die  Biichcr 
Nutneii,  DevUerorumiium  u.  Josua  erkidrt,  1861 
{l-'xeyel.  Handb.  xiii.);  Keil,  iu  Keil  u.  Delitzsch, 
Bibl.  Com.  2ter  Band,  der  Num.  u.  DttU.,  1862 ; 
Chr.  Wordsworth,  Jloly  Bible  with  A'^oZes,  vol.  i., 
Five  Books  of  JAosfs,  2d  ed.  1865;  F.  W.  J. 
Schroetler,  Das  Deuteronomium,  1866  (in  Twinge's 
Bibelwerk.  A.  T.,  iii.).  On  single  passages,  "\'olck, 
Montis  cntUicum  ctji/neum.,  Deut.  xxxii.,  1861; 
Kamphauaen,  Das  /Jed  Afoses,  Iteut.  xxxii., 
1862 ;  Graf,  Der  Segen  Moses,  Deut.  xxxiii.,  1857. 

T.  J.  C. 

DEVIL  {/^idfio\os :  Dinbdm ;  properly  "  one 
who  sets  at  variance,"  8taj8d\A.e<;  comp.  Plat. 
Stjnip.  p.  222,  c,  d ;  and  generally  a  "  slanderer  " 
jr  ''false  accuser"). 

The  word  is  found  in  the  plural  number  and  ad- 
jective sense  iii  1  Tim.  iii.  11;  2  Tim.  iii.  3;  and 
I'it.  ii.  3.  In  all  otlier  cases  it  is  used  with  the 
irticle  as  a  descrijAive  name  of  Satan  "  [Sat.\n], 
excc])tuig  tiiat  in  John  vi.  70  it  is  applied  to  Judas 
(as  "  Satan  "  to  St.  Peter  in  Matt.  xvi.  23),  because 
'hey  —  the  one  permanently,  aiid  the  other  for  the 
aioment  —  were  doing  Satan's  work. 

The  name  descril)es  him  as  slandering  God  to 
man,  and  man  to  God. 

'llie  fonner  work  is,  of  course,  a  part  of  his 
great  work  of  tcniptation  to  evil ;  and  is  not  only 
exemplified  but  illustrated  as  to  its  general  nature 
«iid  tendency  by  the  narrative  of  (Jen.  iii.  We 
find  tliere  that  its  essential  characteristic  is  the 
representation  of  God  as  an  arbitrary  and  selfish 
nUer,   seeking  his  own  good  and  not  that  of  his 

"  *  Without  the  artU-le,  though  applied  to  Satan,  in 
Ut»  xiii.  10,  1  Pet  r.  8,  and  Iter.  xx.  2.  either  on 


DEW 

creatures.     The  effect  is  to  ttir  up  ihe  spirit  of 
freedom  in  man  to  seek  a  fancied  iiid.jpendence; 
and  it  is  but  a  slight  step  further  to  impute  false- 
j  hood  or  cruelty  to  Him.    'Hie  success  of  tlie  1  )evir« 
!  slander  is  seen,  not  only  in  the  Scriptural  nai-rative 
j  of  the  Fall,  but  in  the  corruptions  of  most  mythol- 
ogies, and  especially  in  the  horrible  notion  of  the 
divine  tpd6yos,  which  ran  through  so  many.     (See 
e.  (J.  Herod,  i.  32,  vii.  46.)     The  same  slander  is 
implied  rather  than  expressed  in  tlie  temptation  of 
our  Ixird,  and  overcome  by  the  faith  which  trusts 
in  Gwl's  love  even  where  its  signs  may  be  hidden 
from  the  eye.     (Comp.  the  unniaskuig  of  a  similar 
slander  by  Peter  in  Acts  v.  4.) 

The  other  work,  the  slandering  or  accusing  man 
before  God,  is,  as  it  must  necessarily  be,  unintelli- 
gible to  us.  The  All-Seeing  Judge  can  need  no 
accuser,  and  the  All-Pure  could,  it  might  seem, 
have  no  intercourse  with  the  Evil  One.  Hut  in 
truth  the  question  touches  on  two  mysteries,  the 
relation  of  the  Infinite  to  the  finite  spirit,  and  the 
permission  of  tlie  existence  of  evil  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  Him  who  is  "  the  Good."  As  a  part 
of  these  it  must  be  viewed,  —  to  the  latter  especially 
it  belongs;  and  this  latter,  while  it  is  the  great 
mystery  of  all,  is  also  one  in  which  the  facts  are 
proved  to  us  by  incontrovertible  evidence. 

The  fact  of  the  Devil's  accusation  of  man  to  God 
is  stated  generally  in  Kev.  xii.  10,  where  he  is 
called  "  the  accuser  {Kar^yaip)  of  our  brethren,  who 
accused  them  before  our  God  day  and  night,"  and 
exemplified  plainly  in  the  case  of  Job.  Its  essence 
as  before  is  the  imputation  of  selfish  motives  (Job 
i.  9,  10),  and  its  refutation  is  placed  in  the  self- 
sacrifice  of  those  "  who  loved  not  their  own  Uvea 
unto  death." 

For  details  see  Satan.  A.  B. 

*  DEVOTIONS  denoted  formeriy  objects  of 
worship  or  religious  veneration,  and  not,  as  at 
present,  acts  of  worship  or  sentiments  of  devotion. 
It  is  in  the  former  sense  only  that  it  stands  correctb 
for  aeffdafiaTa  in  Acts  xvii.  23  (A.  V.),  undei 
which  term  Paul  refers  to  the  temples,  images 
altars  and  the  like,  which  the  Athenians  regarded  a« 
siicred,  and  to  which  tliey  paid  di\'ine  homage.  It 
will  be  seen  that  in  the  Greek  text  koI  fioofxSs  ("^ 
an  altar)  is  put  forward  as  one  of  the  examples  of 
the  class  which  ffefiaxr/iara  designates.  Our  pres- 
ent ICnglish  therefore  requires  "  your  objects  of  de- 
votion "  in  Paul's  siwech,  inst^id  of  "  your  devo- 
tions." H. 

♦DEVOUT.  [Pkoselytes,  at  the  end, 
Amer.  ed.] 

DEW  (^Kl :  ip6ffos--  ros).  Tliis  in  the  Bum- 
mer is  80  copious  in  Palestine  that  it  supplies  to 
some  extent  the  absence  of  rain  (lujclus.  xviii.  16. 
xliii.  22),  and  becomes  iiiijK)rtaiit  to  the  agricultur- 
ist; as  a  proof  of  this  copiousness  tlie  well-known 
sign  of  Gideon  (Judg.  vi.  37,  39,  40)  may  !«  ad 
duced.  Thus  it  is  coupled  in  the  divine  blessing 
with  rain,  or  mentioned  as  a  prime  source  of  fer- 
tihty  ((Jen.  xxvii.  28;  Deut.  xxxiii.  13;  Zech.  viii. 
12),  and  its  withdrawal  is  attributed  to  a  curse  (2 
Sam.  1.  21;  1  K.  xvii.  1;  Hag.  i.  10).  It  liecomei 
a  leading  object  in  prophetic  imagery  by  reason  of 
its  penetrating  moisture  witiiout  tlie  ap]x»rent  ettbrt 
of  rain  (Deut.  xxxii.  2;  Job  xxix.  19;  Ps.  cxxxiiL 
3;  Prov.  xix.  12;  Is.  xxvi.  19;  Hos.  xiv.  5;  Mic 


account  of  its  predicate  relation,  or  its  f  irce  as  a  prop* 
name.  See  Buttnuum'i  Neutest.  Gramm.  p.  78.     U. 


DEW  OF  HERMON 

f.7),  while  itx  speedy  eTanescence  typifies  the  tran- 
flcnl  <;o<xlnes8  of  the  hypocrite  (Hos.  vi.  4,  xiii.  3). 
It  is  ineDtioiied  as  a  token  of  exposure  in  the  night 
(Cant.  V.  2;  Dan.  iv.  15.  23,  25-33,  v.  21). 

H.  H. 

*  DEW  OF  HERMON.     [Hermon.] 

DIADEM  (^1^3^,  ^1^2^,  or  n^SlJa;  also 

n"l''C'!'),  a  word  employed  in  the  A.  V.  as  the 
translation  of  the  above  Hebrew  tenns.  Tliey  oc- 
cur in  jwetical  passages,  in  which  neither  the  He- 
brew nor  the  English  words  appear  to  be  used  with 

any  special  force.  i*lp3^?3  is  strictly  used  for  tlie 
"  mitre  "  of  the  high-priest.     [Mitke.] 

AVhat  the  "  diadem  "  of  the  Jews  was  we  know 
not.  That  of  other  nations  of  antiquity  was  a  fillet 
of  silk,  two  inches  broad,  bound  round  the  head  and 
tied  behind,  the  invention  of  which  is  attributed  to 
Liber  (Plin.  //.  jV.  vii.  56,  57).  Its  color  was  gen- 
erally white  (I'ac.  Ann.  vi.  37;  Sil.  Ital.  xvi.  241); 
sometimes,  however,  it  was  of  blue,  like  that  of  Da- 
rius, "  cerulea  ftiscia  albo  distincta  "  (Q.  Curt.  iii.  3, 
vi.  20;  Xen.  Cyr.  viii.  3,  §  13);  and  it  was  sown 
with  pearls  or  other  gems  (Gibbon,  i.  392;  Zech. 
ix.  16),  and  enriched  with  gold  (Kev.  ix.  7).  It 
was  peculiarly  the  mark  of  oriental  sovereigns  (1 
Mace.  xiii.  32,  tJ>  5(a5r};iia  tijs  'Affias),  and  hence 
the  deep  offense  caused  by  the  attempt  of  Caisar  to 
substitute  it  for  the  laurel  crown  appropriated  to 
Roman  emperors  ("sedebat  .  .  .  coronatus;  .  .  . 
diadema  ostendis,"  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  34):  when  some 
one  crowned  his  statue  with  a  laurel-wreath,  "  can- 
didfe  fasciae  pra-ligatam,"  the  tribunes  instantly 
ordered  the  JiUei  or  diadem  to  be  removed,  and  the 
man  to  be  thrown  into  prison  (Suet.  C(bs.  79). 
Caligula's  wish  to  use  it  was  considered  an  act  of 
insanity  (Suet.  Oil.  22).  Heliogabalus  only  wore 
it  in  private.  Antony  assumed  it  in  Egypt  (Flor. 
iv.  11),  but  Diocletian  (or,  according  to  Aurel. 
Victor,  Aurelian)  first  assumed  it  as  a  bndge  of  the 
empire.  Kepresentations  of  it  may  be  seen  on  the 
couis  of  any  of  the  later  emperors  (Tillemont,  Hist. 
Imp.  iii.  531). 

A  crown  was  used  by  the  kings  of  Israel,  even  in 
battle  (2  Sam.  i.  10;  similarly  it  is  represented  on 
coins  of  Theodosius  as  tncircling  his  helmet) ;  but 
in  all  probability  this  was  not  the  state  crown  (2 
Sam.  xii.  30),  although  used  in  the  coronation  of 
Joash  (2  K.  xi.  12).  Kitto  supposes  that  the  state 
crown  may  have  been  in  the  possession  of  Athaliah ; 
but  perhaps  we  ought  not  to  lay  any  great  stress 

on  the  word  "'.'13  in  this  place,  especially  as  it  is 
very  likely  that  the  state  crown  was  kept  in  the 
Temple. 

In  Esth.  i.  11,  ii.  17,  we  have  "IH?  {Klrapts, 
«i5opis)  for  the  turban  (ffroKi]  fivacivi),  vi.  8) 
w>ru  by  the  Persian  king,  queen,  or  other  eminent 
persons  to  whom  it  was  conceded  as  a  special  favor 
(viii.  15,  Sia577yua  fivcrfftvov  Tropcpvpow)-  The 
diadem  of  the  king  differed  from  that  of  others  in 
Having  an  erect  triangular  peak  (Kvp^aaia,  Aris- 
kyph.  Av.  487 ;  ^v  ol  0aai\e7s  ix6vov  opdriv  icpo- 
povu  Trapa  Tlepffats,  ul  S«  (XTparriyol  KeKAifiii^riv, 
Suid.  s.  0.  Tidpa,  and   Hesych.).       Possi!-ly  the 

•^banS  of  Dan.  iii.  21  is  a  tiara  (as  in  LXX., 

T  :    ;  -  .  ' 

there  however  Drusius  and  others  invert  the  words 

■col  Tiipais  Kol  TTipiKvrifxtffi),  A.  V.  "  hat  [Hat.]  '" 
Some  render  it  by  tib!  ile  or  cnlctainpntum. 
Bchleusner  sugptest*  that  KpiifivKos  may  be  derived 


DIAL  597 

from  it.  The  tiara  generally  had  pendent  flapfl 
falling  on  the  shoulders.  (See  I'aschalius,  de  Cwo- 
na,  p.  573 ;  Brissonius,  de  lie<jn.  I'eis.,  &c. ;  l^y- 
ard,  ii.  320;  Scacchus,  .Myrothec.  iii.  38;  Fabiicius, 
Bibl.  A7it.  xiv.  13.) 

The  words  □"'b^Sip  ^n-1"ip  ["exceeding  in 
dyed  attire,"  A.  V.]  in  Ez.  xxiii.  15  mean  long  and 
flowing  turbans  of  gorgeous  colors  (LXX.  trapd- 
fiuTTTa,  where  a  better  reading  is  ridpai  /SairraO- 
[Ckown.]  ¥.  W.  F 


Obverse  of  Tetradrachm  of  Tigranes,  king  of  Syria. 
Head  of  king  with  diadem,  to  the  right. 

*Tlie  difference  between  "diadem"  (5(aS7jjii«) 
and  "  crown  "  icTf (pavos)  is  very  imixirtant  for  the 
study  of  the  New  Testament.  The  distinction  is 
not  duly  recognized  in  the  foregoing  article  or  in 
that  on  Chown.  Both  the  classical  usage  and  that 
of  the  Hellenistic  (jreek  are  well  illustrated  by 
Trench  in  his  Sijmmyms  of  the  N.  T.,  §  xxiii. 
See  also  Corona  in  Pauly's  Renl^Kncyk.  ii.  714. 
The  distinctive  idea  of  "  diadem  "  is  that  of  roy- 
alty or  kingly  power;  while  the  other  senses  of  our 
English  "crown"  (which  embraces  also  that  of 
"diadem,"  and  hence  of  itself  is  indeterminate) 
belong  to  (TTf<pavos,  denoting  "  the  crown  of  victory 
in  the  games,  of  civic  worth,  of  miUtary  valor,  of 
nuptial  joy,  of  festal  gladness,"  but  not  the  emblem 
of  sovereignty  and  regal  grandeur. 

Hence  the  reference  (see  above)  to  Rev.  ix.  7,  as 
showing  how  the  diadem  was  ornamented,  is  incor- 
rect; for  the  term  there  is  ffTi<pavoi,  and  describes 
"the  locusts"  as  conquerors,  not  as  kings.  The 
Septuagint  (see  e.  g.  the  passages  in  the  first  book 
of  Maccabees,  which  contain  the  two  words)  ob- 
serves the  distinction  under  remark  with  undeviatr- 
ing  accuracy.  It  would  be  better,  perhaps,  if  the 
A.  V.  had  at  least  suggested  to  the  reader  the  va- 
riation in  the  Greek,  by  saying  "diadems"  histead 
of  "  crowns  "  in  Rev.  xii.  3,  xiii.  1,  xix.  12.  Without 
a  distinct  apprehension  of  the  import  of  these  sim  • 
ilar  but  diflerent  expressions,  we  fail,  as  Trench 
remarks,  to  perceive  how  "  fitly  it  is  said  of  Him 
who  is  King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords,  that  o:) 
his  head  were  numy  diadems  {SiaS-fifiaTU  noWd)  i 
.  .  .  these  '  many  diadems '  the  tokens  of  the 
many  royalties  —  of  earth,  of  heaven,  and  of  hell 
(Phil.  ii.  10)  —  which  are  his;  royalties  once 
usuqoed  or  a.ssailed  by  the  Great  Red  Dragon,  the 
usurper  of  ( 'hrist's  dignity  and  honor,  described 
thereftre  with  liis  seven  diadems  as  well  (xiii.  1), 
but  now  openly  and  forever  assumed  by  Him  to 
whom  they  rightfully  belong."  See  also  Webster's 
Syntax  and  Synonyms  of  the  Greek  Testament,  p. 
233  (Lond.  1864).  H. 

DIAL  (nivr^  :  i^afiadixol-  horohgium). 
The  word  is  the  same  as  that  rendered  "  steps  "  in 
A.  V.  (Ex.  XX.  26;  1  K.  x.  19),  and  "degrees"  ia 
A.  V.  (2  K.  XX.  9,  10,  11;  Is.  xxxviii.  8),  wher«, 
to  give  a  consistent  rendering,  we  should  reed  with 


508 


DIAMOND 


the  marghi  tl:e  «'  rle-jrees  "  ratlier  than  the  "  dial " 
rf  Ahaz.     In  the  absence  of  any  materials  for  de- 
termining the  shape  and  structure  of  the  solar  in- 
itrument,  which   certainly  appears   intended,   the 
best  course  is  to  follow  the  most  strictly  natural 
meaning  of  the  words,  and  to  consider  with  Cyril 
of  Alexandria  and  Jerome  ( Comm.  m  Is.  xxxviii. 
8),  that  the  H'OV'Q  were  really  stairs,  and  that 
the  shadow  (perhaps  of  some  column  or  obeUsk 
on  the  top)  fell  on  a  greater  or  smaller  number 
of  them  according  as  the  sun  was  low  or  high. 
The  terrace  of  a  palace  might  easily  be  thus  orna- 
mented.    Ahaz's  ta.stes  seem  to  have  led  him  in 
pursuit  of  foreign  curiosities  (2  K.  xvi.  10),  and  his 
intimacy  with  Tiglatii-l'ileser  gave  him  probably 
an  opiwrtunity  of  procuring  from  Assyria  the  pat- 
tern of  some  such  structure;  and  this  might  readily 
lead  the  "princes  of  Babylon"  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  31) 
to  "inquire  of  the  wonder,"  namely,  the  alteration 
•)f  the  shadow,  in  the  reign  of  Hezekiah.     Herod- 
otus (ii.  lO:))  mentions  that  the  Egyptians  received 
from  the  Babylonians  the  n6\os  and  the  yyciuccu 
Mid  the  division  of  the  day  into  twelve  hours.     Of 
such  division,  however,  the  0.  T.  contains  no  un- 
doubted  trace,   nor  does  any  word  proved   to  be 
equivalent  to  the  "  hour  "  occur  in  the  course  of  it, 
although  it  is  possible  that  Ps.  cii.  11,  and  cix.  2-3' 
may  contain  allusion  to  the  progress  of  a  shadow 
as  measuring  diurnal  time.     In  John  xi.  9  the  day 
is  spoken  of   as  consisting  of  twelve  hours.     As 
regards  the  physical  character  of  the  sign  of  the 
retrogression   of  the  shadow  in  Is.  xxxviii.  8,  it 
seems  useless  to  attempt  to  analyze  it;  no  doubt' an 
alteration   in   the  inclination  of  the  gnomon,  or 
column,  Ac,   might  easily  effect  such  an  apparent 
retrogression ;  but  the  whole  idea,  which  is  that  of 
Divine  interference  with  the  course  of  nature  in 
behalf  of  the  king,  resists  such  an  attempt  to  bring 
it  within  the  compass  of  mechanism. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  D'*3!3n  of  Is. 
xyii.  8,  xxvii.  9 ;  Ez.  vi.  4,  6,  rendered'in  the  mar- 
gin of  the  A.  V.  "sun-images,"  were  gnomons  to 
measure  time  (Jahn,  Archoeol.  i.  i.  539),  but  there 
seems  no  adequate  ground  for  this  theory. 

(jriimpach,  m  his  Smnmzeiger  des  Alias  {AU- 
lestamentliche  Sfudien,  p.  18G)  suggests  that  the 
"dial  of  Ahaz"  was  so  called  because  it  was  a 
present  to  him  from  his  ally  Tiglath-Pileser,  and 
that  It  was  not  only  modelled  after  the  style  of 
such  structures  in  Babylonia,  but  was  made  there 
and  sent  to  Ahaz  from  that  country.  In  his  res- 
toration of  the  figure  he  makes  it  resemble  very 
much  what  is  supiwsed  to  have  been  the  shape  of 
•he  edifices  lepresented  by  the  Birs  Nimroud  and 
ither  similar  ruins,  namely,  a  series  of  steps  or  ter 
races  on  which  an  upright  pole  cast  its  shadow. 
[See  BAI5EI.,  TowKH  ok.]  Jlr.  Layard  thinks  it 
possilile  that  these  great  structures  in  Mesoi^tamia 
may  have  Ijecn  built  for  some  astronomical  pur- 
pose (Xm.  awl  n,b.  p.  499).  The  confirmation  of 
tins  conjecture  would  bring  the  ruins  on  the  banks 
>f  the  Eupiirates  into  a  new  connection  with  sacred 
history.  Guiupach  attempts  to  explain  the  account 
of  tne  sun's  going  back  on  the  dial  of  Ahaz  with- 
out finding  anything  minicidous  in  the  text.  See 
against  that  view  Keil  and  iJelitzsch,  Biidm-  ikr 
^fe^ve  (180.5),  p  34,5.     [Hkzkkiaii.]  H. 

DIAAIOND  (Dbn>  :  w,r.s:  ja^\  a  pre- 
lioMi  stone,  the  third  in  Jhe  second  row  on  the 


DIANA 


breast-plat«  of  the  high-priest  .Ex.  xxviii  18 
xxxix.  11),  and  mentioned  by  Ezekiel  (xxviii.  13 
among  the  precious  stones  of  the  king  of  Tyre. 
Gesenius  has  noticed  the  diflSculty  of  identifyinu 
the  terms  used  in  the  versions  for  each  of  the  11^ 
brew  names  of  precious  stones  in  the  above  passages 
the  translators  or  transcribers  having  apparently 
altered  the  order  in  which  they  stand,  "laairit 
seems  to  be  the  word  in  the  LXX.  corresponding  to 
p  ''D-.  but  most  ancient  commentators  give  ivx.f^ 
ovvxiov,  onycliinus.  Our  translation,  "  diamond," 
IS  derived  from  Aben  Ezra,  and  is  defended  by 
Braun  {de  Vest.  S-icerd.  ii.  13).  Kalisch  ^on  Ex. 
p.  53(>)  says  "  perhaps  Emerald."  The  etymology 
(from  abn,  to  strike,  or  crush)  leads  us  to  sup- 
pose a  hard  stone.  The  emerald,  which  is  of  a 
green  color,  of  various  depths,  is  nearly  a.s  hard  as 
the  topa;;,  and  stands  next  to  the  ruby  in  value. 
The  same  authority  doubts  whether  the  art  of  en- 
graving on  the  diamond  was  known  to  the  ancieiits, 
since  they  did  not  even  understand  how  to  cut  the 
ruby. 

Respecting  ~l"'KiJ^f',  which    is  translated    "dia- 
mond "  in  Jer.  xvii.  1,  see  under  Adamant. 

W.  D. 
DIA'NA.  Tliis  Latin  word,  properly  denoting 
a  Koman  divinity,  is  the  representative  of  the  Greek 
AHemta  {"Kpnuis),  the  tutelary  goddess  of  the 
Ephesians,  who  plays  so  important  a  part  in  the 
narrative  of  Acts  xix.  The  Ephesian  Diana  was, 
however,  regarded  as  invested  with  very  different 
attributes,  and  made  the  olyect  of  a  different  wor- 
ship from  the  ordinary  Diana  of  the  Greeks,  and  is 
rather  perhaps  to  be  identified  with  Astarte  and 
other  female  divinities  of  the  East.  K.  0.  Muller 
says  {flht.  of  the  Dorinns,  i.  403,  Eng.  trans.), 
"everything  that  is  re'ated  of  this  deity  is  singular 
and  foreign  to  the  Greeks." 

Guhl,  indeed  (Fjjhesiacn,  pp.  78-8(5),  takes  the 
contrary  view,  and  endeavors  in  almost  all  mints 
to  identify  her  with  the  true  Greek  goddess.     And 
in  some  respects  there  was  doubtless  a  fusion  of  the 
two.     Diana  was  the  goddess  of  rivers,  of  pools,  and 
of  harbors;  and  these  conditions  are  satisfied  by  the 
situation  of  the  sanctu.ary  at  Ephesus.     Coressus, 
one  of  the  hills  on  winch  the  city  stood,  is  con- 
nected by  Stephanus  Byzantinus  with  K6prj-     We 
may  refer  also  to  the  popular  notion  that,  when  the 
temple  was  burnt  on  the  night  of  Alexander's  birth, 
the  calamity  occurred  because  the  goddess  was  ab^ 
sent  in  the  character  of  Lucina.     Again,  on  coins 
of  ]':phesu8  we  sometimes  find  her  exhibited  as  a 
huntress  and  with  a  stag.     But  the  true  Ephesian 
Diana  is  represented  in  a  form  entirely  alien  from 
Greek  art.     St.  Jerome's  words  are  (Prcefat.  ad 
Kphes.),  "Scribebat  Paulus  ad   Ephesios  Dianaro 
colentes,  non  banc  veriatriceni,  quae  arcum  tenet  et 
succincta   est,    sed    istani    imdlimmnmiim,   quara 
(Jr.tci  Tro\vfi.a<TTov  vocant,  ut  scilicet  ex  ipsa  effigie 
nientirentur  omnium  cam  bestiarum  et  viventium 
esse  nutricem."     (Julil,  indeed,  supposes  this  mode 
of  representation   to  have  reference  simply  to  the 
fountains  over  which  the  goddess  presided,  conceiv- 
ing the  multiplication  of  breasts  to  be  siinil.ar  to 
the  multiplication  of  eyes  in  Argus  or  of  heads  in 
Typhoeus.     But  tiie  correct  view  is  undoulitedlj 
that  which  treats  this  peculiar  fonn  as  a  symbol  of 
the   productive   and   nutritive   iwwers  of  natu«i 
This  is  the  form  under  which  the  Ephesian  Dian» 
so  called  for  distinction,  was  always  represental 


DIANA 

irherever  worshipped ;  and  the  worship  extended  to 
niany  places,  siicli  as  Samos,  Mitylene,  Perga,  Hi- 
erapolis,  and  Gortyna,  to  mention  those  only  which 
occur  in  the  N.  T.  or  the  Apocrypha.  The  coin 
below  will   give  some  notion  of  the  image,  which 


DIBON  599 

Ephe>lan  Diana  was  more  honored  privately  than 
any  other  deity,  which  accounts  for  the  large  inan- 
ufacture  and  wide-sjiread  sale  of  the  "  silver 
shrines  "  mentioned  liy  St.  Luke  (ver.  24),  and  not 
by  him  only.  This  si)ecific  worship  was  publicly 
adopted  also,  as  we  have  seen,  in  various  and  dis- 
tant places ;  nor  ought  we  to  omit  the  games  cele- 
brated at  Ephesus  in  connection  with  it,  or  the 
treaties  made  with  other  cities  on  this  half-religious, 
half-political  basis.  J-  S.  H. 

DIBLA'IM  (D^l?5?  {two fig-cakes] :  Ae/3r7- 
Xaifi;  [Alex.  Ae;37jA.a6(]u:]  Debelaim),  mother  of 
Hosea's  wife  Gonier  (Hos.  i.  3). 

*  The   name  may  be  =^  rfeft'cKC,  voluptas,  and 

hence  Gomer  (which  see)  as  the  daughter  (n2)  := 
dtliciis  dedita,  in  accordance  with  the  s^nibolic 
import  of  the  names.  See  Hengstenberg's  Chrvh 
lokxjy  (Keith's  trans.)  iii.  11  ff.  Diblaim  is  prob- 
ably the  name  of  Gomer's  fatiier  (.Manger,  Gesen., 
Hengst.,  iMaurer)  and  not  the  mother's  name  as 
stated  above.  H. 

DIB;LATH  (accurately  Dibt.ah,  n^3"7,  the 

word  m  the  text  being  nHviS'^  =  "  to  Diblah;  " 
A€0\a6d'  Deblatkn),  a  place  named  only  in  Ez. 
vi.  14,  as  if  situated  at  one  of  the  extremities  of 
the  land  of  Israel :  —  "I  will  ....  make  the  land 
desolate  .  .  .  .  '  from  '  the  wilderness  ( Midhar)  to 
Diblah."  Tlie  word  Midbar  being  frequently  used 
for  the  nomad  country  on  the  south  and  southeast 
of  Palestine,  it  is  natural  to  infer  that  Dililah  was 
in  the  north.  To  this  position  Ueth-diblathaim  or 
Almon-diblathaim  in  Moab  on  the  east  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  are  obviously  unsuitable ;  and  indeed  a 
place  which  like  Diblathaim  was  on  the  extreme 
east  border  of  JMoab,  and  never  included  even  in 
the  allotments  of  Keuben  or  Gad,  could  hardly  be 
chosen  as  a  landmark  of  the  boundary  of  Israel. 
The  only  name  in  the  north  at  all  like  it  is  Kiblah, 

and  the  letters  D  (^)  and  II  ("l)  are  so  much 
alike  and  so  frequently"  interchanged,  owing  to 
the  carelessness  of  copyists,  that  there  is  a  strong 
probability  that  Kiblah  is  the  right  reading.  The 
conjecture  is  due  to  Jerome  ( Comm.  in  he. ),  but  it 
has  been  endorsed  by  Jlichaelis,  Gesenius,  and 
other  scholars  ((ies.  Tlies.  p.  31*2 ;  and  see  Davir'. 
son,  Ileb.  Text,  l>z.  vi.  14).  Kiblah,  though  an  old 
town,  is  not  he:ird  of  during  the  early  and  middle 
course  of  .Jewish  history,  but  shortly  before  thedalo 
of  Ezekiel's  prophecy  it  had  started  into  a  terrible 
prominence  Iroin  its  being  the  scene  of  the  cruelties 
inflicted  on  the  last  king  of  Judah,  and  of  the  mas- 
sacres of  the  priests  and  chief  men  of  .Jerusalem 
perpetrated  there  by  order  of  the  king  of  Babylon. 

G. 

*  DIBLATHA'IM.  [Almos-Diblatiiaim 
Beth  DiiiLAnrAiM.] 

DI'BON  (P''^  [nwastiuf/,  Gea.;  hut  YiiTst 
a  river~pl  (ce] :  Aatfficv,  [in  Is.,]  Ati&mv  [Alex. 
Aai0r]5cey  for  Kai  Atj/Scdc;  in  .Josh.  xiii.  9,  Comp. 
Ai^uivi  the  rest  omit;  in  Jer,  FA.  Ae/3i»f :]  Dibon). 
1.  A  town  on  the  east  side  of  .Jordan,  in  the  rich 
pastoral  country,  which  was  taken  possession  of  and 
rebuilt  by  the  children  of  Gad  (Num.  xxxii.  3,  34). 
From  this  circumstance   it  possibly  received   tha 

a  See  Deuei,  Uimnau,  &c.     It  U  in  the  LXX.  ver- '  %c.     A  case  In  point  i?  Riblah  'tself,  which  In  Um 
ttOD  that  the  corruption  of  D  intoR  is  most  frequently  j  LXX.  is  moie  often  M^\a6d  than  Te^KaJBa. 
•  Im  obserred  ;  Dishon  to  Etiison,  Dodanim  to  Rhodioi,  [ 


Greek  Imperial  copper  coin  of  Ephesus  and  Smyrna 

allied  ("O/xoi/ota) ;   Domitia,  with  name 

of  proconsul. 

Obv. :   AOMITIA  CIBACTH.     Bust  to  right.     Rev. : 

AN0YKAICEN  UAITOY  OMONOIA  E*E  ZMYP. 

Ephesian  Diana. 

was  grotesque  and  archaic  in  character.  The  head 
wore  a  mural  crown,  each  hand  held  a  bar  of  metal, 
and  the  lower  part  ended  in  a  rude  block  covered 
with  figures  of  animals  and  mystic  inscriptions. 
This  idol  was  regarded  as  an  object  of  peculiar 
sanctity,  and  was  believed  to  have  fallen  down  from 
heaven  {rod  AtoTrerovs,  Acts  xix.  35). 

The  Oriental  character  of  the  goddess  is  shown 
by  the  nature  of  her  hierarchy,  which  consisted  of 
women  and  eunuch.s,  the  fcrmer  called  MeAiV(rai, 
the  latter  MeydH ji^oi-  .A.t  their  head  was  a  high- 
priest  called  'E(T(rriv-  These  terms  have  probably 
some  connection  with  the  fact  that  the  bee  was 
sacred  to  the  Epbesiin  Diana  (Aris^oph.  Jian. 
1273).  I'or  the  temple  considered  as  a  work  of 
art  we  must  refer  to  the  article  Ephesus.  No 
arms  were  allowed  to  be  worn  in  its  precincts. 
No  bloody  sacrifices  were  offered.  Here,  also,  as  in 
the  temple  of  Apollo  at  Daphne,  were  the  jn-ivileges 
of  asylum.  Tliis  is  indicated  on  some  of  the  coins 
of  Ephesus  (Akerman,  in  Trans,  of  the  Numis- 
vi-Uic  Soc.  1841);  and  we  find  an  interesting  proof 
of  the  continuance  of  these  privileges  in  imperial 
times  in  Tac.  Ann.  iii.  Gl  (Strab.  xiv.  641 ;  Fans, 
vii.  2;  Cic.  I  "err.  ii.  33).  The  temple  had  a  large 
revenue  from  endowments  of  various  kinds.  It 
was  also  the  public  treasury  of  the  city,  and  was 
regarded  as  the  safest  bank  for  private  individ- 
uals. 

The  cry  of  the  mob  (Acts  xix.  28),  "Great  is 
Diana  of  the  I'^phesians !  "  and  the  strong  expres- 
sion in  ver.  27,  "  whom  all  Asia  and  the  world  wor- 
shippeth,"  may  be  abundantly  illustrated  from  a 
variety  of  sources.  The  tenn  /xeydXT]  vvas  evi- 
dently a  title  of  honor  recognized  as  belonging  to 
ihe  Ephesian  goddess.  We  find  it  in  inscriptions 
(m  in  Boeckh,  Cw/j.  Insc.  21)63,  c),  and  in  Xeno- 
phon's  Ephesiaca,  i.  11.  (For  the  Ephesian  Xen 
ophon,  see  Diet,  of  Biog.  awl  ifythoi,)  As  to  the 
enthusiasm  with  which  "  all  Asia  "  regarded  this 
worship,  independently  of  the  fact  that  Ephesus 
was  the  capital  of  the  province,  we  may  refer  to 
luch  passages  as  the  following:  d  t^s  'Acrias  ya6s, 
Corp.  Insc.  1.  c. ;  "communiter  a  civitatibus 
Asiae  factum,"  [Jv.  i.  45;  "  tota  Asia  exstruente," 
Plin.  xvi.  7i);  "factum  a  tota  Asia,"  ib.  xxxvi.  21. 
\a  to  tlie  notoriety  of  the  worship  i.iroughout 
'the  world,"   Paysanias  tells  us   (iv.  31'   that  the 


600 


DIBON-GAD 


name  ofDi  BON -GAD.  Its  first  mention  is  in  the 
ancient  figment  of  poetry  Num.  xxi.  30,  and  from 
this  it  ap[jeai-3  to  have  belonged  originally  to  the 
ftloahites.  Tlie  tribes  of  Keuben  and  Gad  being 
both  engaged  in  pastoral  jjiirsuits  are  not  likely  to 
have  observed  the  di\isioii  of  towns  originally  made 
with  the  sumc  strictness  its  the  more  settled  people 
on  the  west,  and  accordingly  we  find  Dilwn  counted 
to  Keuben  in  the  lists  of  Joshua  (xiii.  9  —  LXX. 
omits  — 17).  In  the  time  of  IsaiaJi  and  Jeremiah, 
however,  it  was  again  in  jwssession  of  Moab  (Is.  xv. 
2:  Jer.  xlviii.  18,  '22,  conip.  24).  In  the  same 
denunciations  of  Isaiah  it  appears,  probai)ly,  under 
the  name  of  Di.xiox,  M  and  B  being  convertible  in 
Hebrew,  and  the  change  admitting  of  a  play  charac- 
teristic of  the  poetry  of  Isaiah.  The  two  names 
^ere  both  in  existence  in  the  time  of  Jerome 
{Coinm.  on  Is.  xv.,  quoted  I)y  Keland,  p.  735). 
The  last  passages  a])pear  to  indicate  that  Diboii 
was  on  an  elevated  situation :  not  only  is  it  ex- 
pressly siiid  to  be  a  "  high  place"  (Is.  xv.  2),  but 
its  inhabitants  are  bid  to  "  come  down  "  from  their 
glory  or  their  stronghold.  Under  the  name  of 
Dabon  or  Uebon  it  is  mentioned  by  Eu.sebius  and 
Jerome  in  the  Onomasfiam.  It  was  then  a  very 
large  village  (Kci/xr)  irafXfif-ffOris)  beyond  the  Anion. 
In  modem  times  tiie  name  Dhiban  has  been  dis- 
coveretl  by  Seetzen,  Irby  and  Mangles  (142),  and 
Burckhardt  {Syr.  372)  as  attached  to  extensive 
ruins  on  the  Koman  road,  about  three  miles  north 
of  the  Anion  (  Wady  Modjeb).  All  agree,  how- 
ever, in  descriliing  these  ruins  as  lying  low. 

2.  [FA.'^  Ai/Scoj/;  the  rest  omit:  LUkm.]  One 
of  the  towns  which  was  re-inhabited  by  the  men 
of  Judah  after  the  return  from  captivity  (Neh.  xi. 
2.5).  From  its  mention  with  Jekabzeel,  iMoladah, 
and  other  towns  of  the  south,  there  can  he  no  doubt 
that  it  is  identical  with  Dimonah.  G. 

DI'BON-GAD  (12  p'''^  lwnsti7ig  of  Gmr]: 
^ai^liiv  TciS:  Dibon-gad),  one  of  the  halting- places 
of  the  Israelites.  It  was  in  Moab  between  Ijk- 
ABAHiM  and  Almon-diblathaim  (Num.  xxxiii. 
45,  46 ).  It  was  no  doubt  the  same  place  which  is 
generally  called  Dn$ox;  but  whether  it  received 
the  name  of  Gad  from  the  tribe,  or  originally  pos- 
sessed it,  cannot  be  ascertained."  G. 

DIB'RI  C*"]?'^  [perh.  eloquent,  Ges.]:  Ao- 
j8p€i;  [Alex.  Aa^pt:]  lHbn),?i.  Danite,  father  of 
Shelomitli,  a  woman  who  had  married  an  Egyptian 
and  whose  son  was  stoned  for  having  "  blaspiiemed 
the  Name"  [i.  e.  of  Jehovah]  (Lev.  xxiv.  11). 

DIDRACHMON  {mpajoxov.  didrachma). 
TVIoney;  Shekel.] 

DID'YMUS  {Ailvfios),  that  is,  (he  Tioin,  a 
gumanie  of  the  Ajwstle  Thomas  (John  xi.  16,  xx. 
24,x.Ki.  2).     [Tho.mas.] 

DIK'LAH  (nb,"7"7:  Ae«Ac(;  [Alex.inlChr. 
AtffXoju:]  Decla;  Gen.  x.  27;  1  Chr.  i.  21),  a 
Kon  of  Joktan,  whose  settlements,  in  common  with 
those  of  the  other  sons  of  Joktan,  must  be  looked 
for  in  Arabia.  The  name  in  Hebrew  signifies 
"  I  palm-tree,"  and  the  cognate  word  in  Arabic 

^^  iJjii^  ) J  "  «  palm-tree  abounding  with  fi-uit : " 
hence  it  is  thought  that  Diklah  is  a  part  of  Arabia 

a  •  AS  It  18  said  expreaaly  (Num.  xxxll.  34)  that  Gad 
>  built"  (perh.  =  rebuilt  or  fortified)  Dibon,  that  fact 
Mno'juts  Bufflcientl^  for  the  name.  U. 


DIKLAH 

containing  many  palm-trees.  The  city  *otvlKmr, 
in  the  northwest  of  Arabia  Felix,  has  been  sng. 
gested  as  preserving  the  Joktanite  name  (Boch 
Phdle.g,  ii.  22);  but  Jiochart,  and  after  him  Gesen- 
ius,  refer  the  descendants  of  Diklah  to  the  Minaji, 
a  people  of  Arabia  Felix  inhabiting  a  palmiferoug 
country.  Whether  we  follow  Bochart  and  most 
others  hi  placing  the  Jlinaji  on  the  east  borders 
of  the  Hydz,  southwards  towards  the  Yemen,  or 
follow  Fresnel  in  his  identification  of  the  Wddee 
Dodn  with  the  territory  of  this  people,  the  con- 
nection of  the  latter  with  Diklah  is  uncertain  and 
unsatisfactory.  No  trace  of  Diklah  is  known  to 
exist  in  Arabic  works,  except  the  mention  of  a  place 

called  Diikalah  (JiLLs  J  =  nbi?"^)  in  El-Yemd- 
meh  {Kdmoos,  s.  v.),  with  many  palm-trees  {Mar- 

oOTcf,  8.  v.).  "Nakhleh"  (  xX^  )  also  signifies 
a  p.ahn-trce,  and  is  the  name  of  many  places, 
especially  Naklthli  et-Vemdneeye/i,  and  Nakhleh 
esk-Shdmeeyeh  (here  meaning  the  Southern  and 
Northern  Nakhleh),  two  well-known  towns  situate 
near  each  other.  According  to  some,  the  former 
was  a  seat  of  the  worship  of  El-Latt,  and  a  settle- 
ment of  the  tribe  of  Thakeef;  and  in  a  tradition 
of  Mohammed's,  this  tribe  was  not  of  unmixed 
Ishmaelite  blood,  but  one  of  four  which  he  thus 
excepts :  —  "All  the  .-Vrabs  are  [descended]  from 
Ishmael,  except  four  tribes:  Sulaf  [Sheleph],  Had- 
ramiiwt  [Hazarmaveth],  I'2-Arwah  [?],  and  Tha- 
keef" (Afir-dt  ez-Zemdn,  bis). 

Therefore,  (1)  Diklah  may  probably  be  recovered 
in  the  place  called  Daknlah  above  mentioned ;  or, 
possibly,  (2)  in  one  of  the  places  named  Nakhleh. 

A  discussion  of  the  vexed  and  intricate  question 
of  the  Minaei  is  beyond  the  limits  of  this  article; 
but  as  they  are  regarded  by  some  authorities  of 
high  repute  as  representing  Diklah,  it  is  important 
to  record  an  identification  of  their  true  position. 
This  has  hitherto  never  been  done ;  those  who  have 
written  on  the  subject  having  argued  on  the  vague 
and  contradictory  statements  of  the  Greek  geog- 
raphers, from  the  fact  that  no  native  mention  of 
so  important  a  people  as  the  Minsei  had  been  dis- 
covered (cf.  Bochart,  Phaleg ;  Fresnel's  Letlres, 
Journal  Asiatique ;  Jomard,  l-^ssiii,  in  Maigin's 
Hist,  de  I' Effypte,  \o\.  iii.;  Caussin,  A'ssai,  &c.). 
There  is,  however,  a  city  and  people  in  the  Yemen 
which  apjjcar  to  correspond  in  every  respect  to  the 
position  and  name  of  the  Miiispi.  The  latter  is 
written  Mfivaioi,  MivaToi,  and  MiyyaToi,  which 
may  be  fairly  rendered  "  people  of  Mfii/,  of  Mj;', 
and  of  Mtvi/;"  while  the  first  exhibits  the  sound 
of  a  diphthong,  or  an  attempt  at  a  diphthong.  The 
Greek  account  places  them,  generally,  between  the 
Sabffians  (identified  with  Seba,  or  Ma-rib ;  see 
Arabia)  and  the  Erythraean  Sea.  It  is  therefore 
remarkaltle  tAat  where  it  should  be  sought  we  find 
a  city  with  a  fortress,  called  Ma'een,  or  MaHn, 

(^wAJUC  (Kdjiwos,  Mardsid,  s.  v.),  well-known, 

and  therefore  not  carefully  described  in  the  Arabic 
geographical  dictionaries,  but  apparently  neaJ" 
San'd  ;  and  further  that  in  the  same  province  are 

situate  the  town  of  Md'eyn  (  «ajW,  abbr.  dim 
of  the  former),  whence  the  Benee-Mo'eyn,  and  tb 
town  of  Ma'eeneh  (fem.  of  Ma'een).  The  gent,  n 
would  be  Ma  eenee,  &c.     The  township  in  whici 


DILEAN 

He  the  latter  two  places  is  named  Sinhan  {comp. 
Niebuhr,  Dtscr.  201)  which  was  one  of  the  con- 
federation formed  by  the  ancient  tribe  of  Jenb, 

o  -- 
i^_/.  A'V  {Maradd,  s.  v.),  grandson  of  Kahlan,  who 
was  brother  of  Himyer  the  Joktanite.    Tiiis  identi- 
fication is  reconcilable  with  all  that  is  known  of 
the  Minsei.     See  further  in  art.  Uzal. 

E.  S.  P. 

DIL'EAN  Cl^'^"^:  AaAciS ;  [Vat.  AaAaA; 
AJd.J  Alex.  AuKaav-  Deleaii),  one  of  the  cities  of 
Judah,  in  the  Uliefdah  or  low  country  (.Josh.  xv. 
:J8).  If  Gesenius's  interpretation,  "gourd,"  or 
•'  cucumber,"  be  correct,  the  name  is  very  suitable 
for  a  place  situated  in  that  rich  district.  It  is  not 
elsewhere  mentioned,  nor  has  it  been  subsequently 
identified  with  ceitainty.  Van  de  Velde  (ii.  100) 
suggests  that  it  may  be  the  modem  place  Tina 
(Kiepert's  map  in  Robinson,  B.  Tlitin),  about  three 
miles  north  of  Tell  es-SnJieh  in  the  maritime  plain 
of  Philistia,  south  of  Ekron.  G. 

*  DILL,  Matt,  xxiii.  2-3,  marg.     [Anise.] 

DIM'NAH  (n^a"^  :  Vat.  om.;  Alex.  Aa^iva: 
Damna),  a  city  in  the  tribe  of  Zebulun,  given  to 
the  Merarite  Levites  (Josh.  xxi.  3.5).  The  name 
does  not  occur  in  the  list  of  cities  belonging  to  the 
tribe  (Josh.  xix.  10-10).  In  the  list  of  Levitical 
cities  in  1  Chr.  vi.  77  occurs  Kuuiox,  accurately 

Kimmono    Cl^^ZS"]),    which   may   possibly   be   a 

variation  of  Dimnah,   "7  being  often  changed  into 

"1.  In  this  case  Rimmon  is  probably  the  real  name 
(Bertheau,  Chronik,  72,  73;  Movers,  Chronik,  72). 

G. 

DFMON,  THE   WATEKS  OF    C|'"'^''"!  ^'^  '    fb 

uScop  rh  Aeifxtiv,  Alex.  Pefx/jicav;  [Comp.  Ai&wV-i 
Dibon),  some  streams  on  the  east  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
in  the  land  of  Moab,  against  which  Isaiah  is  here 
uttering  denunciations  (Is.  xv.  9).  From  Dibon 
being  named  in  verse  2  of  this  chapter,  as  well  as 
in  the  lists  of  Moabite  towns  in  Jer.  xlviii.,  and  no 
place  named  Dimon  being  elsewhere  mentioned  as 
belonging  to  Moab,  GeSenius  ( Comm.  iiber  d.  Jes. 
p.  534)  conjectures  that  the  two  names  are  the  same, 
the  form  '■  Dimon  "  licing  used  for  the  sake  of  the 

play  between  it  and  the  word  Ddin  (m)  "  blood." 
[Dibon,  1.]  ^  G. 

DJMO'NAH  (n3'il3"'"7  [a  wasting]  :  •pey,xd; 
Alex.  AifxcDva'-  Dimoiin),  a  city  in  the  south  of 
Judat,  the  part  bordering  on  the  desert  of  Idumsea 
(Josh.  XV.  22).  Dimonah  is  mentioned  in  the 
Onomasticon,  but  was  evidently  not  known  to 
Eusebius  and  Jerome,  nor  has  it  been  identified  in 
later  times.  It  probably  occurs  under  the  altered 
Dame  of  Dibon  [2]  in  Neh.  xi.  25.  G. 

*  Knobel  {Josua,  p.  423)  thinks  Dibon  ( = 
Dimonah)  may  be  etl-Dheib,  a  heap  of  ruins  on  the 
bank  of  a  Wady  of  that  name,  north-east  of  Ttll 
Arad  (Arad).  See  Van  de  Velde,  Memoir,  p.  252. 
Robinson  writes  the  name  Elideib  {Bibl.  Res.  ii. 
173,  1st  ed.).  Keil  and  Delitzsch  regard  this  con- 
jecture as  possibly  correct  (Book  of  Joshua,  p.  159). 

H. 

DI'NAH  (713^^,  judged  or  avenged,  from  the 
lame  root  as  Dan  [object  of  strife,  Dietr.  in  Ges. 
BeZw,  u.  Chald.  Worterb.  6te  Aufl.]  :  AeiVo:  Dina), 


DINAITES  601 

the  daughter  of  Jacob  by  Leah  (Gen  xxx.  21). 
She  accompanied  her  father  from  Mesopotamia  to 
Canaan,  and,  having  ventured  among  the  inhabi- 
tants, was  vioLited  by  Shecheni  the  son  of  Hamor, 
the  chieftain  of  the  territory  in  which  her  father 
had  settled  (Gen.  xxxiv.).  Her  age  at  this  time, 
judging  by  tiie  subsequent  notice  of  Joseph's  age 
(Gen.  xxxvii.  2),  may  have  been  from  13  to  15,  the 
ordinary  period  of  marriage  in  liastem  countries 
(Lane's  Mod.  Egypt,  i.  208).  Shechem  projiosed 
to  make  the  usual  reparation  by  paying  a  sum  to 
the  father  and  marrying  her  (Gen.  xxxiv.  12);  such 
reparation  would  have  been  deemed  sufficient  under 
the  Mosaic  law  (Deut.  xxii.  28,  29)  among  the 
members  of  the  Hebrew  nation.  But  in  this  case 
the  suitor  was  an  alien,  and  the  crown  of  the  offense 
consisted  in  its  having  been  committed  by  an  alien 
against  the  favored  people  of  (iod ;  he  had  "  wrought 
folly  in  Israel "  (xxxiv.  7).  The  proposals  of  Hamor, 
wlio  acted  as  his  deputy,  were  framed  on  the  recog- 
nition of  the  hitherto  complete  separation  of  the  two 
peoples ;  he  proposed  the  fusion  of  the  two  by  the 
establishment  of  the  rights  of  intennarriage  and 
commerce^  just  as  among  the  Romans  the  jus 
connubii  and  the  jus  commercii  constituted  the 
essence  of  civitas.  The  sons  of  Jacob,  bent  upon 
revenge,  availed  themselves  of  the  eagerness  which 
Shechem  showed,  to  effect  their  purpose ;  they 
demanded,  as  a  condition  of  the  proposed  uniorif 
the  circumcision  of  the  Shechemites :  the  practice 
could  not  have  been  unknown  to  the  Hivites,  for 
the  Phoenicians  (Her.  ii.  104),  and  probably  most 
of  the  Canaanite  tribes  were  circumcised.  They 
therefore  assented ;  and  on  the  third  day,  when  the 
pain  and  fever  resulting  from  the  operation  were  at 
the  highest  [Circumcision],  Smieon  and  Levi, 
own  brothers  to  Dinah,  as  Josephus  observes  (Aiit. 
i.  21,  §  1 ;  dfjLOixTiTpioi  a5f\(t>oi),  attacked  them 
unexpectedly,  slew  aU  the  males  and  plundere<l 
their  city.  .Jacob's  remark  (ver.  30)  does  not  im- 
ply any  guiltiness  on  the  part  of  his  sons  in  this 
transaction ;  for  the  brothers  were  regarded  as  the 
proper  guardians  of  their  sister's  honor,  as  is  still 
the  case  among  the  Bedouins;  but  he  dreaded  the 
revenge  of  the  neighboring  peoples,  and  even  of  the 
family  of  Hamor,  some  of  whom  appear  to  have 
survived  the  massacre  (Judg.  ix.  28).  His  escape, 
which  was  wonderful,  considering  the  extreme  rigor 
with  which  the  laws  of  blood-revenge  have  in  all 
ages  prevailed  in  the  I'^ast  [Blood,  Revenger 
of],  is  ascribed  to  the  special  interference  of  Jeho- 
vah (xxxv.  5).  Josephus  omits  all  reference  to  the 
treachery  of  the  sons  of  Jacob,  and  explains  the  easy 
capture  of  the  city  as  occurring  during  the  celebra- 
tion of  a  feast  (Ant.  i.  21,  §  2).  The  object  for 
which  this  narrative  is  introduced  into  the  book  of 
Genesis  probably  is,  partly,  to  explain  the  allusion 
in  Gen.  xlix.  5-7,  and  p.artly  to  exhibit  the  conse- 
quences of  any  association  on  the  part  of  the 
Hebrews  with  the  heatliens  about  tliem.  Ewald 
(Geschichte,  i.  488)  assumes  that  the  historical 
foundation  of  the  narrative  was  furnished  by  an 
actual  fusion  of  the  nomad  Israelites  with  the 
aoorigines  of  Shechem,  on  the  ground  that  the 
daughters  of  the  patriarchs  are  generally  noticed 
with  an  ethnological  view;  the  form  in  which  th« 
narrative  apjjears  being  merely  the  coloring  of  a 
late  author:  such  a  view  appears  to  us  perfectly 
inconsistent  with  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the 
uxt.  W.  L.  B. 

DFNAITES  0S2n :  Auyaioi;   [Alex,  a,- 


602  DINIIABAH 

vatof]  Dituei,  Ezr.  iv.  9),  the  name  of  some  of  the 
Cuthasan  colonists  who  were  placed  in  the  cities  of 
Samaria  by  the  Assyrian  governor,  after  the  con- 
quest and  captivity  of  the  ten  tribes  under  Shal- 
maneser.  They  remained  under  the  dominion  of 
Persia,  and  united  with  their  fellow-colonists  in 
opposition  to  the  Jews ;  but  nothing  more  is  known 
of  them.  Junius  (Coium.  in  loc.),  without  any 
autliority  'dentifies  them  with  tlic  people  known  to 
geograplieis  by  the  name  Dtimaui.      W.  A.  W. 

DINHA'BAH  (^^n?"^  [perh.  =  n3"?, 
depression,  luw  Intul,  Dietr.]  :  Afyyafid'-  Bennba  ; 
Gen.  xxxvi.  32;  1  Clir.  i.  43),  tlie  capital  city,  and 
probably  the  l)irthplace,  of  Hel.%,  son  of  Beor,  kuig 
of  Edom.  Kusebius  {Otwmasticon,  s.  v.)  mentions 
a  village  Dannea  (Dauinaba,  Jerome),  eight  mUes 
from  Areopolis,  or  Ar  of  Moab  (on  the  road  to  Ar- 
non:  Jerome),  and  another  on  Mount  Peor,  seven 
miles  from  l<^bus  (IIeshl>on);  but  neither  of  these 
has  claim  to  be  the  Dinliabah  of  Scripture.  K.  Jo- 
seph, ui  his  Targum  (on  1  Chr.  i.  43,  ed.  Wilkins), 
finds  a  significance  in  the  name.  After  identifying 
Balaam  the  son  of  Iteor  with  I^ban  the  Syrian,  he 
adds,  "  And  the  name  of  his  capital  city  was  Din- 

habah,  for  it  was  given  (n^TTTT^S)  him  as 
a  present."  With  as  little  probability  Gesenius 
conjectured  that  it  might  signify  dm/iinns,  i.  e.  Ivcus 
direplionis,  i.  e.  jrrcedotiuni  lalibulum.  The  name 
is  not  uncommon  among  Semitic  races.  Ptolemy 
(v.  15,  §  24)  mentions  Aarci/Sa  in  Palmyrene  Sjria, 
afterwards  a  bishop's  see ;  and  according  to  Zosimus 
(iii.  27)  there  was  a  Aavdfir]  in  Babylonia.     (Kno- 

bel,  Genesis.)     The  Peshito  Syriac  has  *-^^^T^?, 

Daihab,  probably  a  mistake  for  *-^*^'T-J?. 

W.  A.  W. 
*  DINNER.     [Meals.] 

DIONYS'IA  {Aioviaia'  Bacchanalia),  ^^  the 
feast  of  Bacchus,"  which  was  celebrated,  especially 
ill  later  times,  with  wild  extravagance  and  licentious 
enthusiasm.  Women,  as  well  as  men,  joined  in  the 
processions  (Biaaoi),  acting  the  part  of  Majnads, 
crowned  with  ivy  and  bearing  the  thyrsus  (cf.  Ovid, 
f^ast.  iii.  767  ft'. ;  Broukh.  ad  Tib.  iii.  6,  2,  who 
j^'ives  a  coin  of  .Ifaroneia,  bearing  a  head  of  Diony- 
sus crowned  with  ivy) ;  and  the  phallus  was  a  prin- 
cipal object  in  the  train  (Herod,  ii.  48,  49).  Shortly 
before  the  persecution  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  168 
B.  c,  in  which  the  Jews  "  were  compelled  to  go  in 
procession  to  Bacchus  carrying  ivy "  (2  Mace.  vi. 
7),  the  secret  celebration  of  the  Bacchanalia  in 
Italy  had  been  revealed  to  the  Roman  senate  («.  c. 
186).  The  whole  state  was  alarmed  by  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  excesses  with  which  the  festival  was 
attended  (Liv.  xxxix.  8  ff. ),  and  a  decree  was  passed 
forbidding  its  observance  in  Home  or  Italy.  This 
fact  otters  the  best  commentary  on  the  conduct  of 
Antiochus ;  for  it  is  evident  that  rites  which  were 
felt  to  be  incompatible  with  the  comparative  sim- 
plicity of  early  Homan  worship  must  have  been  pe- 
3uliarly  revolting  to  Jews  of  the  Hasmonsean  age 
'cf.  Herod,  iv.  79,  ^Kvdai  rod  BuKxeveii/  wtpi 
EAArjertv  6v€iSl(ovcTi).  B.  F.  W. 

DIONYS'IUS    THE     AREOP'AGITE 

(Aiocuirio;  &  'ApeoTrayirrii,  Acts  xvii.  34),  an 
iminent  Athenian,  converted  to  Christianity  by  the 


a  ■  The  OnMika  have  a  little  chapel  consecrated  to 
Wst  Dionyniu  on  the  north  tide  of  the  Areopagiu, 


DIOTREPHES 

preaching  of  St.  Paul.  Euseb.  (H.  E.  iii.  4)  makei 
him,  on  the  aathority  of  Dionysius,  bisliDp  of 
Coruith,  to  have  been  first  bishop  of  Athens  (se* 
also  II.  E.  iv.  23).  According  to  a  later  tradition 
given  in  the  mailyrologies  on  the  authority  of 
Aristides  the  ajwlogist,  he  suffered  martjTdom  at 
Athens.  On  the  writings  which  were  once  sup- 
jwsed  to  have  had  Dionysius  for  their  author,  but 
which  are  now  confessed  to  be  spurious  and  the 
production  of  some  Neo-Platonists  of  the  6th  cen- 
tury, see  an  elaborate  discussion  in  Herzog's  Ency- 
klopddie ;  and  for  further  legends  respecting  him- 
self, Suidas  s.  v.,  and  the  article  in  the  Dictionary 
of  Bioyrajihy  and  Mythok.yy.<^  H.  A. 

DIONY'SUS  {Ai6vv(tos,  AiwvuiTos,  of  uncer- 
tain derivation),  also  called  Bacchus  {BdKxos, 
"luKxos,  the  noisy  (/od:  after  the  time  of  Herod- 
otus), was  properly  the  god  of  wine.  In  Homer 
he  api)ears  simply  as  the  "  frenzied  "  god  (//.  vi. 
132),  and  yet  "a  joy  to  mortids  "  (//.  xiv.  325); 
but  in  later  times  the  most  varied  attributes  were 
centred  in  him  as  tlie  source  of  the  luxuriant  fer- 
tility of  nature,  and  the  god  of  civilization,  glad- 
ness, and  inspiration.  The  eastern  wanderings  of 
Dionysus  are  well  known  (Strab.  xv.  7,  p.  687; 
Diet.  Bioffr.  8.  v.),  but  they  do  not  seem  to  have 
left  any  special  trace  in  Palestine  (yet  cf.  Luc.  de 
Syi-ia  Dea,  p.  886,  ed.  Bened.).  His  worship, 
however,  was  greatly  modified  by  the  incorporation 
of  Eastern  elements,  and  assumed  the  twofold  form 
of  wild  orgies  [Dionysia]  and  mystic  rites.  To 
the  Jew  Dionysus  would  necessarily  appear  as  the 
embodiment  of  paganism  in  its  most  material  shape, 
sanctioning  the  most  tunmltuous  passions  and  the 
worst  excesses.  Thus  Tacitus  (Hist.  v.  5)  rejects 
the  tradition  that  the  Jews  worshipped  Bacchus 
{Liberum  patrem ;  cf.  Plut.  Qwest.  Conv.  iv.  6), 
on  the  ground  of  the  "  entire  diversity  of  their  prm- 
ciples"  ("nequaquam  congrueutibus  institutis " ), 
though  he  interprets  this  difTerence  to  their  discredit. 
The  consciousness  of  the  fundamental  opiwsition 
of  the  God  of  Israel  and  Dionysus  explauis  the 
punishment  which  Ptolemaeus  Philopator  inflicted 
on  the  Jews  (3  Mace.  ii.  29),  "  branding  them  with 
the  ivy-leaf  of  Dionysus,"  though  Dionysus  may 
have  been  the  patron  god  of  the  Ptolemies  (Grimm, 
on  the  Mace).  And  it  must  have  been  from  the 
same  circumstance  that  Nicanor  is  said  to  have 
threatened  to  erect  a  temple  of  Dionj'sus  upon  the 
site  of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  (2  Mace.  xiv.  33). 

B.  F.  W. 

DIOSCORIN'THIUS.     [Months.] 

DIOT'REPHES  {Atorp^ph  [Jove-nmr- 
ished]),  a  Christian  mentioned  in  3  John  9,  as 
(pi\oirpa)T(v(t)v  in  some  church  to  which  St.  John 
hiul  written,  and  which,  on  account  of  his  influence, 
did  not  receive  the  Ajwstle's  authority,  nor  the  mes- 
sengers whom  he  had  sent.  It  is  entirely  uncer- 
tain what  church  is  meant,  as  it  is  who  Gains  was, 
to  whom  the  epistle  is  addressed.     [Gaius.] 

H.  A. 

*  For  interesting  remarks  on  the  character  of 
Diotrephes  and  his  probable  motives  for  such  vio- 
lent op|K)sition  to  the  Apostle,  the  reader  is  referred 
to  Neander's  Pflamung,  ii.  647,  648  (Itobiuson'K 
revised  tr.  p.  376).  See  also  Liicke,  Diisterdieck 
and  Braune  (lunge's  Bibelwerk,  llieil  xv.)  on 
John's  Third  Epistle.  H. 


the  only  structure  at  present  (1859)  within  tb«  pn 
cincts  of  the  hill.  H. 


DISCIPLE 

DISCIPLE.  [Education;  Scm«?LS.] 
*  DISCOVEFv  is  often  used  in  the  A.  V.  in  the 
lense  of  to  uncover,  e.  g.  Deut.  xxii.  30;  2  Sam. 
ixii.  16 ;  Is.  xxii.  8 ;  Mic.  i.  6.  "  'Die  voice  of  the 
Lord  dlgcovereUi  the  forests  "  (Ps.  xxix.  9),  that  is, 
the  thunderbolt  strips  the  trees  of  their  bark, 
branches,  and  leaves.  A. 

DISCUS  (dliTKos),  one  of  the  exercises  in  the 
Grecian  gymnasia,  wiiich  Jason  the  high-priest  in- 
troduced among  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  and  which  he  induced  even  the  priests 
to  practice  (2  Mace.  iv.  14).  The  discus  was  a 
circular  plate  of  stone  or  metal,  made  for  throwing 
to  a  distance  as  an  exercise  of  strength  and  dex- 
terity. It  was  indeed  one  of  the  principal  gym- 
nastic exercises  of  the  Greeks,  and  was  practiced  in 
the  heroic  age.  (For  details  and  authorities,  see 
Did.  of  Gr.  if  Rom.  AiU.  g.  v.) 


Disci lolus.     (Osterley,  Denk.  der  alt.  Kunst,  toI  i. 
no.  139.) 

DISEASES.     [Medicine.] 

DISH.    (1.)  bsD,  Gesen.  p.  965:  see  Basin. 

(2.)  nnb^f,  inpiur.  only  Dinb^,  H'^nb?, 

»r  nn^iS  :  vSplffKT),  6  a\cifiatTTpos,  Ae'jSTjj:  vag, 

,ebes.    -(3.)  mi7p  :  see  Charger. 

In  N.  T.  rpv^kiov,  Matt.  xxvi.  23,  Mark  xiv. 
20.  In  ancient  Egypt,  and  also  in  Judaea,  guests 
lit  the  table  handled  their  food  with  the  fingers, 
but  spoons  were  used  for  soup  or  other  liquid  food, 
when  required  (Wilkinson,  Anc.  F.yypt.  i.  181,  2d 
ed.).  The  same  is  the  case  in  modern  Egypt.  Each 
person  breaks  off  a  small  piece  of  bread,  dips  it  in 
the  dish,  and  then  conveys  it  to  his  mouth,  together 
with  a  small  portion  of  the  meat  or  other  contents 
of  the  dish.  To  pick  out  a  delicate  morsel  and 
hand  it  to  a  friend  is  esteemed  a  compliment,  and 
to  refuse  such  an  offering  is  contrary  to  good  man- 
ners. Judas  dipping  his  hand  in  the  same  dish 
urith  our  Lord  was  showing  especial  friendliness  and 

Dtimaey.  Tpv^\iov  is  used  in  LXX.  for  mi/P, 
^Dmetimes  in  A.  V.  "charger"  (Ex.  xxv.  29; 
turn.  iv.  7,  vii.  13,  19).  This  is  also  rendered 
xarvKi]  or  halt  sex  tarius,  i.  e.  probably  a  cup  or 
Wk  rather  than  a  dish.     Tpv^K'ov  is  in  Vulg. 


DISPERSION,  JEWS  OF  THE     603 

Matt.  xxvi.  23,  ptropsis ;  in  Mark  xiv.  20,  catmiis. 
(Schleusner,  Lex.  in  N.  T.  rpvfiKioV,  Lane,  A/'mI 
Kyypl.  i.  193;  Chardin,  Voy.  iv.  53,  54;  Niebuhr, 
Descr.  de  I' Arab.  p.  46).    [Basin.]    H.  W.  P. 

DI'SHAN  (T'^'^'T  [nntebpe]:  [in  Gen.,]  'p.- 
fftiy,  [Alex.  Peio-ccv;  in  1  Chr.,  Kom.  Aktciv;  ver. 
38,  Vat.  omits,  Alex.  Piffuv,  ver.  42,  Vat.  Alex. 
Aaia-wf.]  JJistu),  the  youngest  son  of  Seir  the 
llorite  (Gen.  xxxvi.  21,  28,  30;  1  Chr.  i.  33,  42). 

W.  L.  B. 

DFSHON  (]htZ7"^^  [antelope]:  Avffdu:  Di- 
son).  1.  The  fifth  son  of  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  21, 
26,  30;  1  Chr.  i.  38). 

2.  [In  1  Chr.,  Aaio-ar.]  The  son  of  Anab 
and  grandson  of  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  25;  1  Chr.  i. 
41).  Dislion  and  Dishan  belong  to  the  same  root, 
which  may  possibly  reappear  in  the  name  Beish 
noticed  by  Abulfcda  {Hist.  Anteisl.  p.  196).  The 
geographical  position  of  the  tribes  descended  from 
these  patriarchs  is  uncertain.  Knobel  (Comm.  in 
loc.)  places  them  to  E.  and  S.  E.  of  the  Gul/'aJ" 
Akabn,  on  the  ground  that  the  names  of  the  sons 
of  Dishftn,  Eshban,  and  Ilemdan  may  be  identified 
with  Usbany  and  Hnmeidy,  branches  of  the  tribe 
of  Oniran.  Such  identifications  must  be  received 
with  caution,  as  similar  names  are  found  in  other 
parts  of  Arabia  —  Hnmle,  for  instance,  near  Tayf, 
and  again  Ilamdan,  which  bears  a  still  closer  re- 
semblance to  the  original  name,  near  Sana  (Burck- 
hardt's  Arabia,  i.  156,  ii.  376).  W.  L.  B. 

*  DISSOLVE  has  once  (Dan.  v.  16)  the  an- 
tiquated sense  of  "solve,"  "explain."  Belshazzar 
says  to  Daniel :  "  And  I  have  heard  of  thee,  that 
thou  canst  make  interpretations,  and  dissolve 
doubts,"  Ac.  (A.  v.).  H. 

DISPERSION,  THE  JEWS  OF  THE, 

or  simply  The  Dispeusion,  was  the  general  title 
applied  to  those  Jews  who  remained  settled  in 
foreign  countries  after  the  return  from  the  Bal)y- 
lonian  exile,  and  during  the  period  of  the  second 
Temple.    The  original  word  appUed  to  these  foreign 

settlers  {ilr)  ^|;  ef.  Jer.  xxiv.  5,  xxviii.  4,  &c.,  from 

n^3,  to  strip  naked;  so  KH^^!!  ^32,  Ezr.  vi 
16)  conveys  the  notion  of  spohation  and  bereave- 
ment, as  of  men  removed  from  the  Temple  and  home 
of  their  fathers;  but  in  the  LXX.  the  ideas  of  a 
"  sojourning  "  (/jieToiKea-ia)  and  of  a  "  colony  " 
(airoiKia)  were  combined  with  that  of  a  "  captiv- 
'*■)' "  (aiXjuaAwjia),  while  the  term  "  dispersion 

(Siaffiropd,  first  in  Deut.  xxviii.  25,  HipT;  cf.  Jer. 
xxxiv.  17),  which  finally  prevailed,  seemed  to  imply 
that  the  people  thus  scattered  "  to  the  utmost  parts 
of  heaven  "  (Deut.  xxx.  4),  "in  bondage  among  the 
Gentiles"  (2  Mace.  i.  27),  and  shut  out  from  thf 
full  privileges  of  the  chosen  race  (.John  ni.  35), 
should  yet  be  as  the  seed  sown  for  a  future  harves,t 
(cf.  Is.  xlix.  6  Heb.)  in  the  strange  lands  where 
they  found  a  temporary  resting-place  (1  I'et.  i.  1, 
trap  fir  iS-fifiois  Siatnropas).  The  schism  which  had 
divided  the  first  kingdom  was  forgotten  in  the  re- 
sults of  the  general  calamity.  The  dispersion  was 
not  hmited  to  the  exiles  of  Judah,  but  included 
"  the  twelve  tribes  "  (Jam.  i.  1,  ra7s  Sd^eKci  ibv- 
Aa??  Tajs  iv  Trj  Siacnropa},  which  expressed  the 
completeness  of  the  whole  Jewish  nation  (Acts  xxv)- 
7,  ih  bwdeKacpvKo'''. 

The  Dispersion,  as  a  distinct  element  influencing 
the  entire  charactec  of  the  Jews,  dates  frtia  tba 


604    DISPERSION,  JEWS  OF  THE 

Dabyloiiian  exile.  Uncertain  legends  point  to  ear- 
lier settlements  in  Arabia,  Ethiopia,  and  Abyssinia; 
but  even  if  these  settlements  were  made,  they  were 
isolated  and  c;i.sual,  while  the  Dispersion,  of  wliich 
Babylon  was  the  acknowledged  centre,  was  the  out- 
ward proof  that  a  fniUi  ha<l  succeeded  to  a  kimj- 
dum.  Apart  from  the  necessary  influence  which 
Jewish  communities  bound  by  common  laws,  en- 
nobled by  the  possession  of  the  same  truths,  and 
animated  by  kindred  hopes,  must  have  exercised  on 
the  nations  among  whom  they  were  scattered,  the 
difficulties  which  set  aside  the  literal  observance  of 
the  Mosaic  ritual  led  to  a  wider  view  of  the  scope 
of  the  law,  and  a  stronger  sense  of  its  spiritual  sig- 
nificance. Outwardly  and  inwardly,  by  its  effects 
both  on  the  Gentiles  and  on  the  people  of  Israel, 
the  Dispersion  apj)ears  to  have  been  the  clearest 
providential  preparation  for  the  spread  of  Chris- 
tianity. 

But  while  the  fact  of  a  recognized  Dispersion 
nmst  have  weakened  the  local  and  ceremonial  in- 
fluences which  were  essential  to  the  first  training 
of  tlie  people  of  God,  the  Dispersion  was  still  bound 
together  in  itself  and  to  its  mother  country  by  re- 
ligious ties.  The  Temple  was  the  acknowledged 
centre  of  Judaism,  and  the  faithful  Jew  e\erywhere 
contributed  the  half-shekel  towards  its  maintenance 
(rb  SiSpaxiJ-Oi',  iMatt.  xvii.  24;  cf.  Mishna,  Sheka^ 
li/n.  7,  4:  Joseph.  Ant.  xvi.  6);  and,  in  part  at 
least,  the  ecclesiastical  calendar  was  fixed  at  Jeru- 
salem, whence  beacon-fires  spreiid  abroad  the  true 
date  of  the  new  moons  (Mishna,  Rosh-FIashanrt,  2, 
4).  The  tribute  was  indeed  the  simplest  and  most 
striking  outward  proof  of  the  religious  unity  of  the 
nation.  Treasuries  were  established  to  receive  the 
payments  of  different  districts  (Joseph.  Ant.  xviii. 
9,  1 ;  cf.  Ant.  xvi.  6,  5,  §  6),  and  the  collected  sums 
were  forwarded  to  Jerusalem,  as  in  later  times  the 
Mohammedan  offerings  were  sent  to  Mecca  (Jost, 
Gesch.  d.  Judenth.  i.  337  n. ;  Cic.  .pro  'Fhicco, 
28). 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  the  Dis- 
persion was  divided  into  three  great  sections,  the 
Babylonian,  the  Syrian,  the  Egyptian.  Precedence 
was  yielded  to  the  first.  The  jealousy  which  had 
originally  existed  between  the  poor  who  returned 
to  Palestine  and  their  wealthier  countrymen  at 
Babylon  had  passed  away,  and  Gamaliel  wrote  "  to 
the  sons  of  the  Dispersion  in  Babylonia,  and  to  our 
brethren  in  Media  .  .  .  and  to  all  the  Dispersion 
of  Israel  "  (Frankel,  Monntsschift,  1853,  p.  413). 
From  Babylon  the  Jews  spread  throughout  Persia, 
Media,  and  Parthin;  but  the  settlements  in  China 
•lelong  to  a  modem  date  (Frankel,  I.  c.  p.  463). 
The  few  details  of  their  history  which  have  been 
pi e8er\ed  liear  witness  to  their  prosperity  and  influ- 
ence (Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  2,  §  2  f.,  xviii.  9).  No 
g<liools  of  learning  are  noticed,  but  Hillel  the  Elder 
and  Nahum  the  .Mede  are  mentioned  as  coming 
from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  (Frankel). 

Tlie  ( ireek  conquests  in  Asia  extended  the  limits 
of  the  Disiiersion.  Seleucus  Nicator  transplanted 
large  bodies  of  Jewish  colonists  from  Babylonia  to 
the  ca]>it:ds  of  his  western  provinces.  His  policy 
was  followed  by  his  successor,  .\ntiochus  the  Great; 
and  the  persecutions  of  .Vntiochtis  Epiphanes  only 
served  to  push  forward  the  Jewish  emigration  to 
the  remoter  districts  of  his  empire.  In  Armenia 
the  .lews  arrived  at  the  greatest  dignities,  and  Nis- 
ibis  liecame  a  new  centre  of  colonization  (Frankel, 
pp.  4.54-4.'36).  The  Jews  of  (Jappadocia  (1  Pet.  i. 
L)  aie  casually  mentioned  in  the  Mishna;  and  a 


DISPERSION,  JEWS  OF  THE 

prince  and  princess  of  Adiabene  adopted  the  Jevriab 
faith  only  30  years  before  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple  (Joseph.  Ant.  xx.  2).  l^rge  settlemeutj 
of  Jews  were  established  in  Cyprus,  in  the  islands 
of  the  .Egaean  (Cos,  Delos:  Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  10), 
and  on  the  western  coast  of  Asia  Minor  (Ephesus, 
Miletus,  Pergamus,  Halicamassus,  Sardis:  Joseph. 
Ant.  1.  c).  The  Romans  confirmed  to  them  the 
privileges  which  they  had  obtained  from  the  Syrian 
kings;  and  though  they  wei-e  exposed  to  sudden 
outbursts  of  popular  violence  (Joseph.  Ant.  xviii.  9 ; 
B.  J.  vii.  3),  the  Jews  of  the  Sjrian  provinces 
gradually  formed  a  closer  connection  with  their  new 
homes,  and  together  with  the  Greek  language 
adopted  in  many  respects  Greek  ideas.  [Hellen- 
ists.] 

This  Hellenizing  tendency,  however,  found  its 
most  free  development  at  Alexandria  [Ale.xan- 
diua].  The  Jewish  settlements  established  there 
by  Alexander  and  Ptolemy  1.  became  the  source  of 
the  African  Dispei-sion,  which  spread  over  the  north 
coast  of  Africa,  and  perhaps  inland  to  Abyssinia 
(the  F(dashn).  At  CjTene  (Joseph.  Ant.,  xiv.  7 
§  2;  Jason)  and  Berenice  (Tripoli)  the  Jewish  in- 
habitants formed  a  considerable  [wrtion  of  the  pop- 
ulation, and  an  inscription  lately  discovered  at  the 
latter  place  (F'rankel,  p.  422)  speaks  of  the  justice 
and  clemency  which  they  received  from  a  Roman 
governor  (cf.  Joseph.  Ant.  xvi.  6,  §  5).  The  Afri- 
can Dispersion,  like  all  other  Jews,  preserved  their 
veneration  for  the  "  holy  city  "  (Philo,  Leg.  ad 
Caium,  §  3G;  in  Flacc.  c.  7),  and  recognized  the 
universiU  claims  of  the  Temple  by  the  annual  trib- 
ute (Joseph.  /.  c.)  But  the  distinction  in  language 
led  to  wider  differences,  which  were  averted  m  Bab- 
ylon by  the  currency  of  an  Aramaic  dialect.  The 
Scriptures  were  no  longer  read  on  the  Sabbath 
(Frankel,  p.  420;  IWstiidien,  p.  52  fF.),  and  no 
fire-signals  conveyed  the  dates  of  the  new  moons  to 
Egypt  (cf.  Frankel,  p.  419,  n.).  Still  the  national 
spirit  of  the  Atrican  Jews  was  not  destroyed. 
After  t'^e  destruction  of  the  Temple  the  Zealots 
found  a  reception  in  Cyrene  (Joseph.  Zf.  J.  vii.  11); 
and  towards  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Trajan,  A.  D. 
115,  the  Jewish  population  in  Africa  rose  with  ter- 
rible ferocity  (Dion,  Ixviii.  32).  The  insurrection 
was  put  down  by  a  war  of  extermination  (Euseb. 
//.  £.  iv.  2);  and  the  remnant  who  escaped  estab- 
lished themselves  on  the  opjwsite  coast  of  Europe, 
as  the  beginning  of  a  new  Dispersion. 

The  Jewish  settlements  in  Rome  were  consequent 
upon  the  occupation  of  Jerusalem  by  Pompey,  u.  c. 
63.  The  captives  and  emigrants  whom  he  brought 
with  him  were  located  in  the  trans-Tiberine  quar- 
ter, and  V)y  degrees  rose  in  station  and  ini])ortance 
(Philo,  Let/,  nd  Caium,  §  23  ff.).  They  were 
favored  by  Augustus  and  Tiberius  after  the  fall  of 
Sejanus  (Philo,  l.  c);  and  a  Jewish  school  was 
founded  at  Rome  (Frankel,  p.  459).  In  the  reign 
of  Claudius  [CLArnius]  the  Jews  became  objects 
of  suspicion  from  their  immense  numt)ers  (Dion, 
Ix.  6);  and  the  internal  disputes  consequent,  per- 
haps, upon  the  preaching  of  Christianity,  led  to 
their  banishment  from  the  city  (Suet.  Cl'itid.  25; 
"  Judaeos  impulsore  Chresto  assidue  tumultuantes 
Roma  expulit."  Acts  xviii.  2).  This  expulsion, 
if  general,  can  only  have  been  temporary,  for  in  a 
few  years  the  Jews  at  Rome  were  numerous  (Act* 
xxviii.  17  fF.),  and  continued  to  t)e  sufficiently  con- 
spicuous to  attract  the  attention  of  the  satirist* 
(.Mart.  Ep.  xi.  94 ;  Juv.  Snf.  iii.  14). 

The  uifluence  of  the  Dispersion  on  the  rapid  pro 


I 


DISTAFF 

mulgation  of  Christianity  can  scarcely  be  overrated. 
'Die  course  of  the  apostolic  preaching  followed  in  a 
regular  progress  tlie  line  of  Jewish  settlements. 
The  mixed  assembly  from  which  the  first  converts 
were  gathered  on  the  day  of  Pentecost  represented 
each  division  of  the  Dispersion  (Acts  ii.  D-ll;  (1) 
Parthians  ....  Mesopotamia;  (2)  Judaea  (i.  e. 
Syrin)  .  .  .  Pamphylia;  (3)  It^ypt  .  .  .  Greece; 
(4)  Komans  .  .  .  ).  and  these  converts  naturally 
prepared  the  way  for  the  Apostles  in  the  interval 
which  preceded  the  beginning  of  the  separate  apos- 
tolic missions.  The  names  of  the  seven  deacons 
are  all  Greek,  and  one  is  specially  described  as  a 
proselyte  (Acts  vi.  5).  The  church  at  Antioch,  by 
which  St.  Paul  was  entrusted  with  his  great  work 
among  the  heathen  (Acts  xiii.  1),  included  Barna- 
bas of  Cyprus  (Acts  iv.  30),  Lucius  of  Cyrene,  and 
Simeon,  surnanied  Nii/er ;  and  among  his  "  fellow- 
laborers  "  at  a  later  time  are  found  Aquila  of  Pon- 
tus  (Acts  xviii.  2),  ApoUos  of  Alexandria  (Acts 
sviii.  2-1;  cf.  1  Cor.  iii.  0),  and  Urbanus  (Kom.  xvi. 
■9),  and  Clement  (Phil.  iv.  3),  whose  names,  at 
least,  are  Roman.  Antioch  itself  became  a  centre 
of  the  Christian  Church  (Acts  xiii.  1,  xiv.  26,  xv. 
22,  xviii.  22),  as  it  had  been  of  the  Jewish  Disjier- 
sion;  and  throughout  the  apostolic  journeys  the 
Jews  were  the  class  to  whom  "it  was  necessary 
(ai'ayKa7ov)  that  the  word  of  God  should  be  first 
spoken"  (Acts  xiii.  46),  and  they  in  turn  were 
united  with  the  mass  of  the  population  by  the  in- 
termediate body  of  "  the  devout  "  {ol  crf^Sfievoi), 
which  had  recognized  in  various  degrees  "  the  faith 
of  the  God  of  Israel." 

The  most  important  original  authorities  on  the 
Dispersion  are  Jo.seph.  Ant.  xiv.  10,  xiv.  7;  c. 
Apion.  ii.  5;  Philo,  -Leff.  ad  Caium;  id.  c.  Flac- 
eum.  Fraukel  has  collected  the  various  points  to- 
gether in  an  exhaustive  essay  in  his  Monatsschrift, 
Nov.  Dec.  1853,  409-411,  449-451.  Cf.  Jost, 
Gesch.  d.  Judenth.  i.  336-344;  Ewald,  Gesch.  d. 
Vulkes  Israel,  iv.  B.  F.  W. 

*  DISTAFF,  Prov.  xxxi.  19.     [Spinning.] 

*  DIVES.      See  the  last    paragraph   under 

/jAZAKUS. 

DIVINATION  (DDpp :  ^meia.,  Ez.  xiii. 

7;  fxayeia,  Wisd.  xvii.  7;  D''DC73,  (papficucela, 

cenejicium,  dimiatio,  Is.  xlvii.  9;  tCnv,  yptdvpiff- 
(i6s,  &c.).  This  art  "of  taking  an  aim  of  divine 
matters  by  human,  which  cannot  but  breed  mixt- 
ure of  imaginations  "  (Bacon,  £ss.  xvii.)  has  been 
universal  in  all  ages,  and  all  nations  alike,  civilized 
and  savage.  It  arises  from  an  impression  that  in 
the  absence  of  direct,  visible,  guiding  Providence, 
the  Deity  suffers  his  will  to  be  known  to  men, 
partly  by  inspiring  those  who  from  purity  of  char- 
acter or  elevation  of  spirit  are  susceptible  of  the 
flivine  afflatus  {eeojj.dvTfis,  eydovataaTai,  e'/c- 
irraTiKol),  and  partly  by  giving  perpetual  indica- 
tions of  the  future,  which  must  be  learnt  from  ex- 
perience and  observation  (Cic.  Bii\  i.  18;  Plin. 
sxx.  5).  The  first  kind  of  divuiation  was  called 
Natural  (irex^os,  aSi'Soicroy)  in  whicli  the  me- 
dium of  inspiration  was  transported  from  Ir-s  uwn 
udividuality,  and  became  the  passive  instrument 
|f  supernatural  utterances  {^En.  vi.  47;  Ov.  Mtt. 
|i.  640,  (fee).  As  this  process  involved  violent  con- 
cisions, the  word  fiavr ikt]  is  derived  fron:  ^aiv- 
tuBai,  and  alludes  to  the  foaming  mouth  and 
itreaming  hair  of  the  possessed  seer  (Plat.  Tim. 


DIVINATION  605 

72.,  B.,  where  the  juavTis  is  carefully  distinguished 
from  the  xpocp-lfriis)-  But  even  in  the  most  pas- 
sionate and  irresistible  prophecies  of  Scripture  we 
have  none  of  these  unnatural  distortions  (Num. 
xxiii.  5;  Ps.  xxxix.  3;  Jer.  xx.  9),  although,  as  we 
shall  see,  they  were  characteristic  of  pretenders  to 
the  gift. 

The  other  kind  of  divination  was  artificial  (rex' 
viK'fi),  and  probably  originated  in  an  honest  con- 
viction that  external  nature  sjTnpathized  with  and 
frequently  indicated  the  condition  and  prospects  of 
mankind;  a  conviction  not  in  itself  ridiculous,  and 
fostered  by  the  accidental  synchronism  of  natural 
phenomena  with  human  catastrophes  (Thuc.  iii- 
89;  Joseph.  B.  J.  vi.  5,  §  3;  Foxe's  Martyrs,  iiL 
406,  &c.).  When  once  this  feeUng  was  established 
the  supposed  manifestations  were  infinitely  multi- 
plied, and  hence  the  numberless  forms  of  imposture 
or  ignorance  called  kapnomancy,  pyromancy,  arith- 
momancy,  libanomancy,  botanomancy,  kephalo- 
mancy,  &c.,  of  which  there  are  abundant  accounts 
in  Cic.  de  Div. ;  Cardan  de  Sapientia ;  Anton,  v. 
Dale,  de  Ong.  Idol. ;  Fabricius,  Blbl.  Ant.  pp. 
409-426.;  Carpzov,  App.  Grit.  540-549;  Potter's 
Antiq.  i.  ch.  viii.  If.  Indeed  there  was  scarcely  any 
possible  event  or  appearance  which  was  not  pressed 
into  the  service  of  augury,  and  it  may  be  said  of 
the  ancient  Greeks  and  Komans,  as  of  the  modem 
New  Zealanders,  that  "  after  uttering  their  karakias 
(or  charms)  the  whistling  of  the  wind,  the  moving 
of  trees,  the  flash  of  lightning,  the  peal  of  thunder, 
the  flying  of  a  bird,  even  the  buzz  of  an  insect 
would  be  regarded  as  an  answer "  (Taylor's  New 
Zealand,  p.  74;  Bowring's  Biam,  i.  153  ff.).  A 
system  commenced  in  fanaticism  ended  in  deceit. 
Hence  Cato's  famous  saying  that  it  was  strange 
how  two  augurs  could  meet  without  laughing  in 
each  other's  face.  But  the  supposed  knowl«lge  be- 
came in  all  nations  an  engine  of  poUtical  power,  and 
hence  interest  was  enlisted  in  its  support  (Cic.  de 
Leug.  ii.  12 ;  Liv.  vi.  27 ;  Soph.  Ant.  1055 ;  Mic.  iii. 
11).  It  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  priestly  caste  (Gen. 
xli.  8;  Is.  xlvii.  13;  Jer.  v.  31;  Dan.  ii.  2),  who  in 
all  nations  made  it  subservient  to  their  owti  pur- 
poses. Thus  in  Persia,  Chardin  says  that  the  as- 
trologers would  make  even  the  Shah  rise  at  mid- 
night and  travel  in  the  worst  weather  in  obedienc* 
to  their  suggestions. 

The  invention  of  divination  is  ascribed  to  Pro- 
metheus (^sch.  Pr.  Vinct.  492),  to  the  Phrygians 
and  Etrurians,  especially  sages  (Cic.  de  Dlv.  1; 
and  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  i.  326,  where  there  is  a 
great  deal  more  on  the  subject),  or  (as  by  the 
Fathers  generally)  to  the  Devil  (Finnic.  Maternu? 
de  Ei~ro7-e,  Prooem. ;  Lactant.  ii.  16 ;  Minuc.  Felix, 
Oct.  27).  In  the  same  -way  Zoroaster  ascribes  all 
magic  to  Ahriman  (Nork,  Bram.  und  linb.  p.  97). 
Similar  opinions  have  prevailed  in  modern  times 
(Sir  Thomas  Hrowne,   Vulg.  Kit.  i.  xi.). 

Many  forms  of  divination  are  mentioned  hi 
Scripture,  and  the  subject  is  so  frequently  alluded 
to  that  it  deser\'es  careful  examination.  We  shall 
proceed  to  give  a  brief  analysis  of  its  main  aspects 
as  presented  in  the  sacred  writers,  following  as  fai 
as  possible  the  order  of  the  books  in  which  the  pro- 
fessors of  the  art  are  spoken  of. 

They  are  first  mentioned  as  a  prominent  body  in 

the  Egyptian  court.  Gen.  xU.  8.     (1.)  C^IppHH 

{i^tfyriTai ;  Hesych.  6  irepl  iepeitov  /col  ^wat^fxeiaiv 
i^Vyovfievos ;  Aqu.  Kpv<pia(TTal).  They  were  • 
class  of  Egyptian   priests,  eii..nent  for  learning 


606  DIVINATION 

(Upoypafiftareh)-  The  name  may  be  derived  from 
^"^Tl,  a  ttyle ;  or,  according  to  Jablonski.  from  an 
ligyptian  word  Chtriam  =thaumnturgus  (Gesen. 
s.  v.).  For  other  conjectures  see  Kalisch,  Gm.  p. 
347;  Heidegger,  Hist.  Patr.  xx.  23.  Of  course  it 
must  have  tlie  same  derivation  in  Dan.  i.  20,  and 
therefore  cannot  be  from  the  Chaldee  Dhardumnnd 
=  skilled  in  science  (Jahn,  Arch.  Bibl.  §  402).  If 
their  divination  was  connected  with  drawn  figures, 
it  is  paralleled  by  the  Persian  Rummnl  (Cahnet); 
the  modern  Egyptian  Z<nr</eh,  a  table  of  letters 
ascribed  to  Idrees  or  Enoch  (Une,  i.  354),  the  re- 
nowned Chinese  y-kinff,  lines  discovered  by  Fouhi 
on  the  back  of  a  tortoise,  which  explain  everything, 
and  on  which  1450  learned  commentaries  have  been 
written  (Hue's  C/iina,  i.  123  ff.);  and  the  Jama.<<su 
or  marks  on  paper,  of  Japan  (Kampfer's  Hist. 
ch.  XV.) 

2.  C^)2Dn  ((ro(pi(TTai,  Fjc.  vii.  11;  Suid.  oD'tcoj 
(\eyov  irAvTas  tovs  ireiraiSev/xfyovs:  conjectores). 
Possibly  tiiese,  as  well  as  their  predecessors,  were 
merely  a  learned  class,  invested  by  vulgar  super- 
stition with  hidden  power.  Daniel  was  made  head 
of  the  college  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (Dan.  v.  11). 

3.  C^p!??5a  {iiraoi^ol,  Fjc.  vii.  11,  D^Sffi??, 
(papfxaKol  •■  incantat07-es :  the  variety  of  words  used 
in  the  versions  to  render  these  names,  shows  how 
vague  was  the  meaning  attached  to  them).     ITie 

original  meaning  of  ?)tt''3  is  to  mutter;  and  in 
Ex.  vii.  11,  the  word  seems  to  denote  mere  jugglers, 
of  the  class  to  which  belonged  Jaimes  and  Jambres 
(2  Tim.  iii.  8).  How  they  produced  the  wonders 
which  hardened  the  heart  of  Pharaoh,  whether  by 
mechanical  or  chemical  means,  or  by  mere  legerde- 
main, or  by  demoniacal  assistance  (as  supposed 
by  the  Fathers,  and  Joseph.  Ant.  ii.  5),  it  is  idle 
to  conjecture.  Michaelis  (adopting  an  Arabic  deri- 
vation of  "lirS)  explains  them  to  be  "  astrologers," 
Buch  as  in  ancient  times  were  supjwsed  (from  their 
power  to  foretell  eclipses,  <tc.)  to  be  able  to  control 
the  sun  and  moon  by  spells  (Virg.  yEn.  iv.  489 ; 
Ov.  Afet.  xii.  2fJ3.  "  While  the  lalmring  moon 
eclipses  at  tlieir  charms,"  Milton.  "  A  witch,  and 
one  so  strong  she  could  control  the  moon,"  Shakes- 
peare, T/it  Tempest).  Women  were  supposed  to 
be  peculiarly  addicted  to  these  magical  arts  (Ex. 
xxii.  18),  which  were  forbidden  to  the  Jews  on  the- 
ocratic grounds,  independently  of  their  liability  to 
abuse. 

4.  C''3!S7"7^,  Lev.  xix.  31,  xx.  6  {yvwaTul, 
$cwlce  ;  wiz't7-(k,  from  V'l'^,  to  know  :  cf.  weiser 
Mann,  kluge  Frau,  as  Saifiuy,  from  Sniffxt):  those 
that  could  by  whatever  means  reveal  the  ftiture. 
The  liabliis  derive  this  word  from  a  certain  beast 
Jaddua.  in  shai^e  like  a  man  (KaTa^KcirdSa),  the 
bones  of  which  the  diviner  held  in  his  teeth 
(Mainioii.  dc  Jdol.  vi.  3;  Hulenger,  de  Div.  iii. 
83;  Ddrio,  Disquis.  May.  iv.  2;  Godwyn's  Mas. 
f  Am:  iv.  10).  The  Greek  diviner  ate  rck  Kvpid- 
roTtt  u6pia  (wwv  fiayTiKvv  (Porphyr.  de  Abstinent. 
li.^.  For  other  bone  divinations  see  Kubruquis' 
China,  p.  65,  and  Pennant's  Scotland,  p.  88  (in 
**inkerton). 

6.  ni3if^  Lev.  XX.  6;  Is.  viii.  19,  xix.  3; 
iyyacrrplfivdoi,  viKpoft-ivrtis'.  qui  Pythones  con- 
tuiif^  ventn'lo^)  [D"^t2S,  Is.  xix.  3].     The  word 


DIVINATION 

properly  means  "  spirits  of  the  dead,"  and  then 
by  an  easy  metonymy  those  who  consulted  them 

(:i"iN  bwic*,  Deut.  xviii.  10;  bw  V^^'Ti, 

^  ^  J'?U  •  oi  iirfpoDTwvTfs  Tobi  vfKpois,  qiuereni 
a  nmrtuis  veritatem.     But  Shuckford,  who  denies 
that  the  Jews   in  early  ages  believed  in   spirits, 
makes  it  mean  "  consulters  of  dertd  idols,"  Connect, 
u.  395  ff.).  They  are  also  called  Pythones ;  ^yyatrrp- 
irdKai  ywl  nvOayas  KaKov/ieyovi  (Plut.  de  Dtf. 
Or.  414;  C'ic.  de  Div.  i.  19).     Hence  the  jry^vfia 
nveuyoi,    Acts    xvi.    16.      These    ventriloquists 
"  [xeped  and  muttered  "  (cf.  rpiCtiy,  II.  xxiii.  101 ; 
"  squeak  and  gibber,"  Shakesf^are,  Jul.  Qes.)  from 
the  earth  to   imitate   the  voice   of  the  revealinc 
familiar"   (Is.  xxix.  4,  <fcc.;  1    Sam.  xxviii.   s'^ 
lev.  XX.  27,  cf.  <rrepy6fiavTis,  Soph.  Frnff.).'2'^i^ 
properly  means  a  Iwttle  (.lob  xxxii.   19),  and  was 
appUed  to  the  magician,  because  he  wjis  supjjosed 
to  be  inflated  l)y  the  spirit  {Sai/jLoyo\nKT6s),  Uke 
the  ancient  EhpvKXus  {els  iWorpias  yaarepai 
iySv9,  Ar.  Vesp.  1017,  "malum  spiritum  per  verenda 
naturae  excipiebat."     Schol.  in  Ar.  Plut..).    Of  this 
class  was  the  witch  of  Endor  (Joseph.  Ant.  vi.  14,  § 
2),  in  whose  case  intended  imposture  may  have  been 
overruled   into  genuine  necromancy  (Ecclus.  xlvi. 
20).    On  this  wide  suiyect  see  Chrysost.  ad  1  Cor. 
xii.;  Tert.  adv.  Marc.  iv.  25,  de  Anima,  57;  Aug. 
de  Doctr.  Christ.  §  33;  Cic.  Tusc.  Disp.  i.  16,  and 
the  commentators  on  yfsw.  vi. ;  Critici  Sacii,  vi. 
331;  Winer,  s.  v.  Todtenbesclnoiirer ;  \je  Moyne, 
Var.  Sacr.  p.   993  ff.;  Selden,  de  Diis  Syr.  i.  2, 
and  above  all  Bi  ttcher,  de  Inferis,  pp.  101-121, 
where  the  research  displayed  is  man-ellous.     Those 
who  sought  inspiration,  either  from  the  demons  or 
the  spirits  of  the  dead,  haunted  tombs  and  caverns 
(Is.  Ixv.  4),  and  invited  the  unclean  communications 
by  voluntary  fasts  (Mainion.  de  Idol.  ix.  15;  Light- 
foot,  Hor.  Ilebr.  ad  Matt.  x.  1).     That  the  sup- 
posed y^ivxafiayrfta  was  often  effected  by  ventrilo- 
quism and  illusion  is  certain ;  for  a  sjjecimen  of  this 
even  in   modem  times  see  the  Life  of  Benvenuto 
CeUini. 

6.  Q  ^Di?  ^5P  (.M-'^yTev6fieyoi  fiayreiay:  qui 
ariolos  scisdtetur ;  Deut.  xviii.  10).  (As  the  most 
complete  list  of  diviners  is  given  in  this  passage, 
we  shall  follow  the  order  of  the  kinds  there  enumer- 
ated.) This  word  involves  the  notion  of  "  cutting," 
and  therefore  may  be  connected  with  the  Chald. 

riT2  (from  "122,  to  cut),  Dan.  ii.  27,  iv.  7,  Ac., 
and  l)e  taken  to  mean  astrologers,  magi,  genethliaci, 
&c.  {Diet,  of  Ant.  art.  Astrvbt/ia;  Juv.  vi.  582  ff.; 
Diod.  Sic.  ii.  30;  Winer,  s.  vv.  Master,  Sterne). 
Others  refer  it  to  the  KKvpofidyrtis  (Schol.  nd  Kur. 
Hipp.  1057),  since  the  use  of  loU  was  very  familiar 
to  the  Jews  (Gataker  on  Aote,  ad  init.);  but  it 
required  no  art  to  explain  their  use,  for  they  were 
regarded  as  directly  under  God's  control  (Num. 
xxvi.  55;  Plsth.  iii.  7;  Prov.  xvi.  33,  xviii.  18). 
Both  lots  and  diyitm-um  micatio  (odd  and  even) 
were  used  in  distributing  the  duties  of  the  Temple 
(Otho,  Lex.  Rub.  s.  v.  Diyitis  micando). 


7.  13"iyp,  Mic.  v.  12;  2  K.  xxi.  6;  af)servant 
somnin;  A.  V.  "an  observer  of  times;"  k\t 
1  Sovi^S/jieyos  (always  in  LXX.,  except  in  I.ev.  xix. 
'  26,  where  probably  they  followed  a  different  reading, 

from   ^iy,  a  bird,    opyiOotTKowfly)  =  d  ix  rmt 
\a\ov/i.4yuy  ffToxa(Anivos,  Lex.  Cyr. ;  i^-b  &«;^t 


DIVINATION 

Hesjch.  It  is  derived  from  ^3^,  to  cover,  and , 
may  mean  generally  "using  hidden  arts"  (Is.  ii. 
6;  Jer.  xxvii.  9).  If  the  LXX.  understand  it  cor- 
rectly, it  refers  to  that  \6yuv  ■napari]p7\(ris  (Suid.), 
which  was  common  among  the  Jews,  and  which 
they  called  Bath  Kol;  of  which  remarkable  in- 
stances are  found  in  Gen.  xxiv.  14;  1  Sam.  xiv.  9, 
10;  IK.  XX.  33.  After  the  extinction  of  the  spirit 
of  prophecy  it  was  considered  by  the  Jews  as  a  sort 
of  substitute  for  the  loss.  For  a  curious  disserta- 
tion on  it  see  Lightfoot,  ad  Matt.  iii.  13.  A  belief 
in  the  significance  of  chance  words  was  very  prev- 
alent among  the  Egyptians  (Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  i. 
304;  riut.  de  Is.  14),  and  the  accidental  sigh  of 
the  engineer  was  sufficient  to  prevent  even  Amasis 
from  removing  the  monolithic  shrine  to  Sais 
(Wilkinson,  Anc.  Egypt,  iv.  144).  The  universality 
of  the  belief  among  the  ancients  is  known  to  every 
scholar  (Cic.  dt  Dlv.  i.;  Herod,  ii.  90;  Virg.  ^n. 
vii.  11(5,  &c.).  From  the  general  theory  of  the 
possibility  of  such  omens  sprang  the  use  of  the 
Sortes  Biblicse,  &c.  (Niceph.  Greg.  viii.  Aug.  £p. 
119;  Prideaux,  Connect,  ii.  376,  &c.;  Cardan,  de 
Varietate,  p.  1040). 

K  P.137P  be  derived  from  y^V,  it  will  mean 
•'  one  who  fascinates  with  the  eyes,"  as  in  the  Syr. 
Vers.  (cf.  Vitringa,  Comment,  ad  /s.  ii.  6).      A 

belief  in  the  6ip0a\fj.hs  fidcrKavos  (27T  "j^^)  was 
universal,  and  is  often  alluded  to  in  Scripture 
(Deut.  xxiii.  6  ;  Matt.  xx.  15  ;  Tob.  iv.  7,  fii] 
(pdovnairu)  (Tov  &  0(pda\fx6s,  1  Sam.  xviii.  9, 
"Saul  eyed  David").  The  wtll-known  passages 
of  Pliny  and  the  ancients  on  tl  e  subject  are  col- 
lected in  Potter's  Ant.  i.  383  ft". 

Others  again  make  the  C^3p17  (Is.  ii.  6,  Ac), 
"  soothsayers,"  who  predicted  "  times  "  as  in  A.  V., 
from  the  observation  of  the  clouds  (Aben  Ezra  on 
Lev.  xix.  26)  and  other  Siocrrnxiai,  as  lightnings, 
tomets,  meteors,  &c.  (Jer.  x.  2),  like  the  Etruscan 
Fulguratores  (Cic.  Div.  i.  18;  Plin.  ii.  43,  53; 
Plut.  de  Superst. ;  Hom.  Od.  v.  102;  Virg.  Eel.  i. 
16 ;  Humboldt's  Cosmos,  ii.  135,  ed.  Sabine). 
Possibly  the  position  of  the  diviner  in  making  these 
nbservations  originated  the  Jewish  names  for  East 
imd  West,  namely,  front  and  back  (Godwyn,  iv. 
10,  but  Carpzov  disputes  the  assertion,  Ap.  Crit. 
p.  541).  The  practice  naturally  led  to  the  tabula- 
tion of  certain  days  as  lucky  or  mducky  (.lob  iii.  5, 
"  monthly  prognosticators ;  "  Is.  xlvii.  1 3,  rifxefias 
fraparripe'ia-de,  Gal.  iv.  10),  just  as  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  regarded  some  days  as  candidi,  others  as 
ntri  (Hes.  0pp.  et  D.  770;  Suet.  Aug.  92,  &c.). 
If  we  had  space,  every  one  of  the  superstitions 
alluded  to  might  be  paralleled  in  modern  times. 

In  Judg.  ix.  37,  the  expression  "  terebinth  [in- 
correctly "  plain,"  A.  V.]  of  Meonenim  (enchant- 
ments) "  [properly  "enchanters,"  or  "diviners"] 
refers  not  so  much  to  the  general  sacredness  of 
great  trees  (Hom.  Od.  xiv.  328,  habitue  Grniis 
oracul'i  quercus,  Virg.  Georg.).  as  to  the  fact  that 
(probably)  here  Jacob  had  buried  his  amulets  (Gen. 
ixxv.  4;  Stanley,  «.  g"-  P.  p.  142). 

8.  D^tt^n^P  {oiu3vi^6fi.evoi  :  obsenantes  ati- 
gurin;  Ps.  Iviii.  5;  2  K.  xvii.  17,  xxi.  6,  Ac):  A. 
V.  "  enchanters  " ;  ophiomants  (Bochart,  Hieroz.n. 

p.  383\  from  27n3,  to  kiss  ;  people  who,  lik«  the 
incient  Psylli  (Plin.  H.  N.  vii.  2,  xviii.  4)  and 
HarmaridsR  (SU.  Ital.  iu.  301), 


DIVINATION 


607 


'  Ad  quorum  cantus  serpens  oblita  venenl, 
Ad  quorum  tactum  mites  jacuere  cerastsp," 

weie  supposed  to  render  serpents  innocuous  and 
obedient  (Ex.  vii.  9;  Jer.  viii.  17;  Eccl.  x.  11), 
chiefly  by  the  power  of  music  (Nicand.  Theriac, 
162;  Luc.  ix.  891;  Sil.  Ital.  8,  495;  ^n.  vii.  753; 
Niebuhr's  Travels,  i.  189);  but  also  no  doubt  by 
the  possession  of  some  genuine  and  often  hereditary 
secret  (Lane,  Mod.  Egypt,  ii.  106  ff. ;  Amob.  adv. 
Gent.  ii.  32).  They  had  a  similar  power  over 
scorpions  (Francklen's  Tour  to  Persia).  The 
whole  subject  is  exhausted  by  Bochart  {Hieroz 
torn.  II.  iii.  6,  de  As.  fide  surda). 

V2TJZ  has,  however,  a  general  meaning  of  "  learn- 
ing by  experience,"  hke  "to  augur,"  in  English, 
Gen.  XXX.  27;  either  because  ophiomancy  (Ter. 
Phorm.  iv.  4,  26)  was  common,  or  because  the 
word  meant  (as  the  Rabbis  say)  an  observation  of 
€V($5«o  (Tvn^oXa,  Ac.  (Jer.  x.  2;  Plin.  xxviii.  5,  7). 
Some  undersUnd  it  of  divinatio  ex  pelvibus  (Plin. 
U.  N.  XXX.  2 ;  Poll  Sijn.  ad  Deut.  xviii.  10). 

9.  C^pt^PP  ((papfiUKol :  malefid,  venefici  ; 
A.  V.  "wizards"),  from  the  Arabic,  "to  reveal," 
meaning  not  only  astrologers  proper  (Chaldseans), 
but  generally  all  the  professed  occult  means  of  dis- 
covering the  unknown.  It  might  no  doubt  involve 
the  use  of  divining-rods  for  the  purpose  of  Aquaeli- 
cium,  Ac,  dependent  on  physical  laws  only  partially 
understood  (Mayo's  Pop.  Superstitions). 

10.  D'*7'?n  "^5^  {iTTadSovres  iiraoiSiiV-  in- 

cantatores),  from  "^?n,  to  bind  (cf.  baimeii  = 
binden,  Gesen.  8.  ».).  [SeeDeut.xviii.il.]  Those 
who  acquired  povver  by  uttering  siiells,  Ac.  {Kara- 
Sew;  and  vpuos  Sfff/jitos,  ^sch.  Eum.  290; 

"  So  the  spell  now  works  around  thee, 
And  the  clankless  chain  hath  bound  theo." 

Man/red,  i.  1). 

In  Onkelos  it  is  rendered  ^''tS"',  a  mutterer ;  and 
this  would  connect  these  "  enchanters  "  with  the 
Nekromanteis  (No.  5,  Is.  xxix.  4). 

11.  Belomants.  Alluded  to  iu  Ez.  xxi.  21,  where 
Nebuchadnezzar,  at  the  parting  of  two  ways,  uses 
divination  to  decide  whether  he  shall  proceed  against 

Jerusalem  or  Rabbah,  and  D^Sn?  ^1271?  (roi^ 
ava^paa-ai  pa^^ov,  LXX. ;  but  it  should  be  rather 
pl\\/ai  fif\-n,  or  as  Vulg.  commiscens  sagittas ;  the 
other  explanations  are  untenable).  Jerome  (ad  loc] 
explains  it  of  mingling  in  a  quiver  arrows  on  which 
were  inscribed  the  names  of  various  cities,  that  city 
being  attacked  the  name  of  which  was  drawn  out 
(Prid.  Connect,  i.  85).  Estius  says  "  he  threw  up 
a  bimdle  of  arrows  to  see  which  way  they  would 
Ught,  and  falling  on  the  right  hand  he  m.irched 
towards  Jerusalem."  The  A.  V.  "  made  his  arrow* 
bright,"  seems  to  allude  to  a  sort  of  aiSrjpoixavTela, 
—  incorrectly.  The  arrows  used  were  particolored 
and  7  such  were  kept  at  Mecca.  Pietro  della  Valle 
saw  a  divination  derived  from  the  changes  of  8 
arrows  at  Aleppo,  and  attributed  it  to  diabolical 
agency.  We  read  of  a  somewhat  similar  custom 
in  use  among  the  ancient  Teutons  (Tac.  Germ,  x.), 
and  among  the  Alani  (Am.  Marcell.  xxxi.):  also 
among  the  modem  Egyptians  (Lane,  ii.  111). 
"  But  jf  another  kind  was  that  practiced  by  FJisha, 
2  K.  xiii.  15  "  (Sfr  Thomas  Browne,  Vulg.  Errori,, 
V.  23,  7). 

12.  Closaly  connected  with  thig  w^s  (vAo/i.  Of 


608 


DIVINATION 


ha0SofiavTe(a  (Hos.  iv.  12)  b)5»  bwtj?.  Avo 
lardi/rfi  ftdfiSovs  .  .  .  imrTovaras  evtrripow 
Birou  <pfpoii>To,  Cyr.  Ales,  (nd  U>c.),  and  so  too 
Theophylacfc.  Another  explanation  is  that  the 
positive  or  luigative  answer  to  the  required  question 
was  decided  by  the  equal  or  unequal  number  of 
spans  in  the  stjitt'  (Godwyn,  /.  c).  I'arallels  are 
found  among  the  Scythians  (Herod,  iv.  67,  and 
Schol.  Nicimdri  'SKvdai  nvpiKivw  fixivTivovrai 
(iJAq)),  Persians  (Strab.  xv.  p.  847),  Assyrians 
(Athen.  Diripn.  xii.  7),  Chinese  (Stavorinus's  Jnva  ; 
Pinkerton,  xi.  132),  and  New  Zealanders  (called 
Niu,Tiiy\or's  yiiv Zml.  p.  i)l).  These  kinds  of 
divination  are  expressly  forbidden  in  the  Koran, 
and  are  called  al  Mtisar  (ch.  v.  Sale's  Prelim. 
Dissert,  p.  89). 

13.  KvXiKOfxavrda,  Gen.  xliv.  6  {rh  kSvSv  rh 
apyvpovy  .  .  .  aurhs  5e  olwvitr/xovs  olaiy't^fTai  iv 
avT^\  Uesych.  kSvSv,  ■KOT7)piov  fia<Ti\iK6v.  in 
guo  auijurari  solet).  Parkhurst  and  others  deny- 
ing that  diWnation  is  intended,  make  it  a  mere  cup 
of  office  (Bruce's  Travels,  ii.  657)  "for  which  he 

would  search  carefully  "  (a  meaning  which  IT  TO 
may  bear.  But  in  all  probability  the  A.  V.  is 
right.  The  Nile  was  called  the  cup  of  Egypt,  and 
the  silrer  vessel  which  symbolized  it  had  prophetic 
and  mysterious  properties  (Hiiveniick.  Introd.  to 
the  Pentateuch,  ad  loc.).  The  divination  was  by 
means  of  radiations  from  the  water,  or  from  magic- 
ally inscribed  gems,  <fec.  thrown  into  it ;  a  sort  of 
vSpo/xuvreia,  KaToirTpo/xavTeia,  or  KpvcTaWo- 
fjLavTiia.  (Cardan,  de  Jierum  Variet.  cap.  93),  Uke 
the  famous  mirror  of  ink  (Ivane,  ii.  362),  and  the 
crystal  divining  globes,  the  properties  of  which  de- 
pend on  a  natural  law  brought  into  notice  in  the 
recent  revivals  of  Mesmerism.  The  jewelled  cup 
of  Jemsheed  was  a  divining  cup,  and  such  a  one  was 
made  by  Merlin  (Faerie  Queene,  iii.  2,  10).  Jul. 
Serenas  (de  Fato,  ix.  18)  says  that  afler  certain  in- 
cantations, a  demon  "vocem  instar  sibili  edebat 
in  aquis."  It  is  curious  to  find  KvAiKOfxavTfla  even 
in  the  South  Sea  Islands  (Daily  Bibl.  Illustr.  i. 
424).  For  illustrations  of  Egyptian  cups  see  Wil- 
kinson, iii.  258.  This  kind  of  divination  must 
not  be  confused  with  Cyathemanteia  (Suid.  s.  v. 

14.  Consultation  of  Teraphim  (Zech.  x.  2;  Ez. 
£xi.  21;  iirfpa)T?](Tai  iv  rdis  7\i»7rTors;  1  Sam. 

XV.  23,  ^7}^  =  *i  inquirer   [where  the  fonn  is 

C''5"^j7I]).  These  were  wooden  images  (1  Sam. 
rix.  13)  consulted  as  "  idols,"  from  which  the  ex- 
jited  worshippers  fancied  that  they  received  oracular 
responses.  The  notion  that  they  were  the  em- 
balmed heads  of  infants  on  a  gold  plate  inscribed 
with  the  name  of  an  unclean  spirit,  is  Kabbi  Elie- 
eer's  invention.  Other  Rabbis  think  that  they 
may  mean  "astrolabes,"  &c.     [Tkkaphim.] 

15.  'HiroToff/fOTTta,  or  extisjddum  (Ez.  xxi.  21, 

KaToaKoirficoLffdai   al.    fjirari   K.,    LXX.,    •^W'H 

1323).  The  liver  was  the  most  Important  part 
of  the  sacrifice  (Artemid.  Oneirocr.  ii.  74:  Suet. 
Auff.  95;  Cic.  de  IHv.  ii.  13;  Sen.  (Edip.  360). 
Thus  the  deaths  of  both  Alexander  and  Hephaestion 
were  foretold  gri  &Ko^ov  rh  rivup  ^v  Uptlov  (Ar- 
rian,  Alex  vii.  18). 

16.  'OvfipofiavTfia.  (Dcut.  xiii.  2,  3;  Judg.  vii.  | 
(3;  Jer.  xxiii.  32;  Joseph.  Ant.  xvii.  6,  4).  God  | 
Sw^ueutly  revealed  himself  l)y  dreams  when  the  I 


DIVINATION 

soul  wius  thought  to  be  least  debased  by  contact 
with  the  body  ((SSov(ra.  ykp  <f>piiv  6ixijxuriv  \afi 
■KpxivtTM.  Maxih.  Eum.).  Many  warnings  occui 
in  Scripture  against  the  impostures  attendant  on 
the  interpretation  of  dreams  (Zech.  x.  2,  &c.).  We 
find,  however,  no  direct  trace  of  seeking  for  dreams 
such  as  occurs  in  Virg.  Jin.  vii.  81;  Plaut.  Cur- 
ad.  i.  1,  2,  01.     [Dkka-MS.] 

17.  The  consultation  of  oracles  may  be  consid- 
ered as  another  fonn  of  divination  (Is.  xli.  21-24, 
xliv.  7).  The  term  oracle  is  applied  to  the  Holy 
of  Holies  (1  K.  \i.  16 ;  Ps.  xxviii.  2,  "T*3"!T,  5aj3^p 
TO  S.yM  Tuv  ayiaiv  ovofud^n,  Lex.  Ms.;  Hettin- 
ger, Tlies.  Phil.  p.  306).  That  there  were  several 
oracles  of  heathen  gods  known  to  the  Jews  we  may 
infer  both  from  the  mention  of  that  of  Baal-zebub 
at  likron  (2  K.  i.  2-6),  and  from  the  towns  named 
Debir.  "  Debir  quod  nos  araculum  sive  resjxmsum 
possumus  appellare,  et  ut  contentiosius  verbum  ex- 
primamus  e  verbo  \a\r)Ti]piov,  vel  locutorium  di- 
cere  "  (Hieron.  ad  Eph.  i.).  The  word  "  oracles  " 
is  applied  in  the  N.  T.  to  the  Scriptures  (Acts  vii. 
38;  Kom.  iii.  2,  &c.).  On  the  general  subject  of 
oracles  see  Anton,  v.  Dale  de.  Oraculis ;  Diet,  of 
Ant.  art.  Oraculum ;  Potter's  Antiq.  i.  286-326; 
Sir  T.  Browne,  Iract  xi.,  and  Vidg.  Err.  vii.  12,  <fcc. 

18.  It  only  remains  to  allude  to  the  fact  that 
superstitious  importance  was  peculiarly  attached  to 
the  words  of  dying  men.  And  although  the  ob- 
served fact  that  "  men  sometimes  at  the  hour  of 
their  departure  do  speak  and  reason  above  them- 
selves "  (Relit/.  Medici,  xi.)  does  not  of  course  take 
away  from  the  death-bed  prophecies  of  Scripture 
their  supernatural  character  (Gen.  xlix. ;  2  K.  xiii., 
&c.),  yet  it  is  interesting  to  find  that  there  are 
analogies  which  resemble  them  (//.  xxii.  355;  and 
the  story  of  Calanus ;  Cic.  de  Div.  i.  30 ;  Shakesp. 
Rick.  II.,  ii.  1;  Daniell,  Civil  Wars,  iii.  62,  &c.). 

Moses  forbade  every  species  of  divination  (cf. 
Koran,  ch.  v. ;  Cato,  de  Re  Riist.  5,  "  vana  super- 
stitione  rudes  animos  Lnfestant,"  Columell.  ii.  1), 
because  a  prj'ing  into  the  future  clouds  the  mind 
with  superstition,  and  because  it  would  have  been 
(as  indeed  it  proved  to  be.  Is.  ii.  6;  2  K.  xxi.  6) 
an  incentive  to  idolatry;  indeed  the  frequent  de- 
nunciations of  the  sin  in  the  prophets  tend  to  prove 
that  these  forbidden  arts  presented  peculiar  tempta- 
tions to  apostate  Israel  (Hottinger,  Jur.  Ileb.  Lex. 
pp.  253,  254).  But  God  supplied  his  people  with 
STibstitutes  for  divination,  which  would  have  ren- 
dered it  superfluous,  and  left  them  in  no  doubt  as 
to  his  will  in  circumstances  of  danger,  had  they 
continued  faithful.  It  wa-s  only  when  they  were 
unfaithful  that  the  revelation  was  withdrawn  (1 
Sam.  xxviii.  6;  2  Sam.  ii.  1,  v.  23,  Ac).  Accord- 
ing to  the  Rabbis  the  Urim  and  Thummim  lasted 
until  the  Temple ;  the  spirit  of  prophecy  until  Mal- 
achi;  and  the  Bath  Kol,  as  the  sole  means  of 
guidance,  from  that  time  downwards  (Lightfoot, 
/.  c. ;  Maimonides,  de  Fundam.  Leg.  cap.  7 ;  Abar- 
banel,  Prolegy.  in  Daniel.). 

How  far  Moses  and  the  prophets  believed  in  the 
reality  of  necromancy,  Ac,  as  distinguished  from 
various  forms  of  imposture,  is  a  question  which  at 
present  does  not  concern  us.  But  even  if,  in  those 
times,  they  did  hold  such  a  belief,  no  one  will  now 
urge  that  we  are  bound  to  do  so  at  the  present  daj . 
And  yet  such  was  the  opinion  of  liacon,  Bp.  Hall, 
Baxter,  Sir  Thomas  Browne,  I^vater,  Glanville, 
Henry  More,  and  numberless  other  eminent  men 
Such  also  was  the  opinion  which  led  Sir  M.  HaU 


DIVORCE 

to  bum  Amj  Duny  and  Kose  CuIIenden  at  Bury 
in  16G4;  and  caused  even  Wesley  to  say,  that  "to 
give  up  a  belief  in  witchcraft  was  to  give  up  the 
Bible."  We  recommend  this  statement,  in  con- 
trast with  the  all  but  universal  disbelief  in  such 
superstitions  now,  to  thoughtful  consideration. 
For  a  curious  statute  against  witchcmft  (5  Eliz. 
cap.  15),  see  Collier's  KccL  Hid.  vi.  30G. 

Superstition  not  unfrequently  goes  hand  in  hand 
with  skepticism,  and  hence,  amid  the  general  infi- 
delity prevalent  through  the  Koman  empire  at  our 
Lord's  coming,  imposture  was  rampant,  as  a  glance 
at  the  pages  of  Tacitus  will  sutfico  to  prove.  Hence 
th;  luci-ative  trades  of  such  men  as  Simon  Magus 
(Acts  viii.  9),  Bar-jesus  (Acts  xiii.  6,  8),  the  slave 
with  the  spirit  of  Python  (Acts  xvi.  16),  the  vag- 
abond Jews,  exorcists  (Luke  xi.  19;'  Acts  xix.  l.S), 
and  other  -ytJrjrey  (2  Tim.  iii.  13;  Rev.  xLx.  2U, 
vfec),  as  well  as  the  notorious  dealers  in  magical 
filfi\oi  {'E(p€(na  ypa.fj.fjLa.Ta)  and  irepiepya  at 
t^phesus  (Acts  xix.  19).  Among  the  Jews  these 
flagrant  impostors  (airaTewvfs,  Joseph.)  had  be- 
come dangerously  numerous,  especially  during  the 
Jewish  war;  and  we  find  them  constantly  alluded 
to  in  Josephus  (/?.  ./.  vi.  5,  §  1,  2;  Ant.  xx.  5,  §  1, 
&c.;  cf.  Matt.  xxiv.  23-24;  Tac.  Hist.  v.  12).  As 
was  natural,  they,  like  most  Orientals,  especially 
connected  the  name  of  Solomon  with  their  spells 
and  incantations  (Joseph.  Ant.  viii.  2).  The  names 
of  the  main  writers  on  this  wide  and  interesting 
subject  will  be  found  mentioned  in  the  course  of 
the  article,  and  others  are  refeiTed  to  in  Fabricius 
Bibl.  AiUiq.  cap.  xii.,  and  Biittcher,  de  Infvrh.,  pp. 
101  ff.  F.  W.  F. 

DIVORCE.  The  law  regulating  this  subject 
is  found  Deut.  xxiv.  1-4,  and  the  cases  in  which 
the  right  of  a  husband  to  divorce  his  wife  was  lost, 
are  stated  ib.  xxii.  19,  29.     The  ground  of  divonje 

was  what  the  text  calls  a  ^3"^  ^"^ll^j  on  the 
meaning  of  which  the  Jewish  doctors  of  the  period 
of  the  N.  T.  widely  differed ;  the  school  of  Sham- 
mai  seeming  to  limit  it  to  a  moral  delinquency  in 
the  woman,  whilst  that  of  Hillel  extended  it  to 
trifling  causes,  e.  </.,  if  tlie  wife  burnt  the  food  she 
was  cooking  for  her  husband."  The  Pharisees 
wished  perhaps  to  embroil  our  Saviour  with  these 
rival  schools  by  their  question  (JIatt.  xix.  3);  by 
his  answer  to  which,  as  well  as  by  his  previous 
maxim  (v.  31),  he  declares  that  but  for  their  hard- 
ened state  of  heart,  such  questions  would  have  no 
place.  Yet  from  the  distinction  made,  "  but  I  say 
unto  you,"  vv.  31,  32,  it  seems  to  follow,  that  he 
regarded  all  the  lesser  causes  than  "  fornication  " 
as  standing  on  too  weak  ground,  and  declined  the 
question  of  how  to  interpret  the  words  of  Moses. 
It  would  be  unreasonable,  therefore,  to  suppose  that 

()y  '^•^^  ■'"^D'!'?)  to  which  he  limited  the  remedy 
of  divorce,  Moses  meant  "fornication,"  i.  e.  adul- 
ter}", for  that  would  have  been  to  stultify  the  law 
"that  such  should  be  stoned"  (.John  viii.  5;  Lev. 
XX  lO).  The  practical  difficulty,  however,  which 
aticnds  on  the  doubt  which  is  now  found  in  inter- 
preting Moses'  words  will  be  lessened  if  we  consider, 
'flat   the   mere  giving  "a  bill  (or  rather  'book,' 

"Ipp)  of  divorcement "  (comp.  Is.  1. 1;  Jer.  iii.  8), 
would  in  ancient  times  require  the  intervention  of  a 


DIVORCE 


609 


a  aiishna,  Gittin,  Ix.  10.  R  Akibah  allows  divorce 
If  the  husband  merely  saw  a  wife  whose  appearance 
pl«u!«icl  him  better. 

39 


Levite,  not  only  to  secure  the  formal  correctness  of 
the  instrument,  but  because  the  art  of  writing  was 
then  generally  unknown.  I'his  would  bring  the 
matter  under  the  cognizance  of  legal  authority,  and 
tend  to  check  the  rash  exercise  of  the  right  by  the 
husband.  Traditional  opinion  and  prescriptive  prac- 
tice would  probably  fix  the  standard  of  the  m~)37, 

and  doubtless  with  the  lax  general  morality  which 
marks  the  decline  of  the  Jewish  polity,  that  stand- 
ard would  be  lowered  (Mai.  ii.  14-16).  Thus  the 
(Jemar.  Babyl.  Gittin,  9  (ap.  Selden,  de  Ux.  JItb. 
iii.  17)  allows  divorce  for  a  wife's  spinning  in  public, 
or  going  out  with  head  uncovered  or  clothes  so  ton. 
;is  not  properly  to  conceal  her  person  from  sight. 
But  the  absence  of  any  ciuse  in  point  in  the  period 
which  lay  neare.st  to  the  lawgiver  himself,  or  in  any 
save  a  much  more  recent  one,  makes  the  whole 
question  one  of  great  uncertainty.  The  case  of 
Phalti  and  Michal  is  not  in  point,  being  merely  an 
example  of  one  arbitrary  act  redressed  by  another 
(1  Sam.  XXV.  44;  comp.  2  Sam.  iii.  14-16).  Sel- 
den, quoting  {de  Ux.  JItb.  iii.  19)  Zohar,  Prcef. 
p.  8  b,  Ac,  speaks  of  an  alleged  custom  of  the  lius- 
liand,  when  going  to  war,  giving  the  wife  the  libel- 
lus  divortii ;  but  the  authority  is  of  sUght  value,  and 
the  fact  improbable.  It  is  contrary  to  all  known 
oriental  usage  to  suppose  that  the  right  of  quitting 
their  husband  and  choosing  another  was  allowed  to 
women  (Joseph.  Ant.,  xv.  7,  §  10).  Salome  is  noted 
(ibid.)  as  the  first  example  of  it  —  one,  no  doubt, 
derived  from  the  growing  prevalence  of  heathen 
laxity.  Hence  also,  probably,  the  caution  given  1 
Cor.  vii.  10.  Winer  is  surely  mistaken  (s.  v. 
Ehescheidunfi)  in  supposing  that  a  man  might  take 
back  as  wife  her  whom  he  had  divorced,  except  in 
the  cases  when  her  second  husband  had  died  or  had 
divorced  her.  Such  rasumption  is  contemplated 
by  the  lawgiver  as  only  possible  in  those  two  cases, 
and  therefore  is  in  them  only  expressly  forbidden 
(Jer.  iii.  1). 

For  the  view  taken  among  later  Jews  ci  this  sub  • 
ject,  see  .Joseph.  Ant.  iv.  8,  §  23,  xvi.  7,  §  3;  Vit. 
76,  a  writer  whose  practice  seems  to  have  been  in 
accordance  with  the  views  of  Hillel.  On  the  gen 
eral  subject,  Buxtorf,  dt  Sjxmsal.  et  Dicort.  pp. 
82-85;  Selden,  Ux.  Ueb.  iii.  17  ff.;  and  Mi- 
chaelis,  Luws  of  Moses,  ii.  336,  may  be  consulted. 

H.  H. 

*  Bivwce  in  the  New  Testament.  The  passages 
treating  of  divorce  are  found  in  Matt.  v.  31,  32, 
xix.  3-9,  Mark  x.  2-12,  Luke  xvi.  18,  1  Cor.  vii. 
10-16,  and  perhaps  Rom.  vii.  2,  3,  which  however 
has  little  or  no  bearing  on  our  subject.  If  our 
Lord,  as  is  probable,  spoke  of  divorce  more  than 
once,  the  passage  in  Luke  harmonizes  with  that  in 
Matt,  v.,  —  as  the  comparison  of  Matt.  v.  18  with 
Luke  xvi.  17  shows,  —  and  the  passage  in  Mark 
with  that  in  Matt.  xix. 

In  the  Gospels  only  airoKvo},  in  1  Cor.  vii.  ^at- 
pi^ofiat  and  a(f>'n}fx,t  denote  separation  of  married 
parties.  All  three  are  used  of  an  act  proceeding 
from  either  sex,  but  the  second,  and  probably  the 
third,  is  used  in  a  wider  sense  than  the  first.  Id 
classical  Greek  aTtoiriixirw  said  of  the  husband'f 
act,  and  airoKilirai  chiefly  but  not  exclusively  of 
the  wife's  act,  are  the  terms  in  best  use,  but  a.voK{'<t 
and  perhaps  other  words  are  to  be  met  with. 

Our  Lord's  declarations  may  be  suiunied  up 
under  the  following  heads.  (I.)  The  practice  al- 
lowed by  the  Mosaic  law  of  putting  away  a  wife 
witr.out  crime  on  her  part,  and  on  the  ground  ol 


610 


DIVORCE 


lome  personal  dislike  or  disgust,  is  opjxised  to  the 
original,  divine  idea  of  marriage,  according  to 
which  a  man  and  his  wile  are  joined  together  by 
Giod  to  be  one  flesh,  and  are  not  to  be  put  asunder 
by  man.  (2.)  He,  therefore,  who  puts  away  his 
wife  by  a  bill  of  divorce  without  her  crime,  causes 
her  to  commit  adultery  by  placing  it  within  her 
power  to  marry  another  man  (Matt.  v.  32).  Thus 
tven  the  party  who  suffers  the  divorce  is  criminal 
in  marrying  ayain.  (3.)  A  man  or  a  woman  who 
procures  a  di\'orce,  except  on  account  of  the  adul- 
tery of  the  other  party,  and  marries  another  per- 
son, commits  adultery.  (4. )  The  same  crime  rests 
on  one  who  contracts  man'iage  with  the  divorced 
person.  In  explanation  of  tliese  ordinances  of 
Christ,  we  remark  Jirst,  that  the  passages  in  Mat- 
thew alone  contain  qualifications  of  the  absolute 
unlawfulness  of  divorce,  —  irapeKrhs  \6yov  irop- 
velas,  and  fxij  ijrl  iropv(i<},— v/here  a  more  gen- 
eral word  iropvela  is  used  for  a  more  .special  one, 
fioixfio-,  ii'i'l  with  it  can,  aj'vrtior-l,  include  certain 
rare,  more  heinous,  sexual  crimes.  A  similar 
qualification  must  doubtless  l)e  understood  in  Mark 
X.,  Luke  xvi.,  and  1  Cor.  vii.  10,  as  l)eing  too  ob- 
vious to  be  expressed,  since  the  act  referred  to  in 
Matthew  was  by  the  law  iiunishable  with  death, 
and  actually  destroyed  the  first  union  by  a  new 
union  (1  Cor.  vi.  16).  Sennu/ly,  Christ's  words  go 
no  further  than  to  say  that  a  man  who  marries  a  di- 
vorced woman  commits  adultery;  but  the  opposite 
ca.se,  that  of  a  woman  marrying  a  divorced  man,  is 
evidently  implied.  T/nrdly,  it  may  excite  surprise 
that,  when  a  wife  had  no  power  of  legal  repudi- 
ation, Mark  should  speak  of  a  woman  putting  away 
her  husband,  liut  Salome,  Herod's  sister,  did  this 
half  a  century  before  our  Lord's  ministry  began, 
and  doul)tless  without  formal  divorce  women  often 
forsook  their  husbands.  The  case  then  needed  to 
be  provided  for.  Fourthly,  with  "  her  who  is  di- 
vorced "  in  Matt.  v.  32,  irooe/crbs  \6yov  iropyeias 
is  not  to  be  understood,  and  consequently  marriage 
with  a  woman  divorced  on  account  of  adultery  is 
not  expressly  noticed.  Such  a  case  under  the  law 
could  not  occur,  as  such  a  person  would  suffer 
death.     (Comp.  Meyer  in  lt>c.) 

In  1  Cor.  vii.  two  cases  are  contemplated  by  Paul. 
The  first,  where  both  iJie  parties  are  believers  (vv. 
10,  11),  is  a  case  for  which  our  I>ord  had  already 
provided,  and  in  regard  to  which  the  Apostle  con- 
siders himself  as  merely  repeating  some  precept  of 
Christ,  such  a.s  we  find  in  the  Gospels.  Neither 
husband  nor  wife  is  to  separate  from  the  other. 
If  however  the  wife  —  for  some  reason  short  of  her 
husband's  crime,  we  must  suppose  —  should  be 
wparated  from  him,  she  is  to  remain  unmarried  or 
seek  reconciliation  to  him,  no  third  step  being 
tJlowal)le.  And  the  same  nde  must  hold  good  if 
the  husband  should  separate  himself  from  the  wife. 
Thus  the  Apostle  conceives  of  a  sejmration  which  is 
not  divorce  with  liberty  of  remarriage.  In  the 
other  case  (vv.  12-10),  one  of  the  parties  i.s  n  hea^ 
then  —  a  case  for  which  Christ  had  made  no  pro- 
vision. Here  separation  must  proceed  from  the 
heathen  party,  the  Christian  party  must  be  pas- 
sive. The  Christian  party  must  not  regard  such 
a  unio.x  with  a  heathen  as  unclean,  and  therefore 
seek  to  <lis.s<)lve  it,  for  the  marriage  relation  is  more 
hallowed  by  the  faith  of  the  believing,  than  pro- 
faned by  the  unbelief  of  the  heathen  party,  as  is 
etident  from  the  fact  that  the  children  are  holy. 
But  if  tlie  heathen  [wrty  withdraw  from  such  a 
'slan.  let  hiro  not  be  hindered  from  so  doing.     A 


DIVORCE 

believer  in  such  circumstances  is  not  const  lained  li 
endeavor  to  keep  up  the  union.  For  it  might  in- 
volve endless  discords,  whereas  God's  call  to  beheven 
contemplated  a  state  <  f  i)eace.  Nor  is  the  probabil- 
ity of  conversion  so  sti  ong  that  the  l)elieving  party, 
against  the  other's  will,  should  feel  an  urgency 
to  keep  up  the  union  in  the  hope  of  such  an 
event  (ver.  16,  to  which  another  turn  is  geneniUy 
given). 

Here  the  irajwrtant  question  arises,  whether  the 
Apostle's  words  allow  the  ("hristian,  thus  !«f  parated 
from  a  heathen,  to  marry  again.  The  Catholic 
Church,  although  disUking  divorce,  gives  in  this  sjie 
cific  case  an  affirmative  answer:  many  I'rotestantt 
are  on  the  same  side,  and  by  this  analogy  protect 
remarriage  in  cases  of  willful  desertion.  On  the 
intei-pretition  of  the  psissage  we  remark  Jirsf,  thai 
Xc«'p^C<'M'*')  l^eing  used  in  ver.  11  to  denote  a  sep 
aration  without  remarriage,  and  possibly  temiwrary, 
settles  nothing.  Secoyuliy,  Sov\6a)  is  not  decisi\e, 
since  the  extent  and  nature  of  the  constraint  are 
not  clearly  specified  (comp.  Meyer  in  loc).  The 
meaning  may  be  this :  that  the  believing  part}'  can 
regard  the  heathen  partner's  act  as  find,  and  so 
nml  not  feel  constrained  to  seek  to  live  with  or 
even  to  be  reconciled  to  him,  while  yet  the  Apostle 
in  such  a  case  would  disapprove  of  remarriage. 
This  indeed  is  aU  that  can  be  inferred  from  the 
next  words,  "  God  has  called  us  in  peace."  There- 
fore you  need  not  feel  bound  to  live  with  one  whose 
dift'erence  of  religion  or  disaffection  may  produce 
continual  jars.  "  l'"or  what  knowest  thou,  0  wife, 
whether  thou  shalt  save  thy  husband':'  "  etc.,  i.  <-. 
the  possibihty  of  something  so  desirable  is  not 
enough  to  constrain  you  to  keep  his  society.  Thus 
there  is  no  trace  of  the  thought  of  renuu-riage  in 
the  context.  Meyer,  He  Wettc,  Neander,  Stanley 
on  this  passage,  and  Tholuck  on  the  Sermon  on  the 
Mount,  unite  in  the  opinion  that  the  words  ot  the 
Apostle  do  not  necessarily  imply  remarriage.  And 
yet,  on  the  other  hand,  tliere  is  some  ground  for 
the  opinion  that  i'aul  contemplated  the  liijerty  of 
marrying  again.  For  otherwise  there  is  not  enough 
of  difference  Ijetween  the  Ai)ostle's  two  cases.  In 
the  first,  the  wife  is  to  remain  unmarried  or  be  rec- 
onciled to  her  husband.  In  the  second,  she  is  to 
remain  unmarried  —  according  to  the  supposition 
—  without  seeking  to  be  reconciled.  Is  this  enough 
to  constitute  a  new  case,  or  would  the  Ajwstle, 
regarding  this  as  something  novel  and  outside  of 
Christ's  direction,  make  so  little  change  in  the 
requirements'?  We  admit  the  force  of  these  con- 
siderations, yet  cleave  on  the  whole  to  the  ex- 
planation first  given,  which  idlows  our  Lord's  idea 
of  marriage  to  stand  with  regard  to  all  classes  of 
persons,  does  honor  in  conformity  with  the  Apostle's 
spirit  to  the  natural  relations,  and  yet  contemplates 
in  certain  cases  an  entire  and  final  sepiu^tion  a 
mensa  et  tlioro. 

The  phrase  "husband  of  one  wife"  in  1  Tim. 
iii.  2,  Titus  i.  0,  is  probably  to  be  understood  of 
successive  mairiages,  and  not  of  sinuiltaneous  polyg- 
amy, as  is  shown  by  1  Tim.  v.  9.  This  rule  fixing 
a  qualification  for  the  office  of  elders  nmst  have 
been  based  on  the  frequency  of  divorce  and  of  mar- 
riage with  divorce*!  women,  which  to  a  Christian 
woidd  appear  scandalous,  and  on  the  ground  of 
right  no  better  than  polygamy  itself.  Some  per- 
sons, who  ha<l  remarried  after  divorcing  their  wive* 
in  their  state  of  heathenism,  must  have  entertd  thf 
Christian  church,  and  tliere  might  be  no  reparatioc 
of  the  evil,  but  this  rule,  preventing  them  from  •• 


DIZAHAB 

Aaning  the  office  of  elder,  was  a  protest  in  behalf 
)f  the  sanctity  of  marriage. 

Our  I.«rd,  who  had  the  correction  of  one  'enor- 
mous practical  evil  before  his  ej'es,  has  not  noticed 
many  questions  concerning  marriage,  as  for  instance 
certain  disqualifications  which  would  render  it  void 
ab  initio,  but  has  left  these  to  the  practical  wisdom 
of  the  Christian  Church  and  the  Christian  State. 

T.  D.  W. 

*  See  furtiier  on  this  subject,  Prof.  Alvah  Hovey, 
The  Scfipturcd  Doctrine  of  JJivorce,  Boston,  1866, 
16mo;  Rev.  Joseph  Tra«y,  The  Bible  Doctrine  of 
Divorce,  in  the  Bibl.  Sacra  for  July,  I860;  and 
Prea.  T.  D.  Woolsey  in  the  New  Englander  for 
January,  April,  and  July,  1867.  A. 

DIZ'AHAB  O-TXX  "^'7:  Koraxpi^o-ea:  m6« 
nuri  est  plurimum),  a  place  in  the  Arabian  Desert, 
mentioned  Deut.  i.  1,  as  limiting  the  position  of 
the  spot  in  which  Moses  is  there  represented  a.s  ad- 
dressing the  Israelites.  It  is  by  liobinson  (i.  147, 
li.  187,  note)  identified  with  D  ihab,  a  cape  on  the 
W.  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Akibnh  about  two-thirds 
down  its  length :  see  further  under  Wii.ukkness. 
The  name  seems  to  mean  "  lord,"  i.  e.  "  possessor 

of  (Arab.   .3  and  ^j  =  Heb.  bl??)  gold;" 

[orperh.  ^1=wke7-e  is]  probably  given  from  that 
metal  having  been  there  found.    See  Gesen.  s.  v. 

H.  H. 
♦DOCTOR    iSiSd(TKa\os):   Luke   ii.    46,   or 
•'doctor  of  the  Law"  {vo/j.o5i5d(rKa\os),  Luke  v. 
17;  Acts  v.  34.     [Lawykk;  Kabbi;  Scribes.] 

A. 
DO'CUS"  (Ac<j/c;   [Aid.  A«/cos;]  Joseph.  Aa- 
ydu-  Dock :  SjT.  <J3J09,  Doak),  a  "  Uttle  bold  " 

(t^  oxvpcofidriov'-  immitiunculum)  near  Jericho 
(1  Mace.  xvi.  15,  comp.  verse  14)  built  by  I'tol- 
emseus  the  son  of  Abubus,  and  in  which  he  enter- 
tained and  murdered  his  father-in-law  Simon  Mac- 
cabaeus,  with  his  two  sons.  By  Josephus  {Ant. 
jciii.  8,  1;  B.  J.  i.  2,  3)  it  is  called  Dagon,  and  is 
eaid  to  have  been  "  one  of  the  fortresses  "  {ipv/xd- 
rwv)  above  .Jericho.     The  name  still  remains  in 

he  neighborhood,  attached  to  the  copious  and 
Bxcellent  springs  of  Ain-Duk,  which  burst  forth  in 
the  Wady  NawcVimeh,  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tain of  Quarantania  {Kuruntul),  about  4  miles  N. 
W.  of  Jericho.  Alwve  the  springs  are  traces  of 
ancient  foundations,  which  may  be  those  of  Ptol- 
emy's castle,  but  more  probably  of  that  of  the 
Templars,  one  of  whose  stations  this  was :  it  stood 
as  late  as  the  latter  end  of  the  13th  century,  when 
it  was  visited  by  Brocardus.  (See  Rob.  i.  571,  and 
the  quotations  in  572,  note   [and  also  his  Phys. 

Geogr.  p.  255].)  G. 

DO'DAI  [2  syl]  C^l'l"^  [amatory] :  A«5/a; 
fVat.  AcoSeia;  Alex.  Acoai'a;  Comp.  Aid.  with  17 
MSS.  AcoSat:]  Dudia),  an  Ahohite  who  com- 
manded the  course  of  the  2d  month  (1  Chr.  xxvii. 
4).  It  is  probable  that  he  is  the  «ame  as  Dodo, 
whose  name  in  the  Cetib  and  in  the  LXX.  is  Do- 
dai,  and  that  the  words  '•  Eleazar  sor  of"  have 
been  omitted  from  the  above  passage  in  Jhronicles. 
•"Dodo,  2.] 

DOD'ANIM    (D"?"?'"^:    'p6Bioi:   Dodanim), 


DODO  611 

Gen.  X.  4;  1  Chr.  i.  7  (in  some  copies  [of  the  lie- 
brew]  and  in  marg.  of  A.  V.  1  Chr.  i.  7,  Rodanim, 

□"*3T"l),  a  family  or  race  descended  from  Javan, 
the  son  of  Japhet  (Gen.  x.  4;  1  Chr.  i.  7).  Au- 
thorities vary  as  to  the  form  of  the  name:  the  He- 
brew text  has  both.  Dodanim  appears  in  the 
Syriac,  Chaldee,  Vulgr.te,  Persian,  and  Arabic  ver- 
sions, and  in  the  Targum  of  Onkelos;  liodanim  ia 
supported  by  the  LXX.,  the  Samaritan  version, 
and  some  early  writers,  as  Eusebius  and  Cosmas. 
The  weight  of  authority  is  in  favor  of  the  former; 
the  substitution  of  'P6S101  in  the  LXX.  njay  have 
arisen  from  familiarity  with  that  name  (comp.  liz. 
xxvii.  15,  where  it  is  again  substituted  for  Dedan). 
Dodanim  is  regarded  as  identical  with  Dardani 
(Gesen.  Thes.  p.  1266),  the  latter,  which  is  the 
original  form,  having  been  modified  by  the  change 
of  the  liquid  r  into  o,  as  in  Barmilcar  and  Bomil- 
car,  Hamilcar  and  Hamilco.  Thus  the  Targum 
of  .Tonatban,  that  on  Chronicles,  and  the  .Jerusalem 
Talmud  give  Dardania  for  Dodanim.  The  Dar- 
dani were  found  in  historical  times  in  lUyTicuni  and 
Troy:  the  former  district  was  regarded  as  their 
original  sdat.  They  were  probably  a  semi-Pelasgic 
race,  and  are  grouped  with  the  Chittim  in  the  gen- 
ealogical table,  as  more  closely  related  to  them  than 
to  the  other  branches  of  the  Pelasgic  race  (Kriobel, 
Volkertafel,  pp.  104  fF.).  The  similarity  of  the 
name  Dodona  in  Epirus  has  led  to  the  identifica- 
tion of  Dodanim  with  that  place ;  but  a  mere  local 
designation  appears  too  restricted  for  the  general 
tenor  of  Gen.  x.  Kalisch  (Comm.  on  Gen.)  iden- 
tifies Dodanim  with  the  Daunians,  who  occupied 
the  coast  of  Apulia;  he  regards  the  name  as  refer- 
ring to  Italy  generally.  The  wide  and  unexplained 
difference  of  the  names,  and  the  comparative  im- 
importance  of  the  Daunians,  form  objections  to  this 
view.  W.  L.  B. 

DODA'VAH    (ace.  Dodava'iiu;    ^imi'll 

^  '  TT 

[hve  of  Jehovah]:  AaiSia;  [Vat.  flSeia;]  Alex. 
nSia'-  Dodaau),  a  man  of  Maresha  in  Judah,  father 
of  I'^liezer  who  denounced  Jehoshaphat's  alli:ince 
with  Ahaziah  (2  Chr.  xx.  37).  In  the  Jewish  tra- 
ditions Dodavah  is  the  son  of  Jehoshaphat,  who 
was  also  his  uncle  (Jerome,  Qu.  Heb.  ad  loc). 

DO'DO.  1.  (ITT^  [amatory,  or  possibly  his 
uncle]:  AovSl  [Vat.  AovSer,  Alex.  AovSej]  and 
ActfStue  [Alex.  AwScoai]  :  patrmts  ejus),  a  man  of 
Bethlehem,  father  of  Elhanan,  who  was  one  of  Da- 
vid's "thirty"  capt-ains  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  24;  1  Chr. 
xi.  26).     He  is  a  different  person  from 

2.  [In  2  Sam.,  AouSi;  Vat.  -Set;  Alex.  2a»rej. 
in  1  Chr.  xi.  12,  AcoSoi':  patrmts  ejus.]  Dodo 
THE  Ahohite,  father  of  Eleazar,  the  2d  of  thf 
three  "mighty  men  "  who  were  over  the  "thirty" 
(2  Sam.  xxiii.  9;  1  Chr.  xi.  12).     He,  or  his  son 

—  in  which  case  we  must  suppose  the  words 
"Eleazar  son  of"  to  have  escaped  from  the  text 

—  probably  had  the  command  of  the  second 
monthly  course   (1  Chr.  xxvii.  4).     In  the  latter 

passage  the  name  is  Dodai  ("*1TT  :  AwSia,  Alex. 
Awaia  [see  in  full  under  Dodai]  ) ;  but  this  form 
occurs    in   the    Hebrew   text    (Cetib)  of  2    Sam 

xxiii.  9  (^T^),  and  in  the  LXX.  of  all;  and  in 
Josephus  (Ant.  vii.  12,  §  4,  AtcSuos);  and  is  be- 


o  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  whence  the  form 
if  the  name  used  iu  the  A.  A",  was  derived.  [Evi- 
Itntlv  from  the  .\l  iiue  editiuu,  01   one  founded  on  i^. 


as  that  of  Wechel,  Francof.  1&97.  which  also  haa  Um 
reading  Ai)c<K  —  A.] 


812  DOEG 

liewd  by  Kennicott  (Dissertation,  &c.  p.  134),  who 
has  examined  these  lists  with  great  minuteness,  to 
ae  the  correct  one.  The  .Jewish  tradition  (Jerome, 
Qu.  Ileb.  on  1  Chr.  xi.  12)  was,  that  Dodo  was 
the  brother  of  Jesse. 

3.  A  man  of  Issachar,  forefather  of  Tola  the 
Judge  (Judg.  X.  1).  ITie  LXX.  and  Vulg.  ren- 
derings are  remarkable ;  waTpaSeKcpov  aiirov  '■  pn- 
irui  Abimelech.  G. 

*  The    "remarkable    renderings"    referretl    to 

make  TT1^  =  -'his  uncle"  (not  a  proper  name). 
This  is  the  only  instance  (Judg.  x.  1 )  in  which  the 
lather  and  grandfather  of  a  judge  are  both  men- 
tioned. Hence  an  early  Jewish  interpretation  referred 

'^^^'^  to  Abimelech,  and  made  Puah,  Tola's  father, 
the  son  of  some  brother  or  sister  of  Gideon,  the 
Gither  of  Abimelech.  But  such  a  relationship  is 
impossible;  for  Tola  wa^  "a  man  of  Issachar," 
while  (jideon  was  a  Manassite  (Judg.  vi.  15).  Even 
supposing  there  was  a  sister  who  married  out  of  her 
tribe,  it  would  be  very  strange  to  have  the  descent 
traced  through  that  line  instead  of  the  father's 
(see  Cassel,  Richler  und  Ruth,  p.  97).  H. 

DCEG  O^i'^T  [fearful,  Gesen.  and  Fiirst]: 
Aw'^k;  [in  1  Sam.  xxii.  9,  Alex.  Awtj^:]  J^'Jt'j), 
an  Iduniean  (LXX.  and  Joseph.  Ant.  vi.  32,  §  1, 
&  'Zvpos)  chief  of  Saul's  herdmen  ("  having  charge 
of  the  mules").  He  was  at  Nob  when  Abimelech 
gave  David  the  sword  of  Goliath,  and  not  only  gave 
information  to  Saul,  but  when  others  declined  the 
office,  himself  executed  the  king's  order  to  destroy 
the  priests  of  Nob  with  tlieir  families,  to  the  num- 
ber of  85  persons,  together  with  all  their  property 
(1  Sam.  xxi.  7,  xxii.  9,  18,  22;  Ps.  lii.).  A  ques- 
tion has  arisen  on  the  nature  of  the  business  by 

which  he  was  "  detained  before  the  Lord  "  ("IV  V5» 
avvex^l^^'^os  Heea-aapdv-  intns  in  tabernacuh 
Domini).  The  difficulty  which  lies  in  the  idea  that 
Doeg  was  a  foreigner,  and  so  incapable  of  a  Naaa- 
rite  vow  (Mishn.  de  Votis,  ix.  ],  Surenh.),  is  ex- 
plained by  the  probable  supposition  that  he  was  a 
proselyte,  attending  under  some  vow  or  some  act 
of  purification  at  the  Tabernacle  (1  Sam.  xx.  18; 
Ant.  Snci:  Patrick,  Calmet;  Gesen.  p.  1059; 
Winer,  s.  v.  Doeg ;  Thenius,  nd  he.  in  Kurzg.  ex- 
eg.  Ilnndb.).  H.  W.  P. 

DOG  (27?  :  Kv<S)v,  Kwdptof-  canis),  an  ani- 
mal frequently  mentioned  in  Scripture.  It  was 
used  l>y  the  Hebrews  as  a  watch  for  their  houses 
(Is.  Ivi.  10),  and  for  guarding  their  flocks  (Job  xxx. 
1).  'Oien  also,  as  now,  troops  of  hungry  and  semi- 
wild  dogs  used  to  wander  about  the  fields  and 
streets  of  the  cities,  devouring  dead  bodies  and 
other  offal  (1  K.  xiv.  11,  xvi.  4,  xxi.  19,  2.3,  xxii. 
38;  2  K.  ix.  10,  36;  Jer.  xv.  3;  Ps.  lix.  6,  14), 
and  thus  became  such  objects  of  dislike  that  fierce 
and  cniel  enemies  are  poetically  styled  dogs  in  Ps. 
xxii.  16,  20.  Moreover  the  dc^  being  an  unclean 
animal  (Is.  Ixvi.  3 ;  Hor.  Ep.  i.  2,  26,  "  canis  im- 
mundus  et  amica  hito  sus"),  the  terms  dog,  dead 
dog,  dog's  head,  were  used  as  terms  of  reproach,  or 
of  humility  in  speaking  of  one's  self  (1  Sam.  xxiv. 
14;  2  Sam.  iii.  8,  ix.  8,  xvi.  9;  2  K.  viii.  13). 
Knox  relates  a  story  of  a  nobleman  of  Ceylon  who 
l)eing  asked  by  the  king  how  many  children  he 
lad,  replied  —  "  Your  Majesty's  dog  has  three  pup- 
pics."  Throughout  the  whole  Fast  "dog"  is  a 
term  of  reproach  for  impure  and  profane  persons, 
Mxd  iu  this  seu»3  is  us^  by  the  Jews  respecting 


DOR 

the  Gentiles  (Rev.  xxii.  15 ;  comp.  Schotlget*,  //iir 
Uehr.  i.  1145),  and  by  Mohammedans  respecting 
Christians.  The  wanton  nature  of  tlie  dog  ii 
another  of  its  characteristics,  and  there  can  be  nc 

doubt  tliat  3/3  in  Deut.  xxiii.  18  means  scoitum 

viiile,  i.  q.  ^1\^;  comp.  Ecclus.  xxvi.  25,  "A 
shameless  woman  shall  be  counted  as  a  dog,' 
Hesycli.  Kvvfs  avaiSeTs-  Stanley  (S.  <f  P.  p. 
350)  mentions  to  have  seen  on  the  very  site  of  Jez- 
reel  the  descendants  of  the  dogs  that  devoured  ucz- 
ebel,  prowling  on  the  mounds  without  the  walls  for 
offal  and  carrion  thrown  out  to  them  to  constime: 
and  Wood,  in  his  Journal  to  the  source  of  the 
Oxus,  complains  that  the  dog  has  not  yet  arrived 
at  his  natural  position  in  the  social  state.  We 
still  use  tlie  name  of  one  of  the  noblest  creatures 
in  tlie  world  as  a  tenn  of  contempt.  To  ask  an 
Uzbek  to  sell  his  wife  would  be  no  affront,  but  to 
ask  him  to  sell  his  dog  an  unpardonable  insult  — 
Suggeeferosh  or  dog-seller  being  the  most  offensive 
epithet  that  one  Uzbek  can  apply  to  another.  The 
iwlditiou  of  the  article  (tojs  Kvvapiois,  Matt.  xv. 
20;  Mark  vii.  27)  implies  that  the  presence  of  dogs 
was  an  ordinary  feature  of  I'-astem  life  in  our  Sav- 
iour's time. 

As  to  the  etymology  of  the  word,  Bochart  thinks 
that  it  has  reference  to  the  firmness  and  tenacity 

G^o    ^ 
of  a  dog's  bite,  and  compares  'SjJl^S  =fo^-cipe» ; 
but  this  word  is  more  probably  itself  derived  from 

S   o   ^ 
v..^  ^—^}  a  dog. 

The  root  of  3^3  is  an  unused  verb  3  j?,  to 
strike  ^=  Germ,  klajjpen;  and  thence  to  bark=. 
Germ,  kldffen,  Fr.  clapir.  W.  D. 

*  Dietrich  assigns  a  different  meaning  to  2  _  3  : 
to  take,  seize,  and  hence,  as  applied  to  the  dog. 
"  the  seizer  "  (harpax).  See  his  addition  in  Ges. 
Heln:  und  Chald.  Handw.  p.  409  (6t€  Aufl.). 

H. 

DOORS.     [Gates.] 

DOPH'KAH  (ni^S^  [catae-dnvmg,  plac< 
of,  Fiirst] :  'faipaKd  [Alex.  Po^a/co»'],  the  LXX. 
apparently  reading  "1  for  T :  Daphca),  a  place  men- 
tioned Num.  xxxiii.  12,  as  a  station  in  the  Desert 
where  the  Israelites  encamped ;  see  Wildkkkkss. 

H.  H. 

DOR  C^^"^  and  "^S^  [a  habitation^  Josh 
xvii.  11;  1  K.  iv.  11;  [in  Judg.  i.  27  and  1  Chr 
vii.  29,  Ac5p ;  in  Josh,  and  1  Kings,  ^evatSZdp., 
^(KpOaSdip,  etc.;]  1  Mace.  xv.  11,  [13,]  Awpa),  an 
ancient  royal  city  of  the  Canaanites  (Josh.  xii.  23), 
whose  ruler  was  an  ally  of  Jabin,  king  of  Hazor, 
against  Joshua  (Josh.  xi.  1,  2).  It  was  probably  the 
most  southern  settlement  of  the  Phoenicians  on  the 
coa.st  of  Syria  (Joseph.  Vit.  8;  Ant.  xv.  9,  §  8).  Jo- 
sephus  describes  it  as  a  maritime  city,  on  the  west 
border  of  Manasseh  and  the  north  border  of  Dan 
{Ant.  v.  1,  §  22,  viii.  2,  §  3;  B.  J.  i.  7,  §  7),  near 
Mount  Carniel  (c.  Apion.  ii.  10).  One  oW  author 
tells  us  that  it  was  founded  by  Dorus,  a  son  of 
Neptune,  while  another  affirms  that  it  was  built  by 
the  Phflpnicians,  because  the  neighboring  rocky 
shore  abounded  in  the  small  shell-fish  from  which 
they  got  the  purple  dye  (Steph.  H.  s.  v. ;  Heland, 
Pa'heslina,  p.  739).  It  appears  to  have  l)een  withi* 
the  tenltory  of  the  tribe  of  Asher,  though  allotted 


DORA 

bo  Maaasseh  (Josh.  xvii.  11;  Judg.  i.  27).  The 
original  inhabitants  were  never  expelled ;  but  during 
the  prosperous  reigns  of  David  and  Solomon  they 
were  made  tributary  (Judg.  i.  27,  28),  and  the  lat- 
ter monarch  stationed  at  Dor  one  of  his  twelve  pur- 
veyors (1  K.  iv.  11).  Tryphon,  the  murderer  of 
Jonathan  Maccabeeus  and  usurper  of  the  throne  of 
Syria,  having  sought  an  asylum  in  Dor,  the  city 
was  besieged  and  captured  by  Antiochus  Sidetes 
(1  Mace.  XV.  11 ).  It  was  subsequently  rebuilt  by 
Gabinius  the  Roman  general,  along  with  Samaria, 
Ashdod,  and  other  cities  of  Palestine  (Joseph.  Ant. 
xiv.  5,  §  3),  and  it  remained  an  important  place 
during  the  early  years  of  the  Roman  rule  in  Syria. 
Its  coins  are  numerous,  bearing  the  legend  Acopa 
iepd  (VaiUant,  Num.  /mpp.).  It  became  an  epis- 
copal city  of  the  province  of  Pakestina  Prima,  but 
was  already  ruined  and  deserted  in  the  fourth  cent- 
ury (Ilieron.  in  Epitaph.  PauJm). 

Of  the  site  of  Dor  there  can  be  no  doubt.  The 
descriptions  of  Josephus  and  Jerome  are  clear  and 
full.  The  latter  places  it  on  the  coast,  "  in  the 
ninth  mile  from  Csesarea,  on  the  way  to  Ptole- 
mais  "  ( Onom.  s.  v.  Dcrra).  Just  at  the  point  in- 
dicated is  the  small  village  of  TantHra,  probably  an 
Arab  corruption  of  Dora,  consisting  of  about  thirty 
houses,  wholly  constructed  of  ancient  materials. 
Three  hundred  yards  north  are  low  rocky  mounds 
projecting  into  the  sea,  covered  with  heaps  of  rub- 
bish, massive  foundations,  and  fragments  of  col- 
umns. The  most  conspicuous  ruin  is  a  section  of  an 
old  tower,  30  ft.  or  more  in  height,  which  forms  the 
landmark  of  Tantura.  On  the  south  side  of  the 
promontory,  opposite  the  village,  is  a  little  harbor, 
partially  sheltered  by  two  or  three  small  islands. 
A  spur  of  Mount  Carmel,  steep  and  partially 
wooded,  runs  parallel  to  the  coast  line,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  about  a  mile  and  a  half.  Between  its 
base  and  the  sandy  beach  is  a  rich  and  beautiful 
plain  —  this  is  possibly  the  "border,"  "coast,"  or 

"  region "  of  Dor  (nQ3  in  Hebrew,  Josh.  xi.  2, 
xii.  23;  1  K.  iv.  11)  referred  to  in  Scripture.  The 
district  is  now  almost  wholly  deserted,  being  ex- 
posed to  the  raids  of  the  wild  Bedawin  who  pas- 
ture their  flocks  on  the  rich  plain  of  Sharon. 

J.  L.  P. 

DOliA  (Acopo:  Dora).  1  Mace.  xv.  11,  13, 
25.     [DoK.] 

DORCAS.    [T.vBiTHA.] 

DORYM'ENES  (Aopvfj.^vvs  [Doryminus]), 
father  of  Ptolemy,  surnamed  Macron  (1  Mace.  iii. 
38;  2  Mace.  iv.  45).  As  this  Ptolemy  was  in  the 
service  of  Ptolemy  Philometor,  king  of  Egypt,  be- 
fore he  deserted  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  it  is  prob- 
able that  his  father  Dorymenes  is  the  same  Dorym- 
enes  who  fought  against  Antiochus  the  Great 
(Polyb.  v.  61). 

DOSITH'EUS  (Aaxrleeos--  Dositheus).  1. 
One  of  the  captains  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  in  the 
uittle  against  Timotheus  (2  Mace.  xii.  19,  24). 


a  This  passage  was  a  great  puzzle  to  the  o!d  geogra- 
pi^ers,  not  only  from  the  corrupt  reading,  xouSai'a? 
■nentioned  above  [which  the  A.  V.  derived  from  the 
\ldine  edition;  Uom  Tat.  Sin.  read  AujTaias,  Alex. 
A»Teas],  but  also  from  the  expression  still  found  in 
the  text,  ToO  irpiovo^  tou  it.eya.Kov  \  A.  V.  "  the  great 
ttrait;"  literally,  "the  great  saw."  The  knot  wa» 
mt  by  Ueland,  who  conjectured  most  ingeniously  that 

xpimv  was   tlie    translation    of  nV.27^     Massor  =  a 


DOTHAN  613 

2.  A  horse-soldier  of  Bacenor's  company,  a  man 
of  prodigious  strength,  who,  in  attempting  to  cap- 
ture Gorgias,  was  cu*  down  by  a  Thracian  (2  Mace, 
xii.  35). 

3.  The  son  of  Driraylus,  a  Jew,  who  had  re- 
nounced the  law  of  his  fathers,  and  was  in  the 
camp  of  Ptolemy  Philopator  at  Raphia  (3  Mace.  i. 
3).  He  appears  to  have  frustrated  the  attempt  of 
Theodotus  to  assassinate  the  king.  According  tc 
the  Syriac  Version  he  put  in  the  king's  tent  a  man 
of  low  rank  {&(r7)fx6v  riva),  who  was  slain  instead 
of  his  master.  Polybius  (v.  81)  tells  us  it  was  the 
king's  physician  who  thus  perished.  Dositheus 
was  perhaps  a  chamberlain.  W.  A.  W. 

4.  {AoffiQeos  [Alex.  AuffiQeos'-,  FA.i  AwauSe, 
FA.'^  Acixret^eoy:  Dosithem'].)  "  A  priest  and  Le- 
vite,"  who  carried  the  translation  of  Esther  to 
Egypt  (Esth.  xi.  1).  It  is  scarcely  likely  that  he 
is  identical  with  the  Dositheus  who  is  mentioned 
by  Josephus  (c.  Apion.  ii.  5)  as  one  of  the  "com- 
manders of  the  forces  "  of  Ptol.  VI.  Philometor, 
though  he  probably  Uved  in  the  reign  of  that  mon- 
arch. B.  F.  W 

DOTHA'IM.     [DoTHAN.] 

DO'THAN   (once  X^rh,  Dotha'in,  and  in 

contracted  form  ^Hl;  possibly  =r  iiw  welU  — 
Gesen.  pp.  332,  568;  [Vat.  Alex.  Sin.]  AooQaun, 
[Rom.]  Awdai'/i  [exc.  in  Gen.,  where  it  has  Aa>- 
Oaeifj.]  ■  Dothain  [in  2  K.  Dothan,  but  ed.  1590 
Dothaiii]),  a  place  first  mentioned  (Gen.  xxxvii.  17; 
in  connection  with  the  history  of  Joseph,  and  ap- 
parently as  in  the  neighborhood  of  Shechem.  It 
next  appears  as  the  residence  of  Elisha  (2  K.  vi. 
13),  and  the  scene  of  a  remarkable  vision  of  horses 
and  chariots  of  fire  surrounding  "  the  mountain  " 

(""inrr),  on  which  the  city  stood.  It  is  not  again 
mentioned  in  the  0.  T. ;  but  later  still  we  encoun- 
ter it  —  then  evidently  well  known  —  as  a  landmark 
in  the  account  of  Holofernes'  campaign  against  Be- 
thulia  (Jud.  iv.  6,  vii.  3,  18,  viii.  3).  The  change 
in  the  name  Dothaim  is  due  to  the  Greek  text, 
from  which  this  book  is  translated.  In  the  Vat. 
and  Alex,  and  Vulg.  text  —  it  is  also  mentioned  in 
Jud.  iii.  9,  where  the  A.  V.  has  "  Judea"  ('lov- 
Saias  for  Aajraias),"  and  all  these  passages  testify 
to  its  situation  being  in  the  centre  of  the  country 
near  the  southern  edge  of  the  great  plain  of  Es- 
draelon. 

Dothain  was  known  to  Eusebius  ( Onomasticon), 
who  places  it  12  miles  to  the  N.  of  Sebaste  (Sama- 
ria) ;  and  here  it  has  been  at  length  discovered  in 
our  own  times*  by  Mr.  Van  de  Velde  (i.  364,  &c.] 
and  Dr.  Robinson  (iii.  122),  still  bearing  its  ancient 
name  unimpaired,  and  situated  at  the  south  end 
of  a  plain  of  the  richest  pasturage,  4  or  5  miles 
S.  W.  of  Jenin,  and  separated  only  by  a  swell  or 
two  of  hills  from  the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  The  Tell 
or  mound  on  which  the  ruins  stand  is  described  as 
very  large  ("huge,"  Van  de  Velde,  i.  364);  at  its 
southern  foot  is  still  a  fine  spring.     Close  to  it  is 


saw,  which  was  a  corruption  of  ^127"*^    Mis/ior  =» 
"  the  plain  "  (Aeland   pp.  742,  743). 

6  It  is  right  to  say  that  the  true  site  of  Dothan  wm 
known  to  the  Jemsh  traveller  Rabbi  ha-Parchi,  a.  s 
1300  (see  Zunz's  extract  in  notes  to  Benjamin  of  Tu- 
dela,  Asher's  ed.  ii.  434),  and  to  Schwarz,  a.  d.  184i 
(p.  168);  but  neither  of  these  travellers  gives  any  »f- 
count  of  Uit)  site. 


614 


DO  TO  WIT 


an  ancienl  road,  running  N.  and  S.,  the  remains 
of  the  massive  (JewisliV)  pavement  of  which  are 
•till  dujtinguishable  (Van  de  Velde,  pp.  3G9,  370.'>. 
The  great  road  from  Btisdn  to  Egypt  also  passes 
near  Dothan  (Kob.  iii.  122).  The  traditional  site 
was  at  the  Kh(in  Jvbb  Yusiif  near  Ttll  Hum,  at 
the  N.  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  (See  the  quotations 
in  Kob.  ii.  419.)  It  need  hardly  be  said  that  this 
position  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  requirements 
of  the  namitive.  G. 

*  It  shows  the  tenacity  of  the  ancient  names 
tliat  the  name  of  Duihan  still  clings  to  this  site, 
though  no  village  exists  or  hiis  existed  there  for  a 
long  period.  Near  the  ruins  are  now  large  cisterns 
(from  which  no  doubt  the  name  was  derived),  such 
as  in  that  country  are  liable  at  times  to  be  left  dry, 
as  happened  to  be  true  of  the  one  into  which  Jo- 
seph was  put  by  his  brothers  (Porter,  in  Kitto's 
Dailij  Blbl.  lUustr.  i.  345,  ed.  18G0).  Its  situation 
on  tlie  present  line  of  travel  from  I'2;ist-Jordan  to 
Egypt  confirms  the  truth  of  the  Biblical  history; 
for  it  is  implied  (Gen.  xxxvii.  28)  that  the  Dothan 
of  jNIoses  was  on  the  great  thoroughfare  which  led 
from  (Jilead  beyond  the  Jordan  to  the  great  centre 
of  traffic  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile.  Mr.  Tristram 
{Land  of  Israel,  p.  134,  2d  ed.)  speaks  of  meet- 
ing there  "  a  long  caravan  of  mules  and  asses  laden  " 
(like  tlie  Ishmaelites  of  old),  "on  their  way  from 
Damascus  to  Egypt."  See  also  Asher's  Jtinerary 
of  Benjamin  of  Tmkla,  ii.  434,  and  BM.  Sacra, 
X.  122.  Precisely  here  is  found  at  the  present  day 
"the  best  pasturage  in  all  that  region,"  and  thus, 
though  the  narrative  is  silent  as  to  the  reason  why 
the  sons  of  Jacob  went  from  Shechem  to  Dothan, 
we  see  that  it  is  the  very  place  which  herdsmen, 
such  as  they  were,  would  naturally  seek  after  hav- 
ing exhausted  the  supplies  of  their  previous  pasture- 
ground.  It  is  distant  from  Shechem  about  12 
miles  northward,  and  could  be  easily  reached.  The 
Tell  or  hill  on  which  the  ruins  are  now  seen  shows 
itself  twice  in  the  brief  account  of  Elisha:  it  en- 
ables us  to  see  how  the  king  of  Syria  could  station 
his  forces  so  as  to  "  compass  the  city,"  and  how 
'•  the  mountain "  could  appear  to  the  prophet's 
servant  "  full  of  horses  and  chariots  of  fire  "  (2  K. 
vi.  15,  17).  H. 

*  DO  TO  WIT  (A.  V.  2  Cor.  rai.  1),  is  a 
phrase  now  wholly  obsolete,  meaning  to  mnlce  known. 
"Do"  was  formerly  used  with  other  verbs  in  the 
same  way,  in  the  sense  of  "to  make,"  "to  cause." 
See  Eastwood  and  Wright's  Bible  Word-Book,  pp. 
162, 163.  A. 

DOVE  {Ymah,T\y^'^'.  irtpurrepi:  columbn). 
The  first  mention  of  this  bird  occurs  in  Gen.  viii., 
where  it  apptuirs  as  Noah's  second  messenger  sent 
forth  from  the  ark  to  ascertain  if  the  waters  had 
abated,  and  returns  from  its  .second  mission  with 
an  olive  leaf  in  its  mouth.  The  dove's  rapidity  of 
flight  is  alluded  to  in  Ps.  Iv.  6;  the  beauty  of  its 
plumage  in  Ps.  Ixviii.  13;  its  dwelling  in  the  rocks 
and  valleys  in  Jer.  xlviii.  28  and  Ez.  vii.  16;  its 
mournful  voice  in  Is.  xxx\-iii.  14,  lix.  11 ;  Nah.  ii. 
7;  its  harmlessness  in  Matt.  x.  16;  its  simplicity 
in  Hos.  vii.  11,  and  its  amativeness  in  Cant.  i.  15, 
li.  14,  (fee."  The  last  characteristic,  according  to  Ge- 
leuius,  is  the  origin  of  the  Hebrew  word,  from  an 


DOVE'S  DUNG 

unused  root  ^T*  (^  V),  to  grow  warm  (comp.  Asm 
^^wj^.,  to  burn  with  anger,  and  Gr.  laiV») 
None  of  the  other  derivations  proposed  for  thi 
word  are  at  all  probable;  nor  can  we  with  Winer 
regard  a  word  of  this  form  a.s  primitive.    It  is  si' 

ilar  to  n2ll3,  from  the  root  !31tD.     Doves 
kept  in  a  domesticated  state  in  many  parts  of  ti 
East.     The  pigeon-cot  is  an  universal  feature  !• 
the  houses  of  Upper  Egjpt.     In  Persia   pigeo 
houses  are  erected  at  a  distance  from  the  dwellii 
for  the  purpose  of  collecting  the  dung  as  manu.. 
There  is  probably  an  allusion  to  such  a  custom  Lri 
Is.  Ix.  8.     Stanley  {&.  c^  P.  p.  257),  speaking  of 
Ascalon  as  the  haunt  of  the  Syrian  \'enus,  says ' 
"  Her  temple  is  destroyed,  but  the  sacred  doves  — 
sacred  by  immemorial  legends  on  the  spot,  and  cel- 
ebrated there  even  as  late  as  Eusebius  —  still  fill  with 
their  cooings  the  luxuriant  gardens  which  grow  in 
the  sandy  hollows  within  the  ruined  widLs."     It  is 
supposed  that  the  dove  was  placed  upon  the  stand- 
ards of  the  Assyxians  and  Babylonians  in  honor  ol" 
Semiramis.     TibuUus  (i.  7)  says:  — 

"  Quid  referam  ut  volitet  crebras  intacta  per  urbes 
Alba  Palsestino  sancta  columba  Syro." 

This    explains    the    expression    in   Jer.    xxv.    38, 

"nyy^n  |"nn  "•D?!?,  "  from  before  the  fierceness 
of  the  dove,"  t.  e.  the  Assyrian  (comp.  Jer.  xJvi. 
16,  1.  16).  There  is,  however,  no  representation  of 
the  dove  among  the  sculptures  of  Nineveh,  so  that 
it  could  hardly  have  been  a  common  emblem  of  the 
nation  at  the  time  when  they  were  executed ;  and 
the  word  in  the  above  three  passages  of  Jeremiah 
admits  another  interpretation.  (See  Gesen.  Thes. 
p.  601  a.) 

In  2  K.  vi.  25,  in  describing  the  famine  in  Sa- 
maria, it  is  stated  that  "  the  fourth  part  of  a  cab 
of  dove's  dung  was  .sold  for  five  pieces  of  silver " 

(□^3V>nn,  Keri  C:^3V21 :    K6irpox>  wtpiarc 

pwv'    stercoris  columbarum).      □^Il'l^^'^n,  ».   e. 

^''^^^  ^TTl'  is  from  a  root  signifying  to  deposit 
ordure.  There  seems  good  reason  for  taking  this 
as  a  literal  statement,  and  that  the  straits  of  the 
besieged  were  such  that  they  did  not  hesitate  even 
to  eat  such  revolting  food  as  is  here  mentioned 
(comp.  Cels.  Hierobot.  ii.  32;  Maurer  on  2  K.  vi. 
25).  The  notion  that  some  vegetable  production  is 
meant  which  was  called  by  this  name,  may  be  com- 
pared with  the  fact  that  the  Arabs  call  the  herb  Kali 

vAJL^I  .t '  i    a  w^  =  sparrows'   dung,    and    in 

German  the  as(f(jetida  is  called  Ttuftlsdreck. 

W.  D. 

DOVE'S    DUNG    (C'Drnn,  chiryimmi 

Keri,  C^  l"'31,  dibyi'mtm:  K&irpoi  irepiffTtpivi 
ster'cuK  columbarum).  Various  explanations  hf.ve 
been  given  of  the  passage  in  2  K.  vi.  25,  which 
descril)e.s  the  famine  of  Samaria  to  have  been  sc 
excessive,  that  "  an  ass's  head  was  sold  for  fourscore 
pieces  of  silver,  and  the  fourth  part  of  a  cab  of 
dove's  dung  for  five  pieces  of  silver."    The  old  ver- 


c  *  Thomson  (Lawrf  anrf  JBooi-,  i.  415-418)  describes    found  at  Damajwus,  whose  feathfrs,  all  except;  th# 


tery  ftJly  the  habit*  of  the  Enstem  dove,  and  shows 
iow  exactly  they  illustrate  the  Scripture  allusionii  to 
tUs  bird      The  Psahniat  in  Ixviii.  13  "  refers  to  a  kind 


wings,  are  literally  as  yellow  as  ^old 
small,  and  [often]  kept  in  cagos." 


they  are  ver* 
H 


DOVE'S  DUNG 

lioOf  and  very  many  ancient  comment  itors  are  in 
&vor  of  a  literal  interpretation  of  the  Hebrew  word. 
Bochart  (Hieroz.  ii.  572)  has  labored  to  show  that 
it  denotes  a  species  jf  c/cer,  "  chick-pea,"  which 

he  says  the  Arabs  call   usiidn   (^^Li**/' j,  and 

sometimes  improperly,  dove's  or  span-ow's  diuig. 
Linnaeus  suggested  that  the  ddryonim  may  signify 
tlie  Ornitlaxjnlum  umbelhilum,  "  Star  of  Bethle- 
hem." On  this  subject  the  late  Dr.  lulward  Smith 
remarks  {Etifjlish  Botany,  iv.  130,  ed.  1814):  "If 
Linnaeus  is  right,  we  obtain  a  sort  of  clew  to  the 
derivation  of  ornithoynluin  (birds'  milk),  which  has 
puzzled  all  the  etymologists.  May  not  this  obser- 
vation apply  to  the  white  fluid  which  always  accom- 
panies the  dung  of  birds,  and  is  their  urine  V  One 
may  almost  perceive  a  similar  combination  of  colors 
in  the  green  and  white  of  this  flower,  which  accords 
precisely  in  this  respect  with  the  description  which 
Dioscorides  gives  of  his  ornithogalum."  (See  also 
Linnajus.  Prcekctiones,  ed.  P.  D.  Giseke,  p.  287.) 
Spreugel  {Comment,  on  Dioscorides,  ii.  173)  is  in- 
clined to  adopt  the  explanation  of  Linnaeus.  Fuller 
{.Ifiscell.  Sacr.  vi.  2,  p.  721)  understood  by  the 
term  the  crops  of  pigeons  with  their  undigested 
contents.  Josephus  {Ant.  ix.  1)  thought  that  dove's 
dung  might  have  been  used  instead  of  salt.  Harmer 
{Observat.  ill.  185)  was  of  opinion,  that  as  pigeon's 
dung  was  a  valuable  manure  for  the  cultivation  of 
melons,  it  might  have  been  needed  during  tlie  siege 
af  Samaria  for  that  purpose.  Most  of  these  inter- 
pretations have  little  to  recommend  them,  and  ha\e 
been  refuted  by  Bochart  and  others.  With  regard 
to  Bochart's  own  opinion,  Celsius  {Hkrob.  ii.  30) 
and  Kosenmiiller  {Not.  ad  Bocharti  Hieroz.  ii.  582) 
have  shown  that  it  is  founded  on  an  error,  and  that 

he  confuses  the  .Arabic  ^jA*^,  the  name  of  some 

species  of  saltwort  {Salsola)  with  {ji^^^,  ctcer, 
a  "  vetch,"  or  chick-pea.  The  explanation  of  Lin- 
naeus appears  to  us  to  be  far-fetched ;  and  there  is 
no  evidence  whatever  to  show  that  the  Arabs  ever 
called  this  plant  by  a  name  equivalent  to  dove's 
dung.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  true  that  the  Arabs 
apply  this  or  a  kindred  expression  to  some  plants. 
Thus  it  was  sometimes  used  to  denote  a  kind  of 
moss  or  lichen  {Kuz-kendem,  Arabice);  also  some 
alkali-yielding  plant,  perhaps  of  the  genus  Salsola 
{tisknan,  or  tisndti,  Arab.).  In  fa\or  of  this  ex- 
planation, it  is  usual  to  compare  the  German 
Teufelsdreck  ("  devil's  dung  " )  as  expressive  of  the 
odor  of  asnfmlida  (see  Gesenius,  Thes.  p.  516). 
The  advocates  for  the  literal  meaning  of  the  expres- 
«ion,  namely,  that  dove's  dung  was  absolutely  used 
as  food  during  the  siege,  api)eal  to  the  following 
reference  in  Josephus  {B.  ./.  v.  13,  7):  "Some 
persons  were  driven  to  that  terrible  distress  as  to 
search  the  common  sewers  and  old  dunghills  of 
cattle,  and  to  eat  the  dung  which  they  got  there, 
and  what  they  of  old  could  not  endure  so  much  as 
to  look  ui)on  they  now  used  for  food;"  see  also 
Eusebius  {Eccles.  Hist.  iii.  6):  "Indeed  necessity 
forced  them  to  apply  their  teeth  to  every  thing; 
vnd  gathering  what  was  no  food  even  f-r  the 
filthiest  of  irrational  animals,  they  ievourea  it." 
Celsius,  who  ia  strongly  in  favor  of  the  literal 
meaning,  quotes  the  following  passage  fronj  Bru- 
soni  (  \fem€rnbil.  ii.  c.  41):  "  Cretenses,  obsidente 
Vletello,  ob  penuriam  vini  aquarumque  jumentorum 
irina  sitim  sedasse;  "  and  one  much  to  the  point 
Vom  a  Spanish  writer,  who  states  that  in  the  year 


DRAGON 


615 


i31fi  so  gi*eat  a  famine  distressed  tne  English,  that 
'•  men  ate  their  own  children,  dogs,  mice,  and 
piyeon's  diiny."  Lady  (Jalcott  {Script.  Herb.  p. 
130)  thinks  that  by  the  pigeon's  dung  is  meant  the 
(h-nit/wijalum  umbellatum.  We  cannot  allow  thif 
explanation;  because  if  the  edible  and  agreeable 
bulb  of  this  plant  was  denoted,  it  is  impossible 
it  shoidd  have  been  mentioned  by  tlie  Spanish 
chronicler  along  with  dogs,  mice,  &c.  As  an  ad- 
ditional argument  in  favor  of  the  literal  interpreta- 
tion of  the  pa.ssage  in  question  may  be  adduced  the 
language  of  Kabshakeh  to  the  Jews  in  the  time  of 
Hezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  27 ;  Is.  xxxvi.  12).  StiU  it 
must  be  confessed  there  is  difiiculty  m  believing 
that  so  vile  a  substance  should  ever,  even  in  the 
extremities  of  a  horrible  famine,  have  been  sold  a* 
the  rate  of  about  one  pint  for  six  shillings  and  four 
pence.  We  adopt,  therefore,  the  cautious  language 
of  Keil  {Comment.  1.  c):  "The  above-stated  facts 
prove  no  doubt  the  j)ossibility,  even  the  probability, 
of  the  litei-al  meaning,  but  not  its  necessity;  for 
wliich  reason  we  refrain,  with  Gesenius,  from  de- 
ciding." W.  H. 

*  Dr.  Thomson  agrees  with  those  who  think 
some  species  of  vegetable  food  may  be  meant,  which 
of  course  to  be  so  designated  must  have  been  very 
coarse  and  cheap.  "  'I'he  whimsical  title  may  have 
been  given  to  a  kind  of  bean,  on  account  of  some 
fancied  resemblance  between  the  two.  This  would 
not  be  at  all  surprising,  for  the  Arabs  give  the  most 
quaint,  oliscure,  and  ridiculous  names  to  their  ex- 
traordinary edible  mixtures."  See  Land  and  Book^ 
ii.  200.  H. 

DOWRY.  [Makriagk.] 
DRACHMA  {'SpaxfJ.'h'  drachma;  [Tob.  y. 
15;]  2  Mace.  iv.  19,  x.  20,  xii.  43;"  [3  Mace.  iii. 
28;]  Luke  xv.  8,  9),  a  Greek  silver  coin,  varying 
in  weight  on  account  of  the  use  of  different  talents. 
The  Jews  must  have  been  acquainted  with  three 
talents,  the  Ptolemaic,  used  in  l\gypt  and  at  T\Te, 
Sidon,  and  Berytus,  and  adopted  for  their  own 
shekels;  the  Phoenician,  used  at  Aradus  and  by 
the  Persians;  and  the  Attic,  which  wa-s  almost 
universal  in  Europe,  and  in  great  part  of  Asia. 
The  drachmae  of  these  talents  weigh  respectively, 
during  the  period  of  the  Maccabees,  about  55  grs. 
troy,  58-5,  and  66.  The  drachms  mentioned  in  2 
Mace,  ai-e  probably  of  the  Seleucidae,  and  therefore 
of  the  Attit  standard;  but  in  Luke  denarii  seem 
to  be  intended,  for  the  Attic  drachma  had  been  at 
that  time  reduced  to  about  the  same  weight  as  the 
Roman  denarius  as  well  as  the  Ptolemaic  drachma, 
and  was  wholly  or  almost  superseded  by  it.  This 
explains  the  remark  of  Josephus,  6  <tIk\os  .  .  • 
'ArrtKas  Se'xfTai  Spax/ACty  reffffapas  {Ant.  iii.  8 
§  2),  for  the  four  Ptolemaic  drachmae  of  the  shekel, 
as  equal  to  four  denarii  of  his  time,  were  also  equal 
to  four  Attic  drachmas  [Money;  Silver,  piece 
ok].  R.  S.  p. 

DRAGON.  The  translators  of  the  A.  V., 
apparently  following  the  Vulgate,  have  rendered  by 
the  same  word  "dragon"  the  two  Hebrew  words 

Tan,  ]ip,  and  Tanmn,  ']'^^P\.  The  similarity  of 
the  forms  o*"  the  words  may  easily  account  for 
this  confusion,  especially  as  the  masculine  plural 
of  the  former,  Tannim,  actually  assumes  (in  Lam. 
iv.  3)  the  form  Tannin,  and,  on  the  other  hand 
Tannim  ig  evidently  written  for  the  singular  Tan- 


«  In  the  first  and  sf'cond  of  these  passages  th  i  Vuig 
!  has  didrachma. 


616 


DRAGON 


■te  in  Ez.  xxix.  3,  xxxii.  2.  But  the  words  appear 
to  be  quite  distinct  in  meaning;  and  the  distinc- 
tion is  generally,  though  not  universally,  preserved 
by  the  LXX. 

I.  The  former  is  used,  always  in  the  plural,  in 
Job  XXX.  20;  Is.  xxxiv.  13,  xliii.  20  (o-eiflf^yes) ;  in 
Is.  xiii.  22  i^xTfot);  in  Jer.  x.  22,  xlix.  33  (ffrpov- 
doi);  in  Ps.  xliv.  19  {^61:00  KaKwa-fws);  and  in 
Jei-.  ix.  11,  xiv.  G,  U.  37;  Mic.  i.  8  (SpdKOfTes)- 
The  feminine  plural  ni3ri  is  found  in  Mai.  i.  3 ; 
a  passage  altogether  differently  translated  by  the 
^-^^-  It  is  always  applied  to  some  creatures  in- 
habiting the  desert,  and  connected  generally  with 

the  words  (131?^  ("ostrich")  and  "S  ("jackal"?). 
^^'e  should  conclude  from  this  that  it  refers  rather 
to  some  wild  beiist  than  to  a  serjjent,  and  this  con- 
clusion is  rendered  almost  certain  by  the  comparison 
of  the  taimiin  in  Jer.  xiv.  6,  to  the  wild  asses  snuff- 
ing the  wind,  and  the  reference  to  their  "  wailing  " 
in  Mic.  i.  8,  and  perhaps  in  Job  xxx.  29.  The 
Syriac  (see  Winer,  Jitalir.  s.  v.  Schakal)  renders  it 
by  a  word  which,  according  to  Pococke,  means  a 
"jackal  "  (a  beast  whose  peculiarly  mournful  howl 
in  the  desert  is  well  known),  and  it  seems  most 
probable  that  this  or  some  cognate  species  is  to  be 
understood  whenever  the  word  Urn  occurs. 


DREAMS 


II.  Ilie  word   Ummn,  ]"^3ri    (plur.    □"'j''2j?), 
is  always  rendered  as  ^dKcop  in  the  LXX.,' except 
in  Gen.  i.  21,  where  we  find  Kr\Tos.     It  seems  to 
refer  to  any  great  monster,  whether  of  the  land  or 
the  sea,"  being  indeed  more  usually  applied  to  some 
kind  of  serpent  or  reptile,  but  not  exclusiA'ely  re- 
stricted to  that  sense.     When  referring  to  the  sea 
it  is  used  as  a  parallel  to  ]  n^)b  ("  Leviathan  "),  as 
in  Is.  xxvii.  1;  and  indeed  this  latter  word  is  ren- 
dered in  the   LXX.  by  dpd.Ku>v  in  Ps.  Ixxiv.  14, 
civ.  26;  Job  xl.  20;  Is.  xxvii.  1;  and  by  f^^ya 
KrJTos  in  Job  iii.  8.     When  we  examine  special 
passages  we  find  the  word  used  in  Gen.  i.  21  of  the 
great  sea-monstei-s,  the  representatives  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  deep.     The  same  sense  is  given  to 
it  in  Ps.  Ixxiv.  13  (where  it  is  again  connected  with 
"Leviathan  "),  Ps.  cxlviii.  7,  and  probably  in  Job 
vii.  12  (Vulg.  cetus).     On  the  other  hand,  in  Ex. 
vii.  9,  10,  12;  Deut.  xxxii.  33;  Ps.  xci.  13,  it  refers 
to  land-serjjents  of  a  fwwerful  and  desTdly  kind. 
It  is  also  applied  metaphorically  to  Pharaoh  or  to 
Egypt  (Is.  li.  9;   Ez.  xxix.  3,  xxxii.  2;  perhaps 
Ps.  Ixxiv.  13),  and  in  that  case,  especially  as  feet 
are  attributed  to  it,  it  most  probal)ly  refers  to  the 
crocodile   as   the   well-known    emblem   of   Egypt. 
When,  however,  it  is  used  of  the  king  of  Babylon, 
as  in  Jer.  li.  34,  the  same  propriety  would  lead 
us  to  suppose  that  some  great  serpent,  such  as 
might  inhabit  the  sandy  plains  of  Babylonia,  is  in- 
tended .6 

ouch  is  the  usiige  of  the  word  in  the  0.  T.  In 
the  N.  T.  it  is  only  found  in  the  Apocalypse  (Rev. 
lii.  3,  4,  7,  9,  10,  17,  Ac),  as  appUed  metiphor- 
ically  to  "  the  old  serpent,  called  the  Devil,  and 
Satan,"  the  description  of  the  "dragon"  being 
dictated  by  the  symliolical  meaning  of  the  image 
-ather  than  by  any  reference  to  any  actually  exist- 
ing creature.  Of  similar  personification,  either  of 
»n  eyil  spirit  or  of  the  powers  of  material  Nature 
»8  distinct  from  God,  we  have  traces  in  the  exten- 


«  Gesenius  derives  it  from  an   obsolete   root  pP) 
to  01  tend."  " 


sive  prevalence  of  dragon  worship,  and  existence  ri 

dragon-temples  of  peculiar  serpentine  form,  the  UM 
of  dragon-standards,  both  in  the  East,  especially  it 
Egypt  (see  also  the  apocryphal  history  of  Bel  and 
the  Dragon),  and  in  the  \Vest,  more  |)articularly 
among  the  Celtic  tribes.  The  most  remarkable  of 
all,  perhaps,  is  found  in  the  (ireek  legend  of  Apollo 
as  the  slayer  of  the  Python,  and  the  supplanter  of 
the  serpent-worship  by  a  higher  wisdom.  The 
reason,  at  least  of  the  Scriptural  symbol,  is  to  be 
sought  not  only  in  the  union  of  gigantic  fwwer  with 
craft  and  malignity,  of  which  the  serpent  is  the 
natural  eml)lem,  but  in  the  record  of  the  seriwnt'a 
agency  in  the  temptation  (Gen.  iii.).     [Skrpknt.] 

A.  B. 
*  DRAGON-WELL  (Neh.  ii.  13,  A.  V  1, 
but  more  correctly  Fountain  (T)2?).     It  is  men- 
tioned in  the  account  of  Nehemiah's  night-excur- 
sion around  Jerusalem  (see  Neh.  as  abo>e).     It  is 
one  of  the  uncertain  points  in  the  topography  of 
the  ancient  city.     Holiinson  assigns  reasons  for  sup- 
posing it  was  a  later  name  for  the  Giiion,  which 
Hezekiah  stopped  up  or  concealed  at  the  time  of 
the  Assyrian  invasion  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  3,  4,  30),  near 
the  head  of  the  valley  on  the  west  of  Jenisalem 
{BM.  Jies.  i.   473,  514,  1st  ed.).     Barclay  {Cily 
of  the  Great  King,  p.  315,  1st  ed.)  also  places  it 
there,  and  conjectures,  among  other  explanations, 
that  the  name  may  have  come  from  the  figure  of  a 
dragon  sculptured   on   the  trough   or  curb-stone. 
The  LXX.  substitutes   Fountain  of   Figs  for  the 
Biblical  designation.     Sejjp  maintains  (Jerusalem 
u.  das  heil.  Lam/,  i.  272)  that  the  Dragon-well  of 
Nehemiah  w.as  the  Bethesda  of  the  N.  T.  (John  v. 
2),  and  that  Bethesda  is  the  present  Hniumam  esh- 
S/tefa  (Bath  of  Healing),  near  one  of  the  western 
avenues  to  the  mosque  of  Omar.     But  in  that  case 
the  Well  falls  within  Jerusalem,  and  not  outside  of 
it  so  as  to  be  within  the  jKith  of  Nehemiah's  circuit, 
whose  object  evidently  was  to  suney  the  ruins  of 
the  entire  city,  and  not  merely  those  of  Mount  Zion 
or  the  City  of  I)a\id  in  its  more  restricted  sense. 
[Jkkusaleji,   III.]     Sepp  traces  the  name  to  a 
popular  notion  of  some  connection  of  a  dragon  with 
the  intermittent  waters.     He  gives  some  curious 
proofs  of  the  prevalence  of  such  a  superstition  among 
various  nations.     (See  also  Hob.  BiU.  Jits.  i.  507, 
1st  efl.)     In  i-eganl  to  Hamviam  esli-She/a  it  may 
be  mentioned  tliat  Dr.  Wolcott  was  the  first  mod- 
ern traveller  who  explored  this  remarkable  well. 
See  an  interesting  account  of  the  adventure  in  the 
Bibl.  Sacrn,  1843,  pp.  24-28.  Tobler  (Lenkblatter, 
p.  73  ff.)  and  Barcl:iy  {('ily  of  the  Great  King,  p. 
531  ff.)  have  repeated  the  examination.  il. 

*DRAM.     [Daric] 

DREAMS  (niD'bn  :  Mnvia:  smnnin;  ^aff 
STrvov  in  LXX.,  and  Kar  uvap  in  St.  Matthew,  aw 
generally  use«l  for  "  in  a  dream  ").  The^ Scriptural 
reconl  of  (iod's  communication  with'  man  by 
dreams  h.is  been  so  often  supposed  to  involve  much 
difficulty,  tliat  it  seems  not  out  of  place  to  refer 
briefly  to  the  nature  and  characteristics  of  dreams 
generally,  before  enumerating  and  clas.sifying  the 
dreams  recorded  in  Scripture. 

1.  The  main  difference  between  our  sleeping  and 
wakuig  thoughts  appears  to  lie  in  this,  —  that,  ir 


6  The  application  of  Is.  xxvii.  1  appnars  u  ji«  n 
certain. 


UllEAMS 

riie  /onner  c<ise,  the  perceptive  faciucies  of  the  mind 
(the  sensational  [wwers,"  and  tlie  imagination  which 
sombines  the  impressions  derived  from  them)  are 
active,  while  the  reflective  powers  (the  reason  or 
judgment  by  which  we  control  those  impressions, 
and  distinguish  between  those  which  are  imaginary 
or  subjective  and  those  which  correspond  t«,  and 
are  piodueed  by,  olyective  realities)  are  generally 
asleep.  Milton's  account  of  dreams  (in  Par.  Lost, 
book  V.  100-113)  seems  as  accurate  as  it  is  strik- 
ing :  — 

"  But  know,  that  in  the  soul 
Are  many  lesser  faculties,  that  serve 
Reason  as  chief:  among  these  Fancy  next 
Her  oflloe  holds ;  of  all  external  things 
Which  the  five  watchful  senses  represent 
She  forms  imaginations,  aery  shapes, 
Which  Reason  joining'  or  disjoining,  trames 
All  what  we  affirm  or  what  deny,  and  call 
Our  knowledge  or  opinion  ;  then  retires 
Into  her  private  cell,  when  nature  rests." 

Thus  it  is  that  the  impressions  of  dreams  are  in 
themselves  vivid,  natural,  and  picturesque,  occa- 
sionally gifted  with  an  intuition  beyond  our  ordi- 
nary powers,  but  strangely  incongruous  and  often 
grotesque;  the  emotion  of  surprise  or  incredulity, 
which  arises  from  a  sense  of  incongruity,  or  of 
nnlikeness  to  the  ordinary  course  of  events,  being 
in  dreams  a  thing  unknown.  The  mind  seems  to 
be  surrendered  to  that  power  of  association  by 
which,  even  in  its  waking  hours,  if  it  be  inactive 
and  inchned  to  "musing,""  it  is  often  carried  through 
a  series  of  thoughts  coimected  together  by  some 
vague  and  accidental  association,  until  the  reason, 
when  it  starts  again  into  activity,  is  scarcely  able 
to  trace  back  the  slender  line  of  connection.  The 
difference  is,  that,  in  this  latter  case,  we  are  aware 
that  the  connection  is  of  our  own  making,  while  in 
sleep  it  appears  to  be  caused  by  an  actual  succes- 
sion of  events. 

Such  is  usually  the  case,  jet  there  is  a  class  of 
dreams,  seldom  noticed  and  indeed  less  common, 
but  recognized  by  the  experience  of  many,  in  which 
the  reason  is  not  wholly  asleep.  In  these  cases  it 
seems  to  look  on,  as  it  were,  from  without,  and  so 
to  have  a  double  consciousness :  on  the  one  hand 
we  enter  into  tlie  events  of  the  dream,  as  though 
real ;  on  the  other  we  have  a  sense  that  it  is  but  a 
dream,  and  a  fear  lest  we  should  awake  and  its 
pageant  should  pass  away. 

In  either  case  the  ideas  suggested  are  accepted 
by  the  mind  in  dreams  at  once  and  inevitably,  in- 
stead of  being  weighed  and  tested,  as  in  our  wak- 
ing hours.  But  it  is  evident  that  the  method  of 
such  suggestion  is  stiU  undetermined,  and  in  fact 
is  no  more  capable  of  being  accounted  for  by  any 
liingle  cause  than  the  suggestion  of  waking  thoughts. 
The  material  of  these  latter  is  supplied  either  by 
ourselves,  through  the  senses,  the  memory,  and  the 
miagination,  or  by  other  men,  generally  througli 
the  medium  of  words,  or  lastly  by  the  direct  action 
of  the  Spirit  of  God,  or  of  created  spirits  of  orders 
superior  to  our  own,  or  the  spirit  within  us.  So 
also  it  is  in  dreams.  In  the  first  place,  although 
memory  and  imagination  supply  most  oi  the  ma 
terial  of  dreams,  yet  physical  sensations  of  cold 
md  heat,  of  pain  or  of  relief,  even  actual  impres- 
jions  of  sound  or  of  light,  will  often  mould  or  sug- 


"  These  powers  are  to  be  carefully  distinguished 
as  in  Butler's  Analogy,  part  i.  c.  1)  from  the  organs 
hrooigh  which  they  sre  exercised  when  we  are  awake. 


DREAMS  61T 

gest  dreams,  and  the  physical  organs  of  speecli  wL'.' 
occasionally  be  made  use  of  to  express  the  emotion* 
of  the  dreamer.  In  the  second  pkice,  instances  have 
been  known  where  a  few  words  whispered  into  a 
sleeper's  ear  have  produced  a  dream  corresponding 
to  their  subject.  On  these  two  points  experience 
gives  undoubted  testimony ;  as  to  the  third,  it  can, 
from  the  nature  of  the  ca.se,  sjwak  but  vaguely  and 
uncertainly.  The  Scripture  declares,  not  as  any 
strange  thing,  but  as  a  thing  of  course,  that  the 
influence  of  the  Spirit  of  God  upon  the  soul  ex- 
tends to  its  sleeping  as  well  as  its  waking  thoughts. 
It  declares  that  God  communicates  with  the  spirit 
of  man  directly  in  dreams,  and  also  that  he  per- 
mits created  spirits  to  have  a  like  communication 
with  it.  Its  declaration  is  to  be  weighed,  not  aa 
an  isolated  thing,  but  in  connection  with  the  gen- 
eral doctrine  of  spiritual  influence;  because  any 
theory  of  dreams  must  be  regarded  as  a  part  of  the 
general  theory  of  the  origination  of  all  thought. 

II.  It  is,  of  course,  with  this  last  class  of  dreams 
that  we  have  to  do  in  Scripture.  The  dreams  of 
memory  or  imagination  are  indeed  referretl  to  in 
Eccl.  V.  3;  Is.  xxix.  8;  but  it  is  the  history  of  the 
Revelation  of  the  Spirit  of  God  to  the  spirit  of  man, 
whether  sleeping  or  waking,  which  is  the  propCT 
subject  of  Scripture  itself. 

It  must  be  obsen'ed  that,  in  accordance  with  the 
principle  enunciated  by  St.  Paul  in  1  Cor.  xiv.  15, 
dreams,  in  which  the  understanding  is  asleep,  are 
recognized  indeed  as  a  method  of  divine  revelation, 
but  placed  below  the  visions  of  prophecy,  in  which 
the  understanding  plays  its  part.*  It  is  true  that 
the  book  of  Job,  standing  as  it  does  on  the  basis  of 
"  natural  rehgion,"  dwells  on  dreams  and  "  visions 
in  deep  sleep"  as  the  chosen  method  of  God's 
revelation  of  himself  to  man  (see  Job  iv.  13,  vii. 
14,  xxxiii.  15).  But  in  Num.  xii.  0;  Deut.  xiii.  1, 
3,  5;  Jer.  xxvii.  9;  Joel  ii.  28,  Ac,  dreamers  of 
dreams,  whether  true  or  false,  are  placed  below 
"prophets,"  and  even  below  "  diviners;  "  and  sim- 
ilarly in  the  climax  of  1  Sam.  xxviii.  6,  we  read, 
that  "  the  Lord  answered  Saul  not,  neither  by 
dreams,  nor  by  Urim  [by  symbol],  nor  by  prophets." 
Under  the  Christian  dispensation,  while  we  read 
frequently  of  trances  {eKcrrdffeis)  and  visions  (ott- 
raalai,  dpa/jLara),  dreams  are  never  referred  to  aa 
vehicles  of  divine  revelation.  In  exact  accordance 
with  this  principle  are  the  actual  records  of  the 
dreams  sent  by  God.  The  greater  number  of  sucb 
dreams  were  granted,  for  prediction  or  for  warning, 
to  those  who  were  aliens  to  the  Jewish  covenant. 
Thus  we  have  the  record  of  the  dreams  of  Abimelech 
(Gen.  XX.  3-7);  Laban  (Gen.  xxxi.  24);  of  the 
chief  butler  and  baker  (Gen.  xl.  5);  of  Phai-aoh 
(Gen.  xh.  1-8);  of  the  Midianite  (Judg.  vii.  i:(): 
of  Nebuchadnezzar  (Dan.  ii.  1,  &c.,  iv.  10-18);  of 
the  Magi  (Matt.  ii.  12),  and  of  Pilate's  wife  (Matt, 
xxvii.  19).  Many  of  these  dreams,  moreover,  were 
symbolical  and  obscure,  so  as  to  require  an  niter - 
preter.  And,  where  dreams  are  recorded  as  means 
of  God's  revelation  to  his  chosen  servants,  they 
are  almost  always  referred  to  the  periods  of  their 
earliest  and  most  imperfect  knowledge  of  him.  Sc 
it  is  in  the  case  of  Abraham  (Gen.  xv.  12,  and 
perhaps  1-9),  of  Jacob   (Gen.   xxviii.   12-15),  of 

b  Z'ao  same  order,  as  being  the  natural  one.  is  foun<: 
in  the  earliest  record  of  European  mythology  — 

'AXV  ave  Stj  riva  fiai'Tti'  epeto/oiev,  t)  leprja 
*H  (ecu  offi.ponoKov,  «cai  ydp  T    ovap  ex  Aio?  etnu 
Horn.  11.  I.  6S 


318  DRESS 

Joseph  (Gen.  xxxvii.  5-10),  of  Solomon  (1  K.  iii. 
5),  and.  in  the  N.  T.,  of  Joseph  (Matt.  i.  20,  ii. 
l;j  J  9,  22).  It  is  to  be  observed,  moreover,  that 
they  belong  especially  to  the  earliest  age,  and  be- 
come less  frequent  as  the  revelations  of  prophecy 
increase.  The  only  exception  to  this  is  found  in 
the  dreams  and  "visions  of  the  night"  given  to 
Daniel  (ii.  19,  vii.  1),  apparently  in  order  to  put 
to  shame  the  falsehoods  of  the  Chald»an  belief  in 
prophetic  dreams  and  in  the  iwv^er  of  interpretation, 
and  yet  to  bring  out  the  truth  latent  therein  (comp. 
St.  Paul's  miracles  at  Ephesus,  Acts  xix.  11,  12, 
and  their  effect,  18-20). 

ITie  general  conclusion  therefore  is,  first,  tliat 
the  Scripture  claims  the  dream,  aj»  it  does  every 
other  action  of  the  human  mind,  as  a  medium 
through  which  God  may  speak  to  man  either 
directly,  that  is,  as  we  call  it,  "providentially,"  or 
indirectly  in  virtue  of  a  general  influence  upon  all 
his  thoughts ;  and  secondly,  that  it  lays  far  greater 
stress  on  that  divine  influence  by  which  the  under- 
standing also  is  affected,  and  leads  us  to  lielieve 
that  as  such  influence  extends  more  and  more, 
revelation  by  dreams,  unless  in  very  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances, might  be  expected  to  pass  away. 

A.  B. 

DRESS.  This  subject  includes  the  following 
particulars :  —  1.  Materials.  2.  Color  and  decora- 
tion. 3.  Name,  form,  and  mode  of  wearing  the 
various  articles.    4.  Special  usages  relating  thereto. 

1.  The  materials  were  various,  and  multiplied 
with  the  advance  of  civilization.  The  earliest  and 
simplest  robe  was  made  out  of  the  leaves  of  a  tree 

(n3MJ^,  A.  V.  "  fig-tree"  —  and  comp.  the  pres- 
ent Arabic  name  for  the  fig,  tin,  or  teen),  portions 
of  which  were  sewn  together,  so  as  to  form  an  apron 
(Gen.  iii.  7).  Ascetic  Jews  occasionally  used  a 
gimilar  material  in  later  times.  Josephus  ( Vit.  § 
2)  records  this  of  Baiius  {fffO/jri  fiev  airh  SevSpwv 
■Xj)d)fifvov) ;  but  whether  it  was  made  of  the  leaves, 
or  the  bark,  is  uncertain.  After  the  I'all,  the  skins 
of  animals  supplied  a  more  durable  material  (Gen. 
iii.  21),  which  was  adapted  to  a  rude  state  of 
society,  and  is  stated  to  have  been  used  by  various 
ancient  nations  (Diod.  Sic.  i.  43,  ii.  38;  Arrian, 
Ind.  cap.  7,  §  3).     Skins  were  not  wholly  disused 

at  later  periods:  the  adilereth  (H'^'iTS)  worn  by 
Elijah  appears  to  have  been  the  skin  of  a  sheep  or 
Bome  other  animal  with  the  wool  left  on :  in  the 
LXX.  the  word  is  rendered  finXwr-f)  (1  K.  xix.  13, 
19;  2  K.  ii.  13),  Sopd  (Gen.  xxv.  25),  and  btp^is 
(Zech.  xiii.  4);  and  it  maybe  connected  with  Sopd 
etymologically  (Saalschiitz,  Archaol.  i.  19);  Gesen- 
ius,    however,   prefers   the   notion   of    ampUtttde, 

"^^K,  in  which  case  it  =  "^"l!^  (Mic.  ii.  8 ; 
Thesnur.  p.  29).     The  same  material  is  implied  in 

the  description  ("I^C?  ^V?  It'^W  :  ^v>)^p  Satrvs, 
LXX.:  A.  V.  "h,airy  man,"  2  K.  i.  8),  though 
these  words  may  alsi)  be  understood  of  the  hair  of 
the  prophet;  and  in  the  comparison  of  Esau's  skin 
to  such  a  robe  ((ien.  xxv.  25).  It  was  characteris- 
tic of  a  prophet's  oflice  from  its  mean  api)earance 
(Zech.  xiii.  4;  cf.  Matt.  vii.  15).  Pelisses  of  sheep- 
«kin  "  still  form  an  ordinary  article  of  dress  in  the 
East  (Hurckhardt's  Notes  on  Bedotdns,  i.  50).  The 


o  The  sheep-skin  coat  18  frequcptly  represented  in  the 
Kulpturea  ot   Khorsabad :  it  was  made  with  sleeves, 


DRESS 

adderetli  worn  by  the  king  of  Nineveh  (Jon  iii.  6) 
and  the  "goodly  Babylonish  garment"  found  $i 
Ai  (Josh.  vii.  21),  were  of  a  different  character 
either  robes  trimmed  with  valual-le  furs,  or  th» 
skins  themselves  ornamented  with  embroidery.  The 
art  of  weaving  hair  was  known  to  the  Hebrews  at 
an  early  jieriod  (Ex.  xxvi.  7,  xxxv.  6);  the  sack- 
cloth used  by  mourners  wjvs  of  this  material  [Sack- 
cloth], and  by  many  writers  the  nddereth  of  the 
prophets  is  supposed  to  have  been  such.  John  the 
Baptist's  robe  was  of  camel's  hair  (Matt.  iii.  4), 
and  a  similar  material  was  in  common  use  among 
the  poor  of  that  day  (Joseph.  B.  ./.  i.  24,  §  3). 
probably  of  goats'  hair,  which  was  employed  in  tlie 
Roman  c'diciuin.  At  what  period  the  use  of  wool, 
and  of  still  more  artificial  textures,  such  as  cotti  n 
and  linen,  became  known  is  uncertain :  the  first  of 
these,  we  may  presume,  was  introduced  at  a  very 
early  period,  the  flocks  of  the  pastoral  families  being 
kept  partly  for  their  wool  (Gen.  xxxviii.  12):  it 
was  at  all  times  largely  employed,  particularly  for 
the  outer  garments  (I>pv.  xiii.  47;  Deut.  xxii.  11 , 
Ez.  xxxiv.  3;  Job  xxxi.  20;  Prov.  xxvii.  26,  xxxi. 
13).  [W(.K)L.]  The  occurrence  of  the  term  ce/Awnert 
in  the  book  of  Genesis  (iii.  21,  xxxvii.  3,  23)  seems 
to  indicate  an  acquaintance,  even  at  that  early  day, 
with  the  finer  materials;  for  that  term,  tliough 
significant  of  a  particular  rol)e,  originally  appears 
to  have  referred  to  the  material  employed  (the  root 
being  preserved  in  our  cotton  ;  cf.  Bohlen's  Introd. 
ii.  51;  Saalschiitz,  Archaol.  i.  8),  and  was  apphed 
by  the  later  Jews  to  flax  or  linen,  as  stated  by 
Josephus  {Ant.  iii.  7,  §  2,  Xedofj.evri  fiiv  KaAelrai 
\ivfov  rovTO  (Tr)ixaivei,  x^^ov  yap  rh  \ivov  T]fitis 
KaKovfiev)-  No  conclusion,  however,  can  be  drawn 
from  the  use  of  the  word :  it  is  evidently  applied 
genenxlly,  and  without  any  view  to  the  material,  as 
in  Gen.  iii.  21.  It  is  probable  that  the  acquaint- 
ance of  the  Hebrews  with  linen,  and  perhaps  cotton, 
dates  from  the  period  of  the  capti\'ity  in  Egypt, 
when  they  were  instructed  in  the  manufacture  (1 
(Jhr.  iv.  21).  After  their  return  to  Palestine  we 
have  frequent  notices  of  linen,  the  finest  kind  being 

named  shesh  (li'E.'')^  and  at  a  later   period  6«fc 

(^•^2),  the  latter  a  word  of  Syrian,  and  the  formei 
of  Egj'ptian  origin,  and  each  indicating  the  quart/er 
whence  the  material  was  procured :  the  term  chui 

("^•in  i  was  also  applied  to  it  from  its  brilliant  ap- 
pearance (Is.  xix.  9;  listh.  i.  6,  viii.  15).  It  is  the 
Pvaaos  of  the  LXX,  and  the  N.  T.  (Luke  xvi.  19; 
Kev.  xviii.  12,  16),  and  the  "fine  linen"  of  the 
A.  V.  It  was  used  in  tlie  vestments  of  the  high- 
priests  (Ex.  xxviii.  5  ff.),  as  well  as  by  the  wealth) 
(Gen.  xli.    42  ;  I'rov.    xxxi.   22 ;  Luke  xiv.    19) 

[LiXEX.]  A  less  costly  kind  was  named  bad  (^^ 
\iveoi),  ^vhich  was  used  for  certain  {lortions  of  the 
high-priest's  dress  (Ex.  xxviii.  42;  Lev.  xvi.  4,  23. 
32),  and  for  the  ephotls  of  Samuel  (1  Sam.  ii.  18) 
and  David  (2  Sam.  vi.  14):  it  is  worthy  of  notice 
in  reference  to  its  quality  and  apixsarance,  that  it 
is  the  material  in  which  angels  are  represented  (Ef, 
ix.  3,  11,  x.  2,  (i,  7;  Dan.  x.  5,  xii.  6;  Kev.  xv.  6) 
A  coarser  kind  of  linen,  termed  i)ix6\ivov  (Ecclus. 
xl.  4),  was  used  by  the  very  j)oor  [Lixex].     The 

Hebrew  term  siulin  (^'*"TD  =:  (rH/Sciv,  and  saiin 


ind  was  worn  over  the  tuuic  :  it  fell  over  the  back,  |  Nineveh,  p.  193). 


and  terminated  in  its  natural  state.    The  people  wear 
ing  it  have  been  identified  with  the  SagartU  (Bouriui' 


DRESS 

npresses  a  fine  kind  of  linen,  especially  adapted  for 
summer  wear,  as  distinct  from  the  scmibnlh,  which 
was  thick  (Tahiiud,  Menac/t.  p.  41,  1).  What  may 
have  been  the  distinction  between  slu'sh  and  sddin 
(Prov.  xxxi.  22,  24)  we  know  not:  the  probability 
is  that  the  latter  name  passed  from  the  material  to 
a  particular  kind  of  robe.  Silk  was  not  introduced 
until  a  very  late  period  (Rev.  xviii.  12):  the  term 

/rn-Khi  C^tt^O  '.  TplxaTTTOV,  Ez.  xvi.  10)  is  of  doubt- 
fiil  inep.iiiiig  [SilkJ.     The  use  of  a  mixed  material 

(,T3t53?C?  :  KlfiSr}\ov,  i-  e.  spurious,  LXX. ;  avri- 
SLUKel/xeyov,  Aquil. ;  ipi6\ivov,  Gr.  Yen.),  such 
lus  wool  and  flax,  was  forbidden  (Lev.  xix.  IS);  Deut. 
xxii.  11),  on  the  ground,  according  to  Josephus 
{Ant.  iv.  8,  §  11),  that  sucli  was  reserved  tor  the 
priests,  or  as  being  a  practice  usual  among  idolaters 
(Spencer,  Leg.  Heb.  kit.  ii.  32),  but  more  probably 
with  the  view  of  enforcing  the  general  idea  of  purity 
and  simplicity. 

2.  Cokn-  and  decoration.  The  prevailing  color 
of  the  Hebrew  dress  was  the  natural  white  of  the 
materials  employed,  which  might  be  brought  to  a 
high  state  of  brilliancy  by  the  art  of  the  fuller 
(Mark  ix.  3).     Some  of  the  terms  applied  to  these 

materials  (c.  (j.  ttJtC,  y^'Z,  "^-IH)  are  connected 
with  words  significant  of  whiteness,  while  many  of 
the  allusions  to  garments  have  special  reference  to 
this  quality  (Job  xxxviii.  14;  Ps.  civ.  1,  2;  Is. 
bdii.  3 ) :  white  was  held  to  be  peculiarly  appropriate 
to  festive  occa.«ons  (Eccl.  ix.  8;  cf  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  2, 
60),  as  well  as  symbolical  of  purity  (Hev.  iii.  4,  5, 
vy.  4,  vii.  9,  13).  It  is  uncertain  when  the  art  of 
dyeing  became  known  to  the  Hebrews ;  the  cethoneih 
passim  worn  by  Joseph  (Gen.  xxxvii.  3,  23)  is 
variously  taken  to  be  either  a  "  coat  of  divers 
colors  "  {iroiKi\os  •  jKili/mita,  Vulg.  ;  comp.  the 
Greek  wiacreiy,  II.  iii.  126,  xxii.  441 ),  or  a  tunic 
furnished  with  sleeves  and  reaching  down  to  the 
ankles,  as  in  the  versions  of  Aquila,  currpayaKetos, 
KapvwrSs,  and  Symmachus,  x^'P'Scorcis,  and  in 
the  Vulg.  (2  Sara.  xiii.  18),  talaris,  and  as  de- 
Bcribed  by  Josephus  {Ant.  vii.  8,  §  1).  The  latter 
is  probably  the  correct  sense,  in  which  case  we 
have  no  evidence  of  tlie  use  of  variegated  robes 
previously  to  the  sojourn  of  the  Hebrews  in  Egypt, 
though  the  notice  of  scarlet  thread  (Gen.  xxxviii. 
28)  implies  some  acquaintance  with  dyeing,  and 

the  light  summer  robe  (^^!S?^  :  Ofpiarpov  ■  veil, 
A.  V.)  worn  by  Rebecca  and  Tamar  (Gen.  xxiv. 
65,  xxxviii.  14,  19)  was  probably  of  an  ornamental 
character.  The  Egyptians  had  carried  the  art  of 
weaving  and  embroidery  to  a  high  state  of  per- 
fe3tion,  and  from  them  the  Hebrews  learned  various 
methods  of  producing  decorated  stuffs.  The  ele- 
inents  of  ornamentation  were — (1)  weaving  with 
threads  previously  dyed  (Ex.  xxxv.  25;  cf.  Wilkin- 
son's Egyptians,  iii.  125);  (2)  the  introduction  of 
gold  thread  or  wire  (Ex.  xxviii.  6  ff".);  (3)  the 
addition  of  figures,  probably  of  animals  and  hunt- 
ing or  battle  scenes  (cf.  Layard,  ii.  297),  in  the 
ca.se  of  garments,  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
cherubim  were  represented  in  the  curtains  of  the 
/abernacle  (Ex.  xxvi.  1,  31,  xxxvi.  8,  35).  These 
•Jevices  may  have  oeen  either  woven  into  the  stuff", 
K  cut  out  of  other  stuff"  and  afterwards  att.iched 
>y  needlework:  in  the  former  case  the  pattern 
would  appear  only  on  one  side,  in  the  latter  the 
pattern  might  be  varied.  Such  is  the  distine'' )n, 
«c«\>rding  to  I'jlmudical  writers,  between  cunning- 


DRESS  619 

woi'k  and  needlework,  or  as  marked  by  tie  use  of 

the  singular  and  dual  number,  HXip"},  needleiixn-k, 

and  D^niiSpT,  needleioork  on  both  sides  (Judg.  t. 
30,  A.  v.),  though  the  latter  term  may  after  all 
be  accepted  in  a  simple  way  as  a  dual  =  two  em- 
broidered robes  (Bertheau,  Comm.  in  1.  c).  The 
account  of  the  corslet  of  Amasis  (Her.  iii.  47) 
illustrates  the  processes  of  decoration  described  in 

Exodus.  Robes  decorated  with  gold  (m^S^Pi 
Ps.  xlv.  13),  and  at  a  later  period  with  silver  thread 
(Joseph.  Ant.  xix.  8,  §  2;  cf.  Acts  xii.  21),  were 
worn  by  royal  personages  :  other  kinds  of  em- 
broidered robes  were  worn  by  the  wealthy  both  of 
Tyre  (liz.  xvi.  13)  and  Palestine  (Jndg.  v.  JO;  Ps. 
xlv.  14).  The  art  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
maintained  among  the  Hel)rews:  the  Babylonians 
and  other  eastern  nations  (Josh.  vii.  21 :  Ez.  xxvii. 
24),  as  well  as  the  Egyptians  (Ez.  xxvii.  7),  excelled 
in  it.  Nor  does  the  art  of  dyeing  appear  to  have 
been  followed  up  in  Palestine:  dyed  robes  were 
imported  from  foreign  countries  (Zeph.  i.  8),  par- 
ticularly from  Phoenicia,  and  were  not  much  used 
on  account  of  their  expensiveness :  purple  (Prov. 
xxxi.  22;  Luke  xvi.  19)  and  scarlet  (2  Sam.  i.  24) 
were  occasionally  worn  by  the  wealthy.  The  sur- 
rounding nations  were  more  lavish  in  their  use 
of  them:  the  wealthy  Tyrians  (Ez.  xxvii.  7),  the 
Midianitish  kings  (Judg.  viii.  26),  the  Assyrian 
nobles  (lu.  xxiii.  6),  and  Persian  officers  (Est.  viii. 
15),  are  all  represented  in  purple.  The  general  hue 
of  the  Persian  dress  was  more  brilliant  than  that 
of  the  Jews :  hence  Ezekiel  (xxiii.  12)  describes  the 

Assyrians  as  7Tv5P  ""^P/?  lit-  clothed  in  per- 
fection ;  according  to  the  LXX.  fvTra.pv(pa,  wear- 
ing robes  with  handsome  borders.     With  regard  to 

the  head-dress  in  particular,  described  as  "*n-1^p 

D^bn2^  {riipai  fiairrai;  A.  V.  "dyed  attire  [Ez. 
xxiii.  15];"  cf.  Ov.  .^fet.  xlv.  654,  mitra  picta), 
some  doubt  exists  whether  the  word  rendered  dyed 
does  not  rather  mean  jkrwing  (Gesen.  Tkesaur.  p. 
542;   Layard,  ii.  308). 

3.  The  names,  forms,  and  mode  oftvearing  the 
robes.  It  is  difficult  to  give  a  satisfactory  account 
of  the  various  articles  of  dress  mentioned  in  the 
Bible:  the  notices  are  for  the  most  part  incidental, 
and  refer  to  a  lengthened  period  of  time,  during 
which  the  fashions  must  have  frequently  changed : 
while  the  collateml  sources  of  information,  such  as 
sculpture,  painting,  or  contemporary  records,  are 
but  scanty.  The  general  characteristics  of  oriental 
dress  have  indeed  preserved  a  remarkable  uniform 
ity  in  all  ages :  the  modern  Arab  dresses  much  as 
the  ancient  Hebrew  did ;  there  are  the  same  flowing 
rolies,  the  same  distinction  between  the  outer  and 
inner  garments,  the  former  heavy  and  warm,  the 
latter  light,  aflapted  to  the  rapid  and  exeessivf 
changes  of  temperature  in  those  countries;  and 
there  is  the  same  distinction  between  the  costume 
of  the  rich  and  the  poor,  consisting  in  the  multipli- 
cation of  robes  of  a  finer  texture  and  more  ample 
dimensions.  Hence  the  numerous  illustrations  of 
ancient  costume,  which  may  be  drawn  from  the 
usages  of  modem  Orientals,  supplying  in  gre:it 
measure  the  want  of  contemporaneous  representa- 
tions. With  rigard  to  the  figures  which  some  have 
identified  as  Jews  in  Egyptian  paintings  and  As- 
syriar  y^ulptures,  we  cannot  but  consider  the  •»vi- 
dence  insixfiicient.     The  figures  in  tJie  painting  tl 


520  DRESS 

Beni  Hassan,  delineated  by  Wilkinson  (Anc.  Egypt. 
li.  296),  and  supposed  by  him  to  represent  the  ar- 
rival of  Joseph's  brethren,  are  dressed  in  a  manner 
At  variance  with  our  ideas  of  Hebrew  costume :  the 
more  important  personages  wear  a  double  tunic,  the 
upper  one  constructed  so  as  to  pass  over  the  left 
shoulder  and  under  the  right  arm,  leaving  the  right 
shoulder  exposed ;  the  servants  wear  nothing  more 
than  a  skirt  or  kilt,  reaching  from  the  loins  to  the 
knee.  Wilkinson  suggests  some  collateral  reasons 
for  doubting  whether  they  were  really  Jews:  t« 
which  we  may  add  a  further  objection  that  the 
presents  which  these  persons  bring  with  them  are 
not  what  we  should  expect  from  Gen.  xliii.  11. 
(^rtain  figures  inscribed  on  the  face  of  a  rock  at 
Be/ustun,  near  Kermanshah,  were  supposed  by  Sir 
R.  K.  Porter  to  represent  Samaritans  captured  by 
Shalmaneser:  they  are  given  in  Vanx's  Nineveh. 
p.  372.  These  sculptures  are  now  recognized  as  of 
a  later  date,  and  the  figures  evidently  represent 
people  of  different  nations,  for  the  tunics  are  alter- 
nately short  and  long.  Again,  certain  figures  dis- 
covered at  Nineveh  have  been  pronounced  to  be 
Jews:  in  one  instance  the  presence  of  hats  and 
boots  is  the  ground  of  identification  (Bonomi, 
Nineveh,  p.  107;  comparing  Dan.  iii.  21);  but  if, 
as  we  shall  hereafter  show,  the  original  words  in 
Dan.  have  been  misunderstood  by  our  translators, 
no  conclusion  can  be  drawn  from  the  presence  of 
these  articles.  In  another  instance  the  figures  are 
simply  dressed  in  a  short  tunic,  with  sleeves  reach- 
ing nearly  to  the  elbow,  and  confined  at  the  waist 
by  a  girdle,  a  style  of  dress  which  was  so  widely 
spread  throughout  the  East  that  it  is  impossible  to 
pronounce  what  particular  nation  they  may  have 
belonged  to :  the  style  of  head-dress  seems  an  ob- 
jection to  the  supposition  that  they  are  Jews. 
These  figures  are  given  in  Bonomi's  Nineveh,  p. 
381. 

The  costume  of  the  men  and  women  was  very 
similar;  there  was  sufficient  difference,  however,  to 
mark  the  sex,  and  it  was  strictly  forbidden  to  a 

woman  to  wear  the  appendages  (^7?  •  ff'Keiri), 
such  as  the  staff,  signet-ring,  and  other  ornaments, 
or,  according  to  Josephus  (Ant.  iv.  8,  §  4-3),  the 
weapons  of  a  man ;  as  well  as  to  a  man  to  wear 

the  outer  robe  (H  v^tt?)  of  a  woman  (Dent.  xxii. 
5);  the  reason  of  the  prohibition,  according  to 
Maimonides  (Mor.  Neboch.  iii.  37),  beii  g  that  such 
was  the  practice  of  idolaters  (cf.  Carp;ov,  Appnr. 
p.  514);  but  more  probably  it  was  based  upon  the 
general  principle  of  propriety.  We  shall  first  de- 
scribe the  robes  which  were  common  to  the  two 
sexes,  and  then  those  which  were  peculiar  to 
women. 

(1.)  The  cethonetk  (nSHS,  whence  the  Greek 
Xtrt&y)  was  the  most  essential  article  of  dress.  It 
was  a  closely  fitting  garment,  resembling  in  form 
ttd  use  our  shirt,  though  unfortunately  translated 
eoat  in  the  A.  V.  The  material  of  which  it  was 
m&de  was  either  wool,  cotton,  or  linen.  ]'>om  Jo- 
sephus's  tbservation  (Ant.  iii.  7,  §  4)  with  regard 
to  the  me'il,  that  it  was  oItk  (K  Svoiv  irepirnTjfulf 
Twv,  we  may  probably  infer  that  the  ordinary  ce- 
tkoneth  or  tunic  was  made  in  two  pieces,  which  were 
sewn  together  at  the  sides.  In  this  case  the  ;f  (Tajf 
*^&a(po<i  worn  by  our  Lord  (John  xix.  23)  was 
wther  a  singular  one,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  was 
the  upper  tunic  or  me'il.  The  primitive  cethoneth 
was  without  sleerea  and  reached  only  to  tine  knee. 


DRESS 

like  the  Doric  ;^itc6j';  it  may  also  have  been,  lik4 
the  latter,  partially  ojjened  at  one  side,  so  that  a 
person  in  rapid  motion  was  exposed  (2  Sam.  vi.  2(»). 
Another  kind,  which  we  may  compare  with  the 
Ionian  x't^^i/,  reached  to  the  wrists  and  ankle-s- 
such  was  probably  the  cethoneth  passim  worn  by 
Joseph  (Gen.  xxxvii.  3,  23),  and  Tamar  (2  Sam. 
xiii.  18),  and  that  which  the  priests  wore  (Joseph. 
Ant.  iii.  7,  §  2).  It  was  in  either  case  kept  close 
to  the  body  by  a  girdle  [Gikdi-k],  and  the  fold 
fonned  by  the  overlapping  of  the  rol)e  served  as  an 
inner  pocket,  in  which  a  letter  or  any  other  small 
aiticle  might  be  carried  (Joseph.  AM.  xvii.  5,  §  7). 
A  person  wearing  the  cethoneth  alone  was  describes 


Fig.  1.     An  Egyptian.     (Lane's  Modem  Egyptians.) 

as  D127,  naked,  A.  V. :  we  may  compare  the  use 
of  the  term  yv/xvai  as  applied  to  the  Spartan  vir- 
gins (Plut.  Lye.  14),  of  the  Latin  ntuius  (Virg. 
Geo^'ff.  i.  299),  and  of  our  expression  stripped. 
Thus  it  is  said  of  Saul  after  having  taken  off  his 

wpjoer  garments  (7''"T3,  1  Sam.  xix.  24);  of 
Isaiah  (Is.  xx.  2)  when  he  had  put  off  his  sackcloth, 
which  was  usually  worn  over  the  tunic  (cf.  Jon.  iii. 
G),  and  only  on  special  occasions  next  the  skin  (2 
K.  vi.  30) ;  of  a  warrior  who  has  cast  off  his  mil- 
itary cloak  (Am.  ii.  16 ;  cf.  Liv.  iii.  23,  inermes 
muUque);  and  of  Peter  without  his  fisher's  coat 
(John  xxi.  7).  The  same  expression  is  elsewhere 
applied  to  the  poorly  clad  (Job  xxii.  6;  Is.  Iviii.  7; 
James  ii.  15). 

The  above  wood-cut  (fig.  1)  represents  the  sim- 
plest style  of  Oriental  dress,  a  long  loose  shirt  or 
cethoneth  without  a  girdle,  reaching  nearly  to  the 
ankle.  The  same  robe,  with  the  addition  of  the 
girdle,  is  shown  in  fig.  4. 

In  fig.  2  we  hare  the  ordinary  dress  of  the  mod- 
em Beiouin :  the  tunic  overlaps  the  girdle  at  the 
waist,  leaving  an  ample  fold,  which  serves  as  a 
pocket.  Over  the  tunic  he  wears  the  aliba,  oi 
striped  plaid,  whidi  completes  his  costume. 

(2.)  The  sadin  ("j"*"lD)  appears  to  have  been  s 
wrapper  of  fine  Knen  {eriv^dv,  LXX.),  which  might 
lie  used  in  various  ways,  but  especially  as  a  night- 
shirt  (Mark  xiv.  51;  cf.  Her.  ii.  95;  Schleusner'i 
Lex.  in  N.  T.  s.  v.).  The  Hebrew  term  is  give» 
in  the  Syriac  N.  T.  as  ^^  (rovSdpiov  (Luke  xix.  20), 
and  xivTUtv  (John  xiii.  4V     The  nmterial  or  loh* 


DRESS 

■  ooeiitioned  in  Judg.  xiv.  12,  13  (sheet,  shirt, 
A.  V.))  Prov.  xxxi.  24-,  and  Is.  iii.  23  (Jine  linen, 
A..  V. ) ;  but  in  none  of  tiiese  passages  is  tliere  any- 
thing to  decide  its  specific  meaning.  Tlie  Tal- 
tniidical    writers    occasionally   describe    tlie   talith 


Fig.  2.     A  Bedouin.     (Lynch,  Dead  Sea.) 

[tallith,  or  talleth]  under  that  name,  as  being  made 
of  fine  linen:  hence  Lightfoot  {Exer citations  on 
Mark  xiv.  51)  identifies  the  ffiv^div  worn  by  the 
young  man  as  a  tnlith,  which  he  had  put  on  in 
his  haste  without  his  other  garments. 

(3.)  The  tne'il  {y^V12i^  was  an  upper  or  second 
tunic,  the  difference  being  that  it  was  longer  than 
the  first.  It  is  hence  termed  in  the  LXX.  wttoSv- 
T7\s  iroBrtpris,  and  probably  in  this  sense  the  terra 
's  apphed  to  the  cethoneth  passim  (2  Sam.  xiii.  18), 
•nplying  that  it  reached  down  to  the  feet.  The 
jacerdotal  me'il  is  elsewhere  described.  [Priest.] 
As  an  article  of  ordinary  dress  it  was  worn  by 
kings  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  4),  prophets  (1  Sam.  xxviii. 
14),  nobles  (.Job  i.  20),  and  youths  (1  Sam.  ii.  19). 
It  may,  however,  be  doubted  whether  the  term  is 
used  in  its  specific  sense  in  these  passages,  and  not 

rather  in  its  broad  etymological  sense  (from  ^^tt, 
to  cover),  for  any  robe  that  chanced  to  be  worn 
over  the  cethoneth.  In  the  LXX.  the  renderings 
vary  between  iirev'5vTT)s  (1  Sara,  xviii.  4;  2  Sam. 
xiii.  18;  1  Sam.  ii.  19,  Theodot.),  a  term  properly 
applied  to  an  upi)er  garment,  and  specially  used  in 
John  xxi.  7  for  the  linen  coat  worn  by  the  Phoeni- 
cian and  Syrian  fishermen  (Theophyl.  in  I.  c), 
8i7r\ots  (1  Sam.  ii.  19,  xv.  27,  xxiv.  4,  11,  xxviii. 
14;  Job  xxix.  14),  IfiiTia  (Job  i.  20),  ffroX-i]  (1 
Chr.  XV.  27;  Job  ii.  12),  and  uttoSuttjs  (Ex.  xxxix. 
21;  IjCv.  viii.  7),  showing  that  generally  speaking 
it  was  regarded  as  an  upper  garment.  This  fur- 
ther apjjears  irom  the  passages  in  which  notice  of 
it  occurs:  in  1  Sam.  xviii.  4  it  is  the  "  roiie  "  which 
Jonathan  first  takes  off;  in  1  Saim.  xxviii.  14  it  is 
the  "mantle"  in  which  Samuel  is  enveloped;  in  1 
Sam.  XV.  27,  it  is  the  "  mantle,"  the  skirt  of  which 

■8  rent  (of.  1  K.  xi.  30,  where  the  H^/ti?  is  sim- 
?arly  treated);  in  1  Sam.  xxiv.  4,  it  is  the  "  robe," 

under  which  Saul  slept  (generally  the  '^."'."]^  was  so 
ised);  and  in  Job  i.  20  ii.  12,  it  's  the   'mantle  " 


DRESS  621 

which  he  rends  (cf.  Ezr.  ix.  3,  5);  in  these  piassagee 
it  evidently  describes  an  outer  robe,  whether  the 
simlah,  or  the  me'il  itself  used  as  a  simlah.  Where 
two  tunics  are  mentioned  (Luke  iii.  11)  as  being 
worn  at  the  same  time,  the  second  would  be  a  me'U  ; 
travellers  generally  wore  two  (Joseph.  Ant.  xvii.  5, 
§7),  but  the  practice  was  forbidden  to  the  disciples 
(Matt.  X.  10;  Luke  ix.  3). 

The  dress  of  the  middle  and  upper  classes  in 
modern  Egypt  (fig.  3)  illustrates  the  customs  of 
the  Hebrews.  In  addition  to  the  shirt,  they  wear 
a  long  vest  of  striped  silk  and  cotton,  called  kaJUn, 
descending  to  the  ankles,  and  with  ample  sleeves, 
so  that  the  hands  may  be  concealed  at  pleasure 
The  girdle  surrounds  this  vest.  The  outer  robe 
consists  of  a  long  cloth  coat,  called  c/ibbeh,  with 
sleeves  reaching  nearly  to  the  wrist.  In  cold 
weather  the  abba  is  thrown  over  the  shoulders. 


Fig.  3.     An  Egyptian  of  tlie  upper  classes.     (Lane.) 


(4.)  The  ordinary  outer  garment  consisted  of  a 
quadrangular  piece  of  woolen  cloth,  probably  re- 
sembling in  shape  a  Scotch  plaid.  The  size  and 
texture  would  vary  with  the  means  of  the  wearer. 
The  Hebrew  terms  referring  to  it  are  —  simtdJi 

(n7ptt?,  occasionally  ntt7ti7),  which  appears  to 
have  had  the  broadest  sense,  and  sometimes  is  put 
for  clothes  generally  (Gen.  xxxv.  2,  xxxvii.  34;  Ex. 
iii.  22,  xxii.  9;  Deut.  x.  18;  Is.  iii.  7,  iv.  li, 
though  once  used  specifically  of  the  warrior's  cloak 

(Is.  ix.  5);  beged  ("TDil),  which  is  more  usual  in 
speaking  of  robes  of  a  handsome  and  substantial 
character  (Gen.  xxvii.  15,  xli.  42;  Ex.  xxviii.  2; 
1  K.  xxii.  10;  2  Chr.  xviii.  9;  Is.  Ixiii.  1);  cesiith 

(n^D2),  appropriate  to  passages  where  covering  or 
protection  is  the  prominent  idea  (Ex.  xxii.  26 ;  Job 

xxvi.  6,  xxxi.  19);  and  lastly  lebush  (tC^lS/), 
usual  in  poetry,  but  specially  applied  to  a  warrior's 
cloak  (2  Sam.  xx.  8),  priests'  vestments  (2  K.  x 
22),  and  royal  apparel  (Esth.  vi.  11,  viii.  15).     A 

cognate  term  {malhush  (tf^S^^)  describes  specif- 
ically a  state-dress,  whether  as  used  in  a  roya' 
household  (1  K.  x.  5;  2  Chr.  ix.  4),  or  for  religious 
festivals  (2  K.  x.  22):  elsewhere  it  is  used  generally 
for  rol)es  of  a  handsome  character  (Job  xxvii.  16: 
Is.  Ixiii.  3;  Ez.  xvi.  13;  Zeph.  i.  8).    Another 


DRESS 


tann,  mad  (IT^i),  with  its  derivatives  il^D  (Ps. 

exxxiii.  2),  and  lip  (2  Sam.  x.  4;  ]  CLr.  xix.  4), 
is  expressive  of  the  len</th  of  the  Hebrew  garments 
(I  Sam.  iv.  12,  xviii.  4),  and  is  specifically  applied 
lo  a  long  cloak  (Judg.  iii.  IG;  2  Sam.  xx.  8),  and 
to  the  priest's  coat  (I.ev.  vi.  10).  The  Greek  tei-ms 
ifjidTtov  and  (ttoA^  express  the  corresponding  idea, 
tJie  latter  being  specially  appropriate  to  roljcs  of 
more  than  ordinary  grandeur  (1  Mace.  x.  21,  xiv. 
9 ;  Mark  xii.  38,  xvi.  5 ;  Luke  xv.  22,  xx.  46 ;  Kev. 
vi.  11,  vii.  9,  13);  the  ^trdv  and  iixariov  (tunica, 
pallium,  Vulg.;  coat,  clonk,  A.  V.)  are  brought 
into  juxtaposition  in  Matt.  v.  40  and  Acts  ix.  39. 
The  btijed  might  be  worn  in  various  ways,  either 
wrapped  round  the  body,  or  worn  over  the  shoulders, 

like  a  shawl,  with  the  ends  or  "skirts"  (D^D33  : 

.  *  ~  T  ; 

•KTepvyia-  anyuli)  hanging  down  in  front;  or  it 
miglit  be  thrown  over  the  head,  so  as  to  conceal  the 


Figs.  4,  5.     Egyptians  of  the  lower  orders.     (lane.) 

fece  (2  Sam.  xv.  30;  Esth.  vi.  12).  The  ends  were 
skirted  with  a  fringe  and  bound  with  a  dark  purple 
ribbon  (Num.  xv.  38).    It  was  confined  at  the  waist 

by  a  girdle,  and  the  fold  (j^^^  '■  K6Kiros'  sinm), 
formed  by  the  overlapping  of  the  robe,  served  as  a 
pocket  in  which  a  considerable  quantity  of  ai'ticles 
might  be  carried  (2  K.  iv.  39;  Ps.  Ixxix.  12;  Hag. 
ii.  12;  Niebuhr,  Description,  p.  56),  or  as  a  purse 
(Prov.  xvii.  23,  xxi.  14;  Is.  Ixv.  6,  7;  Jer.  xxxii. 
18;  Luke  vi.  38). 

The  ordinary  mode  of  wearing  the  outer  robe, 
called  nbba  or  ahdyeh,  at  the  present  time,  is  ex- 
hibited in  figs.  2  and  5.  The  arms,  when  falling 
doMm,  are  completely  covered  by  it,  as  in  fig.  5 : 
but  lu  holding  any  weapon,  or  in  active  work,  the 
Wwer  part  of  the  arm  is  exposed,  as  in  fig.  2. 

The  dress  of  the  women  differed  from  that  of  the 
men  in  regard  to  the  outer  garment,  the  cethoneth 
being  woni  equally  by  both  sexes  (Cant.  v.  3). 
The  names  of  their  distinctive  robes  were  as  fol- 
lows :  —  (1 )  mitpachaih  (nn5t2X3  :  irfpl(ufia  '■ 
pallium,  Unteamen:  veil,  rdinple',  A.  V.),  a  kind 
if  shawl  (Ruth  iii.  15;  Is.  iii.  22);  (2)  ma'atd/Mli 

vfTDpyp*  palliolum:  mantle,  A.   V.),  another 


DRESS 

kind  of  shawl  (Is.  iii.  22),  but  how  differing  fttin 
the  one  just  mentioned,  we  know  not;  the  ety- 
mological meaning  of  the  first  name  is  expansion^ 

of  the  second,  enveltping :  (3)  ttaCiph  (^''2?S ". 
QfpiffTpov-  veil,  A.  V.),  a  robe  worn  by  Kebecca 
on  approaching  Isaac  (Gen.  xxi  v.  65),  and  by  Ta- 
mar  when  she  assumed  the  guise  of  a  harlot  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  14,  19);  it  was  probably,  as  the  LXX. 
represents  it,  a  light  summer  dress  of  handsome 
appearance  (irtpif^aXe  rh  depiarpov  koI  fKoX 
KwwiffaTo,  Gen.  xxxviii.  14),  and  of  ample  dimen- 
sions, so  that  it  might  be  thrown  over  the  head  at 

pleasure;  (4)  radid  (l^'^'^  •  A.  V.  "veil"),  a 
similar  robe  (Is.  iii.  23;  Cant.  v.  7),  and  substi- 
tuted for  the  tsd'iph  in  the   Chaldee  version:  wi 


Fig.  6.     An  Egyptian  Woman.     (Lane.) 

may  conceive  of  these  robes  as  resembling  the 
pejtlum  of  the  Greeks,  which  might  be  worn  over 
the  head,  as  represented  in  Diet,  of  Ant.  p.  888,  or 
again  as  resembhng  the  habarah  and  mildyeh  of 
the   modem    Egyptians    (I^ane,   i.    73,    75);    (5) 

jiethigil  ( v"'2^nS  :  x^t^"  fxt(TOT6p<f)vpos'-  stom- 
ncher,  A.  V.),  a  term  of  doubtful  origin,  but 
probably  significant  of  a  gay  holiday  dress  (Is.  iii. 
24);  to  the  various  explanations  enumerated  by 
Gftsenius  {Thes.  p.  1137),  we  may  add  one  pro- 
posed by  Saalschiitz  {Archaol.  i.  31),  "'HS,  wide 

or  foolish,  and  7'^2,  pleasure,  in  which  case  it  = 
unbridled  pleasure,  and  has  no  reference  to  drees 

at  all;  (6)  gilymim  {WT^^,  Is.  iii.  23),  also  a 
doubtful  word,  explained  in  the  LXX.  as  a  trans- 
parent dress,  i.  e.  of  gauze  {^ia(pavr)  haKwviKa); 
Sehroeder  {de  Vest.  Mid.  Ifeb.  p.  311)  supports 
this  view,  but  more  probably  the  word  means,  as 
in  the  A.  V.,  (/lasses.  The  garments  of  females 
were   terminated    by  an   ample    border   or  fringe 

(^ntt^,  ^'^V  :  orriffOta'  skii-ls),  which  concealed 
the  feet  (Is.  xlvii.  2;  Jer.  xiii.  22). 

Figs.  6  and  7  illustrate  some  of  the  pecuhantieg 
of  female  drass :  the  former  is  an  ICgyptian  womau 
(in  her  walking  dress) :  the  latter  re])resents  a  dress, 
probably  of  great  antiquity,  still  worn  by  the  peas- 
ants in  the  south  of  l''gypt:  the  out<'r  robe,  ot 
hvlaleeyi'h,  is  a  large  piece  of  woolen  stiift'  wound 


DRESS 

foand  the  body,  the  upper  parts  being  attached  at 
the  shoulders:  another  piece  of  the  same  stiitt'  is 
luud  for  the  head-veil,  or  tarhah. 


DRESS 


621 


flg.  7. 


A  woman  of  the  soutliern  province  of  Upper 
Egypt.     (Lane.) 


Having  now  completed  our  desciiption  of  He- 
brew dress,  we  add  a  few  remarks  relative  to  the 
■•election  of  equivalent  terms  in  our  own  lanstuage. 
It  must  at  once  strike  every  Biblical  student  as  a 
great  defect  in  our  Authorized  Version  that  the 
same  English  word  should  represent  various  Hebrew 
words;  e.  g.  that  "veil"  should  be  promiscuously 
used  for  radid  (Is.  iii.  23),  tsa'iph  (Gen.  xxiv.  65), 
mUpachnth  (Ruth  iii.  15),  masveh  (Ex.  xxxiv.  3-3); 
"robe"  for  meHl  (1  Sam.  xviii.  4),  cethoneth  (Is. 
sxii.  21),  nddereth  (Jon.  iii.  6),  salmah  (Mic.  ii.  8); 
"mantle"  for  me'il  (1  Sam.  xv.  27),  adderelh  (1 
K.  xix.  13),  vi'i' atuphah  (Is.  iii.  22);  and  "coat" 
for  me'il  (1  Sam.  ii.  19),  cethoneth  (Gen.  iii.  21): 
*nd  conversely  that  different  English  words  should 
^e  promiscuously  used  for  the  same  Hebrew  one,  sis 
nis'U  is  translated  "  coat,"  "  robe,"  "  mantle;  "  wl- 
lereth  "robe,"  "mantle."  Uniformity  would  be 
desirable,  in  as  far  as  it  can  be  attained,  so  that 
the  English  reader  might  understand  that  the  same 
Hebrew  term  occurred  in  the  original  text,  where 
the  same  English  term  was  found  in  the  translation. 
Beyond  uniformity,  correctness  of  translation  would 
also  be  desirable :  the  difficulty  of  attaining  this  in 
Ihe  subject  of  dress,  with  regard  to  which  the  cus- 
tonia  and  associations  are  so  widely  at  variance  in 
oiu-  own  country  and  in  the  li^t,  is  very  great. 
Take,  for  instance,  the  cethoneth :  at  once  an  under- 
giirraent,  and  yet  not  unfrequently  worn  witliout 
anything  over  it;  a  shirt,  as  being  worn  next  the 
Bkin ;  and  a  coat,  as  being  the  upper  garment  worn 
in  a  house:  deprive  the  Hebrew  of  his  cethoneth, 
md  he  was  positively  naked;  deprive  the  English- 
man of  his  coat,  and  he  has  under-garments  still. 
The  beged  again :  in  shape  probably  lik-^  a  Scotch 
plnid,  but  the  use  of  such  a  terra  would  be  unin- 
te'Ugible  to  the  minds  of  English  peasantry;  in  use 
unlike  any  garment  with  which  we  are  familiar,  for 
we  only  wear  a  great-cont  or  a  cloak  in  bad 
reather.  whereas  the  Hebrew  and  his  heged  were 
Xiseparable.  With  such  difficulties  attending  the 
wbjeet,  any  attempt  to  render  the  Hebrew  terras 


must  be,  more  or  less,  a  compromise  between  cor- 
rectness and  modem  usage;  and  the  English  terms 
which  we  are  about  to  propose  must  be  regarded 
merely  in  the  light  of  suggestions.  Cethoneth  an- 
swers in  many  respects  to  "frock;"  the  sailor's 
"frock"'  is  constantly  worn  next  the  skin,  and 
either  with  or  without  a  coat  over  it ;  the  "  smock- 
frock  "  is  familiar  to  us  as  an  upper  garment,  and 
stiU  as  a  kind  of  undress.  In  shape  and  material 
these  correspond  with  cethoneth,  and  like  it,  the 
term  •' truck "  is  aj'plied  to  both  sexes.  In  the 
sacerdotal  dress  a  n  ore  technical  term  might  be 
used :  "  vestment,"  in  its  specific  sense  as  =  the 
cha-suble,  or  casula,  would  represent  it  very  aptly 
MeHl  may  jjerhaps  be  best  rendered  "gown,"  fot' 
this  too  applies  to  both  sexes,  and,  when  to  men, 
always  in  an  official  sense,  as  the  academic  gown, 
the  alderman's  gown,  the  barrister's  gown,  just  as 
weHl  appears  to  have  represented  an  official,  or,  at 
all  events,  a  special  dress.  In  sacerdotal  dress 
"  alb  "  exactly  meets  it,  and  retains  still,  in  the 
Greek  church,  the  very  name,  pode7-ts,  by  which 
the  meHl  is  described  in  the  LXX.  The  sacerdotal 
ephod  approaches,  perhaps,  most  nearly  to  the  term 
"pall,"  the  a}fio(j>6piov  of  the  Greek  church,  which 
we  may*  compare  with  the  iircD/xls  of  the  LXX 
Addereth  answers  in  several  respects  to  "  pelisse,' 
although  this  term  is  now  applied  almost  exclu- 
sively to  female  dress.  i<ddin=  "linen  wrapper." 
Slmlah  we  would  render  "  garment,"  and  in  the 
plural  "clothes,"  as  the  broadest  term  of  the  kind; 
beged,  "vestment,"  as  being  of  superior  quality ; 
lebush,  "robe,"  as  still  superior;  mad,  "cloak,"  aa 
being  long;  and  malbiish,  "dress,"  in  the  specific 
sense  in  which  the  term  is  not  unfrequently  used 
3.s,=Jine  dress.  In  female  costume  mitpachath 
might  be  rendered  "  shawl,"  maUitaphah  "mantle," 
Isd'iph  "  handsome  dress,"  rddid  "cloak." 

In  addition  to  these  terms,  which  we  have  thus 
far  extracted  from  the  Bible,  we  have  in  the  Tal 
mudieal    writers   an    entirely   new   nomenclature. 

The  tnlUh  [tallith  or  ialleth]  (iT^btO)  is  frequently 
noticed;  it  was  made  of  fine  linen,  and  had  a  fringe 
attached  to  it,  like  the  beged ;  it  was  of  ample  di- 
.•nensions,  so  that  the  head  might  be  enveloped  in 
it,  as  was  usual  aniong  the  Jews  in  the  act  of 

prayer.  The  koMn  ("}^2^1p)  was  probably  an- 
other name  for  the  tnlUh,  derived  from  the  Greek 
Ko\6^ioVi  Epiphanius  (i.  15)  represents  the  o-to 
\ai  of  the  Pharisees  as  identical  with  the  Dnlmnt- 
ica  or  the  Colobiuin  ;  the  latter,  as  known  to  us, 
was  a  close  tunic  without   sleeves.      The  chaluk 

{ipy^rX)  was  a  woolen   shirt,  worn  as  an  under 

tunic.  The  mnctdren  (^'mtSptt)  was  a  mantlt! 
or  outer  garment  (cf.  Lightfoot,  Exercitntions  on 
Matt.   V.   40;    Mark   xiv.    51;   Luke  ix.   3,  <fcc.> 

Gloves  (n^Dp  or  P|3)  are  also  noticed  (CeUm, 
xvi.  6,  xxiv.  15,  xxvi.  3),  not,  however,  as  woni  fiw 
luxury,  but  for  the  protection  of  the  hands  in  mar.- 
ual  labor. 

With  regard  to  other  articles  of  dress,  see  GiB 
i>le;  Haxdkerchikf;  Headdress;  Hem  ok 
Gar.mkvt;  Sandals;  Shoes;  Veil. 

The  (Presses  of  foreign  nations  are  occasionally 
referred  to  in  the  Bible;  that  of  the  Persians  is  de- 
scribed in  Dan.  iii.  21  in  terms  which  have  been 
variously  understood,  but  which  may  l)e  identified 
with  the  statements  of  Herodotus  (i.  195,  vii.  6ij 
in    the    following    manner:  —  (1)    The  mirbaivK 


624  DBESS 

(r/?"]?'  •^-  ^'-  "  coats  ")  =  ai/a4op/56s  or 
iraweis,  which  were  the  distinctive  feature  in  the 
Fei-sian  as  compared  with  tlie  Hebrew  dress;  (2) 

the  patiish  (tt^'^^S:  A.  V.  "  hosen  " )  =  wieii/ ;r»- 
SriyfKiii  \lpfOi  or  inner  tunic;  (3)  the  carbtla 
(Nb^l?:  A.  V.  "haf)  =  iAAos  flplvios  Ki- 
OtLi  or  upper  tunic,  corresponding  to  the  wie'iZ  of 
the  Hebrews;  (4)  the  lebush  (tt^r^nb :  A.  V.  "  gar- 
ment ")=;;^A.o«/f5/oi/  \evK6ii  or  cloak,  which  was 
worn,  like  the  be(/ed,  over  all.  lu  addition  to 
these  terms,  we  have  notice  of  a  robe  of  state  of 

fine  linen,  tacric  Ci]'^~]'Dn  :  SwfSrjyuo:  stncumpal- 
Hum),  so  called  from  its  ample  dimensions  (Esth. 
viii.  15).  The  same  expression  is  used  in  the 
Cbaldee  for  purple  ynrmtnU  in  Ez.  xxvii.  16. 

The  references  to  Greek  or  Roman  dress  are  few : 
the  x^ajxU  (2  Mace.  xii.  35;  Matt,  xxvii.  28) 
was  either  the  pnlwlamentuni,  the  military  scarf 
of  the  Homan  soldiery,  or  the  Greek  chlamys  it- 
self, which  was  introduced  under  the  Emperors 
{Diet,  of  Ant.  art.  CIdmnys) ;  it  was  especially 
worn  by  officers.  The  travelUng  cbnk  ((peK6vr)s) 
referred  to  by  St.  Paul  (2  Tim.  iv.  13)  is  generally 
identified  witli  the  Homan  pcenida,  of  which  it  may 
be  a  corruption;  the  Talniudical  wTiters  have  a 
similar  name  (^''T'D  or  S'*D^7D).  It  is,  how- 
ever, otherwise  explained  as  a  travelling  case  for 
carrying  clothes  or  books  (Conybeare,  St.  Paul,  ii. 
499) 

4.  The  customs  and  associations  connected  with 
dress  are  numerous  and  important,  mostly  arising 
from  the  peculiar  form  and  mode  of  wearing  the 
outer  garments.  The  beyed,  for  instance,  could  be 
applied  to  many  purposes  besides  its  proper  use  as 
a  vestment;  it  was  sometimes  used  to  carry  a 
burden  (Ex.  xii.  34;  Judg.  viii.  25;  Prov.  xxx.  4), 
as  Kuth  used  her  shawl  {Kuth  iii.  15);  or  to  wrap 
up  an  article  (1  Sam.  xxi.  9);  or  again  as  an  im- 
promptu saddle  (Matt.  xxi.  7).  Its  most  impor- 
tant use,  however,  was  a  coverlet  at  night  (Ex. 
xxii.  27;  liutii  iii.  9;  E^.  xvi.  8),  whence  the  word 
is  sometimes  taken  for  bed-clothes  (1  Sam.  xix.  13; 
1  K.  i.  1 ) :  the  Bedouin  applies  his  abba  to  a  sim- 
ilar purpose  (Niebuhr,  Description,  p.  56).  On 
this  account  a  creditor  could  not  retaui  it  after 
«unset  (Ex.  xxii.  26;  Deut.  xxiv.  12,  13  ;  cf 
Job  x.tii.  6,  xxiv.  7;  Am.  ii.  8).  The  custom  of 
placing  garments  in  pawn  appears  to  have  been  very 

common,  so  much  so  that  13 '13V,  pledge  =  a  gar- 
ment (Deut.  xxiv.  12, 13);  the  accumulation  of  such 
pledges  is  referred  to  in  Hab.  ii.  6   {that  loadeth 

himself  tmth  t3^Ci3^,  i.  e.  pledges;  where  the  A. 
V.  following  the  LXX.  and  Vulg.  reads  tO"*^,  ^V, 
"thick  clay");  this  custom  prevailed  in  the  time 
f  our  lx)rd,  who  bids  his  disciples  give  up  the 
^(k-iov  =  beged,  in  which  they  slept,  as  well  as  the 
(iT<iv  (Matt.  V.  40).  At  the  present  day  it  is  not 
unusual  to  seize  the  nbbn  as  compensation  for  an 
Injury:  an  instance  is  given  in  Wortabet's  Syno, 
.293. 

The  loose,  flowmg  character  of  the  Hebrew  robes 
■;dmilted  of  a  variety  of  symbolical  actions;  rend- 
ing them  was  expressive  of  wirious  emotions,  as 
({rief  (Gen.  xxxvii.  29,  34;  Job  i.  20:  2  Sam.  i.  2) 
FMoiiknim;],  fear  (1  K.  xxi.  27;  2  K.  xxii.  11, 
19),  iudis;uatiou  (2  K.  v.  7,  xi.  14-  Matt.  xxvi. 


DRESS 

65),  or  despair  (Judg.  xi.  35;  Esth.  iv.  3):  gen- 
erally the  outer  garment  alone  was  thus  rent  (Gen. 
xxxvii.  34;  Job  i.  20,  ii.  12),  occasionally  the  innef 
(2  Sam.  XV.  32),  and  occasionally  both  (Ezr.  ix 
3;  Matt.  xxvi.  65.  compared  with  Mark  xiv.  63) 
Shaking  the  garments,  or  shaking  the  dust  off 
them,  was  a  sign  of  renunciation  (Acts  xviii.  6) 
spreading  them  before  a  person,  of  loyalty  and  joy- 
ous reception  (2  K.  ix.  13;  Matt.  xxi.  8);  wrapping 
them  round  the  head,  of  awe  (1  K.  xix.  13),  or  of 
grief  (2  Sam.  xv.  30;  Esth.  vi.  12;  Jer.  xlv.  3, 
4);  casting  them  off,  of  excitement  (Acts  xxii.  23); 
laying  hold  of  them,  of  supphcation  (1  Sam.  xv. 
27;  Is.  iii.  6,  iv.  1;  Zech.  viii.  23). 

The  length  of  the  dress  rendered  it  inconvenient 
for  active  exercise;  hence  the  outer  garments  were 
either  left  in  the  house  by  a  person  workiTig  close 
by  (Matt.  xxiv.  18),  or  were  thrown  off  when  the 
occasion  arose  (Mark  x.  50;  John  xiii.  4:  Acts  vii. 
58);  or,  if  this  was  not  possible,  as  in  the  Cijse  of  a 
person  travelling,  they  were  girded  up  (1  K.  xviji 
46;  2  K.  iv.  29,  ix.  1;  1  Pet.  i.  13);  on  entering 
a  house  the  upper  garment  was  probably  laid  aside 
and  resumed  on  going  out  (Acts  xii.  8).  In  a 
sitting  posture  the  garments  concealed  the  feet; 
this  was  held  to  be  an  act  of  reverence  (Is.  vi.  2; 
see  I^wth's  note).  The  proverbial  expression  in 
1  Sam.  XXV.  22;  IK.  xiv.  10,  xxi.  21;  2  K.  ix.  8, 
probably  owes  its  origin  to  the  length  of  the  gar- 
ments, which  made  another  habit  more  natural  (cf. 
Her.  ii.  35;  Xen.  Cyrop.  i.  2,  §  16;  .\mmian. 
Marcell.  xxiii.  6);  the  expression  is  variously  un- 
derstood to  mean  the  lowest  or  the  youngest  of  the 
I)eople  (Gesen.  Thes.  p.  1397;  Jabn,  Archceol.  i. 
8,  §  120).  To  cut  the  garments  short  w:is  the 
grossest  insult  that  a  Jew  could  receive  (2  Sam.  x. 

4 ;  the  word  there  used,  )"TQ,  is  peculiarly  expressive 
of  the  length  of  the  garments).  To  raise  the 
l)order  or  skirt  of  a  woman's  dress  was  a  similar 
insult,  implying  her  unchastity  (Is.  xlvii.  2;  Jer. 
xiii.  22,  26;  Nah.  iii.  5). 

The  putting  on  and  off  of  garmtnts,  and  the 
ease  with  which  it  was  accomplished,  are  fre- 
quently referred  to ;  the  Hebrew  expressions  for  thf 
first  of  these  operations,  as  regards  the  outer  robe, 

are  tt'5^,  to  jmt  on,  HT^r,   PTDS,  and   ^^57, 

lit.  to  cover,  the  three  latter  having  special  reference 
to  the  amplitude  of  the  roljes ;  and  for  the  second 

t2tt?Q,  lit.  to  expaiul,  which  was  the  natural  result 
of  taking  off  a  wide,  loose  garment.  The  ease  of 
these  operations  forms  the  point  of  comparison  in 
Ps.  cii.  26 ;  Jer.  xliii.  12.     In  the  case  of  closely 

fitting  robes  the  expression  is  "^^H,  lit.  to  gird, 
which  is  applied  to  the  ephod  (1  Sam.  ii.  18;  2 
Sam.  vi.  14),  to  sackcloth  (2  Sam.  iii.  31 ;  Is.  xxxii. 
11 ;  Jer.  iv.  8);  the  use  of  the  term  may  illustrate 
Gen.  iii.  7,  where  the  garments  used  by  our  first 

parents  are  called  n"!"^n  (A.  V.  "aprons  "),  prob- 
ably meaning  such  as  could  be  wound  round  th« 
body.  The  converse  term  is  n»n^,  to  looseH,  or 
unbind  (Ps.  xxx.  11;  Is.  xx.  2). 

The  number  of  suits  posses-sed  by  the  Hebrewi 
was  considerable.     A  single  suit  consisted  of  an 

under  and  upper  garment,  and  was  termed  ?T"^3J 
D*'"^22  (ff-ToA^  llnaTiuy,  i-  e.  apparatus  vesttum 
LXX,;  Judg.  xvii.  10).     Where  more  tliau  one  u 


DRESS 

iipqk«i  of,  the  suits  are  termed  mS'^  vH  (aWac- 
ffSfiej/ai  (TToKai;  ef.  Horn.  Od.  viii.  2i9,  eifiara 
e|i]/io(j3c{  :  changes  of  raiment^  A.  V.)-  These 
formed  in  ancient  times  one  of  the  most  usual 
presents  among  Orientals  (Ilarmer,  Observaliuns, 
ii.  379  ff.);  fi\e  (Gen.  xlv.  22)  and  even  ten 
changes  (2  K.  v.  5)  were  tlms  presented,  while  as 
many  as  thirty  were  proposed  as  a  wager  (Judg. 
xiv.  12,  19).  The  highest  token  of  affection  was 
to  present  the  robe  actually  worn  by  the  giver  (1 
Sam.  xviii.  4;  cf.  Hom.  Jl.  vi.  230;  Ilarmer,  ii. 
388).  I'be  presentation  of  a  robe  in  many  instances 
amounted  to  installation  or  investiture  (Gen.  xli. 
42;  Esth.  viii.  15;  Is.  xxii.  21;  cf.  Morier,  Second 
■Journey,  p.  93) ;  on  the  other  hand,  taking  it  away 
amounted  to  dismissal  from  office  (2  Mace.  iv.  38). 
The  production  of  the  best  robe  was  a  mark  of 
special  honor  in  a  household  (Luke  xv.  22).  The 
number  of  robes  thus  received  or  kept  in  store  for 
presents  was  very  large,  and  formed  one  of  the 
main  elements  of  wealth  in  the  East  (Job  xxvii. 
16;  Matt.  vi.  19;  James  v.  2),  so  that  to  have 
clothing  :=  to  be  wealthy  and  powerful  (Is.  iii.  6, 
7).  On  grand  occasions  the  entertahier  offered 
becoming  robes  to  his  guests  (I'rench  on  Parables, 
p.  231).     Hence  in  large  households  a  wardrobe 

(nnn  7iO)  was  required  for  their  preservation  (2 
K.  X.  22;  cf.  Harmer,  ii.  382),  superintended  by  a 
special  officer  named  tZ^^TUSH  "Ittti?,  keeper  of 
the  wardrobe  (2  Chr.  xxxiv.  22).     Kobes  reserved 

for  special  occasions  are  termed  m^J^PItt  (A.  V. 
"changeable  suits";  Is.  iii.  22;  Zech.  iii.  4),  be- 
cause laid  aside  when  the  occasion  was  past. 

The  color  of  the  garment  was,  as  we  have  already 
observed,  generally  white;  hence  a  spot  or  stain 
readily  showed  itself  (Is.  bciii.  3;  Jude  23;  Kev. 
iii.  4);  reference  is  made  in  I^v.  xiii.  47  ft',  to  a 
greenish  or  reddish  spot  of  a  leprous  character. 
Jahn  {Arch(BoL  i.  8,  §  135)  conceives  this  to  be  not 
the  result  of  leprosy,  but  the  depredations  of  a 
small  insect;  but  Schilling  (de  Lepra,  p.  192) 
states  tliat  leprosy  taints  clothes,  and  adds  "  sunt 
maculie  omnino  indelebiles  et  potius  incrementum 
capere  quam  minui  sub  his  lavationibus  videntur" 
(Knobel,  Conim.  in  1.  c).  Frequent  washings  and 
the  application  of  the  fuller's  art  were  necessary  to 
preserve  the  purity  of  the  Hebrew  dress.     [Soap; 

FULLEU.] 

The  Ijusiness  of  making  clothes  devolved  upon 
women  in  a  family  (Prov.  xxxi.  22;  Acts  ix.  39); 
Uttle  art  was  required  in  what  we  may  term  the 
tailoring  department;  the  garments  came  forth  for 
the  most  part  ready-made  from  the  loom,  so  that 
the  weaver  supplanted  the  tailor.     The  references 

to  sewing  are  therefore  few:  the  term  "IDn  (Gen. 
iii.  7;  .loh  xvi.  15;  I'xcl.  iii.  7;  Ez.  xiii.  18)  was 
applied  by  the  latei  .lews  to  mending  rather  than 
malting  clothes. 

The  Hebrews  were  liable  to  the  charge  of  ex- 
travag:xiice  in  dress;  Isaiah  in  particular  (iii.  16 
ff.)  dilates  on  the  numerous  robes  and  ornaments 
worn  by  the  women  of  his  day.  The  same  subject 
is  referred  to  in  Jer.  iv.  30;  Ez.  xvi.  10;  Zeph.  i.  j 
8,  and  l*x!clus.  xi.  4,  and  ui  a  later  age  1  Tim.  ii 
9;  1  Pet.  iii.  3.  W.  L.  B. 


DRINK,  STRONG 


625 


"  "  Sicera  Hebraeo  sermone  omnia  potio  nuncupatur, 
m»»  inebriare  potest,  sive  ilia,  quae  frumento  conficitur 
»iT«  pomorum  succo,  aut  cum  £),vi  decoquuatur  in  dul- 
40 


DRINK,  STRONG  (13t»  :  o-r«epa,  [jxiOr,-, 

fiedufffia  ;  olvos  '•  sicera ;  ebrietas ;  omne  quod 
inebriare  potest;  potio]).  The  Hebrew  term 
shecdr,  in  its  etymological  sense,  appUes  to  any 
beverage  that  had  intoxicating  quaUties.  It  is 
generally  found  connected  with  wine,  either  as  an 
exhaustive  expression  for  all  other  liquors  (e.  g. 
Judg.  xiii.  4;  Luke  i.  15),  or  as  parallel  to  it,  par- 
ticularly in  poetical  passages  (e.  g.  Is.  v.  11 ;  Mic. 
ii.  11);  in  Num.  xxviii.  7  and  Ps.  Ixix.  12,  how- 
ever, it  stands  by  itself  and  must  be  regarded  as 
including  wine.  The  Bible  itself  throws  little  light 
upon  the  nature  of  the  mixtures  described  under 
this  term.  We  may  infer  from  Cant.  viii.  2  that 
the  Hebrews  were  in  the  habit  of  expressing  the 
juice  of  other  fruits  besides  the  grape  for  the  pur- 
pose of  makuig  wine:  the  pomegranate,  which  is 
there  noticed,  was  probably  one  out  of  many  fruits 
so  used.  In  Is.  xxiv.  9  there  may  be  a  reference 
to  the  sweetness  of  some  kind  of  strong  drink.  In 
Num.  xxviii.  7  strong  drink  is  clearly  used  as 
equivalent  to  wine,  which  was  ordered  in  Ex.  xxix. 
40.  With  regard  to  the  application  of  the  term  in 
later  times  we  have  the  explicit  statement  of  Je- 
rome {Kp.  ad  Nepot."-),  as  well  as  other  sources  of 
information,  from  which  we  may  state  that  the  fol- 
lowing beverages  were  known  to  the  Jews:  (1.) 
Beer,  which  was  largely  consumed  in  Egypt  under 
the  name  of  zythus  (Herod,  ii.  77;  Diod.  Sic.  i. 
34),  and  was  thence  introduced  into  Palestine 
(Mishn.  Pesnch.  3,  §  1).  It  was  made  of  barley; 
certain  herbs,  such  as  lupin  and  skirrett,  were  used 
as  substitutes  for  hops  (Colum.  x.  114).  llie 
boozah  of  modern  Egypt  is  made  of  barley-bread, 
crumbled  in  water,  and  left  until  it  has  fermented 
(Lane,  i.  131):  the  Arabians  mix  it  with  spices 
(Burckhardt's  Arabia,  i.  213),  as  described  in  Is. 
V.  22.  The  Mishna  (I.  c.)  seems  to  apply  the  term 
shecdr  more  especially  to  a  Median  drink,  prob- 
ably a  kind  of  beer  made  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  modern  boozah ;  the  Edomite  chomets,  noticed 
m  the  same  place,  was  probably  another  kind  of 
beer,  and  may  have  held  the  same  position  among 
the  Jews  that  bitter  beer  does  among  ourselves.  (2. ) 
Cider,  which  is  noticed  in  the  Mishna  ( Terum.  11, 
§  2)  as  apple-wine.  (3.)  Honey-wine,  of  which  there 
were  two  sorts,  one  like  the  olv6fxe\i  of  the  Greeks, 
which  is  noticed  in  the  Mishna  (Shabb.  20,  §  2; 
Terum.  11,  §  1)  under  a  Hebraized  form  of  that 
name,  consisting  of  a  mixture  of  wine,  honey,  and 
pepper;  the  other  a  decoction  of  the  juice  of  the 
grape,  termed  debash  (honey)  by  the  Ilebrews,  and 
dibs  by  the  modern  Syrians,  resembhng  the  ei|/7j/ia 
of  the  Greeks  and  the  defrutum  of  the  Romans, 
and  similarly  used,  being  mixed  either  with  wne 
milk,  or  water.  (4.)  Date-icine,  which  was  als« 
manufactured  in  Egypt  {olvos  (^oiviK-hios,  Herod, 
ii.  86,  iii.  20).  It  was  made  by  niashuig  the  fruit 
in  water  in  certain  proportions  (Plin.  xiv.  19,  §  3). 
A  similar  method  is  still  used  in  Arabia,  except 
that  the  fruit  is  not  mashed  (Burckhardt's  Arabia, 
ii.  204):  the  palm-wine  of  modern  Egypt  is  the 
sap  of  the  tree  itself,  obtained  by  making  an  in- 
cision into  its  heart  (Wilkinson,  ii.  174).  (5.) 
Various  other  fruits  and  vegetables  are  enumerated 
by  Pliny  (xiv.  19)  as  supplying  materials  for  yoc- 
titious  or  home-made  wine,  such  as  figs,  millet,  the 


cem  et  barbaram  potionem,  aut  palmarum  fructus  ex- 
prirauntur  in  liquorem,  cocti»que  firugibas  aqua  pjn 
guior  coloratur  " 


626  DROMEDARY 

arob  fruit,  &c.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the 
Hebrews  applied  raisim  to  this  purpose  in  the 
simple  manner  followed  by  the  Arabians  (Burck- 
hardt,  ii.  377),  namely,  by  putting  them  in  jars  of 
water  and  burying  them  in  the  gi-ound  until  fer- 
mentation takes  place.  W.  L.  B. 

DROMEDARY.  The  representati\e  in  the 
A.  V.  of  the  Hell,  words  hecer  or  bicrdh,  recesli 
and  rammdc.  As  to  the  two  former  terms,  see 
under  Camel." 

1.  Recesh  (tTD^  :  'nt-Ktvuv,  ap/xa'  jitmeuta, 
reredarii)  is  variously  interpreted  in  our  version 
by  "dromedaries"  (1  K.  iv.  28),  "mules"  (Esth. 
viii.  10,  14),  "swift  beasts"  (Mic.  i.  13).  Thwe 
seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  recesh  denotes  "  a  supe- 
rior kind  of  horse,"  such  as  woidd  be  required 
when  dispatch  was  necessary.  See  Gesenius  ( Tlies. 
8.  v.). 

2.  Rammdc  {T]^'^  :  LXX.  and  Vulg.  omit) 
occurs  only  in  plur.  form  in  Esth.  viii.  10,  in  con- 
nection with  beTie,  "sons;"  the  expression  bew 
rammdchim  being  an  epexegesis  of  the  Heb.  word 
uchashtevanim,  "  mules,  the  sons  of  mares."     The 

Heb.  TfS'^,  "a  mare,"  which  the  A.  V.  renders 
incorrectly  "  dromedary,"  is  evidently  allied  to  the 

Arab.   liXxv,  "  a  brood-mare."  W.  H. 

*  DROPPING,  A  CONTINUAL     It  is 

said  in  L*ix)v.  xxvii.  15,  that  "  a  continual  dropping 
in  a  very  rainy  day  and  a  contentious  woman  are 
alike."  The  LXX.  gives  as  the  sense  of  this: 
"  Drops  of  rain  in  a  wintry  day  drive  a  man  out 
of  his  house;  in  the  same  manner  also  does  an 
abusive  woman."  The  force  of  this  comparison 
becomes  evident  when  we  know  something  of  the 
construction  of  ordinary  houses  in  the  East.  jMany 
of  them  have  mud-covered  roofs;  and  hence  the 
rains,  especially  if  violent  and  protracted,  are  liable 
to  loosen  such  coverings  and  allow  the  water,  ac- 
cording to  the  extent  of  the  injury,  to  drop  or 
pour  down  upon  the  hapless  inmates.  Mr.  Hartley 
( Travels  in  Asia  Minor),  relates  an  experience  of 
his  own  which  illustrates  this  inconvenience :  "  Last 
night,  we  retired  to  rest  in  what  appeared  to  be 
one  of  the  best  /  rooms  which  we  Iiave  occupied 
during  the  journey;  but  at  midnight  we  were 
roused  by  the  rain  descending  through  the  roof; 
and  were  obliged  to  rise  and  seek  shelter  from  the 
incessant  dropping,  in  the  corridor,  which  was 
jettcr  protected." 

On  the  roofs  of  many  houses  (the  writer  observed 
-his  most  frequently  in  northern  Sj  ria)  tliey  keep 
a  cylindricid  rolling-stone  which  the  peojile  employ, 
specially  after  a  shower,  for  the  purpose  of  smooth- 
ng  and  hai-dening  the  softened  earth  through 
vhich  the  rain  so  easily  penetrates.  This  precaution 
will  sometimes  aggravate  the  evil.  Dr.  l^epsius 
relates  {Brief e  aus  A^</ypten,  &c.  (p.  393)  1852) 
that,  bein<;  overtaken  by  a  sudden  shower  at  night, 
he  took  refuge  in  a  house  near  Deir  el-Kamnr,  on 
Mount  l.ebajion.  Ere  long  the  rain  softened  the 
mud  on  the  noof  and  liegan  to  pour  down  on  his 
bed.  The  family  sent  out  one  of  their  number  to 
fill  up  the  crevices  and  draw  about  the  stone-roller. 
Dut  in  addition  to  the  rain,  iieaps  of  stone  and 
nibbish   were   precipitated   on    him,  and    he  was 


<"  •  To  what  is  said  under  (Umei  CAiiior.  cil.)  re. 
l^iectiDg  the  obstinacy  anii  moroseness  of  this  animal. 


DULCIMER 

compelled  to  b^  his  host  to  forego  tie  wA 
meant  kindness.  He  passed  a  sleepless  night,  and 
hailed  the  earliest  dawn  as  the  signal  for  departure. 
We  see  therefore  how  nmcb  the  proverb  ex- 
pressed, when  it  says,  that  "  a  continual  dropping 
in  a  very  rainy  day  and  a  contentious  woman  are 
alike."  H. 

DRUSIL'LA  (Apovn-iWri),  daughter  of  Herod 
Agrippa  I.  (Acts  xii.  1,  19  8.)  and  Cypros;  sister 
of  Herod  Agrippa  II.  81ie  was  at  first  betrothed 
to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  prince  of  Commagene,  but, 
he  refusing  to  Ijecome  a  Jew,  she  was  married  to 
Azizus,  king  of  Emesa,  who  complied  with  that 
condition  {Anl.  xx.  7,  §  1).  Soon  after,  I'ehx,  pro- 
curator of  Judaea,  brought  about  her  seduction  by 
means  of  the  Cyprian  sorcerer  Simon,  and  took  hear 
as  his  wife  (ib.  7.  §  2).  In  Acts  xxiv.  24,  we  find 
her  in  company  with  Felix  at  Cwsareii,  on  occasion 
of  St.  Paul  being  brought  Ijefore  the  latter;  and 
the  narrative  implies  that  she  was  present  at  the 
Aiwstle's  preaching.  Fehx  had  by  Drusilla  a  son 
named  Agrippa,  who,  together  with  his  motlier, 
jjerished  in  the  eniption  of  Vesuvius  under  Titua 
(Joseph,  l.  c. ;  comp.  Tac.  ffist.  v.  9).        H.  A. 

*  DUKE  (from  the  Latin  dux)  as  employed  in 
the  English  Bible  (Gen.  xxxvi.  15,  40;  Ex.  xv.  15; 
Josh.  xiii.  21,  &c.)  differs  widely  from  the  present 
usage.  In  the  older  English  writers  it  often  meant 
simply  leader,  chieftain,  and  is  so  used  (A.  V.)of 
the  heads  or  sheiks  of  Arab  clans  which  come 
forward  so  often  in  the  earlier  Hebrew  history. 
See    liastwood   and  Wright's    Bible    IVard-Book. 

H. 

DULCIMER  (Sumphoiiiah,  ^^''2')^^!2^D  : 
[(rvfj.<f>ODvia  '■  symphimia] ).  a  musical  instrument, 
not  hi  use  amongst  the  Jews  of  Palestine,  but  men- 
tioned in  Daniel,  iii.  5,  15,  and  at  ver.  10  under  the 

shorter  form  of  M''32"'D,  along  with  several  other 
instruments,  which  Nebuchadnezzar  ordered  to  be 
sounded  before  a  golden  image  set  up  for  national 
worship  dm-ing  the  period  of  the  captivity  of  Judah. 
Luther  translates  it  lute.  Grotius  adopts  the  view 
of  Servius,  who  considers  sympliunia  to  be  the  same 
with  tMa  obliqua  {■K\aylavKos)\  he  also  quotes 
Isidorus  (ii.  22),  who  speaks  of  it  as  a  long  drum. 
Habbi  Saadia  Gaon  {Conim.  on  Z>fm. ) describes  the 
sumphoniiih  as  the  bag-pipe,  an  opinion  adopted 
by  the  author  of  Shilte  hng-Gibborim  (Joel  Brill's 
Preface  to  Mendelssohn's  version  of  the  Psalms),  by 
Kircher,  Bartoloccius,  and  the  majority  of  Biblical 
critics.  The  same  instrument  is  still  in  use  amongst 
peasants  in  the  N.  W.  of  Asia  and  in  Southern 
Europe,  where  it  is  known  by  the  similar  name 
samjxit/nii  or  za.npoyna.  With  respect  to  the 
etymology  of  the  word  a  great  difference  of  opinion 
prevails.  Some  trace  it  to  the  Greek  a'vfKpaivioi 
and  Calmet,  who  inclines  to  this  view,  expresses 
astonishment  that  a  pure  Greek  word  should  have 
made  its  way  into  the  Chaldee  tongue:  it  is  prob- 
able, he  thinks,  that  the  instniment  Dulcimer  (A. 
V.)  was  introduced  into  Babylon  by  some  Greek 
or  Western-Asiatic  musician  who  was  taken  prisoner 
by  Nebuchadnezzar  during  one  of  his  campaigns 
on  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean.  Others,  with 
far  greater  probability,  regard  it  as  a  Semitic  woriL 

and  connect  it  with  ]2!2D,  "a  tube"  (Fiirst^ 


the  reader  may  add  Dr.  Robinson's  statemeut,  Bilk 
R-^s.  ii.  632-635.  Ist  ed.  H 


DUMAH 

rhe  word  ]1DtiD,  occurs  in  the  Talmud  ySwca, 
36a),  where  it  evidently  has  the  meaning  of  an  air- 
pipe.  Landau  {Aruch,  art.  ^D^D)  considers  it 
synonymous  with  siphon.  Ibn  Yahia,  in  his  com- 
mentary on  Dan.  iii.  5,  renders  it  by  t2713SjmS 
iopyava),  organ,  the  well-known  powerful  musical 
instrument,  composed  of  a  series  of  pipes.  Kabb. 
Elias,  whom  Buxtorf  quotes  (Lexic.  Talmud,  col. 
1504),  translates  it  by  the  German  word  Leier- 
(lyre). 

The  old-fashioned  spinet,  the  precursor  of  the 
harpsichord,  is  said  to  have  resembled  in  tone  the 
ancient  dulcimer.  The  modern  dulcimer  is  de- 
•cribed  by  Dr.  Busby  {Diet,  of  Made)  as  a  trian- 
gular instrument,  consisting  of  a  little  chest,  strung 
with  about  fifty  wires  cast  over  a  bridge  fixed  at 
each  end ;  the  shortest  wire  is  18  inches  in  length, 
the  longest  36 :  it  is  played  with  two  small  ham- 
mers held  in  the  hands  of  the  performer. 

D.   W.  M. 

DU'MAH  (HD-'J'T  [silence]  :  [in  Gen.,] 
i^ovfia.  [Alex.  15ou/ua;  in  1  Chr.,]  'I5ou/iio  [Comp. 
Aovfid;  in  Is.,]  'ISoufxala-  Duma),  a  son  of  Ish- 
mael,  most  probably  the  founder  of  an  IshmaeUte 
tribe  of  Arabia,  and  thence  the  name  of  the  prin- 
cipal place,  or  district,  inhabited  by  that  tribe.  In 
Sen.  XXV.  14,  and  1  Chr.  i.  30,  the  name  occurs  in 
the  list  of  the  sons  of  Ishmael ;  and  in  Isaiah  (xxi. 
11),  in  the  "  burden  of  Dumah,"  coupled  with  Seir, 
the  forest  of  Arabia,  and  Kedar.  The  name  of  a 
town  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  peninsula, 
Doomat-el-J endtl,^  is  held  by  Gesenius,  and  other 
European  authorities,  to  have  been  thus  derived; 
and  the  opinion  is  strengthened  by  Arab  ti"adition- 
Lsts,  who  have  the  same  belief  (Afir-dt  ez-Zemdn). 
The  latter,  however,  err  in  writing  ^^Ddwmat-el- 

JeTidel"  (JcXa^I  iw.O)  5  while  the  lexico- 
graphers and  geographers  of  their  nation  expressly 
state  that  it  is  correctly  "  Doomat-el-Jendtl,''  or 

■el-JendeV     (JjuL&.t      iiuo«t>,    or 

JJuL^I   j>Lo«c>)j  signifymg  "Dumah  of  the 

stones  or  blocks  of  stone,"  of  which  it  is  said  to 
have  been  built  {Silidh,  MS.,  Afardsid,  and  Musk- 
tarak,  s.  v.) ;  not  the  "  stony  Dumah,"  as  Europeans 
render  it.  Kl-Jendd  is  said  by  some  to  mean 
"stones  such  as  a  man  can  lift"  (/Tdmoos),  and 
seems  to  indicate  that  the  place  was  built  of  un- 
hewn or  Cyclopean  masonry,  similar  to  that  of  very 
ancient  structures.  The  town  itself,  which  is  one 
of  the  '^  KureipW  o{  Wddi-l-Kurd  >>  {Af<trdsid, 
t.  V.  Dooinnk ),  appears  to  be  called  "  Ducmmt-el- 
Jendcl;  "  and  the  fortress  which  it  contains,  to  have 

.iie  special  appellation  of  "  Mdrid'^  (c>\L/oJ. 

It  should  be  observed  that  there  are  two 
'•  Doomahs  ;  "  that  named  in  this  article,  and  D. 
iPEvdk.  The  chief  of  one,  a  contemporary  of 
Mohammed,  is  said  to  have  founded  the  other,  or 


DUNG 


627 


"  Doomd- 


to  have  given  it  the  name  of  D. ;  but  mosl  Arab 
authorities,  and  probability  also,  are  in  favor  of  the 
prior  antiquity  of  the  former.  E.  S.  P. 

DU'MAH  (na^"l  {silence,  i.  e.  land  of  ]: 
"Pe/iyd;  Alex.  [Comp.  Aid.]  'Povfrn'-  Ruma),  a 
city  in  the  mountainous  district  of  Judah,  near 
Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  52).  In  the  Onomastieon  of 
Eusebius  and  Jerome  it  is  named  as  a  very  largo 
place  {KcifjiT]  fifyia-rr}),  17  miles  from  Eleuthero- 
polis,  in  the  district  of  Daroma  {i.  e.  "  the  south." 

from  the  Hebrew  DIT^).  Eleutheroj-olis  not 
being  certainly  known,  this  description  does  not 
afford  much  clew.  Robinson  passed  the  ruins  of  a 
village  called  ed-Daumeh,  6  miles  southwest  of 
Hebron  (Rob.  i.  212),  and  this  may  possibly  be 
Dumah.  (See  also  Kieijert's  Map,  1856;  and  V^an 
de  Velde's  Memoir,  308)."^  G. 

DUNG  (bb|,  bba,  nH;.',  the  latter  always, 
and   the   two  former  generally,  applied    to  men; 

yCr\,  C^T???)  y"^?""')  t«  brute  animals,  the  second 
exclusively  to  animals  offered  in  sacrifice,  and  the 
third  to  the  dung  of  cows  or  camels).  The  uses 
of  dung  were  twofold,  as  manure,  and  as  fuel.  'I'he 
manure  consisted  either  of  straw  steeped  in  liquid 

manure  (n3X2"TQ  "'DS,  lit.  in  dung  water,  Is. 

XXV.  10),  or  the  sweepings  (nn^D,  Is.  v.  25)  of 
the  streets  and  roads,  which  were  carefully  removed 
from    about   the    houses   and    collected    in    heaps 

(nStrS)  outside  the  walls  of  the  towns  at  fixed 
s)K)ts  (hence  the  dung-gate  at  Jerusalem,  Neh.  ii. 
13),  and  thence  removed  in  due  course  to  the  fields 
(Mishn.  Slieb.  3,  §  1-3).  To  sit  on  a  dung-heap 
was  a  sign  of  the  deepest  dejfection  (1  Sam.  ii.  8; 
Ps.  cxiii.  7;  Lam.  iv.  5;  cf.  Job  ii.  8,  LXX.  and 
Vulg. ).  The  mode  of  applying  manure  to  trees 
was  by  digging  holes  about  their  roots  and  inserting 
it  (Luke  xiii.  8),  as  still  practiced  in  Southern 
Italy  (Trench,  Parables,  p.  356).  In  the  case  of 
sacrifices  the  dung  was  burnt  outside  the  camp 
(Ex.  xxix.  14;  Lev.  iv.  11,  viii.  17;  Num.  xix.  5); 
hence  the  extreme  opprobriimi  of  the  threat  in 
Mai.  ii.  3.  Particular  directions  were  laid  down 
in  the  law  to  enforce  cleanliness  with  regard  to 
human  ordure  (Deut.  xxiii.  12  ff):  it  was  the 
grossest  insult  to  turn  a  man's  house  into  a  recep- 
tacle for  it  (nSnnj5,  2  K.  X.  27;  ^yi,  Ezr.  vL 
11;  Dan.  ii.  5,  iii.' 29,  "dunghill"  A.Y.);  pub- 
lic establishments  of  that  nature  are  still  found  in 
the  large  towns  of  the  East  (Russell's  Alepjx),  i. 
34).  The  expression  to  "cast  out  as  dung"  im- 
plied not  only  the  offensiveness  of  the  object,  but 
also  the  ideas  of  removal  (1  K.  xiv.  10),  and  still 
more  exposure  (2  K.  ix.  37 ;  Jer.  viii.  2).  The 
reverence  of  the  later  Hebrews  would  not  permit 
the  proimnciation  of  some  of  the  terms  used  in 
Scripture,  and  accordingly  more  delicate  words  were 
substituted  in  the  margin  (2  K.  vi.  25,  x.  27.  xviii. 
27;  Is.  xxxvi.  12).  The  occurrence  of  such  names 
as  Gilalai,  Dimnah,  Madmenah,  and  Madmannah. 
shows  that  these  ideas  of  delicacy  did  not  extend 
to  ordinary  matters.  The  term  cKv^aXa  ("  dung,'' 


a  The  "  t ''  in  Doomat  IB  thus  written  for  "  h  "  by 
irammatical  construction. 

6  Winer,  in  his  art.  Duma,  quoting  Ilitzig  (Zeller's 
\Uurb.  1848),  has  complicated  the  question  by  making 
0.  el-Jendel  distinct  from  D.  of  Wddi-l-Kurd. 


c  *  Keil  {Josua,  p.  125)  and  Knobel  (Josua,  p.  437 
recognize  Dumah  in  this  ed-Daumeh,  though  Robin- 
son (i.  212,  2d  ed.)  expresses  no  opinion.  Raumei 
{PcUdstina,  p.  184,  4te  Aufl.)adi  pts  this  idputificatlou 


628  DUNGEON 

A.  v.,  PhiL  iii.  8)  applies  to  refuse  of  any  kind 
(cf.  Ecclus.  xxvii.  4). 

The  difficulty  of  procuring  fuel  in  Syria,  Arabia, 
and  Egypt,  has  made  dung  in  all  ages  valuable  as  a 
Rubstitute:  it  was  probably  used  for  heating  ovens 
and  for  baking  cakes  (Ez.  iv.  12,  15),  the  equable 
beiit  which  it  produced  adapting  it  peculiarly  for 
the  latter  operation.  Cow's  and  caniers  dung  is 
BtUl  used  for  a  similar  purpose  by  the  Bedouins 
(Burckhardt's  Notes,  i.  57 ) :  they  even  form  a 
species  of  pan  for  frjing  eggs  out  of  it  (Russell,  i. 
39):  in  Egypt  the  dung  is  mixed  with  straw  and 
formed  into  flat  round  cakes,  which  are  dried  in 
riie  sun  (Lane,  i.  252,  ii.  141).  W.  L.  B. 

DUMGEON.     [I'lusoN.] 

*  DUNG-PORT  (Neh.  ii.  13).  [Jerusalem, 
VIII.]  H. 

DU'llA  (S"J^'l :  [Theodot.]  Aeeipd;  [LXX. 
6  irtpifioKos-}  i>ura),  the  plain  where  Nebuchad- 
nezzar set  up  the  golden  image  (Uan.  iii.  1),  has 
been  sometimes  identified  with  a  tract  a  little  below 
Teki-it,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris  (Layard, 
Nin.  (f  Bub.  p.  46!)),  where  the  name  Dur  is  still 
found.  But  (1)  this  tract  probably  never  l)elonged 
to  Babylon;  (2)  at  any  rate  it  is  too  far  from  the 
capital  to  be  the  place  where  the  image  was  set  up ; 
for  the  plam  of  Dura  was  in  the  province  or  distnct 

of  Babylon  (bzi2  HD'^'Tpa),  and  therefore  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  city;  (3)  the  name  Dur,  in  its 
modem  u.se,  is  apjJicable  to  any  plain.  M.  Oppert 
places  the  plain  (or,  as  he  calls  it,  the  "valley") 
of  Dura  to  the  south-east  of  Babylon,  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  mound  of  Dowair  or  Duair.  He  has  dis- 
covered on  this  site  the  jjedestal  of  a  colossal  statue, 
and  regards  the  modern  name  as  a  corruption  of 
the  ancient  appellation.  G.  R. 

*  DUST  shaken  off  from  one's  sandals  (Acts 
xiii.  51),  or  his  garments  (Acts  xviii.  6)  was  a  sym- 
bolic act,  expressive  of  disapprobation  and  renun- 
ciation. Its  significancy  lay  in  the  idea  that  those 
against  whom  the  act  was  directed  were  so  un- 
worthy that  it  was  defiling  to  one  to  allow  so  much 
as  a  particle  of  the  soil  to  cleave  to  his  garments 
(see  Wetstein's  Nov.  Test.  i.  370).  For  other 
references  to  tliis  custom,  see  Matt.  x.  14;  Mark 
vi.  11;  Luke  ix.  5,  x.  11. 

Dust  thrown  into  the  air  by  an  excited  crowd, 
as  in  the  case  of  tlie  mob  at  Jerusalem  on  hearing 
Paul's  declaration  that  the  heathen  were  to  share 
in  the  blessuigs  of  the  Messiah's  kingdom  (Acts 
xxii.  23),  was  an  expression  of  rage  and  menace, 
while  at  the  same  time  it  inflamed  still  further  the 
passion  already  excited.  The  oriental  traveUer,  Sir 
John  Chardin  (Hamier's  OUerTations,  iv.  203) 
states  that  this  form  of  popular  outbreak  is  not 
imconimon  among  the  Persians  at  the  present  day. 
The  peasants  there  when  they  have  a  grievance  to 
redress,  collect  at  the  palace-gate,  howl,  rend  their 
^ments  and  throw  dust  into  the  air,  in  order  to 
enforce  by  such  frantic  violence  their  demand  for 
justice.  In  like  manner  Shimei,  as  he  cursed 
David  (2  Sam.  xvi.  13),  "  threw  stones  at  him  and 


o  The  modern  Arabic  term  for  the  UrifTon  Vulture, 
Including  the  V.  auricularis  and  V.  rinireus,  is  A7,«r. 
This  word  is  never  applied  to  the  Neophron  percnop- 
teru^  (V  "Kachmah."  The  Kagles  are  de.signat«d  col- 
Vctivfciy  by  Cgah  with  a  gpeciflr  acijcctive  for  various 
ipecint.  I  am  inclined,  therefore,  to  restrict  the  heb. 
Ket4*r  to  the  uuues^k-  Vuitur,  isvery  Scrip *.unii  cbanc- 


EAGLE 

cast  dust "  (according  to  the  H'^brew,  and  as  In 
the  margin  of  the  A.  V.,  "  dusted  him  with  dust "). 
Panting  "  after  the  dust  of  the  earth  on  the  head 
of  the  poor  "  is  mentioned  in  Ainos  ii.  7  as  a  mark 
of  avarice.  Even  those  who  were  so  wretched  aa 
to  have  nothing  but  the  dust  and  ashes,  which,  in 
token  of  their  misery,  they  had  spread  upon  their 
heads,  were  still  objects  of  the  rapacity  of  the 
merciless  miser.  With  an  approach  to  this  sar- 
casm, it  is  said  in  the  old  ballad  of  Gemutus  the 
Jew  (Connoisseur,  No.  xvi.)  who,  in  default  of  the 
payment  of  his  bond,  insisted  on  having  "hii 
pound  of  flesh  " :  — 

"  llis  heart  doth  thinke  on  many  a  wile, 

How  to  deceive  the  poore  ; 
His  mouth  is  almost  full  of  mucke, 

Yet  still  he  gapes  for  more." 

See  under  Mourning  in  regard  to  the  custom  of 
sprinkling  ashes  on  the  head  or  person  as  a  badge 
of  sorrow.  See  Seri'ent  for  what  is  meant  by 
the  tempter's  being  doomed  to  "  eat  dust  all  the 
days  of  his  life  "  (Gen.  iii.  14).  H. 


E. 

EAGLE  ("1?^?.,  nesher:  iierSsi  aquila).  The 
Hebrew  word,  which  occurs  frequently  in  the  0.  T., 
may  denote  a  particular  species  of  the  Falconidce, 
as  in  \mv.  xi.  13,  Deut.  xiv.  12,  where  the  nesher 
is  distinguished  from  the  ossifrage,  osprey,  and 
other  raptorial  birds;  but  the  term  is  used  also 
to  express  the  griffon  vulture  ( Vtdiur  J'ulvus)  in 
two  or  three  passages. 

At  least  four  distuict  kinds  of  eagles  have  been 
observed  in  Palestine,  namely,  the  golden  eagle 
(Aquila  chrysaetos),  the  spotted  eagle  (A.  ncevia), 
the  commonest  species  in  the  rocky  districts  (see 
lOis,  i.  23),  the  imperial  eagle  (Aquila  Heliaca), 
and  the  very  common  Circaetos  qallicvs,  which 
preys  on  the  numerous  rcptilia  of  Palestine  (for  a 
figure  of  this  bird  see  Osprey).  The  Hebrew 
nesher  may  stand  for  any  of  these  different  species, 
though  perhaps  more  particular  reference  to  the 
golden  and  imperial  eagles  and  the  griffon  vulture 
may  be  intended." 

The  eagle's  swiftness  of  flight  is  the  subject  of 
frequent  allusion  in  Scripture  (Deut.  xxviii.  49, 
2  Sam.  i.  23;  Jer.  iv.  13,  xlix.  22;  Lam.  iv.  19, 
Ac);  its  mounting  high  into  the  air  is  referred  to 
(hi  Job  xxxix.  27 ;  Prov.  xxiii.  5,  xxx.  19 ;  Is.  xl. 
31;  Jer.  xUx.  16);  its  strength  and  vigor  (in  Ps. 
ciii.  5);  its  predaceous  habits  (Job  ix.  26;  Prov. 
xxx.  17);  its  setting  its  nest  in  high  places  (in  Jer. 
xlix.  16);  the  care  in  training  its  young  to  fly  (in 
Ex.  xix.  4;  Deut.  xxxii.  11);  its  powers  of  nsion 
(in  Job  xxxix.  29). 

The  passage  in  Mic.  i.  16,  "  Enlarge  thy  baldness 
as  the  eagle,"  has  l)een  understood  by  Bochart 
(flieroz.  ii.  744)  and  others  to  refer  to  the  eagle  at 
the  time  of  its  moulting  in  the  spring.  Oe<lmann 
(  Vermisch.  Samm.  i.  64)  erroneously  refers  [?]  the 
baldness  spoken  of  by  the  prophet  to  point  to  the 


teristic  of  the  Nesher  being  more  true  of  the  Qriflbn 
Vulture  than  of  any  Eagle.  H.  B.  T. 

The  reader  will  find  the  vernacular  Arabic  name! 
of  different  species  of  Vulturidae  and  Falconidte  U 
loche'g  Cataioi^ue  des  Oiseaux  obsnv.  en  Algcrie 
and  in  Ibis,  vols,  i.,  ii.,  Tristram's  papers  on  the  Or 
alihdogy  of  North  Africa. 


EAGLE 

VuUur  bni-batus  (Gypnetus),  the  bearded  vulture 
)r  lammergyei,  which  he  supposed  was  bald.  It 
appears  to  us  to  be  extremely  improbable  that  there 
la  any  reference  in  the  pa9sa<;e  luider  consideration 
to  eagles  moulting.  Allusion  is  here  made  to  the 
custom  of  shaving  the  head  as  a  token  of  mourn- 
ing; but  there  would  be  little  or  no  appropriateness 
in  the  comparison  of  a  shaved  head  with  an  eagle  at 
the  time  of  moulting.  But  if  the  nesber  is  8U[  _x)sed 
to  denote  the  griffon  vulture  (  VuUur  J'lihm),  the 
simile  is  peculiarly  appropriate ;  it  may  be  remarked 

that  the  Hebrew  verb  karach  i^'JV)  signifies  "  to 
make  bald  on  the  back  part  of  the  head;"  the 
notion  here  conveyed  is  very  appli:able  to  the 
whole  head  and  neck  of  this  bird,  which  is  desti- 
tute of  true  feathers. 


EARING 


629 


Aqujla  Heliaca. 

With  reference  to  the  texts  referred  to  above, 
which  compare  the  watchful  and  sustaining  care  of 
his  people  by  the  Almighty  with  that  exhibited  by 
the  eagle  in  training  its  j'oung  ones  to  fly,  we  may 
quote  a  passage  from  Sir  Humphry  Davy,  who  says, 
"  I  once  saw  a  very  interesting  sight  above  one  of 
the  crags  of  Ben  Nevis,  as  I  was  going  in  the  pur- 
suit of  black  game.  Two  parent  eagles  were  teach- 
ing their  offspring,  two  young  birds,  the  manoeuvres 
of  flight.  They  began  by  rising  from  the  top  of 
the  mountain,  in  the  eye  of  the  sun.  It  was  about 
midday,  and  bright  for  this  climate.  They  at  first 
made  small  circles,  and  the  young  birds  imitated 
them.  They  paused  on  their  wings,  waiting  till 
they  had  made  their  first  flight,  and  then  took  a 
second  and  larger  gyration :  always  rising  towards 
the  sun,  and  enlarging  their  circle  of  flight  so  as  to 
make  a  gradually  ascending  spiral.  The  young 
ones  still  and  slowly  followed,  apparently  flying  bet- 
ter as  they  mounted ;  and  they  continued  this  sub- 
lime exercise,  always  rising,  till  they  became  mere 
points  in  the  air,  and  the  young  ones  were  lost,  and 
iflerwards  their  parents,  to  our  aching  sight." 
The  expression  in  Ex.  and  Deut.  {U.  cc),  "beareth 
'hem  on  her  wings,"  has  been  understood  by  Kab- 
•"inica!  writers  and  others  to  mean  that  the  eagle 
ioee  actually  carry  her  young  ones  on  her  wings 
»nd  shoulders.  This  is  putting  on  the  words  a 
wnstruction  which  they  by  no  means  are  intended 
It  convey;  at  the  same  time,  it  is  not  improbable 


fhat  the  parent  bird  assists  the  first  efforts  of  hef 
young  by  flying  under  them,  thus  sustaining  thoio 
for  a  momtjt,  and  encouraging  them  in  their  early 
lessons. 

In  Ps.  ciii.  5  it  is  said,  "  Thy  youth  is  renewed 
like  the  eagle's"  (see  also  Is.  xl.  31).  Some  Jew- 
ish interpreters  have  illustrated  this  passage  by  a 
reference  to  the  old  fables  about  the  eagle  being 
able  to  renew  his  strength  when  very  old  (see  Bo- 
chart,  Ilieroz.  ii.  747).  Modern  commentators  for 
the  most  part  are  inclined  to  think  that  these  words 
refer  to  the  eagle  after  the  moulting  season,  when 
the  bird  is  more  fuU  of  activity  than  before.  We 
much  prefer  Hengstenberg's  explanation  on  Ps.  ciii. 
5,  "  Thy  youth  is  renewed,  so  that  in  point  of 
strength  thou  art  like  the  eagle." 

The  aeToi  of  Matt.  xxiv.  28,  Luke  xvii.  37,  may 
include  the  Vultur  fulwa  and  Neophron  jiexcni'p- 
tei-us ;  though,  as  eagles  frequently  prey  upon  dead 
bodies,  there  is  no  necessity  to  restrict  the  Greek 
word  to  the  Vulturidcd."  The  figure  of  an  eagle  is 
now  and  has  been  long  a  favorite  military  ensign. 
The  Persians  so  employed  it;  which  fact  illustrates 
the  passage  in  Is.  xlvi.  11,  where  Cyrus  is  alluded 

to  under  the  symbol  of  an  "eagle"  (12 ''I?)  or 
"ravenous  bird"  (comp.  Xenoph.  Cyrop.  vii.  4). 
The  same  bird  was  similarly  employed  by  the  As- 
syrians and  the  Komans.  Eagles  are  frequently 
represented  in  Assyrian  sculptures  attending  the 
soldiers  in  their  battles;  and  some  have  hence  sup- 
posed that  they  were  trained  birds.  Considering, 
however,  the  wild  and  intractable  nature  of  eagles, 
it  is  very  improbable  that  this  was  the  case.  The 
representation  of  these  birds  was  doubtless  intended 
to  portray  the  common  feature  in  luvstern  battle- 
field scener)',  of  birds  of  prey  awaiting  to  satisfy 
their  hunger  on  the  bodies  of  the  slain. 

W.  H. 
E'ANES  (Mavrjr;  [Aid.  'Hc{kt;s:]  Esses),  1 
Esdr.  ix.  21,  a  name  which  stands  in  the  place  of 
Harim,  Maaskiah,  and  Elijah,  in  the  parallel 
list  of  Ezra  x.  It  does  not  appear  whence  the 
translators  obtained  the  form  of  the  name  giveu 
in  the  A.  V. 

*  Here,  as  in  many  other  instances  in  the  Apoc- 
rypha, the  form  of  the  name  in  the  A.  V.  is  de- 
rived, either  directly  or  indirectly,  from  the  Aldine 
edition.  A. 

*  EAR  used  as  a  verb  (from  the  Lat.  arare 
through  the  Anglo-Saxon  erian)  in  Deut.  xxi.  4; 
1  Sam.  viii.  12;  Is.  xxx.  24  (A.  V.),  meant  "to 
plough"  or  "till,"  at  the  time  when  our  English 
version  was  made.  So  in  Shakespeare  (Rich.  11., 
iii.  2):  — 

"  And  let  them  go 
To  ear  the  land  that  hath  some  hope  tc  grow  " 

See  Eastwood  and  Wright's  Bihle  Wwd-Book,  p. 
168  (Lond.  1866).  H. 

*  EARING  (from  the  Anglo-Saxon  eriung) 
occurs  in  Gen.  xlv.  6  and  Ex.  xxxiv.  21  (A.  V.), 
where,  according  to  the  present  English  usage,  we 
shoulc'  write  "ploughing"  for  "earing,"  and 
"  ploughing-time  "  for  "  earing-time."  Thus  "  ear- 
ing "  at  present  (so  liable  to  be  taken  in  the  sense 
of  putting  forth  ears)  suggests  almost  the  opposite 
of  the  true  meaning.  H. 


a  It  la  necessary  to  remember   that  no   true  Mglt 
win  kill  for  himself  if  he  can  find  dead  liesh. 

H.  B.  T 

\ 


630 


EARNEST 


EARNEST.  This  term  occurs  only  thi-ice  in 
the  A.  v.  (2  Cor.  i.  22,  v.  5;  Eph.  i.  14).  The 
equivalent  in  tlie  original  is  a,pf>a$(iv,  a  Grecized 
form  of  PD^37,  which  was  introduced  by  the  Phce- 
nicians  into  (ireece,  and  also  into  Italy,  where  it 
reappears  under  the  forms  arrhnbo  and  an-ha.  It 
may  again  be  traced  in  the  French  arrfies,  and  in 
the  old  English  expression  L'nrts  or  Arle's  money. 
The  Hebrew  word  was  used  generally  for  pledge 
(Gen.  x.xxviii.  17),  and  in  its  cognate  forms  for 
surety  (Prov.  xvii.  18)  and  hostfir/e  (2  K.  xiv.  14). 
The  (Jreek  derivati\'e,  however,  acquired  a  more 
technical  sense  as  signifying  the  c/e/Kmlf  paid  by  the 
purchaser  on  entering  into  an  agreement  for  the 
purchase  of  anything  (Suid.  Lex.  s.  v.).  A  similar 
legal  and  technical  sense  attaches  to  eai-nest,  the 
payment  of  which  pLaces  toth  the  vendor  and  the 
purchaser  in  a  position  to  enforce  the  carrying  out 
of  the  contract  (Blackstone,  ii.  30  [which  see]). 
There  is  a  marked  distinction  between  pledge  and 
earnest  in  this  respect,  that  the  latter  is  a  pari- 
yoymera.  and  therefore  implie.i  the  identity  in  kind 
«)f  the  deposit  with  the  future  full  payment;  whereas 
a  pledge  may  be  something  of  a  totally  different 
nature,  as  in  Gen.  xxxviii.,  to  be  resumed  by  the 
dei»sitor  when  he  has  completed  his  contract. 
Thus  the  expression  ^'■earnest  of  the  Spirit"  im- 
pUes,  beyond  the  idea  of  security,  the  identity  in 
kind,  though  not  in  degree,  and  the  continuity  of 
the  Christian's  privileges  in  this  world  and  in  the 
next.  The  payment  of  eamest^money  under  the 
name  of  arrabon  is  still  one  of  the  common  occur- 
rences of  Arab  life."  \V^  L.  B. 

EAR-RINGS.  The  word  DT^,  by  which  these 
ornaments  are  usually  described,  is  unfortunately 
ambiguous,  originally   referring   to  the   nose-rin, 
(as  its  root  indicates),  and  thence  transferred  to 
the  ear-ring.     The  full  expression  for  the  latter  is 

C1?TS5  "ir"'t^  Dp  (Gen.  xxxv.  4),  in  contradis- 
tinction to  "=TS"b^  D1r5  (Gen.  xxiv.  47).  In  the 
majority  of  cases,  however,  the  kind  is  not  spec- 
ified, and  the  only  clew  to  the  meaning  is  the  con- 
text. The  term  occurs  in  this  undefined  sense  in 
Judg.  viii.  24;  Job  xlii.  11;  Prov.  xxv.  12:  Hos. 
ii.  13.  The  material  of  which  the  ear-ring  was 
made  was  generally  gold  (Ex.  xxxii.  2),  and  its 
form   circular,   as  we  may  infer   from  the  name 

7"*3^,  by  which  it  is  described  (Num.  xxxi.  50 ; 
Ez.  xvi.  12):  such  was  the  shape  usual  in  Egypt 
(Wilkinson's  Egyptians,  iii.  370).  They  were 
worn  by  women  and  by  youth  of  both  sexes  (Ex. 
I.  r. ).  It  has  been  inferred  from  the  passage  quoted, 
and  from  Judg.  viii.  24,  that  they  were  not  worn 
by  men:  these  passages  are,  however,  by  no  means 
conclusive.  In  the  former  an  order  is  given  to  the 
men  in  such  terms  that  they  could  not  be  men- 
tioned, though  they  might  have  been  implicitly 
included;  in  the  latter  tlie  amount  of  the  i/ol/lis 
(he  peculiarity  adverted  to,  and  not  the  character 
of  the  ornament,  a  peculiarity  which  is  still  notice- 
Able  among  the  inhabitants  of  southern  Arabia 
(Wellsted's  Travels,  i.  321).  'Die  mention  of  the 
sons  in  Ex.  xxxii.  2  (which,  however,  is  omitted  in 
the  LXX.)  is  in  favor  of  their  having  been  worn; 
»nd  it  appears  unlikely  that  the  Hebrews  presented 

o  •  In  regard  to  the  uncertain  etymology  of  "  ear- 
■Bit,"  aee  Eastwood  and  Wright's  Biblf  Word-Book,  p. 
I«.  H. 


EARTH 

an  exception  to  the  almost  miiversal  practioe  «i 
Asiatics,  both  in  ancient  and  modern  times  (Winer, 
Reahcort.  s.  v.  Ohriinge).  The  ear-ring  appeam 
to  have  been  regarded  with  superstitious  reverence 
as  an  amulet :  thus  it  is  named  in  the  Chaldee  and 

Samaritan  versions  SK;'"*''Tf2»  «  holy  thing ;  and  in 
Is.  iii.  20  the  word  D"*t?'n7,  properly  amulets,  is 
rendered  in  the  A.  V.,  after  the  LXX.  and  Vulg., 
earrings.  [Amulet.]  On  this  account  they  were 
surrendered  along  with  the  idols  by  Jacob's  house- 
hold ((ien.  xxxv.  4).     Chardin  describes  ear-rings, 


Egyptian  Ear-rings,  from  Wilkinson. 

with  talismanic  figures  and  characters  on  them,  as 
still  existing  in  the  East  (Brown's  Antiquities,  ii. 
305).    Jewels  were  sometimes  attached  to  the  rings: 

they  were  called  rTD^p?  (from  ^122,  to  drop),  a 
word  rendered  in  Judg.  viii.  26,  opfJUffKoi  •  monilin  : 
collars  or  sweet  jewels,  A.  V.,  and  in  Is.  iii.  19, 
KiOe/ia  '■  toi-ques :  chains  or  sioeet  balls,  A.  V.  'I'he 
size  of  the  ear-rings  still  worn  m  eastern  countries 
far  exceeds  what  is  usual  among  ourselves  (Har- 
mer's  Obsei-vations,  iv.  311,  314);  hence  they 
formed  a  handsome  present  (Job  xlii.  11),  or  offer- 
ing to  the  sendee  of  God  (Num.  xxxi.  50). 

W.  L.  B. 
EARTH.  This  term  is  used  in  two  widely 
different  senses:  (1)  for  the  material  of  which  the 
earth's  surface  is  composed ;  (2)  as  the  name  of  the 
planet  on  which  man  dwells.  The  Hebrew  lan- 
guage discriminates  between  these  two  by  the  use 

of  separate  terms,  Adamah  (n^"7S)  for  the  formCT, 

Erels  (VTI^^  for  the  latter.  As  the  two  are  es- 
sentially distinct,  we  shall  notice  them  separately. 

I.  Adamah  is  the  earth  in  the  sense  of  soil  or 
ground,  particularly  as  being  susceptible  of  culti- 
vation ;  hence  the  expression  ish  adamah  for  an 
agriculturist  (Gen.  ix.  20).  The  eai-th  supplied 
the  elementary  substance  of  which  man's  body  wa« 
formed,  and  the  terms  adam  and  adamah  arc 
brought  into  juxtaposition,  implying  an  etymolog- 
ical connection  (Gen.  ii.  7).  [Apam.]  The  opin- 
ion that  man's  body  was  formed  of  earth  prevailed 
among  the  Greeks  (Hesiod,  Op.  et  Di.  61,  70; 
Plat.  Rep.  p.  269),  the  Romans  (Tirg.  Georg.  ii. 
341 ;  Ovid,  Met.  i.  82),  the  Egyptians  (Diod.  Sic. 
i.  10),  and  other  ancient  nations.  It  is  evidently 
based  on  the  observation  of  the  material  into  which 
the  liody  is  resolved  after  death  (Job  x.  9 ;  Eccl. 
xii.  7 ).  The  law  prescribed  earth  as  the  material 
out  of  which  altars  were  to  be  raised  (Ex.  xx.  24); 
Biihr  (Symb.  i.  488)  sees  in  this  a  reference  to  thf 
name  adam  :  others  with  more  reason  compare  th» 
ara  de  cespite  of  the  Romans  (Ov.  Trist.  v.  5,  9 
Hor.  Ud.  iii.  8,  4,  5),  and  view  it  as  a  precept  ol 
simplicity.     Naaman's  request  for  two  mules'  biM> 


EARTH 

Icn  of  earth  (2  K.  v.  17)  was  based  on  the  idea 
that  Jehovah,  like  the  heathen  deities,  was  a  local 
i^od,  and  could  be  worshipped  acceptably  only  on 
his  own  soil. 

II.  Erets  is  explained  by  Von  Bohlen  {Introil. 
to  Gen.  ii.  6)  as  meanin<^  etymologically  the  low 
in  opjKjsition  to  the  hiyh,  i.  e.  the  heaven.  It  is 
applied  in  a  more  or  less  extended  sense:  (1)  to 
the  whole  world  (Gen.  i.  1);  (2)  to  land  as  op- 
posed to  sea  (Gen.  i.  10);  (3)  to  a  country  (Gen. 
xxi.  32);  (•!)  to  a  plot  of  ground  (Gen.  xxiii.  15); 
and  (5)  to  the  ground  on  which  a  man  stands  (Gen. 
xxxiii.  3).  The  two  former  senses  alone  concern 
us,  the  first  involving  an  inquiry  into  the  opinions 
of  the  Hebrews  on  Cosmogony,  the  second  on  Ge- 
ography. 

I.  Cosmogony.  —  The  views  of  the  Hebrews 
on  this  subject  are  confessedly  imperfect  and  o\>- 
scure.  This  arises  partly  from  the  ulterior  objects 
which  led  them  to  the  study  of  natural  science,  and 
still  more  from  the  poetical  coloring  with  which 
they  expressed  their  opinions.  The  books  of  Gen- 
esis, Job,  and  Psahns  supply  the  most  numerous 
notices.  Of  thes^e,  the  two  latter  are  strictly  poet- 
ical works,  and  their  language  must  be  measured 
by  the  laws  of  jXKitical  expression ;  in  the  first  alone 
have  we  anything  approaching  to  an  historical  and 
systematic  statement,  and  even  this  is  but  a  sketch 
—  an  outUne  —  which  ought  to  be  regarded  at  the 
same  distance,  from  the  same  point  of  view,  and 
through  the  same  religious  medium  as  its  author 
regarded  it.  The  act  of  creation  itself,  as  recorded 
in  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis,  is  a  subject  lieyond  | 
and  above  the  experience  of  man ;  human  language, 
derived,  a.s  it  originally  was,  from  the  sensible  and 
material  world,  fails  to  find  an  adequate  term  If) 
describe  the  act;  for  our  word  " create "  and  the 
Hebrew  barn,  though  most  appropriate  to  express 
the  idea  of  an  original  creation,  are  yet  applicable 
and  must  necessarily  be  applicable  to  other  modes 
of  creation ;  nor  does  the  addition  of  such  expres- 
sions as  "out  of  things  that  were  not"  (j^  o'vk 
ovTwu,  2  Mace.  vii.  28),  or  "not  from  things  which 
appear"  (jut;  e'/c  <j>aivojj.ei/ciJv,  Heb.  xi.  3)  contrib- 
ute much  to  the  force  of  the  declaration.  The 
absence  of  a  term  which  shall  describe  exclusively 
an  original  creation  is  a  necessary  infirmity  of  lan- 
guage: as  the  event  occurred  but  once,  the  corres- 
ponding term  must,  in  order  to  be  adequate,  have 
been  coined  for  the  occasion  and  reserved  for  it 
alone,  which  would  have  been  impossible.  The 
same  observation  applies,  though  in  a  modified  de- 
gree, to  the  description  of  the  various  processes 
subsequent  to  the  existence  of  original  matter. 
Moses  viewed  matter  and  all  the  forms  of  matter  in 
their  relations  primarily  to  (Jod,  and  secondarily  to 
man  —  as  manifesting  the  glo/y  of  the  former,  and 
W  designed  for  the  use  of  the  Litter.  In  relation 
o  the  fdri^icr,  he  describes  creation  with  the  special 
view  of  illustrating  the  Divine  attributes  of  power, 
goodness,  wisdom,  and  accordingly  he  throws  this 
narrative  into  a  form  which  impresses  the  reader 
with  the  sense  of  these  attributes.  In  relation  to 
the  latter,  he  selects  his  materials  with  the  special 
view  of  illustrating  the  subordination  of  all  the 
orders  of  material  things  to  the  necessities  and 
soraforts  of  man.  With  these  objects  in  view,  it 
ought  not  to  be  a  matter  of  surprise,  if  the  simple 
narrative  of  creation  omits  much  that  scientific  le- 
learch  has  since  supplied,  and  appears  in  a  guise 
idapted  to  those  objects.  The  subject  itself  is 
hroughout  one  of  a  transcendental  character;  it 


EARTH 


631 


should  consequently  be  subjected  to  the  same  stand 
ard  of  interpretation  as  other  passages  of  the  Bible 
descriptive  of  objects  which  are  entirely  beyond  the 
experience  of  man,  such  as  the  day  of  judgment, 
the  states  of  heaven  and  hell,  and  the  representa- 
tions of  the  Divine  Majesty.  The  style  of  criticism 
applied  to  Gen.  i.  by  the  opponents,  and  not  imfre- 
quently  by  the  supporters  of  Revelation,  is  such  as 
would  be  subversive  of  many  of  tlie  most  noble  and 
valuable  portions  of  the  Bible.  With  these  pref- 
atory remarks  we  proceed  to  lay  down  what  appear 
to  us  to  be  the  leading  features  of  Hebrew  cos- 
mogony. 

1.  The  earth  was  regarded  not  oidy  as  the  cen- 
tral point  of  the  universe,  but  as  the  universe  itself, 
every  other  body  —  the  heavens,  sun,  moon,  and 
stars  —  being  subsidiary  to,  and,  as  it  were,  the 
complement  of  the  earth.  The  Hebrew  language 
has  no  expression  equivalent  to  our  universe  :  "  the 
heavens  and  the  earth"  (Gen.  i.  1,  xiv.  19;  Ex. 
xxxi.  17)  has  been  regarded  as  such;  but  it  is  clear 
that  the  heavens  were  looked  upon  as  a  necessary 
adjunct  of  the  e;irth  — the  curtain  of  the  tent  in 
which  man  dwells  (Is.  xl.  22),  the  sphere  above 
which  fitted  the  sphere  below  (comp.  Job  xxii.  14, 
and  Is.  -xl.  22) — designed  solely  for  purposes  of 
beneficence  in  the  economy  of  the  earth.  Thi? 
appears  from  the  account  of  its  creation  and  offices : 
the  existence  of  the  heaven  was  not  prior  to  or 
contemporaneous  with  that  of  the  earth,  but  subse- 
quent to  it;  it  was  created  on  the  second  day  (Gen. 
i.  6).    The  term  under  which  it  is  described,  rakia 

(37^p~l)  is  significant  of  its  extension,  that  it  waa 
stretched  out  as  a  curtain  (Ps.  civ.  2)  over  the  sur- 
face of  the  eiirth.  Moreover  it  depended  upon  the 
earth;  it  had  its  "foundations"  (2  Sam.  xxii.  8) 
on  the  edges  of  the  earth's  circle,  where  it  was  sup- 
jwrted  by  the  mountains  as  by  ina-ssive  pillars  (Job 
XX vi.  11).  Its  offices  were  (1)  to  support  the 
waters  which  were  above  it  (Gen.  i.  7 ;  Ps.  cxlviii. 
4),  and  thus  to  form  a  mighty  reservoir  of  rain  and 
snow,  which  were  to  pour  forth  through  its  win- 
dows ((jen.  vii.  11;  Is.  xxiv.  18)  and  doors  (Ps. 
Ixxviii.  23),  as  through  opened  sluicegates,  for  the 
fructification  of  the  earth;  (2)  to  serve  as  the  mb- 
gtrntum  (ffTepfWfia  or  '■<■  frmament  ")  in  which  the 
celestial  bodies  were  to  be  fixed.  As  with  the 
heaven  itself,  so  also  with  the  heavenly  bodies ;  they 
were  regarded  solely  as  the  ministers  of  the  earth, 
riieir  offices  were  (1)  to  give  fight;  (2)  to  separate 
between  day  and  night;  (3)  to  he  for  siV/ns,  as  iri 
the  case  of  eclipses  or  other  extraordinary  phe- 
nomena; for  seusotis,  as  regulating  seedtime  and 
harvest,  summer  and  winter,  as  well  as  religious 
festivals ;  and  for  days  and  years,  the  length  of  the 
former  being  dependent  on  the  sun,  the  latter  being 
estimated  by  the  motions  both  of  sun  and  moon 
(Gen.  i.  14-18);  so  that  while  it  might  truly  be 
said  that  they  held  "  dominion "  over  the  earth 
(Job  xxxviii.  33),  that  dominion  was  exercised 
solely  for  the  convenience  of  the  tenants  of  earth 
(Ps.  civ.  19-23).  So  entirely  indeed  was  the  ex- 
istence of  heaven  and  the  heavenly  bodies  designed 
for  the  earth,  thi  with  the  earth  they  shall  simul 
taueously  perish  (2  Pet.  ui.  10):  the  curtain  of  the 
tent  shall  be  roUed  up  and  the  stars  shall  of  nec«s 
sity  drop  off  (Is.  xxxiv.  4;  Matt.  xxiv.  2l»)  — their 
sympathy  with  earth's  destruction  being  the  coun- 
terpart of  their  joyous  song  when  its  foundation» 
were  laid  (Job  xxxviii.  7). 

2.  The  earth  was  regarded  in  a  twofold  asiiert  • 


fi32 


EARTH 


In  relation  to  God,  as  the  manifestation  of  his 
Infinite  attributes ;  in  relation  to  man,  as  tlie  scene 
of  his  abode.  (1.)  The  Hebrew  cosmogony  is  based 
upon  the  leading  principle  that  the  universe  exists, 
not  independently  of  God,  by  any  necessity  or  any 
inherent  power,  nor  yet  contemporaneously  with 
God,  as  being  co-existent  with  him,  nor  yet  in 
opposition  to  God,  is  a  hostile  element,  but  depend- 
ently  upon  him,  subsequently  to  liini,  and  in  sub- 
jection to  him.  The  opening  words  of  Genesis 
express  in  broa<l  terms  this  leading  princii)le;  how- 
ever difficult  it  may  te,  as  we  have  already  observed, 
to  express  tliis  truth  adequately  in  human  language, 
yet  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  subordination 
of  matter  to  (iod  in  every  respect  is  implied  in  that 
pass.age,  as  well  as  in  other  passages,  too  numerous 
to  quote,  which  conmient  upon  it.  The  same  great 
principle  runs  through  the  whole  history  of  ci-eation : 
matter  owed  all  its  forms  and  modifications  to  the 
will  of  God :  in  itself  dull  and  inert,  it  received  its 
first  vivifying  capacities  from  the  influence  of  the 
Spirit  of  (iod  broo.Jing  over  the  deep  (Gen.  i.  2); 
the  progressive  imp*  jvements  in  its  condition  were 
the  direct  and  miraculous  effects  of  God's  will ;  no 
interposition  of  secondary  causes  is  recognized; 
"He  spake  and  it  was"  (Ps.  xxxiii.  9);  and  the 
pointed  terseness  and  sharpness  with  which  the 
writer  sums  up  the  whole  transaction  in  the  three 
expressions  "  God  said,"  "  it  was  so,"  "  God  saw 
that  it  was  good  "  —  the  first  declaring  the  divine 
volition,  the  second  the  immediate  result,  the  third 
the  peri'ectness  of  the  work  —  harmonizes  aptly  witli 
the  view  which  he  intended  to  express.  Thus  the 
earth  became  in  the  eyes  of  the  pious  Hebrew  the 
scene  on  which  the  Divine  perfections  were  dis- 
played: the  heavens  (Ps.  xix.  1),  the  earth  (Ps. 
Kxiv.  1,  civ.  24),  the  sea  (Job  xxvi.  10;  Ps.  Ixxxix. 
9;  Jer.  v.  22),  "mountains  and  hills,  fruitful  trees 
and  all  cedars,  beasts  and  all  cattle,  creeping  things 
and  flying  fowl "  (Ps.  cxlviii.  9,  10),  all  displayed 
one  or  other  of  the  leading  attributes  of  His  char- 
acter. So  also  with  the  ordinary  oj^erations  of 
nature  —  the  thunder  waa  His  voice  (Job  xxxvii. 
5),  the  lightnings  His  arrows  (Ps.  Ixxvii.  17),  wind 
and  storm  His  messengers  (Ps.  cxlviii.  8),  the  earth- 
quake, the  eclipse,  and  the  comet,  the  signs  of  His 
presence  (Joel  ii.  10;  Matt.  xxiv.  29;  Luke  xxi. 
25). 

(2.)  The  earth  was  regarded  in  relation  to  man, 
and  accordingly  each  act  of  creation  is  a  preparation 
of  the  earth  for  his  abode  —  light,  as  the  primary 
condition  of  all  life  ;  the  heavens,  for  purposes 
ib^ady  detiiiled  ;  the  dry  land,  for  his  home  ; 
"  grass  for  tlie  cattle  and  herb  for  the  service  of 
man"  (Ps.  civ.  14);  the  alternations  of  day  and 
night,  the  one  for  his  work  and  the  other  for  his 
rest  (Pa.  civ.  23);  fish,  fowl,  and  flesh  for  his  food; 
the  beasts  of  burden,  to  lighten  his  toil.  The  work 
of  each  day  of  creation  has  its  specific  application 
to  the  requirements  and  the  comforts  of  man,  and 
18  recorded  with  that  special  view. 

3.  Creation  was  regarded  as  a  progi-essive  work 
—  a  srradual  development  from  the  inferior  to  the 
guperior  orders  of  things.  Thus  it  was  with  the 
e-irth's  surface,  at  first  a  chaotic  mass,  imrste  ami 
:mpiy,  well  described  in  the  paronomastic  terms 
toku,  bohu,  overspread  with  waters  and  enveloped  in 
darkness  (Gen.  i.  2),  and  thence  gradually  brought 
into  a  state  of  order  and  beauty  so  conspicuous,  as 
to  have  led  the  I>atins  to  describe  it  by  the  name 
Afundm.  Thus  also  with  the  diflferent  portions  of 
Ihe  universe,  the  earth  before  the  light,  the  light 


EARTH 

before  the  firmament,  the  firmament  before  the  dry 
land.  Thus  also  with  Ught  itself,  at  first  the 
elementary  principle,  separated  from  the  darkness, 
but  without  defined  boundaries ;  afterwards  the 
illuminating  bodies  with  their  distinct  jwwers  and 
offices  —  a  progression  that  is  well  expressed  in 
the  Hebrew  language  by  the  terms  or  and  mwV 

CmW)  T^SID).  Thus  also  with  the  orders  of 
Uving  beings  ;  firstly,  plants ;  secondly,  fish  and 
birds ;  thirdly,  cattle ;  and  lastly,  man.  I'rom 
"  good  "  in  the  several  parts  to  "  very  good  "  as  :> 
whole  (Gen.  i.  31),  such  was  its  progress  in  Ihe 
judgment  of  the  Onmi{X)tent  workman. 

4.  Order  involves  time;  a  succession  of  events 
implies  a  succession  of  periods;  and  accordingly 
Moses  assigns  the  work  of  creation  to  six  days, 
each  having  its  specific  portion  —  light  to  the  first, 
the  firmament  to  the  second,  the  dry  land  and 
plants  to  the  third,  the  heavenly  bodies  to  the 
fourth,  fish  and  fowl  to  the  fifth,  beasts  and  man 
to  the  sixth.  The  manner,  in  which  these  acts 
are  descril>ed  as  having  been  done,  precludes  all 
idea  of  time  in  relation  to  their  perfonnance :  it 
was  miraculous  and  instantaneous:  "God  said" 
aiicl  then  "  it  was."  But  tlie  progressiveness,  and 
consequently  the  individuality  of  the  acts,  does 
involve  an  idea  of  time  as  elapsing  between  the 
completion  of  one  and  the  commence»-]ent  of  an- 
other; otherwise  the  work  of  creation  would  have 
resolved  itself  into  a  single  continuou.  act.  The 
pericxl  assigned  to  each  individual  act  is  a  day  — 
the  only  period  which  represents  the  entire  cessation 
of  a  work  tlmmgh  the  interposition  of  night.  That 
a  natural  day  is  represented  under  the  expression 
"  evening  was  and  morning  was,"  admits,  we  think, 
of  no  doubt ;  the  term  "  day "  alone  may  refer 
sometimes  to  an  indefinite  period  conteniporaneoua 
with  a  single  event;  but  when  the  individual  parts 
of  a  day,  "evening  and  morning"  are  si)ecified, 
and  when  a  series  of  such  days  are  noticed  in  their 
numerical  order,  no  analogy  of  language  admits  of 
our  understanding  the  term  in  anything  else  than 
its  literal  sense.  The  Hebrews  had  no  other  means 
of  expressing  the   civil  day  of  24  hours  than  as 

"evening,  morning"  ("^(7.2  2^}?,  Dan.  viii.  14), 

similar  to  the  Greek  wx^-ftfifpov,  and  although 
the  alternation  of  light  and  darkness  lay  at  the 
root  of  the  expression,  yet  the  Hebrews  in  their 
use  of  it  no  more  thought  of  tho.se  elements  than 
do  we  when  we  use  the  terms  fwtn'ujht  or  st'vniijht  ; 
in  each  case  the  lapse  of  a  certain  time,  and  not 
the  elements  by  which  that  time  is  calculated,  is 
intended ;  so  that,  without  the  leitst  inconsistency 
either  of  language  or  of  reality,  the  expression  may 
be  applied  to  the  days  previous  to  the  creation  of 
the  sun.  The  application  of  the  same^expressions 
to  the  events  subsequent  to  the  creation  of  the  sun. 
as  well  as  the  use  of  the  word  "  day  "  in  the  4th 
commandment  without  any  indications  that  it  is 
used  in  a  different  sense,  or  in  any  other  than  the 
literal  acceptation  of  Gen.  i.  5  ff.,  confirm  the  view 
above  stated.  The  interpretation  that  "  evening 
and  morning  "  =  beffinnint/  and  end,  is  opposed  not 
only  to  the  order  in  which  the  words  stand,  lut  to 
the  sense  of  the  words  elsewhere. 

5.  The  Hebrews,  though  regarding  creation  ai 
the  immediate  act  of  God,  did  not  ignore  the 
evident  fact  that  existing  materials  and  intermediat« 
agencies  were  employed  both  then  and  in  the  sub- 
sequent operations  of  nature.    Thus  the  simple  laol 


BARTH 

«Godcreatea  man"  (Gen.  i.  27)1?  amplified  by 
Ihe  subsequent  notice  of  the  materia.'  substance  of 
•rhich  his  body  was  made  (Gen.  ii.  7);  and  so  also 
of  the  animals  (Gen.  i.  24,  ii.  ID).  The  separation 
of  sea  and  land,  attributed  in  Gen.  i.  G  to  the 
Divine  fiat,  was  seen  to  involve  the  process  of  par- 
tial elevations  of  the  earth's  surface  (Ps.  civ.  8, 
"the  mountains  ascend,  tlie  valleys  descend;" 
conip.  Prov.  viii.  25-28).  The  formation  of  clouds 
and  the  supply  of  moisture  to  the  earth,  which  in 
Gen.  i.  7  was  provided  by  the  creation  of  the  firma- 
ment, was  afterwards  attributed  to  its  true  cause 
in  tlie  continual  return  of  the  waters  from  the 
earth's  surface  (Eccl.  i.  7).  The  existence  of  the 
element  of  light,  as  distinct  from  the  sun  (Gen.  i. 
3,  14;  Job  xxxviii.  19),  has  likewise  been  explained 
as  the  result  of  a  philosophically  correct  view  as  to 
the  nature  of  light ;  more  probably,  however,  it  was 
founded  upon  the  uicorrect  view  that  the  light  of 
the  moon  was  independent  of  tlie  sun. 

G.  With  regard  to  the  earth's  body,  the  Hebrews 
conceived  its  surface  to  be  an  immense  disc,  sup- 
ported like  the  flat  roof  of  an  Eastern  house  by 
pillars  (.Job  ix.  G;  Ps.  Ixxv.  3),  which  rested  on 
solid  foundations  (Job  xxxviii.  4,  6;  Ps.  civ.  5; 
Prov.  viii.  2J);  but  where  those  foundations  were 
on  which  the  "  sockets  "  of  the  pillars  rested,  none 
could  tell  (Job  xxxviii.  6).  The  more  philosophical 
view  of  the  earth  being  susjiended  in  free  space 
seems  to  be  imphed  in  Job  xxvi.  7 ;  nor  is  there 
any  absolute  contradiction  between  this  and  the 
former  view,  as  the  pillars  of  the  earth's  surface 
may  be  conceived  to  have  been  founded  on  the  deep 
bases  of  the  mountains,  which  bases  themselves 
were  unsupported.  Otlier  passages  (Ps.  xxiv.  2, 
txxxvi.  G)  seem  to  imi)ly  the  existence  of  a  vast 
subterraneous  ocean ;  the  words,  however,  are  sus- 
ceptible of  the  sense  that  the  earth  was  elevated 
above  the  level  of  the  seas  ( Uengstenberg,  Comm. 
in  loc),  and,  that  this  is  the  sense  in  which  they 
are  to  be  accepted,  appears  from  the  converse  ex- 
pression "water  under  the  earth"  (Ex.  xx.  4), 
which,  as  contrasted  with  "heaven  above"  and 
"  earth  beneatli,'"  evidently  implies  the  comparative 
elevation  of  the  three  bodies.     Beneath  the  earth's 

surface  was  shtol  ( /"'SK.''),  the  hollow  place,  "  hell''' 
(Num.  xvi.  30;  Deut.  xxxii.  22;  Job  xi.  8),  the 
"  house  appointed  for  the  living"  (Job  xxx.  23),  a 
"land  of  darkness"  (Job  x.  21),  to  which  were 
ascribed  in  poeticiU  language  gates  (Is.  xxxviii.  10) 
and  bars  (.)ob  xvii.  IG),  and  which  had  its  valleys 
or  deep  i)hices  (Prov.  ix.  18).  It  extended  beneath 
tlie  sea  (lob  xxvi.  5.  G),  and  was  thus  supposed  to 
be  conterminous  with  the  upper  world. 

II.  (iKixntAPHY. — We  shall  notice  (1)  the 
views  of  the  Hebrews  as  to  the  form  and  size  of  the 
earth,  its  natural  divisions,  and  physical  features; 
(2)  tlie  countries  into  which  they  divided  it  and 
their  proiiressive  acquaintance  with  those  countries, 
"■he  world    in    the   latter   sense   was   sometimes 

Ljscribed  by  the  poetical  term  tebel  \')'2.r\),  cor- 
•esjionding  to  the  Greek  olKovfifvri  (Is.  xiv.  21). 

(1.)  In  the  absence  of  positive  statements  we 
have  to  gather  the  views  of  the  Hebrews  as  to  the 


EARTH 


63? 


(Is.  xl.  22;  the  word  TiH,  dixit,  is  applied  ex- 
clusively to  the  circle  of  the  horizon,  whethcf 
bounded  by  earth,  sea  or  •iky),  bordered  by  the 
ocean  (Deut.  xxx.  13;  JoD  xxvi.  10;  Ps.  cxxxix. 
!);  Prov.  viii.  27),  with  Jerusalem  as  its  centre 
(Ez.  v.  5),  which  was  thus  regarded,  like  Delphi, 

as  the  jwrei  ("1^2^,  Judg.  ix.  37;  Ez.  xxxviii. 
12;  LXX. ;  Vulg.),  or,  according  to  another  view 
(Gesen.  Thesaur.  s.  v.),  the  highest  pomt  of  the 
world.  The  passages  quoted  in  support  of  thia 
view  admit  of  a  different  interpretation;  Jerusalem 
might  be  regarded  as  the  centre  of  the  world,  not 
only  as  the  seat  of  religious  light  and  truth,  but  to 
a  certain  extent  in  a  geographical  sense ;  for  Pales- 
tine was  situated  between  the  important  empires 
of  Assyria  and  Egypt ;  and  not  only  between  them 
but  above  them,  its  elevation  above  tlie  plains  on 
either  side  contributing  to  the  appearance  of  ita 
centrality.    A  diflerent  view  has  been  gathered  from 

the  expression  "four  corners"  (niC33,  generally 
applied  to  the  skirts  of  a  garment),  as  though 
implying  the  quadrangular  shape  of  a  garmeVit 
stretched  out,  accorduig  to  Eratosthenes'  compari 
son;  but' the  term  "  corners"  may  be  applied  in  a 
metaphorical  sense  for  the  extreme  ends  of  th« 
world  (Job  xxxvii.  3,  xxxviii.  13 ;  Is.  xi.  12,  xxiv 
16;  Ez.  vii.  2).  Finally,  it  is  suggested  by  Bahr 
{Symbolik,  i.  170)  that  these  two  views  may  have 
been  held  together,  the  former  as  the  actual  and 
the  latter  as  the  symbolical  representation  of  the 
earth's  form.  As  to  the  size  of  the  earth,  the 
Hebrews  had  but  a  very  indefinite  notion;  in  many 
passages  the  "earth,"  or  "whole  eartli,"  is  used  as 
co-extensive  with  the  Babylonian  (Is.  xiii.  5,  xiv.  7 
ff.,  xxiv.  17),  or  Assyrian  empires  (Is.  x.  14,  xiv.  26, 
xxxvii.  18),  just  as  at  a  later  period  the  Roman 
empire  was  styled  o?-bis  terrarum ;  the  "  ends  of 

the  earth  "  (m!2|7)  in  the  language  of  prophecy 
applied  to  the  nations  on  the  border  of  these  king 
doms,  especially  the  Medes  (Is.  v.  26,  xiii.  5)  in  the 
east,  and  the  islands  and  coasts  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean in  the  west  (Is.  sU.  .'i,  9);  but  occasionally 
the  boundary  was  contracted  hi  this  latter  direction 
to  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  (Is.  xxiv. 
16;  Zech.  ix.  10;  Ps.  kxii.  8).  Without  unduly 
pressing  the  language  of  prophecy,  it  may  be  said 
that  the  views  of  the  Hebrews  as  to  the  size  of  the 
earth  extended  but  little  beyond  the  nations  with 
which  they  came  in  contact ;  its  solidity  is  fre- 
quently noticed,  its  dimensions  but  seldom  (Job 
xxxviii.  18;  Is.  xiii.  5).  We  shall  presently  trace 
the  progress  of  their  knowledge  in  succeeduig  ages. 
The  earth  was  divided  into  four  quarters  or 
regions  corresponding  to  the  four  points  of  the 
compass  ;  these  were  described  in  various  ways, 
sometimes  according  to  their  jiositions  relatively  to 

a  person  facing  the  east,   before  (DTi7.)>  behind 

(-I'inS),  the  Hght  hand  {yp^),  and  the  hfl 

hand  (/NSiti?),  representing  respectively  E.,  W., 
S.,  and  N.  (Job  xxiii.  8,  9);  sometimes  relatively 
to  the  sun's  course,  the  rising  (mTD),  the  setting 

fbrm  of  the  earth    from  scatterea  allusions,  and  '  (s'lnSS,  Ps.  1.  1)  the  brilliant  quarter    (D"*I"I'7, 
these  for  tlie  most  part  in  the  poetical  books,  vhere  '' 


It  is  difticult  to  decide  how  far  the  language  is  to 
56  regaided  as  literal,  .»,nd  how  far  as  metaphorical. 
There  seem  to  be  traces  of  the  same  ideas  as  pre- 
milud  aaiou2  the  Greeks,  that  the  world  was  a  disk 


Ez.  xl.  24),  and  the  dark  quarter  ("J^5^,  Ex.  xxvi. 
20;  comp.  the  Greek  ^6(\)os,  Horn.  //.  xii.  240),' 
sometin.es  as  the  seat  of  the  four  winds  (Ez.  xxxvii. 
9 ) ;  am.  sometimes  according  to  the  ithysical  char- 


084  EARTH 

ideristics,  the  sea  (Q^)  for  the  VV.  (Gen.  xxviii. 
1-1),  the  parched  (323)  for  the  S.  (Ex.  xxvii.  9), 

and  the  mountains  (D"'"}n)  ^°^  ^^^  ^*  ^^^'  ""* 
4).  The  north  appears  to  have  been  regarded  as 
the  highest  part  of  the  eai-th's  surface,  in  conse- 
quence perhaps  of  the  mountain  ranges  which 
existed  there,  and  thus  the  heaviest  part  of  the 
earth  (Job  xxvi.  7).  The  north  was  also  the 
quarter  m  which  the  Hebrew  eLDorndo  lay,  the 
land  of  gold  mines  (Job  xxxvii.  22;  margin ;  comp. 
Her.  iii.  116). 

ITiese  terms  are  very  indistinctly  used  when 
applied  to  special  localities;  for  we  find  the  north 
assigned  as  the  quarter  of  Assjxia  (Jer.  iii.  18), 
Babylonia  (Jer.  vi.  22),  and  the  Euphrates  (Jer. 
xlvi.  10),  and  more  frequently  Media  (Jer.  1.  3; 
comp.  li.  11),  while  the  south  is  esjjecially  repre- 
sented by  Egypt  (Is.  xxx.  6;  Dan.  xi.  5).  The 
Hebrews  were  not  more  exact  in  the  use  of  terms 
descriptive  of  the  physical  features  of  the  earth's 

surface;  for  instance,  the  same  term  (C^)  is  ap- 
plied to  the  sea  (Mediterranean),  to  the  lakes  of 
Palestuie,  and  to  great  ri\ei-s,  such  as  the  Nile  (Is. 
xviii.  2),  and  perhaps  the  Euphrates  (Is.  xxvii.  1): 

mountain  (IH)  signifies  not  only  high  ranges, 
«uch  as  Sinai  or  ^Xrarat,  but  an  elevated  region 
(Josh.  xi.  16);  river  ("IH^)  is  occasionally  applied 
to  the  sea  (Jon.  ii.  3;  Ps.  xxiv.  2)  and  to  canals 
fed  by  rivers  (Is.  xliv.  27).  Their  vocabulary,  how- 
aver,  was  ample  for  describing  the  special  features 
af  the  lands  with  which  they  were  acquainted,  the 
terms  for  the  different  sorts  of  valleys,  mountains, 
rivers,  and  springs  being  very  numerous  and  ex- 
pressive. We  camiot  fail  to  be  struck  with  the 
adequate  ideas  of  descriptive  geography  expressed 
in  the  directions  given  to  the  spies  (Num.  xiii.  17- 
20),  and  in  the  closing  address  of  Moses  (Ueut.  viii. 
7-9);  nor  less,  with  the  extreme  accuracy  and  the 
variety  of  almost  technical  terms,  with  which  the 
boundaries  of  the  various  tribes  are  descriljed  in 
the  book  of  Joshua,  warranting  the  assumption  that 
the  Hebrews  had  acquired  the  art  of  surveymg 
from  the  Egyptians  (Jahn,  i.  6,  §  104). 

(2.)  We  proceed  to  give  a  brief  sketch  of  the 
geographical  knowledge  of  the  Hebrews  down  to 
the  period  when  their  distinctive  names  and  ideas 
were  superseded  by  tliose  of  classical  wTiters.  The 
chief  source  of  information  open  to  them,  beyond 
the  circle  of  their  own  experience,  was  their  inter- 
course with  the  Phoenician  traders.  While  the  fii-st 
made  them  acquainted  with  the  nations  from  the 
Tigris  to  the  African  desert,  the  second  informed 
them  of  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean,  the  regions 
of  the  north,  and  the  southern  districts  of  Arabia. 
Fiom  the  AssjTians  and  Babylonians  they  gained 
iome  slight  knowledge  of  the  distant  countries  of 
India,  and  perhaps  even  China." 

Of  the  physicaj  objects  noticed  we  may  make  the 
following  summary,  omitting  of  course  the  detaib 
of  the  gebgrapliy  of  Palestine:  (1.)  Seas  —  the 
Medherranean,  wliich  was  termed  the  "  Gi-eal  Sea  " 
Num.  xxxiv.  6 ),  the  "  Sea  of  the  Philistines  "  (Ex. 
ixiii.  31),  and  the  "  Western  Sea"  (Deut.  h.  24); 
the  lied   Sea,  under  the  names  of  the  "  Sea  of 


a  Tlie  geograpliical  questions  arising  out  of  the 
IMcription  of  the  jpirdeii  of  EJen  are  discussed  In  a 
«p«nite  8.-t;cIe.     [Bdem.] 


EARTH 

Suph,"  sel(/e  (Ex.  x.  19),  and  the  "  Egyptian  Sea" 
(Is.  xi.  15) ;  the  Dead  Sea,  under  the  names  "  Salt 
Sea"  (Gen.  xiv.  3),  "Eastern  Sea"  (Joel  ii.  20) 
and  "Sea  of  the  Desert"  (Deut.  iv.  49);  and  th« 
Sea  of  Chiunereth,  or  Galilee  (Num.  xxxiv.  11) 
(2. )  Ricei's  —  the  Euphrates,  which  was  8[jecificaUy 
"</<e  river"  (Gen.  xxxi.  21),  or  "the  great  river" 
(Deut.  i.  7);  the  Nile,  which  was  nanie<l  either 
Yor  (Gen.  xli.  1),  or  Sihor  (Josh.  xiii.  3);  the 
Tigris,  under  the  name  of  Iliddekel  (Dan.  x.  4); 
the  Chebar,  Chnborns,  a  tributary  to  the  Euphrates 
(Ez.  i.  3);  the  Habor,  probably  the  same,  but 
sometimes  identified  with  the  Chilionis  that  falls 
into  the  Tigris  (2  K.  xvii.  6);  the  river  of  Egypt 
(Num.  xxxiv.  0);  and  the  rivers  of  Damascus. 
Abana  (Barudii),  and  Pharpar  (2  K.  v.  12).  lor 
the  Gihon  and  Pison  (Gen.  ii.  11,  13),  see  Edkn. 
(3.)  Moimtains  —  Ararat  or  Armenia  (Gen.  viii.  4) ; 
Sinai  (Ex.  xi».  2);  Horeb  (Ex.  iii.  1);  Hor  (Num. 
XX.  22)  near  Petra;  Lebanon  (Deut.  iii.  25);  and 
Sephar  (Gen.  x.  30)  in  Arabia. 

The  distribution  of  the  nations  over  the  fece  of 
the  earth  is  systematically  descrited  in  Gen.  x.,  to 
which  account  subsequent,  though  not  very  im- 
portant, additions  are  made  in  chaps,  xxv.  and 
xxxvi.,  and  in  the  prophetical  and  historical  books. 
Although  the  table  in  Gen.  x.  is  essentially  ethno- 
graphical, yet  the  geographical  element  is  alao 
strongly  developed :  the  writer  had  in  his  mind's 
eye  not  only  the  descent  but  the  residence  of  the 
various  nations.  Some  of  the  names  indeed  seem 
to  be  purely  geographical  designations ;  Aram,  fot 
instance,  means  hiyh  lamls  ;  Canaan,  low  lands  ; 
Eber,  the  land  across,  or  beyond;  Sidon,  Jishin;/ 
station;  Madai,  central  land;  Tarshish,  probably 
cowjutred ;  Mizraim,  still  more  remai-kably  from 
its  dual  form,  the  tuoo  Egypts;  Ophir,  the  rich  land. 
It  has  indeed  been  surmised  that  the  names  of  the 
three  great  divisions  of  the  family  of  Noah  are  also 
in  their  origin  geographical  terms  ;  Japhet,  the 
widely  exletuled  regions  of  the  north  and  west; 
Ham,  the  country  of  the  black  soil,  14,'ypt ;  and 
Shem  the  mountaiiwus  country;  the  last  is,  how- 
ever, more  than  doubtful. 

In  endeavoring  to  sketch  out  a  map  of  the  world 
as  described  in  Gen.  x.,  it  must  be  liorne  in  mind 
that,  in  cases  where  the  names  of  the  i-aces  have 
not  either  originated  in  or  pa.ssed  over  to  the  lands 
they  occupied,  the  locality  nmst  be  more  or  less 
doubtful.  Eor  the  migrations  of  the  various  tribes 
in  the  long  lapse  of  ages  led  to  the  transfer  of  the 
name  from  one  district  to  another,  so  that  even  in 
Biblical  geography  the  same  name  may  at  dilierent 
[periods  indicate  a  widely  different  locality.  Thu? 
Magog  in  the  Mosaic  table  may  have  been  located 
south  of  the  Caucasus,  and  m  Ezekiel's  time,  north 
of  that  range ;  Gomer  at  the  former  jjeriod  in  Cap- 
padocia,  at  the  latter  in  the  Crimea.  Again,  the 
terms  may  have  varied  with  the  extending  knowl- 
edge of  the  earth's  surface;  Chittim,  originally 
(Cyprus,  was  afterwards  applied  to  the  more  westerly 
lands  of  Macedonia  in  the  age  of  the  Maccal)ees,  if 
not  even  to  Italy  in  the  prophecies  of  Daniel,  while 
Tarshish  may  without  contradiction  have  been  the 
sea-coast  of  Cilicia  in  the  Mosaic  t^vble,  and  the 
coast  of  Spain  in  a  later  age.  Possibly  a  solution 
may  be  found  for  the  occurrence  of  more  than  one 
Dedan,  Sheba,  and  HavQah,  in  the  fact  that  these 
names  represent  districts  of  a  certain  cliaracter,  of 
which  several  might  exist  in  diff'erent  parts.  Prom 
the  al)Ove  remarks  it  will  appejir  how  numerous  an 
the  elements  of  uij;ertainty  introduced  into  thil 


^^^    jiiKiPrf !  iirifin 


EARPH 


EARTH 


635 


Aibject;  unanimity  of  opinion  '.s  almost  iniiwssible; 
Qor  need  it  cause  surprise,  i*'  even  in  the  present 
work  the  views  of  different  writers  are  found  at 
variance.  The  principle  on  which  the  following 
statement  has  been  compiled  is  this  —  to  assign  to 
the  Mosaic  table  the  narrowest  limits  within  which 
the  nations  have  been,  according  to  the  best 
authorities,  located,  and  then  to  trace  out,  as  far 
as  our  means  admit,  the  changes  which  those 
nations  experienced  in  Biblical  times. 

Commencing  from  the  west,  the  "  isles  of  the 
Gentil&s,"  i.  e.  the  coasts  and  islands  of  the  Medi- 
terranean sea,  were  occupied  by  tlie  Japhetites  in 
the  following  order:  Javan,  the  lonians,  in  parts 
of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor;  Elishah,  perhaps  the 
^oliaiis,  in  the  same  countries ;  Dodanim,  the 
Davdani,  in  lUyricum;  Tiras  in  Thrace;  Kittim,  at 
Citium,  in  Cyprus;  Ashkenaz  in  Fhrygia;  Gomer 
in  Cappadocia,  and  Tarshish  in  Cilicia.  In  the 
north.  Tubal,  the  Tibareid,  in  Pontus;  Meshech, 
the  Afoschici,  in  Colchis;  Magog,  Gor/'irvne^  in 
northern  Armenia  ;  Togarmah  in  Armenia;  and 
Madai  in  Media.  The  Hamites  represent  the 
southern  parts  of  the  known  world ;  Cush,  probably 
an  appellative  similar  to  the  (jreek  jKildopia,  ap- 
plicable to  all  the  dark  races  of  Arabia  and  eastern 
Africa;  Mizraim  in  Egypt;  Thut  in  Libya;  Naph- 
tuhim  and  Lehabim,  on  the  coast  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, west  of  I^gypt  ;  Caphtorim.  in  Egypt ; 
Casluhim  from  the  Nile  to  the  border  jf  Palestine ; 
Pathrusim  in  Egypt;  Seba  in  Meroe;  Sabtah,  on 
the  western  coast  of  the  straits  of  Bttb-d-mawltb  ; 
Havilah,  more  to  the  south ;  and  Sabtechah  in  the 
extreme  south,  where  tiie  Soinauli  now  live;  Nim- 
rod  in  Babylonia;  Kaamah  and  Dedan  on  the 
southwestern  coast  of  the  Persian  gulf.  In  the 
central  part  of  the  world  were  the  Shemites :  Elam, 
Klymau,  in  Persia;  Asshur  in  Assyria;  Arphaxad, 
Arrapnci'iitis,  in  northern  Assyria ;  Lud  in  Lydia  ; 
Aram  in  Syria  and  JMesojxitamia,  and  the  descend- 
ants of  Joktan  in  the  peninsula  of  Arabia. 

This  sketch  is  filled  up,  as  far  as  regards  northern 
Arabia,  by  a  subsequent  account,  in  ch.  xxv.,  of 
the  settlement  of  the  descendants  of  Abraham  by 
Keturah  and  of  Ishmael ;  the  geographical  position 
of  many  is  uncertain ;  but  we  are  acquainted  with 
that  of  the  Midianites  among  the  sons  of  Abraham, 
and  of  Nebaioth,  Nabatuea;  Kedar,  Kedrel  (Plin. 
V.  12);  Dmnah,  Bumailha  (Ptol.  v.  19),  among 
the  sons  of  Ishmael.  Some  of  the  names  in  this 
passage  have  a  geographical  origin,  as  Mibsam,  a 
spict-btariny  land.  Tenia,  an  arid  or  southern  land. 
Again,  in  ch.  xxxvi.  we  have  some  particulars  with 
regard  tc  the  country  immediately  to  the  south  of 
Palestine,  where  the  aboriginal  Horites,  the  Trng- 
fodyt'js  of  the  mountainous  districts  in  the  eastern 
part  of  Arabia  Petraia,  were  displaced  by  the 
descendants  of  Esau.  The  narrative  shows  an  inti- 
iiate  acquaintance  with  this  district,  as  we  have 
the  names  of  various  towns,  Dinhabah.  Bozrah, 
A.vith,  Masrekah.  Kehoboth,  and  Pau,  few  of  which 
tave  any  historical  importance.  The  peninsula 
uf  Sinai  is  particularly  described  in  the  book  of 
Exodus. 

The  countries,  however,  to  which  historical  in- 
terest attaches  are  Mesopotamia  and  Egypt.  The 
Hereditary  connection  of  the  Hebrews  with  the 
former  of  these  districts,  and  the  importance  of  the 
dynasties  which  bore  sway  in  it,  make  it  by  far 
the  most  prominent  feature  in  the  map  of  the 
incient  world ;  its  designation  in  the  book  of 
Gienesis  is  Padan-arara,  or  Aram-Naharaim ;  in  the 


north  was  Ur  of  thi  (,'haldees,  and  the  Ili-Jiiu  tc 
which  Terah  migrated ;  in  the  south  was  the  plain 
of  Shinar,  and  the  seat  of  Ximrod's  capital.  Bain;!; 
on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris  were  the  cities  of  Accad 
Calneh,  Nhieveh,  Calah,  and   Heseu;  and  on  tht 
banks  of  the  Euphrates,  Erech  and  Kehoboth  (Gen. 
X.  10-12).     From  the  same  district  issued  the  war- 
like expedition    headed  by   the    kings  of   Shinar 
Ellasar,  lilam,  and  Tidal,  the  object  of  which  ap- 
parently was  to  open  the  commercial  route  to  the 
/Elanitic  gulf  (Gen.  xiv.),  and  which  .succeeded  in 
the  temporary  subjection  of  all  the  intervening  na- 
tions, the  Kephaim  in  Ashteroth-Karnaim  (liashan), 
the  Zuzim  in  Ham  (bettveen  the  Arnon  aiid  Jab- 
bok),  the  Emim  in  Shaveh  (near  the  Arnon),  and 
the  district  of  the  Amalekites  (to  the*  south  of  Pal- 
estine).    It  is,  in  short,  to  the  early  predominance 
of  the  eastern  dynasties  that  we  are  indebted  for 
the   few    geographical    details   which   we    possess 
regarding  those  and  the  intervening  districts.    The 
Egyptian  captivity  introduces  to  our  notice  some  of 
the  localities  in  Lower  Egypt,  namely,  the  province 
of  Goshen,  and  the  towns  Kameses  (Gen.  xlvii.  11); 
On,  Jhlioj>olis  (Gen.  xli.  45);  Pithom,  Patummi 
(Ex.  i.  IL);  and  Migdol,  Maydolumf  (Fjt.  xiv.  2). 
During  the  period  of  the  Judges  the  Hebrews 
had  no  opportunity  of  advancing  their  knowledge 
of  the  outer  world ;  but  with  the  extension  of  their 
territory  under  David  and  Solomon,  and  the  com- 
mercial treaties  entered  into  by  the  latter  with  the 
Phoenicians  in  the  north  and  the  Egyptians  in  the 
south,  a  new  era  commenced.     It  is  difficult  to 
estimate    the   amount  of    information    which   the 
Hebrews  derived  from  the  Phoenicians,  inasmuch 
as  the  general  policy  of  those  enterprising  traders 
was  to  keep  other  nations  in  the  dark  as  to  the 
localities  they  visited ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  it  was  from  them  that  the  Hebrews  learned 
the  route  to  Ophir,  by  which  the  trade  with  India 
and  South  Africa  was  carried   on,  and  that  they 
also  became  acquainted  with  the  positions  and  pro- 
ductions of  a  great  number  of  regions  comparatively 
unknown.     From   Ez.  xxvii.  we  may  form   some 
idea  of  the  extended  ideas  of  geography  which  the 
Hebrews   had    obtained  :  we   have   notice   of  the 
mineral  wealth  of  Spain,  the  dyes  of  the  MgKa.n 
Sea,  the  famed  horses  of  Armenia,  the  copper-minea 
of  Colchis,  the  yarns  and  embroideries  of  Assyria, 
the  cutlery  of  South  Arabia,  the  spices  and  precious 
stones  of  the  Yemen,  and  the  caravan  trade  which 
was  carried  on  with  India  through  the  entrepots 
on  the   Persian  Gulf.     As  the  prophet  does  not 
profess  to  give  a  systematical  enumeration  of  the 
places,  but  selects  some  from  each  quarter  of  the 
earth,  it  may  fairly  be  inferred  that  more  informa- 
tion was  obtained  from  that  source.     Whether  it 
was  from  thence  that  the  Hebrews  heard  of  tho 
tribes  living  on  the  northern  coasts  of  the  Euxine 
—  the  Scythians  (Magog),  the  Cimmerians  (Gomer), 
and  the  lioxolani  (?),  or  perhaps  Eussians  (Kosch, 
Ez.  xxxviii.  2,   Hebrew  text)  —  is  uncertain  :  the 
inroad  of  the  northern  hordes,  which  occurred  about 
Ezekiel's  time,  may  have  drawn  attention  to  that 
quarter. 

The  progress  of  information  on  the  side  of  jVfrica 
is  clearly  marked:  the  distinction  between  Uppor 
and  Lower  I'-gypt  is  shown  by  the  application  of 
the  name  I'athros  to  the  former  (1*^.  xxix.  14) 
Memphis,  the  capital  of  lower  Egypt,  is  first  men 
tioned  in  Hosea  (ix.  6)  under  the  name  Moph,  a;id 
afterwards  frequently  as  Noph  (Is.  xLx.  1-3);  Thebea 
the  capital  of  Upper  Egypt,  at  a  later  period,  a« 


636  EARTU 

No-Ammon  (Nah.  iii.  8)  and  No  (Jer.  xUi.  25); 
and  the  distant  Syene  (Ez.  xxix.  10).  Several 
other  towns  are  noticed  in  the  Delta ;  Sin,  Pelusium 
(Ez.  XXX.  15);  Pibeseth,  Btd/nslis  (Ez.  xxx.  17); 
Zoan,  Tunis  (Is.  xix.  11) ;  Taliapanes,  or  Tahpanhes, 
Daphne  (.Jer.  ii.  IG);  ]ldu>i/jU$,  under  the  He- 
braized form  Iteth-sheniesh  (Jer.  xliii.  13);  and, 
higher  up  the  Nile,  Hanes,  f/ei-acltojxilk  (Is.  xxx. 
4).  The  position  of  certain  nations  seems  to  have 
been  better  ascertained.  Cush  {^-Ethiopia)  was 
fixed  immediately  to  the  south  of  Egypt,  where 
rirhakah  held  sway  with  Nnpata  for  his  capital 
(2  K.  xix.  9);  the  Lubim  {Libyans,  perhaps  rather 
Nubians,  wlio  may  also  be  noticed  under  the  cor- 
rupted form  Chub,  lu.  xxx.  5)  apjiear  as  allies  of 
Egypt;  and  with  them  a  [jeople  not  previously 
noticetl,  the  Sukkiim,  the  TroyUxlytes  of  the  western 
ooast  of  the  Red  Sea  (2  Chr.  xii.  3);  the  Ludim 
and  Phut  are  mentioned  in  the  same  connection 
(Ez.  xxx.  5). 

The  wars  with  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians, 
and  the  captivities  which  followed,  bring  us  back 
Again  to  the  geography  of  the  I'jist.  Incidental 
notice  is  taken  of  several  important  places  in  con- 
nection with  these  events  :  the  capital  of  Persia, 
Shushan,  Susa  (Dan.  viii.  2);  that  of  Media, 
Achmetha,  Ecbatana  (I'lzr.  vi.  2);  Hena,  Ivah, 
and  Sepharvaim,  on  the  Euphrates  (2  K.  xviii.  34); 
Carchemish,  Circesiuin,  on  the  same  river  (Is.  x. 
9);  Gozaa  and  HiUah,  on  the  borders  of  Jledia 
(2  K.  xvii.  6);  Kir,  perhaps  on  the  banks  of  the 
Cyrus  (2  K.  xvi.  9).  The  names  of  Persia  (2  Chr. 
xxxvi.  20)  and  India  (Rsth.  1.  1),  now  occur: 
whether  tiie  far-distant  Cliiiia  is  noticed  at  an 
earlier  period  under  the  name  Sinim  (Is.  xlix.  12) 
admits  of  doubt. 

The  names  of  Greece  and  Italy  are  hardly  noticed 
in  Hebrew  geography:  the  earliest  notice  of  the 
former,  subsequently  to  Gen.  x.,  occurs  in  Is.  Ixvi. 
19,  under  the  name  of  Javan;  for  the  Javan  in 
Joel  iii.  6  is  probably  in  South  Arabia,  to  which 
we  must  also  refer  Ez.  xxvii.  13,  and  Zech.  ix.  13. 
In  Dan.  viii.  21,  the  term  definitely  applies  to 
Greece,  whereas  in  Is.  Ixvi.  it  is  indefinitely  used 
for  the  Greek  settlements.  If  Italy  is  described  at 
all,  it  is  under  the  name  Chittim  (Dan.  xi.  30). 

In  the  IMaccabajan  era  the  classical  names  came 
'nto  common  use:  Crete,  Sparta,  Delos,  Sicyon, 
Caria,  ("ilicia,  and  other  familiar  names,  are  noticed 
(1  Mace.  X.  G7,  xi.  14,  xv.  23);  Asia,  in  a  re- 
stricted sense,  as  =  the  Syrian  empire  (1  Mace.  viii. 
3);  Ilis{iania  and  Home  (1  Mace.  viii.  1-3).  Hence- 
forward the  geography  of  the  Bil)le,  as  far  as  foreign 
ands  are  concerned,  is  absorbed  in  the  wider  field 
i)f  classical  geography.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to 
idd  that  the  use  of  classical  designations  in  our 
Authorized  Version  is  in  many  instances  a  departr- 
ure  from  the  Hebrew  text:  for  instance,  Mesopo- 
tamia stands  for  Aram-Naharaim  (Gen.  xxiv.  10); 
Ethiopia  for  Cush  (2  K.  xix.  9);  the  Clialdaam 
for  Chasdim  (Job  i.  17);  Grvecia  for  Javan  (Dan. 
tiii.  21);  Egypt  for  Mizraim  (Gen.  xiii.  10); 
Armenia  for  Ararat  (2  K.  xix.  37);  Assyna  for 


EARTHQUAKE 

Asshur  (Gen.  ii.  14);  fdunuea  for  Edom  (Is.  xxiiv 
5),  and  Syria  for  Aram.  Arabia,  it  may  b« 
observed,  does  occur  as  an  original  Hebrew  name 
in  the  later  books  (Is.  xxi.  13),  but  probably  in  a 
restricted  sense  as  applicable  to  a  single  tribe. 

W.  L.  B. 

EARTHENWARE.     [Pottery.] 

EARTHQUAKE  {WV'l  [a  trembliny-]) 
Earthquakes,  more  or  less  violent,  are  of  frequent 
occurrence  in  Palestine,  as  might  be  expected  from 
the  numerous  traces  of  volcanic  agency  visible  in 
the  features  of  that  country.  The  recorded  in- 
stances, however,  are  but  few;  the  most  remarkable 
occurred  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah  (Am.  i.  1;  Zech. 
xiv.  5),  which  Joseplms  {Ant.  ix.  10,  §  4)  connected 
with  the  sacrilege  and  consequent  punishment  of 
that  monarch  (2  Chr.  xxvi.  16  ff.).  From  Zech. 
xiv.  4  we  are  led  to  infer  that  a  great  convxilsion 
took  place  at  this  time  in  the  Mount  of  Olives,  the 
mountain  being  split  so  as  to  leave  a  valley  be- 
tween its  summits.  Josephus  records  something 
of  the  sort,  but  his  account  is  by  no  means  clear, 
for  his  words  {rov  6povs  airopl>ayrjyai  rb  ijniirv 
rod  KOTcb  T^v  Svffiv)  can  hardly  mesin  the  western 
half  of  the  mountain,  as  Whiston  seems  to  think, 
but  the  half  of  the  western  mountain,  i.  e.,  of  the 
Mount  of  Evil  Counsel,  though  it  is  not  cleai  why 
this  height  particularly  should  be  termed  the 
western  mountain.  We  cannot  but  think  that  the 
two  accounts  have  the  same  foundation,  and  that 
the  Mount  of  Olives  was  really  affected  by  the 
earthquake.     Hitzig   {Comm.  in  Zech.)  suggests 

that  the  name  iT^nC^D,  "  coii'uption,"  may  have 

originated  at  this  time,  the  rolling  down  of  the 
side  of  the  hill,  as  described  by  Josephus,  entitling 
it  to  be  described  as  the  destroying  mountain,  in 
the  sense  in  which  the  term  occurs  in  Jer.  Ii.  25. 
An  earthquake  occurred  at  the  time  of  our  Saviour's 
crucifixion  (Matt,  xxvii.  51-54),  which  may  be 
deemed  miraculous  rather  from  the  conjunction  of 
circumstances  than  from  the  nature  of  the  phenom- 
enon itself,  for  it  is  described  in  the  usual  terms 
{r)  77}  effeMr])-  Josephus  {Ant.  xv.  5,  §  2)  records 
a  very  violent  earthquake,  that  occurred  b.  c.  31, 
in  which  10,000  people  perished."  Earthquakes 
are  not  unfrequently  accompanied  by  fissures  of  the 
earth's  surface;  instances  of  this  are  recorded  in 
connection  with  the  destruction  of  Korah  and  his 
company  (Num.  xvi.  32;  cf.  Joseph.  Ant.  iv.  3, 
§  3),  and  at  the  time  of  our  Lord's  death  (Matt, 
xxvii.  51 ) ;  the  former  may  be  paralleled  by  a 
similar  occurrence  at  Oppido  in  Calabria  A.  v. 
1783,  where  the  earth  opened  to  the  extent  of  500, 
and  a  depth  of  more  than  200  feet;  and  again  Ity 
the  sinking  of  the  bed  of  the  Tagus  at  Lisbon,  in 
which  the  quay  was  swallowed  up  (Pfaff,  Scho/t- 
funijsgescii.  p.  115).  These  depressions  are  some- 
times on  a  very  large  scale ;  the  subsidence  of  the 
valley  of  Siddim  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
Dead  Sea  may  be  attributed  to  an  e-arthquake; 
similar  depressions  have  occurred  in  many  districts, 


a  *  For  a  tragic  account,  of  the  great  earthquake  In 
1837,  which  was  so  destructive  in  Galilee,  especially 
In  the  loss  of  life  at  Tiberias  and  Siiferl.  see  Robinson's 
BiH  RfS.  iii.  321  fif..  and  Thoni.son'a  Land  ami  Book, 
1.  428-433.  On  the  generiil  subject  of  the  frequency 
of  liAfthquakes  in  the  East,  wc  have  copious  infonna- 
Hou  in  Dr.  Pusey's  Minor  Prophets  (Am.  i.  1).  See 
ki<o  Bob    Phyt.   Geogr    p.  234  S.     It  is  remarkabls 


that  though  the  figurative  allusions  to  earthquakel 
are  so  numerous  in  the  Bible,  we  read  of  but  twi 
instances  mentioned  as  occurring  in  Palestine,  namely 
that  in  the  days  of  Uzziah  (Am.  i.  1  and  Zech.  xiy.  8 
and  the  one  in  connection  with  the  Saviour's  death 
Earthquakes  are  not  uncommon  in  the  Anibian  pent* 
sula  (comp.  Ex.  xix.  18  and  1  K.  xix.  11).  11. 


EAST 

Ibe  most  remarkable  being  ttj  subinersion  and 
subsequent  re-elevation  of  the  tcriple  of  Serapis  at 
Puteoli.  The  frequency  of  earthquakes  about  the 
Deud  Sea  is  testified  in  the  name  Jitela  (Gen.  xiv. 
2;  corap.  Jerome  ad  Is.  xv.).  Darkness  is  fre- 
quently a  concomitant  of  earthquake.  [Dakk- 
NKSS.]  The  awe,  which  an  earthquake  never  fails 
to  inspire,  "  conveying  the  idea  of  some  imiversal 
and  unlimited  danger"  (Humboldt's  Kosmos,  i. 
212),  rendered  it  a  fitting  token  of  the  presence  of 
Jehovah  (1  K.  xix.  11);  hence  it  is  frequently 
noticed  in  connection  with  his  appearance  (Judg. 
\ .  4 ;  2  Sam.  xxii.  8 ;  Ps.  Ixxvii.  18,  xcvii.  4,  civ. 
:i2;  Am.  viii.  8;  Hab.  iii.  10).  W.  L.  B. 

EAST  COIJ)/.  nnT^).  The  Hebrew  terms 
descriptive  of  the  east  differ  in  idea,  and,  to  a  cer- 
tain extent,  in  appUcation;  (1)  keclem  properly 
means  that  which  is  before  or  in  front  of  a,  person, 
and  was  applied  to  the  east  from  the  custom  of 
turning  in  that  direction  when  describing  the 
points  of  the  compass,  before,  behind,  the  right  and 
the  left,  representing  respectively  E.,  W.,  S.,  and 
N.  (Job  xxiii.  8,  9);  (2)  mizrach  means  the  place 
of  the  sun's  rising,  and  strictly  answers  to  the 
Greek  avaroA-fi  and  the  Latin  oriens ;  sometimes 

the  full  expression  CptyTinTD  is  used  (Judg. 
xi.  18;  Is.  xli.  25),  and  sometimes  kedem  and 
mizrach  are  used  together  (e.  g.  Ex.  xxvii.  1.3; 
Josh.  xix.  12),  which  is  after  all  not  so  tautologous 
as  it  appears  to  be  in  our  translation  "  on  the  east 
side  eastward."  Bearing  in  mind  this  etymological 
distinction,  it  is  natural  that  kedem  should  be  used 
when  the  four  quarters  of  the  world  are  described 
(as  in  Gen.  xiii.  14,  xxviii.  14;  Job  xxiii.  8,  9; 
Ez.  xlvii.  18  ft'.),  and  mizrach  when  the  east  is 
only  distinguished  from  the  loest  (Josh.  xi.  3 ;  Ps. 
1.  1,  ciii.  12,  cxiii.  3  ;  Zech.  viii.  7),  or  from 
some  other  one  quarter  (Dan.  viii.  9,  xi.  44 ;  Am. 
\iii.  12);  exceptions  to  this  usage  occur  in  Ps.  cvii. 
3,  and  Is.  xliii.  5,  each,  however,  admitting  of 
explanation.  Again,  kedem  is  used  in  a  strictly 
geographical  sense  to  describe  a  spot  or  country 
immediately  before  another  in  an  easterly  direction ; 
hence  it  occurs  in  such  passages  as  Gen.  ii.  8,  iii. 
24,  xi.  2,  xiii.  11,  xxv.  G;  and  hence  the  subsequent 
application  of  the  term,  as  a  proper  name  (Gen. 
xxv.  G,  eastward,  unto  the  land  of  Kedem),  to  the 
lands  lying  immediately  eastward  of  Palestine, 
namely,  Arabia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Babylonia 
[Bene-kedkm]  ;  on  the  other  hand  mizrach  is 
used  of  the/«?'  east  with  a  less  definite  signification 
(Is.  xli.  2,  25,  xliii.  5,  xlvi.  11).  In  describing 
aspect  or  direction  the  terms  are  used  indifferently 
(compare  kedem  in  Lev.  i.  IG  and  Josh.  vii.  2  with 
mizrach  in  2  Chr.  v.  12,  and  1  Chr.  v.  10).  The 
east  seems  to  have  been  regartled  as  symbolical  of 
distance  (Is.  xlvi.  11),  as  the  land  stretched  out  in 
these  directions  without  any  known  limit.  In  Is. 
ii.  6  it  appears  as  the  seat  of  witchery  and  similar 
jirts  (comp.  Job  xv.  2) ;  the  coiTect  text  may,  how- 
ever, be  Dpj?.p,  which  gives  a  better  sense  (Gesen. 
Thesaur.  p.  1193).  In  the  LXX.  hyaroXai  is 
leed  both  for  kedem  and  mizrdch.  It  should  be 
bserved  that  the  expression  is,  with  but  few  ex- 
emptions (Dan.  viii.  9;  Rev.  xxi.  13;  comp.  vii.  2, 
ivi.  12,  from  which  it  would  seem  to  have  been  St. 


EASTER 


637 


a  *  Steltz  indeed  (in  Ilerzog'i;  Real-Encylf  g.  v. 
Pascha)  has  supposed  that  such  a  separation  existed, 
wd  that  the  event  commemor\ted  throughout  the  first 


John's  usage  to  insert  ri\iov),  iiyaroAai  (Malt, 
ii.  1,  viii.  11,  xxiv.  27;  Luke  xiii.  29),  and  not 
avaToKri.  It  is  hardly  jx)ssible  that  St.  Matthew 
would  use  the  two  terms  indifferently  in  succeeding 
verses  (ii.  1,  2),  particularly  a-s  he  a<lds  the  article 
to  avaroX-i),  which  is  invariably  absent  in  other 
cases  (cf.  Kev.  xxi.  13).  He  seems  to  imply  a 
definiteness  in  the  locality  —  that  it  was  the  country 

called  D^i7.7  or  avaroX-f)  (comp.  the  modem 
Anatolia)  as  distinct  from  the  quarter  or  point  of 
the  compass  {avaroKai)  in  which  it  lay.  In  con- 
firmation of  this  it  may  be  noticed  that  in  the  only 
passage  where  the  article  is  prefixed  to  kedem  (Gen. 
X.  30),  the  term  is  used  for  a  definite  and  restricted 
locality,  namely.  Southern  Arabia.         AV.  L.  B. 

EASTER  {iriax'^-  pnscha).  The  occurrence 
of  this  word  in  the  A.  V.  of  Acts  xii.  4  —  "  Intend- 
ing after  luister  to  bring  him  forth  to  the  people  " 
—  is  chiefly  noticeable  as  an  example  of  the  want 
of  consistency  in  the  translators.  In  thfe  earlier 
English  versions  Easter  had  been  frequently  used  as 
the  translation  of  ircJo-p^o.  At  the  'ast  revision 
Passover  was  substituted  in  all  passages,  ':»ut  this. 
It  would  >seem  from  this,  and  from  the  use  of  such 
words  as  "robbers  of  churches"  (Acts  xix.  37), 
>'  town-clerk  "  (xix.  35),  "  serjeanta  "  (xvi.  35), 
"deputy"  (xiii.  7,  &c.),  as  if  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  translator 
who  acted  on  the  principle  of  choosing,  not  the 
most  correct,  but  the  most  familiar  equivalents. 
(Comp.  Trench,  On  the  Authoiized  Version  of  the 
N.  T.  p.  21  [2d  ed.  p.  49].)  For  all  that  regards 
the  nature  and  celebration  of  the  Feast  thus  trans- 
lated, see  Passover.  E.  H.  P. 

*  In  Christian  antiquity  the  joyful  remembrance 
of  our  Lord's  resurrection  was  intimately  associated, 
as  it  has  ever  since  been,  with  the  mournful  recol- 
lection of  his  death.  The  allusions  in  the  New 
Testament  are  not  indeed  so  distinct  (cf.  1  Cor.  v. 
7)  that  any  positive  evidence  can  be  drawn  from 
them;  yet  the  resurrection  of  Christ  was  so  con- 
nected in  the  teaching  of  the  Apostles  with  his 
death  (e.  g.  Kom.  vi.  9;  1  Cor.  xv.  20,  &c.)  that 
it  ia  difficult  to  conceive  in  the  early  churches  ol 
an  annual  festival  to  commemorate  the  latter  apart 
from  all  reference  to  the  former."  As  the  two 
events  however  took  place  on  different  days,  and  as 
they  called  up  in  the  mind  different  sides  of  (^hrist's 
work  upon  earth,  and  along  with  these  different 
seta  of  thoughts  and  emotions,  it  became  easy  to 
observe  them  in  close  connection  with  each  other, 
and  yet  with  a  marked  separation  between  them. 
Such  an  arrangement  probably  was  recognized 
under  Anicetus  at  Rome  (a.  d.  170)  by  the  keep- 
ing of  Friday  in  commemoration  of  the  death,  and 
of  the  following  Lord's  day  as  the  anniversary  of 
the  resurrection,  although  the  decree  to  this  effect 
ascribed  to  him  cannot  be  considered  genuine.  (Cf. 
Suicer,  Thes.  s.  v.  iratrxo,  II.  625.)  Towards  the 
close  of  the  second  century,  the  notices  of  directions 
for  the  observance  of  the  "  Passover  "  or  the  "  Lord's 
Resurrection "  only  on  the  Lord's  day  become 
very  numerous  in  the  western  church.  The  two 
names  seem  to  be  used  indifferently  in  the  admoni- 
tions of  bishops  and  the  determinations  of  councils ; 
but  in  either  case  L*  ia  spoken  of  aa  a  joyful  festival 
and  the  termiuatiop  of  the  preceding  solemn  fast. 


three  centuries  was  only  the  death  of  Christ ;  but  th« 
notices  of  antiquity  do  not  seem  to  support  this  con- 
cliudon.  T  f} 


838 


EASTER 


(See  the  citations  in  Suicer,  ubi  supra.)  In  the 
hrastern  Church,  when  the  fast  was  tenninated  and 
the  festival  kept  on  the  day  of  the  Jewish  Passover, 
it  does  not  so  clearly  appear  ho»v  the  distinction 
was  drawn  between  the  two  events ;  but  that  both 
were  in  remembrance  cannot  be  doubted  in  view 
of  tlie  fact  that  there  were  no  recriminations  upon 
this  point  in  the  sharp  and  bitter  controversy  be- 
tween the  East  and  the  West  as  to  the  proper  time 
of  celebration. 

This  controversy  was  at  first  conducted  in  a 
kindly  and  fratt-nial  spirit.  Polycarp  visited  Home 
(a.  n.  164)  for  the  express  purpose,  among  other 
objects,  of  bringing  about  an  agreement.  He  was 
unsuccessful,  but  separated  from  Anicetus  in  peace 
and  in  full  communion.  The  same  spirit  animated 
the  successore  of  Anicetus  down  to  the  time  of 
Victor  I.  who  excommunicated  the  "  quarto-deci- 
mans  "  and  threw  into  the  controversy  that  element 
of  bitterness  from  which  it  was  never  after  wholly 
free.  The  council  of  Aries  (a.  n.  314)  finally 
decided  the  dispute,  now  so  prolonged  and  so  acri- 
monious, Ln  fiivor  of  the  Western  practice,  and  this 
decision  was  reaffirmed  at  Nice.  The  decision 
however,  seems  hardly  to  have  been  received  in  the 
more  distajit  parts  of  the  empire,  as  is  evidenced 
by  the  famous  conferences  between  St.  Augustine 
and  the  Anglican  Christians  at  the  close  of  the 
sixth  century.  The  decision  of  Nice  required  the 
festival  to  he.  celebrated  on  the  Lord's  day  following 
the  full  moon  next  succeeding  the  Vernal  Efjuinox. 
This  still  left  the  question  open  as  to  what  should 
be  done  when  that  full  moon  itself  fell  on  a  Sunday ; 
and  here  again  the  East  and  West  divided,  the 
former  in  such  case  following  their  old  custom  and 
celebrating  on  the  same  day  with  the  Jews,  while 
the  latter  deferred  their  festival  to  tlie  following 
Lord's  day.  This  controversy  likewise  travelled  to 
England  and  was  then  settled  in  favor  of  the 
Western  practice  at  the  council  of  Whitby  (a.  d. 
ti64)  after  a  sharp  dispute  between  Aili)ert  of  Paris 
and  Colmaii  Bp.  of  Northumbria. 

Such  controversies,  {perhaps  all  the  more  from 
the  earnestness  with  which  they  were  conducted, 
testify  to  the  importance  attached  to  this  festival 
from  the  earliest  antiquity.  Had  there  ever  been 
any  disposition  among  Christians  to  forget  the 
annual  return  of  the  time  of  the  Kedeemer's  suf- 
fering and  resurrection,  the  reciurence  of  the  Jewish 
Passover  must  have  been  a  sufficient  reminder,  and 
when  the  Christian  Church  had  outgi-own  such 
influence,  the  observance  of  the  festival  had  become 
fixetl.  Its  early  name  continued  to  be  "  the  Pass- 
over," as  at  once  continuing  the  Jewish  festival, 
and  in  itself  deeply  significant.  Substantially  the 
same  name  is  still  preserved  throughout  a  large 
part  of  Christendom.  The  English  name  of  Easter 
»nd  the  German  Ostein  have  direct  reference  rather 
to  the  season  of  the  year,  the  Spring,  at  which  the 
festival  occurs,  than  to  its  subject  matter;  while 
yet  that  season  itself  has  always  been  considered 
*s  suggestive  of  the  resurrection.  Indeed  the 
lanies  themselves  are  supposed  to  be  derived  from 
the  old  word  oster,  osten,  =  rising,  "  because  nature 
arises  anew  in  spring."'  There  was  a  Teutonic 
goddess  Ostera,  whose  festival  was  celebrated  early 
m  the  Spring  by  the  Saxons,  and  the  occurrence 
)f  the  liaster  festival  at  the  same  season  made  it 
ensier  for  them  to  give  up  their  heathen  feast,  and 
terhaps  led  to  their  attaching  thereto  a  name  to 
which  they  were  already  accustomed.  ¥.  G. 


EBAL,  MOUNT 

*  EAST  SEA,  THE,  Ezek.  xlvii.  18;  Jja 
ii.  20;  Zech.  xiv.  8,  marg.     [Sea,  The  Salt.] 

EAST  WIND.     [Winds.] 

*  EATING,  CUSTOMS  RELATING 
TO.     [Food;  Meals;  Washing.] 

E'BAL  (^2"^  [stone]  :  Faifi-fiK,  Taifi-fiX 
[Vat.  raifir)\] ;  Alex.  roojSjjA  in  1  Chr. :  Jibai]. 
1.  One  of  the  sons  of  Shobal  the  son  of  Seir  (Gea 
xxxvi.  23;  1  Chr.  i.  40). 

2.  (Om.  in  Vat.  MS.;  Alex.  rffitaV,  [Comp 
*H3^A.:]  llebdl.)  Okal  the  son  of  Joktan  (1  Chr. 
i.  22;  comp.  Gen.  x.  28).  Eleven  of  Kennicott's 
MSS.  [with  the  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions]  rearl 

bn'W  in  1  Chr.  as  in  Gen. 

E'BAL,  MOUNT  (bn'^y  "IH  [vunint  of 
stone]  :  ipos  Fat^dK ;  Joseph.  rt0d\os  ■  Mons 
Ilebal),  a  mount  in  the  promised  land,  on  which, 
according  to  the  command  of  Moses,  the  IsraeUtes 
were,  after  their  entrance  on  the  promised  land,  to 
"  put "  the  cui-se  which  should  fall  upon  them  if 
they  disobej'ed  the  commandments  of  JeliovaJi. 
The  blessing  consequent  on  obedience  was  to  be 
similarly  localized  on  Mount  Gerizim  (Deut.  xi. 
26-29).  This  was  to  be  accomplished  by  a  cere- 
monial in  which  half  the  tril)es  stood  on  the  one 
mount  and  half  on  the  other;  those  on  Gerizim 
responding  to  and  affirming  blessings,  those  on 
Ebal  curses,  as  pronounced  by  the  i.evites,  who 
remained  with  the  ark  in  the  centre  of  the  interval 
(comp.  Deut.  xxvii.  11-26  with  Josh.  viii.  SO-.'SS, 
with  Joseph.  Ant.  iv.  8,  §  44,  and  with  the  com- 
ments of  the  Talmud  (Sota,  vii.  §  5),  quoted  in 
Herxlieimer's  Pentateucii ).  But  notwithstanding 
the  ban  thus  apparently  laid  on  ICbal,  it  was  further 
appointed  to  be  the  site  of  the  first  great  altar  to 
be  erected  to  .lehovah ;  an  altar  of  large  unhewn 
stones  plastered  with  lime  and  inscribed  with  the 
words  of  the  law  (Deut.  xxvii.  2-8).  On  this  aJtar 
peace-offerings  were  to  be  offered,  and  round  it  a 
sacrificial  feast  was  to  take  place,  with  other  rejoic- 
ings (ver.  6,  7).  Scholars  disagree  as  to  whether 
there  were  to  be  two  erections  —  a  kind  of  cromlech 
and  an  altar  —  or  an  altar  only,  with  the  law 
inscribed  on  its  stones.  The  latter  was  the  view 
of  Josephus  {Ant.  iv.  8,  §  44,  v.  1,  §  19),  the 
former  is  unhesitatingly  adopted  by  the  latest  com- 
mentator (Keil,  on  Josh.  viii.  32).  The  words 
themselves  may  perhaps  bear  either  sense. 

The  tenns  of  Moses'  injunction  seem  to  infer 
that  no  delay  was  to  take  place  in  carrying  out  this 
symbolical  transaction.  It  was  to  •  e  "  on  the  day  " 
that  Jordan  was  crossed  (xxvii.  J),  before  they 
"went  in  unto  the  land  flowing  with  milk  and 
honey"  (ver.  3).  And  accordingly  Joshua  appears 
to  have  seized  the  earliest  practicabh^  moment,  after 
the  pressing  affairs  of  the  siege  of  Jericho,  the  ex- 
ecution of  Achan,  and  the  destruction  of  Ai  had 
been  despatched,  to  carry  out  the  command  (Josh, 
viii.  30-35).  After  this  Ebal  appears  no  more  in 
the  sacred  story. 

The  question  now  arises,  where  were  Ebal  and 
Gerizim  situated  ?  The  all  but  unanimous  reply 
to  this  is,  that  they  are  the  mounts  which  form  the 
sides  of  the  fertile  valley  in  which  lies  Nablus,  the 
ancient  Shkchem  —  Ebal  on  the  north  and  Ger- 
izim on  the  south. 

(1.)  It  is  plain  from  the  passages  already  quoted 
that  they  were  situated  near  together,  with  a  valle} 
between. 


EBAL  EBAL  639 

(a.)  Gerizim  was  very  near  Shechem  (.Tudg.  ix.  j  1.  ndmark  of  the  trees  of  Moreli,  wliuh  were  itxoii- 
J)  and  in  Josephus's  time  their  names  appear  to  I  ing  by  Shechem  when  Abraham  first  entered  thi 
lave  been  attaclied  to  the  mounts,  which  were  then, 
fcs  DOW,  Ebal  on  ihe  north  and  Gerizim  o!i  the 
south.  Since  that  they  have  been  mentioned  by 
Benjamin  of  Tudela  (Asher,  i.  60),  and  Su-  John 
Maundeville,  and  among  modem  travellers  by 
Maundrell  (Mod.  Trim.  p.  432). 

The  main  impediment  to  our  entire  reception  of 
this  view  rests  in  the  terms  of  the  first  mention  of 
the  place  by  Moses  in  Deut.  xi.  30:  A.  V.  "Are 
they  not  on  the  other  side  of  Jordan,  by  the  way 
where  the  sun  goeth  down  in  the  land  of  the  Ga- 
naanites,  which  dwell  in  the  champaign  over  against 
Gilgal,  beside  the  plains  of  Moreh'?"  Here  the 
mention  of  Gilgal,  which  was  in  the  valley  of  the 
Jordan  near  Jericho,  of  the  valley  itself  {Arnbnh, 
mistranslated  here  only,  "  champaign  "),  and  of  the 
(,3anaanites  who  dwelt  there,  and  also  the  other 
terms  of  the  injunction  of  Moses,  as  already  noticed, 
seem  to  imply  that  Ebal  and  Gerizim  were  in  the 
immediate  neighborhood  of  Jericho.  And  this  is 
strengthened  by  the  narrative  of  Joshua,  who  ap- 
pears to  have  carried  out  the  prescribed  ceremonial 
on  the  moimts  while  his  camp  was  at  Gilgal  (comp. 
vii.  2,  ix.  6),  and  before  he  had  (at  lea.st  before  any 

account  of  his  having)  made  his  way  so  far  into 

the  interior  of  the  country  as  Shechem. 

This  is  the  view  taken  by  Eusebius  ( OnoTJiasticon, 

re/3a'\).     He  does  not  quote  the  passage  in  iJeut., 

but  seems  to  be  led  to  his  opinion  rather  by  the 

difficulty  of  the  mountains  at  ^hechem  being  too 

far  apart  to  admit  of  the  blessings  and  cursings 

being  heard,  and  also  by  his  desire  to  contradict 

the  Samaritans;  add  to  this  that  he  speaks  from 

no  personal  knowledge,  but  simply  from  hearsay 

{Keyerai),  as  to  the  existence  of  two  such  hills  in 

the   Jordan    valley.      The   notice  of   Eusebius  is 

merely  translated  by  Jerome,  with  a  sha<^ie  more  of 

animosity  to  the  Samaritans  {vekementer  errant), 

and  expression  of  difficulty  as  to  the  distance,  but 

without   any   additional   information.       Procopius 

and  Epiphanius  also  followed  Eusebius,  but  their 

mistakes  have  been  disposed  of  by  Keland  {Pal.  pp. 

503,  504;  Afixctll.  pp.  129-133). 

With  regard  to  the  passage  in  Deut.,  it  will  per- 
haps  assume   a  different   aspect  on  examination. 

(1.)  Moses  is  represented  as  sijeaking  from  the  east 

side  of  the  Jordan,  before  anything  was  known  of 

the  country  on  the  west,  beyond  the  exaggerated 

reports  of  the  spies,  and  when  everything  there  was 

wrapped   in   mystery,  and  localities  and  distances 

had   not  assumed  their  due  proportions.     (2.)  A 

closer  rendering  of  the  verse  is  as  follows :  "  .\re 

tiiey  not  on  the  other  side  the  Jordan,  beyond  — 

(^nnS.  the  word  rendered  "the  backside  of  the 

desert,''  in  Ex.  iii.  1)  —  the  way  of  the  sunset,  in 
the  land  of  the  Canaanite  who  dwells  in  the  Ar- 
abah  over  against  Gilgal,  near  the  terebinths  of 
Moreli."  If  this  rendering  is  correct,  a  great  part 
of  the  difficulty  has  disappeared.  Gilgal  no  longer 
marks  the  site  of  Ebal  and  Gerizim,  but  of  the 
dwelling  of  the  Cuiiaanites,  who  were,  it  is  true, 
'.he  first  to  encounter  the  Israelites  on  the  other 
lide  the  river,  in  their  native  lowlands,  but  who, 
we  have  it  actually  on  record,  were  both  in  the  time 
»f  Abraham  (Gen.  xii.  6)  and  of  the  'conquest 
(Josh.  xvii.  18)  located  about  Shechem.  The  word 
Qow  rendered  "beyond"  is  not  represented  at  all 
«  the  A.  v.,  and  it  certainly  throws  the  locality 
■iTich  further  back ;  and  lastly  there  is  the  striking 


land,  and  whose  name  probably  survived  in  Mor- 
thia,  or  Mamortha,  a  name  of  Shechem  found  on 
coins  of  the  Roman  period  (Reland,  Miscell.  pp. 
137,  139). 

In  accordance  with  this  is  the  addition  in  the 
Samaritan  Pentateuch,  after  the  words  "  the  tere- 
binths of  Moreh,"  at  the  end  of  Deut.  xi.  30,  of 
the  words  "over  against  Shechem."  This  addition 
is  the  more  credilile  because  there  is  not,  as  in  the 
case  noticed  afterwards,  any  apparent  motive  for  it 
If  this  interpretation  be  accepted,  the  nest  verse 
(31)  gains  a  fresh  force:  '■'■Fw  ye  shall  pass  over 
.Jordan  [not  only  to  meet  the  Canaanites  imme- 
diately on  the  other  side,  but]  to  go  in  to  possess 
the  land  [the  whole  of  the  country,  even  the  heart 
of  it,  where  these  mounts  are  situated  (glancing 
back  to  ver.  29)],  the  land  which  Jehovah  your 
God  giveth  you;  and  ye  shall  possess  it,  and  dwell 
therein."  And  it  may  also  be  asked  whether  the 
significance  of  the  whole  solemn  ceremonial  of  the 
blessing  and  cursing  is  not  missed  if  we  understand 
it  as  taking  place  directly  a  footing  had  been  ob- 
tained on  the  outskirts  of  the  country,  and  not  as 
acted  in  Ihe  heart  of  the  conquered  land,  in  its 
most  prominent  natural  position,  and  close  to  its 
oldest  city  —  Shechem. 

This  is  evidently  the  view  taken  by  Jo.sephu8. 
His  statement  (Ant.  v.  1,  §  19)  is  that  it  took  place 
after  the  subjugation  of  the  country  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Tabernacle  at  Shiloh.  lie  has  no 
misgivings  as  to  the  situation  of  the  mountains. 
They  were  at  Shechem  (eVl  ^iKijucvv),  and  from 
thence,  after  the  ceremony,  the  people  returned  to 
Shiloh. 

The  narrative  of  Joshua  is  more  puzzling.  But 
even  with  regard  to  this  something  may  be  said. 
It  will  be  at  once  perceived  that  the  book  contains 
no  account  of  the  conquest  of  the  centre  of  the 
country,  of  those  portions  which  were  afterwards 
the  mountain  of  Ephraim,  Esdraelon,  or  Galilee. 
We  lose  Joshua  at  Gilgal,  after  the  conquest  of  the 
south,  to  find  him  again  suddenly  at  the  waters  of 
Merom  in  the  extreme  north  (x.  43,  xi.  7).  Of  his 
intermediate  proceedings  the  only  record  that  seems 
to  have  escaped  is  the  fragment  contained  in  viii. 
30-35.  Nor  should  it  be  overlooked  that  some 
doubt  is  thrown  on  this  fragment  by  its  omission  in 
both  the  Vat.  and  Alex.  MSS.  of  the  LXX. 

The  distance  of  Ebal  and  Gerizim  from  each 
other  is  not  such  a  stumbling-block  to  us  as  it  was 
to  Eusebius;  though  it  is  difficult  to  understand 
how  he  and  Jerome  should  have  been  ignorant  of 
the  distance  to  which  the  voice  will  travel  in  the 
clear,  elastic  atmosphere  of  the  East.  Prof.  Stanley 
has  given  some  instances  of  this  (S.  &  P.  p.  13); 
others  equally  remarkable  were  observed  by  the 
writer;  and  he  has  been  informed  by  a  gentleman 
long  resident  in  the  neighl  lorhood  that  a  voice  can 
be  heard  without  difficulty  across  the  valley  separ- 
ating the  two  spots  in  question  (see  also  Bonar,  p. 
371). 

It  is  well  kno^vn  that  one  of  the  most  serious 
vanations  between  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  Penta- 
teuch and  the  Samaritan  text,  is  in  reference  to 
Ebal  and  Gerizim.  In  Deut.  xxra.  4,  the  Samar- 
itan has  Gerizim,  while  the  Hebrew  (as  in  A.  V.) 
has  Ebal,  as  the  mount  on  which  the  altar  to  Je- 
hovah and  the  inscription  of  the  law  were  to  be 
erected.  Upon  th's  basis  they  ground  the  sanctitj 
of  Gerizim  and  the  authenticity  of  the  temple  and 


840  EBAL 

holy  place,  which  did  exist  and  still  exist  there 
The  arguments  upon  this  difficult  and  hopeless 
question  will  be  found  iu  Kennicott  {Dissert.  2), 
and  in  the  reply  of  Vei-schuir  (Leovard.  1775; 
quoted  by  Gesenius,  Je  Pent.  Sam.  p.  61).  Two 
[x>ints  may  merely  be  glanced  at  here  which  have 
apparently  escaped  notice.  (1.)  lioth  agree  that 
Ebal  was  the  mount  on  which  the  cursings  were  to 
rest,  Gerizim  that  for  the  blessings.  It  appears  in- 
consistent, that  Ebal,  the  mount  of  cursing,  should 
be  the  site  of  the  altar  and  the  record  of  the  law, 
while  Gerizim,  the  mount  of  blessing,  should  re- 
main unoccupied  by  saiictiuiry  of  any  kind.  (2.) 
Taking  into  accomit  the  known  predilection  of 
Orientals  for  ancient  sites  on  which  to  fix  their 
sanctuaries,  it  is  more  easy  to  believe  (in  the  ab- 
sence of  any  evidence  to  the  contrary)  that  in 
building  their  temple  on  Gerizim,  the  Samaritans 
were  making  use  of  a  spot  already  enjoying  a 
reputation  for  sanctity,  than  that  they  built  on  a 
place  upon  which  the  curse  w-as  laid  in  the  records 
which  they  received  equally  with  the  Jews.  Thus 
the  very  fact  of  the  occupation  of  Gerizim  by  the 
Samaritans  would  seem  an  iwgument  for  its  original 
sanctity. 

Ebal  is  rarely  ascended  by  travellers,  and  we  are 
therefore  in  ignorance  as  to  how  far  the  question 
may  be  affected  by  remains  of  ancient  buildings 
thereon.  That  such  remains  do  exist  is  certain, 
even  from  the  very  meagre  accounts  published  (Bart- 
lett,  Wdlks  abonl  Jerusalem,  App.  251,  252;  and 
Narrative  of  Rev.  J.  Mills  in  Tnms.  Pal.  ArchtBol. 
Assoc.  1855),  while  the  mountain  is  evidently  of 
such  extent  as  to  warrant  the  belief  that  there  is  a 
great  deal  still  to  discover.  [See  also  MiUs's  Three 
Months'  Residence  at  Nablus  (Lond.  1864).] 

The  report  of  the  old  travellers  was  that  Ebal 
was  more  barren  than  (Jerizim  (see  lienjamin  of 
Tudela,  <fec.),  but  this  opinion  probably  arose  from 
a  belief  in  the  effects  of  the  curse  mentioned  above. 
At  any  rate,  it  is  not  l)orne  out  by  the  latest  ac- 
counts, according  to  which  there  is  little  or  no  per- 
ceptible difference.  Hoth  mountains  are  terraced, 
and  Ebal  is  "  occupied  from  bottom  to  top  by 
beautiful  gardens  "  (Mills;  see  also  Porter,  Hand- 
book, p.  332).  The  slopes  of  I'^bal  towards  the 
valley  appear  to  be  steeper  than  those  of  Gerizim 
(Wilson,  Lands,  ii.  45,  71).  It  is  also  the  higher 
mountain  of  the  two.  There  is  some  uncertainty 
ibout  the  measurements,  but  the  following  are  the 
results  of  the  latest  observations  (Van  de  Velde, 
Memoir,  p.  178). 

NablUs  above  sea,    1672  ft. 
Gerizim    do.  2600  » 

Ebal  do.  about  2700  « 

According  to  Wilson  {Lands,  ii.  71,  —  but  see 
Rob.  ii.  277,  280,  note)  it  is  sufficiently  high  to 
»hut  out  llernion  from  the  highest  point  of  Ger- 
izim. nie  structure  of  Gerizim  is  nummulitic 
limestone  with  occasional  outcrops  of  igneous  rock 
(Poole,  in  Geo(/r.  .lourn.  xxvi.  56),  and  that  of 
Ebal  is  probably  similar.  At  its  base  above  the 
valley  of  Nabliis  are  numerous  caves  and  sepulchral 
Kcavations.  The  modem  name  of  Ebal  is  Sitti 
Salamtyrih,  fVom  a  Mohamniednu  female  saint, 
whose  tomb  is  standing  on  the  eastern  part  of  the 
•idge,  a  little  before  the  highest  point  is  reached 
(Wilson,  ii.  71,  note).  By  others,  however,  it  is 
reported  to  be  called  '  Imdd-ed-Deen,  "  the  pillar  of 
Jhe  religion  "  (Stanley,  p.  288,  note).  The  tomb 
■d  ajiother  saint  called  AmAd  ia  also  shown  (Ritter, 


above  Nabtds,  928  ft. 
do.  1028  " 


EBEN-EZER 

p.  641 ),  with  whom  the  latter  name  may  have  some 
connection.  On  the  soutiieast  shoulder  is  a  mined 
site  bearing  the  name  of  ' Askar  (Hob.  iii.  132) 
[Sychak.J  g. 

E'BED.     1.  (15^'  =  "slave:"    but    manj 

MSS.,  and  the  Syr.  and  Arab,  versions,  have  ~123?, 
Ebkh:  'lwfii)\;  Alex.  A/8s5;  [exc.  ver.  35,  S.a- 
fitT-.]  Ebed  [?]  z.wAOhed),  father  of  Gaal,  who 
with  his  brethren  assisted  the  men  of  Shechem  in 
their  revolt  against  Abimelech  (Judg.  ii.  26,  28, 
30,  31,  36). 

2.  (mi?  :  'niS^fl  ;  Alex.  Zl^i^v ;  [Comp. 
'fl.fiiijS:]  Abed),m\\  of  Jonathan;  one  of  the  Bene- 
Adin  [sons  of  Adin]  who  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Ezra  (I'jjr.  viii.  6).  In  1  Esdras  the  name  is 
given  Obktii. 

It  would  add  greatly  to  the  force  of  many  pas- 
sages in  the  0.  T.  if  the  word  "  slave  "  or  "  land- 
man "  were  appropriated  to  the  Hebrew  tenn  Ebed, 
while  "servant,"  "attendant,"  or  "  minister,"  were 
used  to  translate  Na'ar,  Mesharet,  <tc.  In  the 
addresses  of  subjects  to  a  ruler,  the  oriental  char- 
acter of  the  transaction  would  come  homo  to  -js  at 
once  if  we  read  "  what  saith  my  lord  to  his  sla^e" 
—  the  very  form  still  in  use  in  the  East,  and  fa- 
miliar to  us  all  in  the  Arabian  Niyhts  and  other 
oriental  works  —  instead  of  "his  servant."      G. 

E'BED-ME'LECH  C?T^P""f?^  [see  be- 
low]:  'AfiSf/uLfKex'  Abdemekch),  an  ^Ethiopian 
eunuch  in  the  serS'ice  of  king  Zedekiah.  through 
whose  interference  Jeremiah  w:is  released  from  pris- 
on, and  who  was  on  that  account  preserved  from 
harm  at  the  taking  of  Jerusalem  (Jer.  xxxviii.  7  ff., 
xxxix.  15  ff'.).  His  name  seems  to  be  an  oflRcial 
title  =  kint/'s  slave,  i.  e.  mivister. 

*  Out  of  the  hints  in  Jer.  xxxviii.  7-13  (very 
imperfectly  unfolded  in  the  A.  V.)  Stanley  draws 
the  following  scene:  "  Ebed-melech  found  the  king 
sitting  in  the  great  northern  entrance  of  the  Temple, 
and  obtained  a  revocation  of  the  order  [by  which 
Jeremiah  had  been  put  into  the  dungeon] ;  and 
then,  under  the  protection  of  a  strong  guard,  pro- 
ceeded with  a  detailed  care,  which  the  prophet  seems 
gratefully  to  record,  to  throw  down  a  mass  of  soft 
rags  from  the  royal  wardrobe  to  ease  the  rough 
rojws  with  which  he  drew  him  out  of  the  well." 
{Lectures  on  the  Jeinsh  Church,  ii.  603.)  The 
^Ethiopian's  escape  amid  the  disasters  which  fell  on 
the  nation  (as  the  prophet  foretold)  is  recorded  as 
exemplifying  the  truth  that  those  who  put  their 
trust  in  God  shall  be  saved  (Jer.  xxxix.  18).    H. 

EB'EN-E'ZER  (~!T.5?n"  pK,  the  stone  of 
help:  'AfievtCep;  [Vat-  1  Sam.  v.  1,  A/Sej/i/rjp; 
Alex.  iv.  1,  v.  1,  A^fuyf(ep:]  Joseph.  A.i0oy  i<rxv- 
pis'-  lapis  a/ljutarii),  a  stone  set  up  by  Samuel 
after  a  signal  defeat  of  the  Philistines,  as  a  memo- 
rial of  the  "  help  "  received  on  the  occasion  from 
Jehovah  (1  Sam.  vii.  12).  "He  called  the  name 
of  it   Eben-ezer,  saying,   'hitherto  hath   Jehovah 

helped  us '  "  {azardnu,  ^3"^^S).  Its  position  la 
carefully  defined  as  between  Mizpeh  —  "the  watch- 
tower,"  one  of  the  conspicuous  eminences  a  few 
miles  north  of  Jerusalem  —  and  Suen,  "  the 
tooth"  or  "crag."     Neither  of  these  points,  how- 


o  For  a  peculiarity  in  the  Hebrew  name  in  iv.  1 
—  the  definite  article  to  both  words, —  sm  Rwald 
Au^hrl.  Lekri).  §  290  d. 


EBER 

i5»er,  have  been  identified  with  any  certainty  —  the 
latter  not  at  all."  According  to  Jjsephus's  record 
of  the  transaction  (Ant.  vi.  2,  2),  the  stone  was 
erected  to  mark  the  limit  of  the  victory,  a  spot 
which  he  calls  Korraia,  but  in  the  Hebrew  Beth- 
car.  It  is  remarkable  that  of  the  occurrences  of 
the  name  Eben-ezor,  two  (1  Sam.  iv.  1,  v.  1)  are 
found  in  the  order  of  the  narrative  before  the  place 
received  its  title.  Hut  this  would  not  unnaturally 
happen  in  a  record  written  after  tlie  event,  espe- 
cially in  the  case  of  a  spot  so  noted  as  Eben-ezer 
must  have  been.  G. 

*  Though  Eben-ezer  is  mentioned  twice  before 
Samuel's  victory  (see  above),  it  was  on  the  same 
occasion,  namely,  when  the  Hebrews  fought  at  that 
place  with  the  Philistines.  Kiietschi  suggests  (Her- 
zog's  Realr-Kncyk.  iii.  018)  that  possibly  there  may 
have  been  a  village  Eben-ezer,  near  which  Samuel's 
■'stone,"  taking  the  same  name,  was  afterwards  set 
ip.  But  there  is  no  difficulty  in  supposing  a  case 
of  prolepsis.     [See  Dan.]  H. 

E'BER  ("15??  {beymd]:'''Efiep,  "Kfiep:  Fe- 
Iter  [in  Num.  xxiv.  24,  'E^pa7oi,  Vulg.  Hebrcei]). 
1.  Son  of  Salah,  and  great-grandson  of  Shem  (Gen. 
X.  24,  [xi.  14-17;]  1  Chr.  i.  19).  For  confusion 
between  Eber  and  Helier  see  Mebek;  and  for  the 
fectitious  importance  attached  to  this  patriarch,  and 
based  upon  Gen.  x.  21,  Num.  xxiv.  24,  see  He- 
BRKW.  T.  E.  B. 

2.  ("1557  :  'fl/g^S;  [Aid.  "E^ep :]  Jleber).  Son 
of  Elpaal  and  descendant  of  Shaharaim  of  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin  (1  Chr.  viii.  12).  He  was  one 
jf  the  founders  of  Ono  and  Lod  with  their  sur- 
rounding villages. 

3.  ("A/Se'S;  [Vat.  Alex,  omit.])  A  priest,  who 
represented  the  family  of  Amok,  in  the  days  of  Joi- 
akim  the  son  of  Jeshua  (Neh.  xii.  20). 

W.  A.  W. 

EBI'ASAPH  (^9^2^:  'Afiia(rd<p  and  [1 
Chr.  vi.  2.3,]  'A^tffdtp;  [i'Chr.  vi.  23,  Vat.  A;8t- 
aOap;  vi.  37,  Akiacrap,  2.  m.  -(Ta<p;  Alex.i  vi.  23, 
A0i(ra<p,  2.  m.  Afiiaaacp'-]  Ablasnph),  a  Kohath- 
ite  I.evite  of  the  family  of  Korah,  one  of  the  fore- 
fathers of  the  prophet  Samuel  and  of  Heman  the 
singer  (1  Chr.  vi.  23,  37).  The  same  man  is  prob- 
ably intended  in  ix.  19.  The  name  appears  also  to 
be  identical  [as  a  contracted  form]  with  Abiasaph 
(which  see),  and  in  one  passage  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  1) 
o  be  abbreviated  to  Asaph. 

EBONY  (D^33n,  hobnim :  koI  to7s  flaayo- 
(.leVots;*  i$ei/ous,  Symm. :  (dentes)  hebeninos) 
occurs  only  in  Ez.  xxvii.  1.5,  as  one  of  the  valuable 
commodities  imported  into  Tyre  by  the  men  of 
Dedan.  [Dedan.]  It  is  mentioned  together  with 
"  horns  of  ivory,"  and  it  may  hence  be  reasonably 
conjectured  that  ivory  and  ebony  came  from  the 
game  country.  The  best  kind  of  ebony  is  yielded 
by  the  Diospyros  ebenum,  a  tree  which  grows  in 
Ceylon  and  Southern  India:  but  there  are  many 
trees  of  the  natural  order  Ebenncece  which  produce 
this  material.  Ebony  is  also  yielded  by  trees  be- 
longing to  different  natural  families  in  other  parts 
of  the  world,  as  in  Africa.  The  ancients  held  the 
black  heart-wood  in  high  esteem.  Herodotus  (iii. 
97)  mentions  ebony  {(piKayyas  efieuov)  as  one  :f 


a  •  Shen  was  probably  not  so  much  the  name  of  a 
plitoe.  as  a  solitary  "  tooth  '•  or  crag  which  served  as 
%  Uadmark.  fl. 

41 


EBONY  641 

the  precious  substances  presented  by  the  people  of 
Ethiopia  to  the  king  of  Persia.  Dioscorides  (i.  130) 
speaks  of  two  kinds  of  ebony,  an  Indian  and  an 
Ethiopian ;  he  gives  the  preference  to  the  latter 
kind.  It  is  not  known  what  tree  yielded  the  Ethi- 
opian ebony.  Koyle  says,  "  No  Abyssinian  ebony  is 
at  present  imported.  This,  however,  is  more  likely 
to  be  owing  to  the  different  routes  which  commerce 
has  taken,  but  which  is  again  returning  to  its  an 
cient  channels,  than  to  the  want  of  clwny  in  ancient 
Ethiopia."     There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  troa 


Diospyros  Kbennm. 

which  yielded  Ethiopian  ebony  is  distinct  from  the 
Diospyros  ebenum,  and  probably  belongs  to  another 
genus  altogether.  Virgil  {Georg.  ii.  116)  says  that 
"  India  alone  produces  the  black  ebony;  "  and  The- 
ophrastus  {Flist.  Plant,  iv.  4,  §  6)  asserts  that 
"ebony  is  peculiar  to  India."  The  Greek  word 
i^evos,  the  Latin  ebenus,  our  "ebony,"  have  all 
doubtless  their  origin  in  the  Hebrew  hobnim,  a 
term  which  denotes  "wood  as  hard  as  stone"  (comp 
the  German  Steinholz,  "fossil-wood;"  see  Gese- 
nius,  Thes.  s.  v.,  and  Fiirst,  Iltb.  Concord.).  It  is 
probable  that  the  plural  form  of  this  noun  is  used 
to  express  the  bllltis  into  which  the  ebony  was  cut 
previous  to  exportation,  like  our  "log-wood." 
There  is  every  reason  for  beUeving  that  the  ebony 
afforded  by  the  Diospyros  ebenum  was  imjwrted 
from  India  or  Ceylon  by  Phoenician  traders ;  though 
it  is  equally  probable  that  the  Tyrian  merchantg 
were  supplied  with  ebony  from  trees  which  grew  in 
Ethiopia.  See  full  discussions  on  the  ebony  of  the 
ancients  in  Bochart,  Hieroz.  ii.  714,  and  Salniasius, 
Plin.  Exerdtat.  p.  735  c;  comp.  also  Koyle  in 
Kitto's  CycL,  art.  flobnim.  According  to  Sir  E. 
Tennent  {Ceylon,  i.  116)  the  following  trees  yield 
ebony:  Diospyros  ebenum,  D.  retictditta,  D.  eben- 
aster,  and  D.  hirsutn.  The  wood  of  the  first- 
named  tree,  which  is  abundant  throughout  all  the 
flat  country  to  the  west  of  Trincomalee,  "  excels  all 
others  in  the  evenness  and  intensity  of  its  color. 
The  centre  of  the  trunk  is  the  only  portion  which 
furnishes  the  extremely  black  part  which  is  the 
ebony  of  commerce ;  but  the  trees  are  of  such  mag- 
nitude that  reduced  logs  of  two  feet  in  diameter, 


b  For  the  Hebrew  word  used   by  the  LXX., 
Rosenmiiller's  Schol.  ad  Ez.  .xxyii.  15. 


642 


EBRONAH 


and  valuing  from  10  to  15  feet  in  length,  can  be 
rea<lily  procured  from  the  forests  at  'J'rincomalee '" 
(C'ei/fon,  1.  c).  W.  H. 

EBRO'NAH.     [Abrojjah.] 

ECA'NUS,  one  of  the  five  swift  scribes  who 
itteuded  on  Esdras  (2  Esdr.  xiv.  24). 

ECBAT'ANA  (SnaHW  :  'AfmBd,  'EKfid- 
rava-  Ecbatana).  It  is  doubtful  whether  the 
name  of  this  place  is  reallj'  contained  in  the  He- 
brew Scriptures.     Many  of  the  best  commentators 

understand  the  expression  SnttHSS,  in  Ezra  vi. 
2,  differently,  and  translate  it  in  area,  "  in  a  cof- 
fer "  (see  Buxtorf  and  others,  and  so  our  English 
Hible,  in  the  margin).  The  LXX.,  however,  give 
4y  iri\ei,  "in  a  city,"  or  (in  some  MSS.  [e.  g. 
Alex.])  ^j/  'AfiaOa  iv  iriKfi  [Comp.  Aid.  iy  'Afia- 
eA  TrdAei],  which  favors  the  ordinary  interpretation. 
If  a  city  is  mciint,  there  is  little  doubt  of  one  of 
the  two  Ecbatanas  l)eing  intended,  for  except  these 
towns  there  was  no  place  in  the  province  of  the 

Medes  "which  contained  a  palace"  (m"*)!!),  or 
where  records  are  likely  to  have  been  deposited. 
The  name  ^ Achmetha,  too,  which  at  first  sight 
seems  somewhat  remote  from  Ecbatana,  wants  but 
one  letter  of  ffa(/mntann,  which  was  the  native 
appellation.  In  the  apocr}7)hal  books  Ecbatana  is 
frequently  mentioned  (Toli.  iii.  7,  xiv.  12, 14;  Jud. 
i.  1,  2;  2  Alacc.  ix.  3,  &c.);  and  uniformly  Mrith 


ECBATANA 

the  later  and  less  correct  spelling  of  'E^3<I"  t»m 
instead  of  the  earlier  and  more  accurate  form,  used 
by  Herodotus,  yEschylus,  and  Ctesias,  of  'AyBdr- 
aya. 

Two  cities  of  the  name  of  Ecbatana  seem  to 
have  existed  in  ancient  times,  one  the  capital  of 
Northern  Media,  the  Media  Atropaten^  of  Strabo; 
the  other  the  metropolis  of  the  larger  and  more 
important  provmce  known  a.s  Media  Jlagna  (see 
Sir  H.  KawUnson's  paper  on  the  Atropatenian  lic- 
batana,  in  the  10th  volume  of  the  Journal  of  Ute 
Geographical  Society,  art.  ii.).  The  site  of  the 
former  appears  to  be  marked  by  the  very  curious 
ruins  at  Takht-i- Suleiman  (lat.  36°  28'.  long.  47" 
9') ;  while  that  of  the  latter  is  occupied  by  Hamn- 
(Ian,  which  is  one  of  the  most  important  cities  of 
modem  Persia.  There  is  generally  some  difiiculty 
in  determining,  when  Fxibatana  is  mentioned, 
whether  the  northern  or  the  southern  metropoUs 
is  intended.  Few  writers  are  aware  of  the  exist- 
ence of  the  two  cities,  and  they  lie  sufficiently  near 
to  one  another  for  geogniphical  notices  in  most 
cases  to  suit  either  site.  The  northern  city  was 
the  "seven-walled  town"  described  by  Herodotus, 
and  declared  by  him  to  have  been  the  capital  of 
Cyrus  (Herod,  i.  98,99,  153;  comp.  Mos.  Choren. 
ii.  84);  and  it  was  thus  most  probably  there  that 
the  roll  was  found  which  proved  to  Darius  that 
Cyrus  had  really  made  a  decree  allowing  the  Jews 
to  rebuild  their  Temple. 


-'/i>  zmj"" 


Explanation. 
Remains  of  a  Kire-Temple.  5.  Cemetery. 

Kuiiied  Mo8i|ue.  6.  Kirige  of  liock  called  "the  Dragon." 

Aurjeut  builjiiigs  with  shafts  and  capitals.  7.   Hill  callud  "Tawilah,"  or  "the  Stabl*.' 

UuiDS  of  the  Palace  of  Abakai  Khan.  8.  Ruins  of  Kalisiah. 

9.  Rocl^y  hill  of  Zindani-Soleiman. 


Various  descriptions  of  the  northern  city  have 
oonie  down  to  as,  but  none  of  them  is  completely 
to  be  de[iended  on.  That  of  the  Zendavesta  (Ven- 
dida<i,  Kargard  H.)  is  the  oldest,  and  the  least  ex- 
aggerated. "  Jemshid,"  it  is  said,  "  erected  a  Var, 
or  fortress,  sufficiently  large,  and  formed  of  squared 
blocks  of  stone;  he  assembled  in  the  place  a  vast 
population  and  stocked  the  surrounding  country 
witli  cattle  for  their  use.  He  caused  the  water  of 
the  creat  fortress  to  flow  forth  abundantly.  And 
within  the  var,  or  fortress,  he  erected  a  lofty  palace, 
enconi|>assed  with  Widls,  and  laid  it  out  in  many 
•eparate  divisions,  and  there  was  no  place,  either  in 
IW>ut  or  rear,  to  command  and  overawe  the  for- 


tress." Herodotus,  who  ascril-es  the  foundation  of 
the  city  tx)  his  king  Deioces,  says :  "  The  Medes 
were  obedient  to  Deioces,  and  built  tlie  city  now 
called  Agbatana,  the  walls  of  which  are  of  great 
size  and  strength,  rising  in  circles,  one  within  the 
other.  The  |)lan  of  the  place  is  that  each  of  the 
walls  should  out-top  the  one  beyond  it  by  the  l)at- 
tlements.  The  nature  of  the  ground,  which  is  a 
gentle  hill,  favors  tins  arr;uigement  in  some  degree, 
but  it  was  mainly  effected  by  art.  Tlie  number  of 
the  circles  is  seven,  the  royaJ  palace  and  the  treas 
uries  standing  within  the  List.  The  circuit  of  the 
outer  wall  is  nearly  the  same  with  that  of  Athens. 
Of  this  outer  wall  the  battlementa  arc  uhite,  of  th« 


ECBATANA 

lext  black,  of  the  third  scarlet,  of  the  fourtb  blue, 
>f  the  fifth  orange:  all  these  are  colored  wi.h  paint. 
The  two  last  have  their  battlements  coated  respect- 
ively with  silver  and  gold.  All  these  fortifications 
Deioces  caused  to  be  raised  for  himself  and  his  own 
palace.  The  people  were  required  to  build  their 
dwelUngs  outside  the  circuit  of  the  walls  "  (Herod, 
i.  98,  99).  Finally,  the  book  of  Judith,  probably 
the  work  of  an  Alexandrian  Jew,  professes  to  give 
a  number  of  details,  which  appear  to  be  drawn 
chiefly  from  the  imagination  of  the  writer  (Jud.  i. 
2-4). 

The  peculiar  feature  of  the  site  of  Takhl-i-Sidei- 
man,  which  it  is  proposed  to  identify  with  the 
northern  Ecbatana,  is  a  conical  hill  rising  to  the 
height  of  about  150  feet  above  the  plain,  and 
covered  both  on  its  top  and  sides  with  massive 
ruins  of  the  most  antique  and  primitive  character. 
A  perfect  enceinte,  formed  of  large  blocks  of 
squared  stone,  may  be  traced  round  the  entire  hiU 
along  its  brow;  within,  there  is  an  oval  enclosure 
about  801}  yards  in  its  greatest  and  400  in  its  least 
diameter,  strewn  with  ruins,  which  cluster  round  a 
remarkable  lake.  This  is  an  irregular  basin,  about 
300  paces  in  circuit,  filled  with  water  exquisitely 
clear  and  pleasant  to  the  taste,  which  is  supplied  in 
some  unknown  way  from  below,  and  which  stands 
uniformly  at  the  same  level,  whatever  the  quantity 
taken  from  it  for  irrigating  the  lands  which  lie  at 
the  foot  of  the  hill.  This  hUl  itself  is  not  per- 
fectly isolated,  though  it  appears  so  to  those  who 
approach  it  by  the  ordinary  route.  On  three  sides 
—  the  south,  the  west,  and  the  north  —  the  accliv- 
ity is  steep  and  tlie  height  above  the  plain  uniform, 
but  on  the  east  it  abuts  upon  a  hilly  tract  of 
ground,  and  here  it  is  but  slightly  elevated  above 
the  adjacent  country.  It  cannot  therefore  have 
ever  answered  exactly  to  the  description  of  Herod- 
otus, as  the  eastern  side  could  not  anyhow  admit 
of  seven  walls  of  circumvallation.  It  is  doubted 
whether  even  the  other  sides  were  thus  defended. 
Although  the  flanks  on  these  sides  are  covered  with 
ruins,  "  no  traces  remain  of  any  wall  but  the 
upper  one"  {As.  Jmirn.  x.  52).  Still,  as  the  na- 
ture of  the  ground  on  three  sides  would  allow  tiiis 
style  of  defense,  and  as  the  account  in  Herodotus 
is  confirmed  by  the  Armenian  historian,  writing 
clearly  without  knowledge  of  the  earlier  author,  it 
seems  best  to  suppose,  that  in  the  peaceful  times  of 
the  I'ersian  empire  it  was  thought  sufficient  to  pre- 
serve the  upper  enceinte,  while  the  others  were 
allowed  to  fall  into  decay,  and  ultimately  were 
superseded  by  domestic  buildings.  With  regard 
to  the  coloring  of  the  walls,  or  rather  of  the  bat- 
tlements, which  has  been  considered  to  mark  es- 
p.scially  the  fabulous  character  of  Herodotus'  de- 
scription, recent  discoveries  show  that  such  a  mode 
of  ornamentation  was  actually  in  use  at  the  period 
in  question  in  a  neighboring  country.  The  temple  of 
the  Seven  Spheres  at  Borsippa  was  adorned  almost 
exactly  in  the  manner  which  Herodotus  assigns  to 
the  Median  capital  [IJ.vbeu  Towek  of]  ;  and  it 
does  not  seem  at  all  improbable  that,  with  the 
object  of  placing  the  city  under  the  protection  of 
the  Seven  Planets,  the  seven  walls  may  have  been 
colored  nearly  as  described.  Herodotus  has  a  little 
deranged  the  order  of  the  hues,  which  should  ht  3 
ieen  either  black,  orange,  scarlet,  gold,  white,  i'lue, 
lilver  — as  at  the  Boraippa  temple, — or  black 
white,  orange,  blue,  scarlet,  silver,  gold  —  if  the 
irder  of  the  days  dedicated  to  the  planets  were  fol- 
owed.     Even  the  use  of  silver  and  gold  in  exter- 


ECCLESIASTES 


648 


nal  ornamentation  —  which  seems  at  first  sight 
highly  improbable  —  is  found  to  have  prevailed. 
Silver  roois  were  met  with  by  the  (jreeks  at  the 
southern  Ecbatana  (Polyb.  x.  27,  §§  10-12);  and 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  at  Borsippa  the  gold 
and  silver  stages  of  the  temple  were  actually  coated 
with  those  metals. 

The  northern  Ecbatana  continued  to  be  an  im- 
portant place  down  to  the  13th  century  after  Christ. 
By  the  Greeks  and  Romans  it  appears  to  have  beek 
known  as  (iaza,  Gazaca,  or  Canzaca,  "  the  treas- 
ure city,"  on  account  of  the  wealth  laid  up  in  it 
while  by  the  Orientals  it  was  termed  Shiz.  It4 
decay  is  referable  to  the  Mogul  conquests,  ab.  A.  v. 
1200 ;  and  its  final  ruin  is  supposed  to  date  from 
about  the  15th  or  16th  century  {As.  Soc.  Journ 
vol.  X.  part  i.  p.  49). 

In  the  2d  book  of  Maccabees  (ix.  3,  &c.)  the 
Ecbatana  mentioned  is  undoubtedly  the  southern 
city,  now  represented  both  in  name  and  site  by 
IlaiiKulnn.  This  place,  situated  on  the  northern 
flank  of  the  great  mountain  called  formerly  Orontes, 
and  now  Elwtnd,  was  perhaps  as  ancient  as  the 
other,  and  is  far  better  known  in  history.  If  not 
the  Median  capital  of  Cyrus,  it  was  at  any  rate 
regarded  from  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspis  as  the 
chief  city  of  the  Persian  satrapy  of  Media,  and  us 
such  it  became  the  summer  residence  of  the  Persian 
kings  from  Darius  downwards.  It  was  occupietl 
by  Alexander  soon  after  the  battle  of  Arbela  (Arr. 
Exp.  Alex.  iii.  19),  and  at  his  decease  passed  under 
the  dominion  of  the  Seleucidte.  In  the  wars  be- 
tween his  successors  it  was  more  than  once  taken 
and  retaken,  each  time  suffering  largely  at  the 
hands  of  its  conquerors  (Polyb.  x.  27  >.  It  wa-s 
afterwards  recognized  as  the  metropolis  of  their 
empire  by  the  Parthians  (Oros.  vi.  4).  During  the 
Arabian  period,  from  the  rise  of  Baghdad  on  the 
one  hand  and  of  Isfalian  on  the  other,  it  sank  into 
comparative  insignificance;  but  still  it  has  never 
descended  below  the  rank  of  a  provincial  capital, 
and  even  in  the  present  depressed  condition  of  Per- 
sia, it  is  a  city  of  from  20,000  to  30,000  mhab- 
itants.  The  Jews,  curiously  enough,  regard  it  as 
the  residence  of  Ahasuerus  (Xerxes?)  —  which  is 
in  Scripture  declared  to  be  Susa  (Esth.  i.  2,  ii.  3, 
&c. )  —  and  show  within  its  precincts  the  tombs  of 
Esther  and  Mordecai  (Ker  Porter,  vol.  ii.  pp.  105- 
110).  It  is  not  distinguished  by  any  remarkable 
peculiarities  from  other  oriental  cities  of  the  same 
size. 

The  Ecbatana  of  the  book  of  Tobit  is  thought 
by  Sir  H.  Rawlinson  to  be  the  rwi'thern  city  (see 
As.  Soc.  Journ.  x.  pt.  i.  pp.  137-141).       G.  R. 

ECCLESIASTES  (nbnp,  Kohe'leth:  *£«■ 
K\T](na<rriis'  Ecclesiasles).  I.  Tillt.  —  The  title 
of  this  book  is  taken  from  the  name  by  which  the 
son  of  David,  or  the  writer  who  personates  him, 
speaks   of  himself  throughout  it.     The  apparent 

anomaly  of  the  femmine  termination  jH .  indi- 
cates that  the  abstract  noun  has  been  transferred 
from  the  office  to  the  person  holding  it  (Gesen.  s.  v. ), 
and  has  thus  Iiecome  capable  of  use  as  a  masculine 
proper  name,  a  change  of  meaning  of  which  we 
find  other  instances  in  Sophereth  (Neh.  vii.  57), 
Pocherelh  (Ezr.  ii.  57);  and  hence,  with  the  single 
exception  of  Eccl.  vii.  27,  the  noun,  notwithstand- 
ing its  form,  is  used  throughout  in  the  masculine. 
Ewald,  howevjr   {Poet.  Bitch,  iv.   189),  connects 

the  feminine  termination  with  the  noun  HD^n 


644 


ECCLESIASTES 


(wisdom y,  understood,  and  supposes  a  poetic  license 
b  the  use  of  the  word  as  a  kind  of  symbolic  proper 
name,  appealing  to  Prov.  xxx.  1,  xxxi.  1,  as  ex- 
amples of  a  like  usage.     As  connected  with  the 

root  ^Tlp,  "  to  call  tosrether,"  and  with    /Hp, 

-  't'  a  1  f  It' 

"  assembly,"  the  word  has  been  applied  to  one  who 
speaks  publicly  in  an  assembly,  and  there  is,  to  say 
the  least,  a  tolerable  agreement  in  favor  of  this 
interpretation.  Thus  we  have  the  comment  of  the 
Midrash,  stating  that  the  writer  thus  designates 
himself,  "  because  his  words  were  spoken  in  the 
assembly ''  (quoted  in  I'reston's  Eccksiastes,  note 
on  i.  1);  the  I'endering  'EK/cArjo-iaffTi^s  by  the 
LXX. ;  tlie  adoption  of  this  title  by  Jerome  (Pratf. 
m  Eccl.),  as  meaning  "  qui  ccetmn,  i.  e.  ecclesiam 
congregat  quern  nos  nuucupare  possumus  Con- 
cionatorem;  "  the  use  of  "Prediger"  by  Luther, 
of  "  Preacher "  in  the  Authorized  Version.     On 

the  other  hand,  taking  vHp  in  the  sense  of  col- 
lecting things,  not  of  summoning  persons,  and  led 
perhaps  by  his  inability  to  see  in  the  book  itself 
any  greater  unity  of  design  than  in  the  chapters 
of  Proverbs,  Grotius  (in  Eccles.  i.  1)  has  suggested 
'ivvaJdpoi(TT4\s  {coinpilei-)  as  a  better  equivalent. 
In  this  he  has  been  followed  by  Herder  and  Jahn, 
and  Mendelssohn  has  adopted  the  same  rendering 
(notes  on  i.  1,  and  vii.  27,  in  Preston),  seeing  in 
it  the  statement  partly  that  the  writer  had  com- 
piled the  sayings  of  wise  men  who  had  gone  before 
him,  partly  tliat  he  was,  by  an  inductive  process, 
gathering  truths  irova  the  facts  of  a  wide  expe- 
rience. 

II.  Canordcity.  —  In  the  Jewish  division  of  the 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  Ecclesiastes  ranks  as 
one  of  the  five  Megilloth  or  Rolls  [Biblk],  and  its 
position,  as  having  canonical  authority,  appears  to 
have  been  recognized  by  the  Jews  from  the  time 
in  which  the  idea  of  a  canon  first  presented  itself. 
We  find  it  in  all  the  Jewish  catalogues  of  the 
sacred  books,  and  from  them  it  has  been  received 
universally  by  the  Christian  Chmrh.  Some  sin- 
gular passages  in  the  Talmud  indicate,  however, 
that  the  recognition  was  not  altogether  unhesita- 
ting, and  that  it  was  at  least  questioned  how  far 
the  book  was  one  which  it  was  exi)edient  to  place 
among  the  Scriptures  that  were  read  publicly. 
Thus  we  find  the  statements  (Mishna,  iShnbbas, 
r.  X.,  quoted  by  Mendelssohn  in  Preston,  p.  74; 
Midrash,  fol.  114  a;  Preston,  p.  13)  that  "the 
wise  men  sought  to  secrete  the  book  Koheleth,  be- 
cause they  found  in  it  words  tending  to  heresy," 
and  "  words  contradictory  to  each  other;  "  that  the 
reason  they  did  not  secrete  it  was  "  because  its 
tieginning  and  end  were  consistent  with  the  law; " 
that  when  they  examined  it  more  carefully  they 
tame  to  the  conclusion,  "  We  have  looked  closely 
into  the  book  Koheleth,  and  discovered  a  meaning 
in  it."  The  chief  interest  of  such  passages  is  of 
aourse  connected  with  the  inquiry  into  the  plan  and 
teaching  of  the  book,  but  they  are  of  some  impor- 
tance also  as  indicating  that  it  must  have  com- 
mended itself  to  the  teachers  of  an  earlier  genera- 
tion, either  on  account  of  the  external  authority  by 
which  it  was  sanctioned,  or  because  they  had  a 
clearer  insight  into  its  meaning,  and  were  less 
itartled  by  its  apparent  difficulties.  Traces  of  this 
oontroversy  are  to  be  found  in  a  singular  discussion 
aetween  the  schools  of  Shammai  and  IHllel,  turning 
an  the  question  whether  the  book  Koheleth  were 
'jDSDired,  and  ^n  the  comments  on  that  question  by 


ECCLESIASTES 

R.  Ob.  de  Rartenora  and  Mainioniden  (Simuhns 

iv.  349). 

III.  Authm-  and  Bate.  —  The  questions  of  tb« 
authorship  and  the  date  of  this  book  are  so  closely 
connected  that  they  nmst  be  treated  of  together 
and  it  is  obviously  impossible  to  discuss  the  point* 
which  they  involve  without  touching  also  on  an 
inquiry  into  the  relation  in  which  it  stands  tc 
Hebrew  literature  generally. 

The  hypothesis  which  is  naturally  suggested  by 
the  account  that  the  writer  gives  of  himself  in  ch. 
i.  and  ii.  is  that  it  was  written  by  the  only  "  son 
of  David"  (i.  1),  who  was  "king  over  Israel  in 
Jerusalem"  (i.  12).  According  to  this  notion  we 
have  in  it  what  may  well  be  called  the  Confessi  .in* 
of  King  Solomon,  the  utterance  of  a  repentance 
which  some  have  even  ventured  to  compare  with 
that  of  the  51st  Psalm.  Additional  internal  evi- 
dence has  been  found  for  this  belief  in  the  language 
of  vii.  26-28,  as  harmonizing  with  the  history  of  1 
K.  xi.  3,  and  in  an  interpretation  (somewhat  forced 
perhaps)  which  refers  iv.  13-15  to  the  murmurs  of 
the  people  against  Solomon  and  the  popularity  of 
Jeroboam  as  the  leader  of  the  people,  already  rec- 
ognized as  their  future  king  (Mendelssohn  and 
Preston  ifi  loc).  The  belief  that  Solomon  was 
actually  the  author  was,  it  need  hardly  be  said, 
received  generally  by  the  liabbinic  commentators 
and  the  whole  series  of  Patristic  writers.  The 
apparent  exceptions  to  this  in  the  passages  by  Tal- 
mudic  writers  which  ascribe  it  to  Hezekiah  {Baba 
Bdthra,  c.  i.  fol.  15),  or  Isaiah  {Shalsh.  Hiikkab. 
fol.  66  6,  quoted  by  Michaelis),  can  hardly  be  un- 
derstood as  implying  more  than  a  share  in  the 
work  of  editing,  like  that  claimed  for  the  "  men  of 
Hezekiah"  in  Prov.  xxv.  1.  Grotius  (Prcef.  in 
Eccks.)  was  indeed  almost  the  first  writer  who 
called  it  in  question,  and  started  a  different  hypoth- 
esis. It  can  hardly  be  said,  however,  that  this 
consensus  is  itself  decisive.  In  questions  of  this 
kind  the  later  witnesses  add  nothing  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  earlier,  whose  testimony  they  simply 
rei)eat,  and  unless  we  had  clearer  knowledge  than 
we  have  as  to  the  sources  of  information  or  critical 
discernment  of  those  by  whom  the  belief  was 
adopted,  we  ought  not  to  look  on  their  acceptance 
of  it  as  closing  aU  controversy.  The  book  which 
bears  the  title  of  the  "  Wisdom  of  Solomon " 
asserts,  both  by  its  title  and  its  kinguage  (vii.  1- 
21),  a  claim  to  the  same  authorship,  and,  though 
the  absence  of  a  Hebrew  original  led  to  its  exclusion 
from  the  Jewish  canon,  the  authorship  of  Solomon 
was  taken  for  granted  by  all  the  early  Christian 
writers  who  quote  it  or  refer  to  it,  till  Jerome  had 
asserted  the  authority  of  the  Hebrew  text  as  the 
standard  of  canonicity,  and  by  not  a  few  afterwards. 
It  may  seem,  however,  as  if  the  whole  question 
were  settled  for  all  who  recognize  the  inspiration 
of  Scripture  by  the  statement,  in  a  canonical  and 
inspired  book,  as  to  its  own  authorship.  The  book 
purports,  it  is  said  (Preston,  Prokg.  in  Eccks.  p. 
5),  to  be  written  by  Solomon,  and  to  doubt  the 
literal  accuracy  of  this  statement  is  to  call  in  ques- 
tion the  truth  and  authority  of  Scripture.  It  ap- 
pears questionable,  however,  whether  we  can  admit 
an  a  pi-iori  argument  of  this  character  to  be 
decisive.  "^The  hj-pothesis  that  every  such  statefnent 
in  a  canonical  book  must  be  received  as  literally 
true,  is,  in  fact,  an  assumption  that  inspired  writers 
were  debarred  from  fonns  of  composition  which 
were  open,  without  blame,  to  others.  In  the  liter 
ature  of  every  other  nation  the  form  of  personated 


ECCLESIASTES 

tathorship,  where  there  is  no  animus  dtcijderuJi, 
aas  been  recognized  as  a  legitimate  elianiiel  for  the 
Bxpressioii  of  opinions,  or  the  quasi-dramatic  repre- 
lentation  of  character.  Why  should  we  venture 
on  the  assertion  tliat  if  adopted  by  the  writere  of 
the  Old  Testament  it  would  have  made  them  guilty 
of  a  falsehood,  and  been  inconsistent  with  their 
inspiration  ?  The  question  of  authorship  does  not 
involve  that  of  canonical  authority.  A  book  written 
by  Solomon  would  not  necessarily  be  inspired  and 
canonical.  There  is  nothing  that  need  startle  us 
in  the  thought  that  an  mspired  writer  might  use 
a  liberty  which  has  been  granted  without  hesita- 
tion to  the  teachers  of  mankind  in  every  age  and 
country. 

The  preliminary  difficulty  being  so  far  removed, 
we  can  enter  on  the  objections  which  have  been 
urged  against  the  traditional  belief  by  Grotius  and 
later  critics,  and  the  hypotheses  which  they  have 
substituted  for  it.  In  the  absence  of  adequate 
external  testimony,  these  are  drawn  chiefly  from 
the  book  itself. 

1.  The  language  of  the  book  is  said  to  be  incon- 
Bistent  with  the  belief  that  it  was  written  by  Solo- 
mon. It  belongs  to  the  time  when  the  older 
Hebrew  was  becoming  largely  intermingled  with 
Aramaic  forms  and  words  (Grotius,  De  Wette, 
Ewald,  and  nearly  the  whole  series  of  German 
critics),  and  as  such  takes  its  place  in  the  latest 
group  of  books  of  the  Old  'i'estament,  along  with 
Ezra,  Nehemiah,  Daniel,  Esther:  it  is  indeed  more 
widely  different  from  the  language  of  the  older 
books  than  any  of  them  (Ewald).  The  prevalence 
of  abstract  forms  again,  characteristic  of  the  lan- 
guage of  Ecclesiastes,  is  urged  as  belonging  to  a 
later  period  than  that  of  Solomon  in  the  develop- 
ment of  Hebrew  thought  and  language.  The 
answers  given  to  these  objections  by  the  defenders 
of  the  received  i)elief  are  (Preston,  Eccles.  p.  7), 
(a)  that  many  of  what  we  call  Aramaic  or  Chaldee 
Ibrms  may  have  belonged  to  the  period  of  pure 
Hebrew,  though  they  have  not  come  down  to  us  in 
any  extant  writings;  and  (6)  that  so  far  as  they 
are  foreign  to  the  Hebrew  of  the  time  of  Solomon, 
he  may  have  learnt  them  from  his  "  strange  wives," 
or  from  the  men  who  came  as  ambassadoi's  from 
other  countries. 

2.  It  has  been  asked  whether  Solomon  would 
have  been  Ukely  to  speak  of  himself  as  in  i.  12,  or 
to  describe  with  bitterness  the  misery  and  wrong 
of  which  his  own  misgovernment  had  been  the 
cause,  as  in  iii.  16,  iv.  1  (Jahn,  Eiiil.  ii.  p.  8-10). 
On  the  hypothesis  that  he  was  the  writer,  the  whole 
book  is  an  acknowledgment  of  evils  which  he  had 
occasioned,  while  yet  there  is  no  distinct  confession 
and  repentance.  The  question  here  raised  is,  of 
course,  worth  considering,  but  it  can  hardly  be 
looked  on  as  leading  in  either  direction  to  a  conclu- 
won.  There  are  forms  of  satiety  and  self-reproach, 
of  which  this  half-sad,  half-scornful  retrospect  of  a 
man's  own  Ufe  —  this  utterance  of  bitter  words  by 
which  he  is  condemned  out  of  his  own  mouth  —  is 
the  most  natural  expression.  Any  individual  judg- 
ment on  this  point  cannot,  from  the  nature  of  the 
■■ase,  be  otherwise  than  subjective,  and  ought  tnere- 
fore  to  bias  our  estimate  of  other  evidence"  as  «ttle 
IS  possible. 

3.  It  has  been  urged  that  the  state  of  society 
ndicated  in  this  book  leads  to  the  same  conc'.usioa 
iS  its  language,  and  carries  us  to  a  period  after  the 
retm-n  from  the  Babylonian  Captivity,  when  the 
lews  wtrs  eiyoying  comparative  fi'eedom  froru  inva- 


BOCLESIASTES 


646 


sion,  but  were  exposed  to  the  evils  of  misgoveru 
ment  under  the  satraps  of  the  Persian  king  (Ewald, 
Poet.  Biicher ;  Keil,  Einl.  in  das  A.  T.  undei 
Eccles.).  The  language  is  throughout  that  of  a 
man  who  is  surrounded  by  many  forms  of  misery 
(iii.  10,  iv.  1,  /.  8,  viii.  11,  ix.  12).  There  are 
sudden  and  violent  changes,  the  servant  of  to-day 
becoming  the  ruler  of  to-morrow  (x.  5-7).  All 
this,  it  is  said,  agrees  with  the  glimpses  into  the 
condition  of  the  Jews  under  the  Persian  empire  in 
I'^zra  and  Nehemiah,  and  with  what  we  know  as  to 
the  general  condition  of  the  provinces  under  its 
satraps.  The  indications  of  the  religious  condition 
of  the  i)eople,  their  formalism,  aud  much-speaking 
(v.  1,  2),  their  readiness  to  eviide  the  performance 
of  their  vows  by  casuistic  excuses  (v.  5),  represent 
in  like  manner  the  growth  of  evils,  the  germs  of 
which  appeai'ed  soon  after  the  Captivity,  and  which 
we  find  in  a  fully  developed  form  in  the  prophecy 
of  Malachi.    In  addition  to  this  general  resemblance 


there  is  the  agreement  between  tlie  use  of  TJS .  _ 

for  the  "angel"  or  priest  of  God  (v.  6,  Ewald,  in 
foe),  and  the  recurrence  in  Malachi  of  the  terms 

■^"^^^  TJS/Q,  the  "angel"  or  messenger  of  the 

Lord,  as  a  synonym  for  the  priest  (Mai.  ii.  7),  the 
true  priest  being  the  great  agent  in  accomphshing 
God's  purposes.  Significant,  though  not  conclusive, 
in  either  direction,  is  the  absence  of  all  reference  to 
any  contemporaneous  prophetic  activity,  or  to  any 
Messianic  hopes.  This  might  indicate  a  time  be- 
fore such  hopes  had  become  pcevalent  or  after  they 
were,  for  a  time,  extinguished.  It  might,  on  the 
other  hand,  be  the  natural  result  of  the  experience 
through  which  the  son  of  David  had  passed,  or  fitly 
take  its  place  in  the  dramatic  personation  of  such 
a  character.  The  use  throughout  the  book  of 
Elohim  instead  of  Jehovah  as  the  divuie  Name, 
though  characteristic  of  the  book  as  deaUng  with 
the  problems  of  the  universe  rather  than  with  the 
relations  between  the  Lord  God  of  Israel  and  his 
people,  and  tlierefore  strikuig  as  an  idiosyncrasy, 
leaves  the  question  as  to  date  nearly  where  it  was. 
The  indications  of  rising  questions  as  to  the  end 
of  man's  life,  and  the  constitution  of  his  nature, 
of  doubts  Uke  those  which  afterwards  developed 
into  Sadduceeism  (iii.  19-21 ),  of  a  copious  Uterature 
connected  with  those  questions,  confirm,  it  is  urged 
(Ewald),  the  hypothesis  of  the  later  date.  It  may 
be  added  too,  tliat  the  absence  of  any  reference  to 
such  a  work  as  this  in  the  enumeration  of  Solomon's 
writings  in  1  K.  iv.  32,  tends,  at  least,  to  the  same 
conclusion. 

In  this  case,  however,  as  in  others,  the  arguments 
of  recent  criticism  are  stronger  against  the  tradi 
tional  belief  than  in  support  of  any  rival  theory, 
and  the  advocates  of  that  belief  might  almost  be 
content  to  rest  their  case  upon  the  discordant 
hypotheses  of  their  opponents.  On  the  assumption 
that  the  book  belongs,  not  to  the  time  of  Solomon, 
but  to  the  period  subsequent  to  the  Captivity,  the 
dates  which  have  been  assigned  to  it  occupy  a  range 
of  more  than  300  years.  Grotius  supposes  Zerub- 
babel  to  be  referred  to  in  xii.  11,  as  the  "  One 
Shepherd"  {Coinm.  in  Eccles.  in  loc),  and  so  far 
agrees  with  Keil  {Einleitung  in  das  A.  T.),  whc 
fixes  it  in  the  time  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  Ewald 
and  De  Wette  conjecture  the  close  of  the  period  of 
Persian  or  the  commencement  of  that  of  Macedonian 
rule ;  Bertholdt,  the  period  between  Alexander  the 
Great  and  Antiochu*  Epiphaues;  Hitzig,  circ.  204 


646 


ECCLESIASTES 


B.  C. ;  Uartmann,  the  time  of  the  Maccabees.  On 
Uie  other  haiid  it  must  be  remembered  in  compar- 
ioi;  these  discordant  theories  that  the  main  tacts 
relied  upon  by  these  critics  as  fatal  to  the  tradi- 
tional belief  are  compatible  with  any  date  subse- 
quent to  the  Captivity,  while  they  are  inconsistent, 
unless  we  admit  the  explanation,  given  as  above, 
by  Preston,  with  the  notion  of  the  Salomonie 
authorship. 

IV.  Pltm.  —  The  book  of  Ecclesiastes  comes  be- 
fore U8  as  being  conspicuously,  among  the  wTitings 
of  the  0.  T.,  the  great  stumbling-block  of  com- 
mentaU)rs.  Elsewhere  there  are  different  opinions 
us  to  the  meaning  of  single  passages.  Here  there 
is  the  widest  possible  divergence  as  to  the  plan  and 
purpose  of  the  whole  book.  The  passages  already 
({uoted  from  the  Mishna  show  that  some,  at  least, 
of  the  Rabbinical  writers  were  perplexed  by  its 
teaching  —  did  not  know  what  to  make  of  it  —  but 
gave  way  to  the  authority  of  men  more  discerning 
than  themselves.  The  traditional  statement,  how- 
ever, that  this  was  among  the  scriptures  which 
were  not  read  by  any  one  under  the  age  of  thirty 
(ViiL  Hac,  Amama  in  t'ccles.,  but  with  a  "nescio 
ubi  "  as  to  his  authority),  indicates  the  continuance 
of  the  old  dithculty,  and  the  remarks  of  Jerome 
(Pnef.  in  Ecclts.,  Comm.  in  Kccles.  xii.  13)  show 
that  it  was  not  forgotten.  Little  can  be  gathered 
from  the  series  of  Patristic  interpreters.  The  book 
is  comparatively  seldom  quoted  by  them.  No 
attempt  is  made  to  master  its  plan  and  to  enter 
into  the  spirit  of  its  writer.  The  charge  brought 
by  Philastrius  of  Brescia  (circ.  380)  against  some 
heretics  who  rejected  it  as  teaching  a  false  morality, 
shows  that  the  obscurity  which  had  been  a  stum- 
bling-block to  Jewish  teachers  was  not  removed  for 
(Christians.  The  fact  that  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia 
was  accused  at  the  Fifth  General  Council  of  calling 
in  question  the  authority  and  inspiration  of  this 
book,  as  well  as  of  the  Canticles,  indicates  that  in 
this  resjiect  as  in  others  he  was  the  precursor  of 
the  spirit  of  modern  criticism.  But  with  these 
exceptions,  there  are  no  traces  that  men's  minds 
were  drawn  to  examine  the  teachings  of  the  book. 
When,  however,  we  descend  to  the  more  recent 
developments  of  criticism,  we  meet  with  an  almost 
iucredible  divergence  of  opinion.  Luther,  with  his 
broad  clear  insight  into  the  workings  of  a  man's 
heart,  sees  in  it  {Praj".  in  Kecks. )  a  noble  "  Politica 
vel  (Economica,"  leading  men  in  the  midst  of  all 
the  troubles  and  disorders  of  human  society  to  a 
true  endurance  and  reasonable  enjoyment.  Grotius 
{Pnef.  in  Kccles.)  gives  up  the  attempt  to  trace 
in  it  a  plan  or  order  of  thought,  and  finds  in  it 
only  a  collection  of  many  maxims,  connected  more 
or  less  closely  with  the  great  problems  of  human 
life,  analogous  to  the  discussion  of  the  ditferent 
definitions  of  happiness  at  the  opening  of  the 
Nicomachean  Ethics.  Some  (of  whom  Warburton 
may  lie  taken  as  the  type,  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  154) 
j«ve  seen  in  the  language  of  iii.  18-21,  a  proof  that 
,he  Iwlief  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul  was  no 
jiart  of  the  transmitted  creed  of  Israel.  Others 
(Patrick,  Uesvoeux,  Davidson,  Mendelssohn)  con- 
tend that  the  special  purpose  of  the  book  was  to 
vtsert  that  truth  against  the  denial  of  a  sensual 
skepticism.  Others,  the  later  German  critics,  of 
whom  Ewald  may  be  taken  as  the  highest  and  heai 
iyjn;,  reject  the.«e  views  as  partial  and  one-sided, 
and  while  admitting  that  the  book  contains  the 
;erms  of  later  systems,  both  Pharisaic  and  Snd- 
liicieau,  iiasert  that  the  object  of  the  writer  wa«  to 


ECCLESIASTES 

point  out  the  secret  of  a  true  blessedness  in  tlw 
midst  of  all  the  distractions  and  sorrows  of  the 
world  as  consistmg  in  a  tranquil,  calm  enjoyment 
of  the  good  that  comes  from  God  {Pvtt.  Biich.  iv, 
180). 

The  variety  of  these  opinions  indicates  sufficiently 
that  the  book  is  as  far  removed  as  possible  from  the 
character  of  a  formal  treatise.  It  is  that  which  it 
professes  to  be  —  the  confession  of  a  man  of  wide 
experience  looking  back  upon  his  past  liiie  and  look- 
ing out  upon  the  disorders  and  calan)ities  which 
surround  him.  Such  a  man  does  not  set  forth  his 
premises  and  conclusions  with  a  logical  complete- 
ness. While  it  may  be  true  that  the  absence  of  a 
formal  arrangement  is  characteristic  of  the  Hebrew 
mind  in  all  stages  of  its  development  (Lowth,  e/e 
Sac.  Poet.  lleb.  Prsel.  xxiv.),  or  that  it  was  the 
special  mark  of  the  declining  literature  of  the  j)eriod 
that  followed  the  captivity  (I'>wald,  Poet.  Biich.  iv. 
p.  177),  it  is  also  true  that  it  belongs  generally  to 
aU  writings  that  are  addressed  to  the  spiritual 
rather  than  the  intellectual  element  in  man's  nature, 
and  that  it  is  found  accordingly  in  many  of  the 
greatest  works  that  have  influenced  the  spiritual 
life  of  mankind.  In  projwrtion  as  a  man  has  passed 
out  of  the  region  of  a  traditional,  easily-systematized 
knowledge,  and  has  lived  under  the  influence  of 
great  thoughts  —  possessed  by  them,  yet  hardly 
mastering  them  so  as  to  bring  them  under  a  scien- 
tific classification  —  are  we  likely  to  find  this  ap- 
parent want  of  method.  The  true  utterances  of  such 
a  man  are  the  records  of  his  struggles  after  truth, 
of  his  occasional  glimpses  of  it,  of  his  ultimate  dis- 
covery. The  treatise  de  hniUttione  Chiisli,  the 
Pensees  of  Pascal,  Augustine's  Concessions,  widely 
as  they  differ  in  other  points,  have  this  feature  in 
common.  If  the  writer  consciously  reproduces  the 
stages  through  which  he  has  passed,  the  form  he 
adopts  may  either  be  essentially  dramatic,  or  it 
may  record  a  statement  of  the  changes  which  have 
brought  him  to  his  present  state,  or  it  may  repeat 
and  renew  the  oscillations  from  one  extreme  to 
anotiier  which  had  marked  that  earlier  experience. 
The  writer  of  Iu;clesiastes  has  adopted  and  inter- 
woven both  the  latier  methods,  and  hence,  in  part, 
the  obscurity  which  has  made  it  so  preeminently 
the  stumbling-block  of  commentators.  He  is  not  a 
didactic  moralist  writing  a  homily  on  Virtue.  He 
Ls  not  a  prophet  delivering  a  message  from  the  Ix)rd 
of  Hosts  to  a  sinful  people.  He  is  a  man  who  has 
sinned  in  giving  way  to  selfishness  and  sensuaUty, 
who  has  paid  the  penalty  of  that  sin  in  satiety  and 
weariness  of  life ;  in  whom  the  mood  of  spirit,  over- 
reflective,  indisposed  to  action,  of  which  Shakespeare 
has  given  us  in  Hamlet,  Jaques,  Richard  II.,  three 
distinct  examples,  has  become  dominant  in  ita 
darkest  form,  but  who  has  through  all  this  been 
under  the  discipline  of  a  divine  education,  and  baa 
learnt  from  it  tlie  lesson  which  God  meant  to  teach 
him.  What  that  lesson  was  will  be  seen  frcm  an 
examination  of  the  book  itself. 

Ijcaving  it  an  open  question  whether  it  is  possible 
to  arrange  the  contents  of  this  book  (as  Ktister  and 
Vaihinger  have  done)  in  a  carefully  balanced  seriet 
of  strophes  and  antistrophes,  it  is  tolerably  clear 
that  the  recurring  burden  of  "  Vanity  of  vanities  " 
and  the  teaching  which  recommends  a  life  of  calit 
enjoyment,  mark,  whenever  they  occur,  a  kind  ot 
halting-place  in  the  succession  of  thoughts.  It  r» 
the  summing  up  of  one  cycle  of  experience;  the 
sentence  passed  upon  one  phase  of  life.  Taking 
this,  accordingly,  as  our  guide  we  may  look  on  the 


ECCLBHIASTES 

irhole  book  as  falling  into  five  divisions,  each,  to  a 
sertain  extent,  running  parallel  to  tiie  others  in  ite 
Drder  and  results,  and  closing  with  that  which,  in 
its  position  no  less  than  its  substance,  is  "  the  con- 
clusion of  the  whole  matter." 

(1.)  Ch.  i.  and  ii.  This  portion  of  the  book 
more  than  any  other  has  the  character  of  a  personal 
confession.  The  Preacher  starts  with  repro<lucing 
the  phase  of  despair  and  weai-iness  into  which  his 
experience  had  led  him  (i.  2,  3).  To  the  man  who 
is  thus  satiated  with  life  the  order  and  regularity 
of  nature  are  oppressive  (i.  4-7 ) ;  nor  is  he  led,  as 
in  the  iJOth  Psalm,  from  the  things  that  are  transi- 
tory to  the  thought  of  One  whose  years  are  from 
jternity.  In  the  midst  of  the  ever-recurring  changes 
he  finds  no  progress.  That  which  seems  to  be  new 
is  but  the  repetition  of  the  old  (i.  8-11).  Then, 
having  laid  bare  the  depth  to  which  he  had  fallen, 
he  retraces  the  path  by  which  he  had  travelled 
thitherward.  First  he  had  sought  after  wisdom  as 
that  to  which  God  seemed  to  call  him  (i.  1.3),  but 
the  pursuit  of  it  was  a  sore  travail,  and  there  was 
no  satisftvction  in  its  possession.  It  could  not 
remedy  the  least  real  evil,  nor  make  the  crooked 
straight  (i.  15).  The  first  experiment  in  the  search 
after  happiness  had  failed,  and  he  tried  another.  It 
waa  one  to  which  men  of  great  intellectual  gifts 
and  high  fortunes  ai-e  coutinally  tempted  —  to  sur- 
round himself  with  all  the  appUances  of  sensual 
enjoyment  and  yet  in  thought  to  hold  himself  above 
it  (ii.  1-9),  making  his  very  voluptuousness  part 
of  the  experience  which  was  to  enlarge  his  store  of 
wisdom.  This  —  which  one  may  perhaps  call  the 
Goethe  idea  of  life —  was  what  now  possessed  him. 
But  this  also  failed  to  give  him  peace  (ii.  11).  Had 
he  not  then  exhausted  all  human  experience  and 
found  it  profitless  (ii.  12)?  If  for  a  moment  he 
found  comfort  in  the  thought  that  wisdom  excelleth 
folly,  and  that  he  was  wise  (ii.  1-3,  Ii),  it  was  soon- 
darkened  again  by  the  thought  of  death  (ii.  15). 
The  wise  man  dies  as  the  fool  (ii.  10).  This  is 
enough  to  make  even  him  who  has  wisdom  hate 
ail  his  labor  and  sink  into  the  outer  darkness  of 
despair  (ii.  20).  Yet  this  very  despair  leads  to  the 
remedy.  The  first  section  closes  with  that  which, 
in  different  forms,  is  the  main  lesson  of  the  book  — 
to  make  the  best  of  what  is  actually  around  one 
(ii.  24)  —  to  substitute  for  the  reckless  feverish 
pursuit  of  pleasure  the  calm  enjoyment  which  men 
"lay  yet  find  both  for  the  senses  and  the  intellect, 
'his,  so  far  as  it  goes,  is  the  secret  of  a  true  life; 
inis  is  from  the  hand  of  God.  On  everything  else 
there  is  written,  as  before,  the  sentence  that  it  is 
vanity  and  vexation  of  spirit. 

(2.)  Ch.  iii.  1-vi.  9.  The  order  of  thought  in 
jhis  section  has  a  different  starting-point.  One 
who  looked  out  upon  the  infinitely  varied  phenomena 
of  man's  life  might  yet  discern,  in  the  midst  of 
tliat  variety,  traces  of  an  order.  There  are  times 
and  seasons  for  each  of  them  in  its  turn,  even  as 
there  are  for  the  vicissitudes  of  the  world  of  nature 
(iii.  1-8).  The  heart  of  man  with  its  changes  is 
the  mirror  of  the  universe  (iii.  11),  ari  is,  like  that, 
inscrutiible.  And  from  this  there  comes  the  same 
sonclusion  as  from  the  personal  experience.  Calmly 
to  accept  the  changes  and  chances  of  life,  entering 
into  whatever  joy  they  bring,  as  one  accepts  the 
»rder  of  nature,  this  is  the  waj  A  peace  (iii.  13). 
The  thought  of  the  ever-recurring  cycle  of  nature, 
iriiioh  had  betbre  been  irritating  and  disturbing, 
low  whispers  the  same  lesson.  If  we  suffer,  others 
lave  BuiFered  before  us  (iii.  15).     God  is  seeking 


ECCLESIASTES  647 

out  the  past  and  reproducing  it.  If  men  lepeal 
injustice  and  oppression,  God  also  in  the  appointed 
season  repeats  his  judgments  (iii.  16,  17).  It  ia 
true  that  this  thought  has  a  dark  as  well  as  a 
bright  side,  and  this  cannot  be  ignored.  If  men 
come  and  pass  away,  subject  to  laws  and  changes 
like  those  of  the  natural  world,  then,  it  would  seem, 
man  has  no  preeminence  above  the  beast  (iii.  19). 
One  end  happens  to  all.  AU  are  of  the  dust  and 
return  to  dust  again  (iii.  20).  There  is  no  imme- 
diate denial  of  that  conclusion.  It  was  to  that 
that  the  preacher's  experience  and  reflection  had 
led  him.  But  even  on  the  hypothesis  that  the 
personal  being  of  man  terminates  with  his  death, 
he  has  still  the  same  counsel  to  give.  Admit  that 
all  is  darkness  beyond  the  grave,  and  still  there  is 
nothing  better  on  this  side  of  it  than  the  temper 
of  a  tranquil  enjoyment  (iii.  22).  The  transition 
from  this  to  the  opening  thoughts  of  ch.  iv.  seems 
at  fii'st  somewhat  abrupt.  But  the  Preacher  is 
retracing  the  paths  by  which  he  had  been  actually 
led  to  a  higher  truth  than  that  in  which  he  had 
then  rested,  and  he  will  not,  for  the  sake  of  a 
formal  continuity,  smooth  over  its  ruggedness.  The 
new  track  on  which  he  was  entering  might  have 
seemed  less  promising  than  the  old.  Instead  of  the 
self-centred  search  after  happiness  he  looks  out 
upon  the  miseries  and  disoi-ders  of  the  world,  and 
learns  to  sympathize  with  suffering  (iv.  1).  At 
first  this  does  but  multiply  his  perplexities.  The 
world  is  out  of  joint.  Men  are  so  full  of  misery  that 
death  is  better  than  Ufe  (iv.  2).  Successful  energy 
exposes  men  to  envy  (iv.  4).  Indolence  leads  to 
poverty  (iv.  5).  Here  too  he  who  steers  clear  of 
both  extremes  has  the  best  portion  (iv.  6).  The 
man  who  heaps  up  riches  stands  alone  without 
kindred  to  share  or  inherit  them,  and  loses  all  the 
blessings  and  advantages  of  human  fellowship  (iv. 
8-12).  And  in  tliis  survey  of  hfe  on  a  large  scale, 
as  in  that  of  a  personal  experience,  there  is  a  cycle 
which  is  ever  being  repeated.  The  old  and  foolish 
king  yields  to  the  young  man,  poor  and  wise,  who 
steps  from  his  prison  to  a  throne  (iv.  13,  14).  But 
he  too  has  his  successor.  There  are  generations 
without  limit  before  him,  and  shall  be  after  him 
(iii.  15,  16).  AU  human  greatness  is  swallowed 
up  in  the  great  stream  of  time.  The  opening  of 
ch.  V.  again  presents  the  appearance  of  abruptness, 
but  it  is  because  the  sm-vey  of  human  life  takes  a 
yet  wider  range.  The  eye  of  the  Preacher  passes 
from  the  dwellers  in  palaces  to  the  worshippers  in 
the  Temple,  the  devout  and  religious  men.  Have 
they  found  out  the  secret  of  life,  the  path  to  wisdom 
and  happiness?  The  answer  to  that  question  is 
that  there  the  blindness  and  folly  of  mankind  show 
themselves  in  their  worst  forms.  Hypocrisy,  un- 
seemly prayers,  idle  dreams,  broken  vows,  God's 
messenger,  the  Priest,  mocked  with  excuses  —  that 
was  what  the  religion  which  the  Preacher  witnessed 
presented  to  him  (v.  1-6).  The  command  "  Fear 
thou  God,"  meant  that  a  man  was  to  take  no  part 
in  a  religion  such  as  this.  But  that  command  also 
suggested  the  solution  of  another  problem,  of  that 
prevalence  of  uijustice  and  oppression  which  had 
before  weighed  down  the  spirit  of  the  inquirer. 
Above  all  the  tyranny  of  petty  governors,  al>ove  the 
might  of  the  king  himself,  there  was  the  power  of 
the  highest  (v.  8);  and  his  judgment  was  manifest 
even  upon  earth.  Was  there  after  all  so  great  an 
inequality  r  Was  God's  purpose  that  the  (arth 
should  be  for  all,  really  counteracted  (v.  9 )  ?  W-m 
the  rich  man  with  his  cares  and  fears  happier  th  4e 


648 


ECCLESIASTES 


Uie  laboring;  man  whose  sleep  was  sweet  without  j 
riches  (v,  10-12)?  Was  there  anything  permanent  I 
in  that  we;ilth  of  his?  Did  he  not  leave  tlie  world  | 
naked  as  he  entered  it?  And  if  so,  did  not  all  this 
ljrin<;  the  inquirer  round  to  the  same  conclusion  as 
before?  Moderation,  self-control,  freedom  from  all 
disturbing  [>a$siuns,  these  are  the  conditions  of  the 
maximum  of  hnppiness  which  is  possible  for  man 
on  eiirth.  I^t  tliis  be  received  as  from  God.  Not 
the  outward  means  only,  but  tlie  very  capacity  of 
enjoyment  is  his  gift  (v.  18,  19).  Short  as  life 
may  be,  if  a  man  thus  enjoys,  he  makes  the  most 
of  it.  (lod  approves  and  answers  his  cheerfulness. 
Is  not  this  better  than  the  riches  or  length  of  days 
on  wliich  men  set  their  hearts  (vi.  1-5)?  All  are 
equal  in  deatii;  all  are  nearly  equal  in  life  (vi.  6). 
To  feed  the  eyes  with  what  is  actually  before  them 
is  better  than  the  ceaseless  wanderings  of  the  spirit 
(vi.  9). 

(3.)  (.'h.  vi.  10-viii.  15.  So  far  the  lines  of 
thougiit  all  seemed  to  converge  to  one  result.  The 
ethical  teaching  that  grew  out  of  the  wise  man's 
experience  had  in  it  something  akin  to  the  higher 
forms  of  Kpicureanisra.  Hut  the  seeker  could  not 
rest  in  this,  and  found  himself  beset  with  thoughts 
at  once  more  troui)ling  and  leading  to  a  higher 
truth.  Tlie  spirit  of  man  looks  before  and  after, 
and  the  uncertsiinties  of  the  future  vex  it  (vi.  12). 
A  good  name  is  better,  as  being  more  permanent, 
than  riches  (vii.  1);  death  is  better  than  life,  the 
house  of  mourning  than  the  house  of  feasting  (vii. 
2).  Self-conunand  and  the  spirit  of  calm  endur- 
ance are  a  better  saf^uaixl  against  vain  specula- 
tions than  any  form  of  enjoyment  (vii.  8,  9,  10). 
This  wisdom  is  not  only  a  defense,  as  lower  things, 
in  their  measure  may  be,  but  it  gives  life  to  them 
that  have  it  (vii.  12).  So  far  there  are  signs  of  a 
clearer  insight  into  the  end  of  life.  Then  comas 
an  oscillation  which  carries  him  back  to  the  old 
problems  (vii.  15).  Wisdom  suggests  a  half-so- 
lution of  them  (vii.  18),  suggests  also  calmness, 
caution,  humility  in  dealing  with  them  (vii.  22^; 
but  this  again  is  followed  by  a  relapse  into  the 
bitteniess  of  the  sated  pleasure-seeker.  The  search 
after  wisdom,  such  as  it  had  been  in  his  experience, 
had  led  only  to  the  discovery  that  though  men 
were  wicked,  women  were  more  wicked  still  (vii. 
26-29).  The  repetition  of  thoughts  that  had  ap- 
peared before,  is  perhaps  the  natural  consequence 
of  such  an  oscillation,  and  accordingly  in  ch.  viii. 
we  find  the  .seeker  moving  in  the  same  round  as 
before.  There  are  the  old  reflections  on  the  misery 
of  man  (viii.  6),  and  the  confusions  in  the  moral 
order  of  the  universe  (viii.  10,  11),  the  old  conclu- 
sion that  enjoyment  (such  enjoyment  as  is  com- 
patible with  the  fear  of  God)  is  the  only  wisdom, 
viii.  15. 

(4.)  Ch.  viii.  16-xii.  8.  After  the  pause  im- 
plied in  his  again  arriving  at  the  lesson  of  v.  15, 
the  Preacher  retraces  the  last  of  his  many  wan- 
derings. This  time  the  thought  with  which  he 
started  was  a  profound  conviction  of  the  inability 
of  man  to  unravel  the  mysteries  by  which  he  is 
surrounded  (viii.  17);  of  the  nothingness  of  man 
vrhen  death  is  thougiit  of  as  ending  all  things  (ix. 
3-6);  of  the  wisdom  of  enjoying  life  while  we  may 
Ux.  7-10);  of  the  evils  which  attect  nations  or  in- 
dindual  Uian  (ix.  11,  12).  The  wide  experience  of 
•Ue  Preacher  suggests  sharp  and  jwinted  sayings  as 
c  these  evils  (x.  1-20),  each  true  and  weighty  in 
Itself,  but  not  leading  him  on  to  any  firmer  stand- 
rig -ground   or   clciirer   solution   of   the   problems 


ECCLESIASTES 

which  oppressed  him.  It  is  here  that  the  traces  oi 
plan  and  method  in  the  book  seem  most  to  fail  ug 
Consciously  or  unconsciously  the  writer  teaches  ui 
how  clear  an  insight  into  the  follies  and  sins  of 
mankind  may  coexist  with  doubt  and  uncertainty 
as  to  the  great  ends  of  life,  and  give  him  no  help 
in  his  pursuit  after  truth.  In  ch.  xi.,  however,  the 
progress  is  more  rapid.  The  tone  of  the  Preacher 
becomes  more  that  of  direct  exhortation,  and  he 
speaks  in  clearer  and  higher  notes.  The  conclu- 
sions of  previous  trains  of  thought  are  not  contra- 
dicted, but  are  jilaced  under  a  new  law  and  brought 
into  a  more  harmonious  whole.  The  end  of  man's 
life  is  not  to  seek  enjoyment  for  himself  only,  but 
to  do  good  to  others,  regardless  of  the  uncertainties 
or  disappointments  that  may  attend  his  eHcrts  (xi. 
1-4).  His  wisdom  is  to  renieml)er  that  there  are 
things  which  he  cannot  know,  prolilems  which  he 
cannot  solve  (xi.  5),  to  enjoy,  in  the  brightness  of 
his  youth,  whatever  blessings  God  bestows  on  him 
(xi.  9).  Hut  beyond  all  these  there  lie  the  days 
of  darkness,  of  faihng  powers  and  incapacity  for 
enjoyment;  and  the  joy  of  youth,  though  it  is  not 
to  be  crushed,  is  yet  to  be  temj^red  by  the  thought 
that  it  cannot  last  for  ever,  and  that  it  too  is  sub- 
ject  to  God's  law  of  retribution  (xi.  9,  10).  The 
secret  of  a  true  life  is  that  a  man  should  consecrate 
the  vigor  of  his  youth  to  God  (xii.  1).  It  is  well 
to  do  that  before  the  night  comes,  before  the  slow 
decay  of  age  benumbs  all  the  faculties  of  sense  (xii. 
2,  6),  before  the  spirit  returns  to  God  who  gave 
it.  The  thought  of  that  end  rings  out  once  more 
the  knell  of  the  nothingness  of  aU  things  earthly 
(xii.  8);  but  it  leads  also  to  "the  conclusion  of  the 
whole  matter,"  to  that  to  which  all  trains  of  thought 
and  all  the  experiences  of  life  had  been  leading  the 
seeker  after  wisdom,  that  "  to  fear  God  and  keep 
Ills  commandments ''  was  the  highest  good  attain- 
able; that  the  righteous  judgment  of  (jod  would  in 
the  end  fulfill  itself  and  set  right  all  the  seeming 
disorders  of  the  world  (xii.  13,  14). 

If  one  were  to  indulge  conjecture,  there  would 
perhaps  be  some  plausibility  in  the  hypothesis  that 
xii.  8  had  been  the  original  conclusion,  and  that 
the  epilogue  of  xii.  9-14  had  been  added,  either  by 
another  writer,  or  by  the  same  writer  on  a  subse- 
quent revision.  The  verses  (9-12)  have  the  char- 
acter of  a  panegyric  designed  to  give  weight  to 
the  authority  of  the  teaeher.  Tlie  two  tliat  now 
stand  as  the  conclusion,  may  naturally  have  orig- 
inated in  the  desire  to  furnish  a  clew  to  the  per- 
plexities of  the  book,  by  stating  in  a  broad  intelli- 
gible form,  not  easy  to  be  mistaken,  the  truth  which 
had  before  been  latent. 

If  the  representation  which  has  been  given  of 
the  plan  and  meaning  of  the  book  be  at  all  a  true 
one,  we  find  in  it,  no  less  than  in  the  book  of  Job, 
indications  of  the  stmsgle  with  tlie  doul  ts  ajid 
diificulties  which  in  all  ages  of  the  world  liave  pre- 
sented themselves  to  thoughtful  obserxers  of  the 
condition  of  mankind.  In  its  sharp  .sayings  and 
wise  counsels,  it  may  present  some  striking  .nffinity 
to  the  Proverbs,  which  also  liear  the  name  of  the 
son  of  David,  but  tlie  reseiiililance  is  more  in  form 
than  in  substance,  and  in  its  essential  character  it 
agrees  with  that  great  inquiry  into  the  mysteries  of 
God's  goveniment  which  the  drama  of  .Job  bringt 
before  us.  There  are  indeed  characteristic  differ- 
ences. In  the  one  we  find  the  highest  and  IwldesJ 
fonns  of  Hebrew  poetry,  a  sustained  unity  of  de 
sign;  in  the  otlier  there  are,  as  we  have  seen 
changes  and  oscillations,  and  ttie  style  seldom  riats 


ECCLESIASTES 

*bove  the  rhythmic  character  of  proverbial  forms 
3f  speech.  Tlie  writer  of  the  book  of  Job  deals 
with  the  great  mystery  presented  by  the  sufferings 
of  the  righteous,  and  writes  as  one  who  has  known 
those  sufferings  in  their  intensity.  In  the  words 
of  the  Preacher,  we  trace  chiefly  the  weariness  or 
satiety  of  the  pleasure-seeker,  and  the  failure  of  all 
schemes  of  life  but  one.  In  spite  of  these  differ- 
ences, however,  the  two  books  illustrate  each  other. 
In  both,  though  by  very  diverse  paths,  the  inquirer 
is  led  to  take  refuge  (as  all  great  thinkers  have  ever 
done)  in  the  thought  that  God's  kingdom  is  inti- 
iiitely  great,  and  that  man  knows  but  the  smallest 
fragment  of  it;  that  he  must  refrain  from  things 
which  are  too  high  for  him  and  be  content  with 
that  which  it  is  given  him  to  know,  the  duties  of 
his  own  life  and  the  opportunities  it  presents  for 
his  doing  the  wiU  of  God. 

Liternture.  —  Every  commentary  on  the  Bible 
as  a  whole,  every  introduction  to  the  study  of  the 
O.  T.,  contains  of  course  some  materials  for  the 
history  and  interpretation  of  this  as  of  other  books. 
It  is  not  intended  to  notice  these,  unless  they  pos- 
sess some  special  merit  or  interest.  As  having 
that  claim  may  be  specified  the  commentary  by 
Jerome  addressed  to  Paula  and  Eustochium,  as 
giving  an  example  of  the  Patristic  interpretation  of 
the  book  now  before  us;  the  prefiice  and  annota- 
tions of  Grotius  {0pp.  vol.  iii.)  as  representing  the 
earlier,  the  translation  and  notes  of  Ewald  (Poet. 
Bilch.  vol.  iv.)  as  giving  the  later  results  of  phil- 
osophical criticism.  The  Critici  Sncri  here,  as 
elsewhere,  will  be  found  a  great  storehouse  of  the 
opinions  of  the  Biblical  scholars  of  the  16th  and 
17th  centuries.  The  sections  on  Ecclesiastes  in  the 
Introductions  to  the  O.  T.  by  Eichhorn,  De  Wette, 
.lahn,  Hiivemick,  Keil,  Davidson,  will  furnish  the 
reader  with  the  opinions  of  the  chief  recent  critics 
of  Germany  as  to  the  authorsiiip  and  meaning  of 
the  book.  Among  the  treatises  specially  devoted 
to  this  subject  may  be  mentioned  the  chartcteristic 
Commentartj  by  Luther  already  referred  to  ( 0pp. 
vol.  ii.  Jena,  1580);  that  by  Anton.  Corranus  in 
the  IGth  century,  interesting  as  one  of  the  earliest 
attempts  to  trace  a  distinct  plan  and  order  in  it, 
and  as  having  been  adopted  by  Bishop  Patrick  as 
the  basis  of  his  interpretation ;  the  Annotntiones  in 
Koheleth  by  J.  Drusius,  1635 ;  the  Translation  and 
Notes  of  Moses  Mendelssohn,  published  in  German 
by  Rabe  (Anspach,  1771);  the  Philosophical  and 
Critical  Essay  on  Ecclesiastes  by  Desvoeux  (Lond. 
1760),  written  chiefly  to  meet  the  attacks  of  skep- 
tics, and  to  assert  that  the  doctrine  of  the  book  is 
that  of  the  Immortality  of  the  Soul;  the  Scholia 
of  Maldonatus,  better  known  for  his  Commentary 
on  the  Gospels  (Paris,  1767),  the  commentaries  of 
Knobel  (Leipzig,  1836),  Zirkel  (Wurzb.  1792), 
Schmidt,  J.  E.  Ch.  (1794),  Nachtigal,  J.  Ch.  (Halle, 
1798),  Van  der  Palm  (1784),  Kaiser  (Erlang.  1823), 
Koster  (1831),  Umbreit  (Gotha,  1818);  and  the 
article  by  Vaihinger,  in  the  Stud,  und  Krlt.  of 
1848  [translated,  with  modification,  in  the  Meth- 
odiit  Qiiir.  Rev.  for  April  and  July,  1849].  Eng- 
lish Biblical  literature  is  comparatively  barren  in 
relation  to  this  book,  and  the  only  noticeable  recent 
lontributions  to  its  exegesis  are  ihe  Commentary 
>y  Stuart,  the  translation  of  Mendelssohn  with 
Prolegomena,  &c.,  by  Preston  (Cambridge,  1853) 
»nd  the  Attempt  to  illustrate  the  Book  of  Ecclesi-  ' 
JUtes  by  Holden.  As  growing  out  of  the  attempt ' 
o  fathom  its  meaning,  though  not  taking  the  form 
■<f  criticism  ir  exegesis,  may  be  mentioned  the  me-  I 


,  ECCLESIASTES  649 

tricaJ  paraphrases  which  are  found  among  the  works 
of  the  minor  English  poets  of  the  17th  century,  of 
which  the  most  memorable  are  those  by  (iuarles 
(1645)  and  Sandys  (1648).  E.  H.  P. 

*  Other  works  or  later  editions.  —  Prof.  Stuart 
{Commentary  on  Ecclesiastes.,  edited  and  revised 
by  R.  D.  C.  Robbins,  1864),  without  admitting  all 
the  objections  to  Solomon's  authorship  of  the  book 
to  be  valid,  regards  the  arguments  urged  for  that 
view  insufficient  to  establish  the  claim.  He  sup- 
poses the  author  of  the  book  to  be  unknown,  but 
maintains  its  canonicity  to  be  unquestionable.  "  The 
book  of  Ecclesiastes  .  .  .  has  a  claim  to  the  place 
which  it  holds  as  one  of  the  inspired  writings.  .  .  . 
There  the  book  is,  in  the  midst  of  the  Hel)rew 
Scriptures;  and  there  it  has  been,  at  least  ever 
since  the  period  when  the  Hebrew  canon  was  closed. 
There  at  all  events  it  was,  when  our  Savioiu-  and 
the  Apostles  declared  the  Jewish  Scriptures  to  be 
of  Divine  origin  and  authority."  For  his  views  on 
this  point  expressed  more  fully,  see  his  Hist,  of  the 
0.  T.  Canm,  p.  138  fF. 

We  have  commentaries  also,  in  addition  to  those 
mentioned  above,  from  Ewald,  Die  Dichter  des  AU 
ten  Bundes,  Theil  iv.  (Getting.  1837,  2e  Aufl. 
Theil  ii.,  1867),  Herzfeld  (1838),  Hitzig  (in  the 
Kurzgef.  Exeg.  Handb.  Lief,  vii.,  1847),  Heilig- 
stedt  (continuation  of  JIaurer,  iv.  sect.  ii.  1848), 
Burger  (1854),  Philippson  {Die  Israelitische  Bibel, 
iii.  1854),  Elster  (1855),  Wangenmunn  (18.56), 
Vaihinger  (1858),  Hengstenberg  (1859,  Eng.  trans, 
in  Clark's  For.  Thtol.  Lihr.  Edin.  1860),  L.  Young 
(Phila.  1866),  D.  Castelli  {11  libro  del  Cohelet, 
trad,  did  testo  ebrnico  con  introd.  crit.  e  note,  Pisa., 
1866),  and  G.  R.  Noyes  {A  New  Trans,  of  Job, 
Ecclesiastes  and  Canticles,  with  Introduclvms  and 
Notes,  3d  ed.,  Boston,  1867).  The  Historical  and 
Critical  Commentary  of  Ginsburg  (Lond.  1861), 
a  valuable  work,  contains  a  good  history  of  the 
earlier  and  later  literature  of  the  book.  Ginsburg 
writes  also  the  article  Ecclesiastes  in  Kitto's  Cycl. 
of  Blbl.  Literature  (3d  ed.,  1862).  Vaihinger 
writes  the  article  Prediger  Salomo  in  Herzog's 
Real-Encykl.  xii.  92-106,  worthy  of  attrition  es- 
pecially for  its  mimite  analysis  of  the  contents  of 
Koheleth.  Bleek's  section  ( Einl.  in  das  A.  T.  p.  641 
fF. )  summarizes  the  results  of  a  careful  study  of  the 
questions  relating  to  this  book.  (See  also  Herbst's 
Einl.  in  die  heil.  Schriften,  ii.  241-254,  edited  by 
Welte,  1852.)  Dr.  Nordheimer  has  an  elaborate 
article  on  the  Philosophy  of  Ecclesiastes  in  the 
Amer.  Bibl.  Repos.  for  July  1838,  xii.  197-219. 
See  also  Gurlitt,  Zur  Erkldrung  des  Buches  Ko- 
heleth, in  the  Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1865,  pp.  321- 
343.  The  LXX.  translation  of  Ecclesiastes,  says 
Bleek,  is  remarkable  for  its  literal  adherence  to  the 
Hebrew  text.  It  is  so  slavish  at  times  in  this  re- 
spect (e.  g.  vii.  29)  as  to  be  ungrammatical  and 
unintelligible.  Such  translations  have  a  special 
value  as  vouchers  for  the  condition  of  the  text  on 
which  they  are  founded. 

Dean  Stanley's  remarks  on  this  composition 
evince  his  characteristic  critical  skill,  as  well  as 
power  of  elegant  expression.  As  to  the  author, 
he  understands  that  the  anonymous  writer  or 
"  Preacher "  in  Ecclesiastes  personates  Solomon. 
'>  Tiiere  can  be  no  doubt  that  Ecclesiastes  embodies 
the  sentiments  which  were  believed  to  have  pro- 
ceeded from  Solomon  at  the  close  of  his  life,  and 
therefore  must  be  taken  as  the  Hebrew,  Scriptural 
representation  of  his  last  lessons  to  the  world  " 
{History  of  the   .lewish   Churchy  ii.  281).      He 


650 


ECCLESIASTICUS 


diaracterizes  the  scope  and  structure  of  the  wilt- 
ing thus:  "As  the  book  of  Job  is  couched  in  the 
form  of  a  dramatic  argument  between  the  patri- 
arch and  his  friends  —  as  the  Song  of  Songs  is  a 
dramatic  dialogue  between  the  Lover  and  the  Be- 
loved One,  so  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  is  a  drama 
of  a  still  more  tragic  kind.  It  is  an  interchange 
of  voices,  higher  and  lower,  mournful  and  joyful, 
within  a  single  human  soul.  It  is  like  the  struggle 
between  the  two  principles  in  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans.  It  is  like  the  question  and  answer  of 
the  '  Two  Voices '  of  our  modem  poet.  It  is  Uke 
the  perpetual  strophe  and  antistrophe  of  Pascal's 
Pensees.  .  .  .  Every  si)eculation  and  thought  of  the 
human  heart  is  heard,  and  expressed,  and  recog- 
nized in  turn.  Tlie  conflicts  which  in  other  parts 
of  the  Bible  (comp.  especially  Ps.  Irsxviii.  5,  6, 12, 
18,  and  Ixxxix.  JG-SO)  are  confined  to  a  single 
verse  or  a  single  chapter,  are  here  expanded  to  a 
whole  book  "  (pp.  282,  283).  We  have  space  only 
for  the  concluding  paragraph.  "  There  is  a  yet 
simpler  and  nobler  summary  of  the  wide  and  varied 
experience  of  the  manifold  forms  of  human  life,  as 
represented  in  the  greatness  and  the  fall  of  Solomon. 
It  is  not  '  vanity  of  vanities,'  it  is  not  '  rejoice  and 
be  merry,'  it  is  not  even  '  wisdom  and  knowledge, 
and  many  proverbs,  and  the  words  of  the  wise,  even 
words  of  truth.'  '  Of  making  many  books  there  is 
no  end,  and  much  study  is  a  weariness  of  the  flesh. 
Let  us  hear  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter.' 
For  all  students  of  ecclesiastical  history,  for  all 
students  of  theology,  for  all  who  are  alwut  to  be 
reUgious  teachers  of  others,  for  all  who  are  entangled 
in  the  controversies  of  the  present,  there  are  no 
better  words  to  be  remembered  than  these,  viewed 
in  their  original  and  immediate  apphcation.  They 
are  the  true  answer  to  all  perplexities  respecting 
Ecclesiastes  and  Solomon ;  they  are  no  less  the  true 
answer  to  all  perplexities  alrout  human  Ufe  itself. 
'  Fear  God  and  keep  his  commandments ;  for  this 
is  the  whole  duty  of  man.  For  God  shall  bring 
every  work  into  judgment,  with  every  secret  thing, 
whether  it  be  good,  or  whether  it  be  evil '  (Eccl. 
xii.  12-14)."  H. 

ECCLESIASTICUS,  the  title  given  in  the 
Ivatin  Version  to  the  book  which  is  called  in  the 
Septuagint  Thk  Wisdom  of  Jesus  the  Son  of 
SiKACH  (2o<pla  'Itjo-oD  vlov  Sipcix  [Sin.  Setpoxl? 
A.  C. ;  lochia  2etpdx,  1^-  Kufinus,  Vers.  Orig. 
Jlom.  in  Num.  xviii.  3 :  "In  libro,  qui  apud  iios 
quidem  inter  Salomonis  volumina  haberi  solet,  et 
Ecck-slnsticus  dici,  apud  Graecos  vero  Sapimtia 
Jegu  fUi  Sirach  appellatur,  scriptum  est  .  .  ."). 
The  word,  Uke  many  others  of  Greek  origin,  ap- 
pears to  have  been  adopted  in  the  Afi-ican  dialect 
(«.  (/.  TertuU.  de  Pudic.  c.  22,  p.  436),  and  thus  it 
may  have  been  applied  naturally  in  the  Vetus  La^ 
tina  to  a  church  rtfuliay-book ;  and  when  that 
translation  was  adopted  by  Jerome  (Prcef.  in  Libro 
Sal.  jiucta  LXX.  x.  404,  ed.  Migne),  the  local  title 
became  current  tliroughout  the  West,  where  the 
book  was  most  used.  The  right  explanation  of  the 
word  is  given  by  Hufinus,  who  remarks  that  "  it 
does  not  designate  the  author  of  the  book,  buf.  the 
character  of  the  writing,"  as  publicly  used  in  the 


a  The  reading  of  Cod.  A.  and  six  other  MSS.  Is 
remarkable :  "Irio-oOs  vi.  Xipax  'EAca^ap  (2  MSS  EAea- 
(opof ;  Aid.  1  MS.  'EAeaftipou)  6  Mepos.  Cf.  El<rhh.  p. 
J8,  n.  I'nc  words  are  wanting  in  the  Syriac  and 
ixabio,  but  are  supported  by  all  other  authorities. 

*  •  Tiiat  the  work  was  written  in  Hebrew  and  not 


ECCLESIASTICUS 

services  of  the  Church  (Conim.  m  Syntb.  §  38. 
"  Sapientia,  quae  dicitur  filii  Sirach  .  .  .  apud 
Latinos  hoc  ipso  generali  vocabulo  Ecclcsiasticia 
appellatur,  quo  vocabulo  non  auctor  Ubelli  sea 
scripturte  qualitas  cognominata  est ").  The  specia. 
apphcation  by  Kufinus  of  the  general  name  of  the 
class  (ecclesiastici  as  opposed  to  canonici)  to  the 
single  book  may  be  explained  by  its  wide  popularity. 
Athanasius,  for  instance,  mentions  the  book  (A/(. 
Fest.  sub  fin.)  as  one  of  those  "framed  by  the 
fathers  to  be  read  by  those  who  wish  to  be  in- 
structed (/caTrjxe'"(r0oi)  in  the  word  of  godliness." 
According  to  Jerome  {Prcef.  in  Libr.  Sal.  ix. 
1242)    the   original   Hebrew   title   was    Provtrbg 

{W\W12,  cf.  inf.  §  9);  and  the  Wisdom  of  Si 
rach  shared  with  the  canonical  book  of  Proverb, 
and  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  the  title  of  77'.- 
Book  of  all  Virtues  {■}]  navdpfTOs  ao<pla,  ij  iravd- 
perov.  Hieron.  I.  c.  Cf.  Kouth,  Btll.  Sacr.  i.  278). 
In  the  Syriac  version  the  book  is  entitled  The 
Book  of  Jesus  the  son  of  Simeon  Asiro  (i.  e.  the 
bound);  and  the  same  book  is  called  the  Wisdom 
of  the  Son  of  Asiro.  In  many  places  it  is  simply 
styled  Wisdom  (Orig.  in  Matt.  xiii.  §  4;  cf.  Clem. 
Al.  Peed.  i.  8,  §§  69,  72,  &c.),  and  Jesus  Sirach 
(August,  ad  Simplic.  i.  20). 

2.  The  writer  of  the  present  book  describes  him- 
self as  Jesus  (i.  e.  Jeshua)  the  son  of  Sirach,  oj 
Jei-vsnlem"  (ch.  1.  27),  but  the  conjectures  which 
have  been  made  to  fiU  up  this  short  notice  are 
either  unwarranted  (e.  g.  that  he  was  a  physician 
from  xxxviii.  1-15)  or  absolutely  improbable.  There 
is  no  evidence  to  show  that  he  was  of  priestly 
descent ;  and  the  similarity  of  names  is  scarcely  a 
plausible  excuse  for  confounding  him  with  the  Hel- 
lenizing  high-priest  Jason  (2  Mace.  iv.  7-11 ;  Georg. 
Sync.  Chronogr.  276).     In  the  Talmud  the  name 

of  Ben  Su^  (ST'D  p,  for  which  pTI^D  is  a 
late  error,  Jost,  Gesch.  d.  Judtnih.  i.  311)  occurs  in 
several  places  as  the  autlior  of  proverbial  sayings 
which  in  part  are  i)ai'allel  to  sentences  in  Ecclesias- 
ticus  (cf.  §  4),  but  nothing  is  said  as  to  his  date  or 
person  [Jesus  the  So.v  ok  Sikach],  and  the 
tradition  which  ascribes  Uie  authorship  of  tlie  book 
to  Eliezer  (b.  c.  260)  is  without  any  adequate 
foundation  (Jost,  a.  a.  0. ;  yet  see  note  1).  The 
Palestinian  origin  of  the  author  is,  however,  sub- 
stantiated by  internal  evidence,  e.  g.  xxiv.  10  f. 

3.  The  language  in  which  the  book  was  originally 
composed  was  Hebrew  ('E$paiffTl;  this  may  mean, 
however,  the  vernacular  Arauuenn  diiilect,  John  v. 
2,  xix.  13,  Sx.).''  This  is  the  express  statement 
of  the  Greek  translator,  and  Jerome  says  (Prcef.  in 
Libr.  Sal.  1.  c.)  that  he  had  met  with  the  "He 
brew  "  text ;  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  doubt  thai 
he  saw  the  book  in  its  original  form.  The  internal 
character  of  the  present  book  bears  witness  to  \Xb 
foreign  source.  Kot  only  is  the  style  Hebraistic  in 
general  form  (cf.  Ix)wth,  de  snari  Poesi,  xxiv.)  and 
idiom  (e.  g.  BefxtKiov  alwvos,  i- 15;  Kriafjia  alaivos 
xxxviii.  34;  aTrh  irpoawirov  \6yov,  xix.  11;  cf. 
Fjchhorn,  l\inl.  in  a.  A/xik.  p.  57)  as  distinguished 
from  the  Greek  of  the  liitroduction.  but  in  several 
insta^aces  it  is  possible  to  point  out  mistakes  and 


Aramsean  ia  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  numeroui 
quotations  from  it  preserved  iu  Ara7n(Fan  wrilings,  M 
the  Talmud  and  Midrashlm,  are  nearly  all  in  pun 
Hebrew.  See  Zunz,  GoUeidiensU.  Vorlr.  d.  Juden,  f 
104;  Qinsburg,  art.  EccUsiasticus  in  Kltto'a  Ci/cl.  ^ 
Bibl.  Lit.,  8d  ed.,  I.  724.  A. 


ECCLESIASTICUS 

tlhuions  which  are  cleared  up  by  the  rci  ons.*-uction 
af  the  Hebrew  phrases:  e.  y.  xxiv.  25-27,  i;  <pa>s^ 

i.  e.  "I'iSS  for  IS!'?,  as  Am.  viii.  8;  xliii.   8, 

f^"?."!)   u-'flf,   CTx5   (TfK'fiyr]    (cf.   Eichhorn,  I.  c.  ; 
I'vwald,  Gesch.  d.  Volkes  hi:  iv.  299  n.)- 

4.  Nothing  however  remains  of  the  original 
proverbs  of  Ben  Sira  except  the  few  fragments  in 
pure  Hebrew  (Jost,  Gesch.  d.  Judenth.  i.  311  n.) 
which  occur  in  the  Talmud  and  later  Kabbinic 
writers  ;  and  even  these  may  have  been  derived 
from  tradition  and  not  from  any  written  collection." 
I'he  Greek  translation  incorporated  in  the  LXX., 
which  is  probably  the  source  from  which  the  other 
translations  were  derived,  was  made  by  the  grand- 
son of  the  author  in  Egypt  "  in  the  reign  of 
Euergetes,"  f>  for  the  instruction  of  those  "  in  a 
strange  country  (iy  irapoiKicf)  who  were  previously 
prepared  to  live  after  the  law."  The  date  which 
is  thus  given  is  unfortunately  ambiguous.  Two 
kings  of  Egypt  bore  the  surname  Euergetes.  Ptol. 
ni.,  the  son  and  successor  of  Ptol.  II.  Philadelphus, 
B.  c.  247-222;  and  Ptol.  VII.  Physcon,  the  brother 
of  Ptol.  VI.  Philometor,  b.  c.  170-117.  And  the 
noble  eulogy  on  "  Simon  the  son  of  Onias,  the 
high-priest,"  who  is  described  as  the  last  of  the 
great  worthies  of  Israel  (ch.  1.),  and  apparently  re- 
moved only  by  a  short  interval  from  the  times  of 
the  author,  is  affected  by  a  similar  ambiguity,  so 
that  it  cannot  be  used  absolutely  to  fix  the  reign 
in  which  the  translation  was  made.  Simon  I.,  the 
Bon  of  Onias,  known  by  the  title  of  the  Jiisl,  was 
high-priest  about  310-290  B.  c,  and  Simon  II., 
also  the  son  of  Onias,  held  the  same  office  at  the 
time  when  Ptol.  IV.  Philopator  endeavored  to  force 
an  entrance  into  the  Temple,  b.  c.  217  (3  Mace. 
i.  2).  Some  have  consequently  supposed  that  the 
reference  is  to  Simon  the  Just,  and  that  the  grand- 
son of  Ben  Sirach,  who  is  supposed  to  have  been 
his  younger  contemporary,  lived  in  the  reign  of 
Ptolemy  III.  (Jahn,  Vaihinger  in  Herzog's  Kncykl. 
«.  v.);  others  again  have  applied  the  eulogy  to 
Simon  TI.,  and  fixed  the  translation  in  the  time  of 
Ptolemy  VH.  (Eichhorn,  Kinl.  p.  38).  But  both  sup- 
positions are  attended  with  serious  difficulties.  The 
description  of  Simon  can  scarcely  apply  to  one  so 
dttle  distinguished  as  the  second  high-priest  of  the 
name,  while  the  first,  a  man  of  representative  dig- 
nity, is  passed  over  without  notice  in  the  list  of  the 


ECCLESIASTICUS 


651 


a  The  "  Alphabet, ''''  or  "  Book  of  Ben  Sira,''-  which 
exists  at  present,  is  a  later  compilation  (Zunz,  Gottesd. 
Vortr.  d.  Juden,  pp.  100-105)  of  proverbs  in  Hebrew 
and  Chaldee,  containing  some  genuine  fragments, 
among  much  that  is  worthless  (Dukes,  Rabbinische 
Blumrnlf'se,  p.  31  ff.).  Ben  Sira  is  called  in  the  preface 
the  son  of  Jeremiah  The  sayings  are  collected  by 
Dukes,  /.  c.  p.  67  ff.  They  offer  parallels  to  Ecclus. 
Hi.  21,  vi.  6,  ix.  8  ff.,  xi.  1,  xiii  15.  xxv.  2,  xxvi. 
1,  XXX.  23,  xxxviii.  1,  4,  8,  xlii.  9  f. 

0  Sirac.  Prol.  ev  yap  toj  bySooj  koI  TptaKOinoi  cret 
tjri  TOV  EvepyeVov  /3a<rtAe'o)S,  TrapayevTjSei?  eis  AtyvTrToi/ 
....  It  is  strange  that  any  doubt  should  have  been 
raised  about  the  meaning  of  the  words,  which  can 
Duly  be,  that  the  translator  "  in  his  thirty-eighth  year 
came  to  Egypt  during  the  reign  of  Euergetes  ,  "  though 
It  is  impossible  now  to  give  any  explanation  of  the 
ipecification  of  his  age.  The  translation  of  Eichhorn 
'I.  c.  p.  40),  and  several  others,  "  in  the  thirty-eighth 
?ear  of  the  reign  of  Euergetes,"  is  absolutely  at  vari- 
mce  with  the  grammatical  structure  of  the  sentence. 

•  I'he  Septuagint  furnishes  abundant  examples  of 
•heconctruction  which  is  here  pronounced  impossible. 
rhe  follvwlng  list  rontains  some  which  do  not  appear 


benpfactors  of  his  nation.  And  on  the  other  hand 
the  manner  in  which  the  translator  speaks  of  the 
Alexandrine  version  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  tlie 
familiarity  which  he  shows  with  its  language  (e.  ff. 
xliv.  16,  'Evuix  M-^TfTfdrj,  Gen.  v.  24;  cf.  Linde, 
ap.  Eichhorn,  p.  41,  42)  is  scarcely  consistent  with 
a  date  so  early  as  the  middle  of  the  third  century. 
From  these  considerations  it  appears  best  to  com- 
bine the  two  views.  The  grandson  of  the  author 
was  already  past  middle  age  when  he  came  to 
Egypt,  and  if  his  visit  took  place  early  in  the  reign 
of  Ptolemy  Physcon,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the 
book  itself  was  written  while  the  name  and  person 
of  the  last  of  "  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue  " 
were  still  familiar  to  his  countrymen,  c  Even  if 
the  date  of  the  book  be  brought  somewhat  lower, 
the  importance  of  the  position  which  Simon  the 
Just  occupied  in  the  liistory  of  the  -Jews  would  be 
a  sufficient  explanation  of  the  distinctness  of  his 
portraiture;  and  the  political  and  social  troublea 
to  which  the  book  alludes  (li.  6,  12,  xxxvi.  ff.)  seem 
to  point  to  the  disorders  which  marked  the  trans- 
ference of  Jewish  allegiance  from  Egypt  to  Syria 
rather  than  to  the  period  of  prosjierous  tranquillity 
which  was  enjoyed  during  the  supremacy  of  the 
earlier  Ptolemies  (c.  b.  c.  200). 

5.  The  name  of  the  Greek  translator  is  unknown. 
He  is  commonly  supposed  to  have  borne  the  same 
name  as  his  grandfather,  but  this  tradition  rests 
only  on  conjecture  or  misunderstanding  (Jerome, 
1.  c.  inf.  §  7;  [Psee«/-Athanii8ius,]  Synops.  S. 
Sa-ipt.  printed  as  a  Prologue  in  the  Comp.  ed. 
and  in  A.  V.). 

6.  It  is  a  more  important  fact  that  the  book 
itself  appears  to  recognize  the  incorporation  of 
earlier  collections  into  its  text.  Jesus  the  son  of 
Sirach,  while  he  claims  for  himself  the  writing  of 
the  book  (i^dfia^a),  characterizes  his  father  as  one 
"  who  poured  forth  a  shower  of  wisdom  {avwij.0pri(ri 
aoc^iav)  from  his  heart; "  and  the  title  of  the  book 
in  the  Vatican  MS.  and  in  many  others  may  be 
more  than  a  familiar  abbreviation  {a-ocpia  ^eipix- 
Yet  Cod.  C  has  irp6\oyos  ^tpdx  combined  with 
the  usual  heading,  ^o(f,.  'irja-ov  vi.  5.).  Prom  the 
very  nature  of  his  work  the  author  was  like  "  a 
gleaner  after  the  grape-gatherers  "  (xxxiii.  16),  and 
Bretschneider  has  endeavored  to  show  (p.  28  ff.) 
from  internal  discrepancies  of  thought  and  doctrine 
that  he  made  use  of  several  smaller  colIectioDS, 


to  have  been  hitherto  noticed.  See  Hagg.  1,  1,  ei/  T<i 
SfVTepw  erei  eiu.  Aopet'ov  jSao-tAe'ios  ;  ii-  1  (i- 15),  11  (10)'; 
Zech.  i.  1,  fj>  T<3  bySoio  /u.jji'i  erovs  SevTepov  ewi  Aopet'ov  ; 
i.  (  ;  vii.  1,  it,  t^  TerdpTw  Iret  inl  AapeCov  Tov  jSacriAc'w; ; 
Dan.  IX.  1  (LXX.),  trovs  Trpwrov  ctti  Aapet'ov,  where 
Theodotion  has  iv  tQ>  npiuToi  erei  Aapeiov,  though  even 
here  the  Comp.  edition  and  the  Alex.  MS.  insert  ewl 
before  Aapei'ou  ;  1  Mace.  xiii.  42,  Itov?  Trpujrou  inl 
Stuwi/os  apxiepe'ws ;  xiv.  27;  Jer.  xlvi.  [Heb.  xxxix.] 
2,  Aldine  ed.  Comp.  1  Esdr.  ii.  15  (16),  ev  Se  tois  ini 
'ApTofe'pfov  Tiov  nepcrwi'  jSaaiAcoj;  xpo""'?-  As  Mr 
Westcott  admits  that  no  reason  can  be  given  for  the 
translator's  specification  of  his  own  age,  it  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  Eichhorn's  construction  of  the  passage  shotild 
be  adopted  by  many  recent  writers,  as  Bruch  ( Weisheits- 
Lehre  der  Hebraer,  p.  267),  Palfrey,  Davidson,  Ewald, 
Fritzsche  {Exeg  Handb.  v.  p.  xiii.),  and  Horowitz 
(Das  Buck  Jesus  Sirach,  p.  20,  n.).  A. 

c  If  indeed  the  inscription  in  B.  "  The  Wisdom  of 
Sirarh"  (so  also  Epiph  Hter.  viii.  ^  o-oi^i'a  tow  Sipa^), 
as  distinguished  from  the  prayer  in  e  li.  ("Irjo-oO  vl.  2.) 
is  based  upon  any  historic  tradition,  another  generation 
will  be  added  to  carry  us  back  to  the  first  elem«nto  «rf 
the  book.     See  §  6. 


652 


ECCLESIASTICUS 


difi^ering  widely  in  their  character,  though  all  were 
purely  Hebrew  in  their  origin. 

7.  The  Syriac  and  Old  Latin  versions,  which 
latter  Jerome  adopted  without  alteration  (Prcef. 
in  Ldbr.  Sal.  juxta  LXX.  1.  c.  .  .  .  "  in  Ecclesias- 
tico,  quern  esse  Jesu  filii  Sirach  nullus  ignorat, 
calamo  temperavi,  tantummodo  Canonicas  scripturas 
emendare  desiderans  "),  difter  considerably  from  the 
present  Greek  text,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether 
they  were  derived  from  some  other  Greek  recension 
(Eichhom,  p.  84)  or  from  the  Hebrew  original 
(Bertholdt,  p.  2304  fF.)."  The  language  of  the 
Latin  version  presents  great  peculiarities.  Even 
in  the  firet  two  chapters  the  following  words  occur 
which  are  found  m  no  other  part  of  the  Vulgate: 
defunctio  (i.  13),  rtligiosiUts  (i.  17,  18,  26),  com- 
partior  (i.  24),  inltonoratio  (i.  88),  nbductio  (ii.  2, 
V.  1,  10),  receptibibg  (ii.  5)  The  Arabic  version 
is  directly  derived  from  the  Syriac  (Bretschn.  p. 
702  f.). 

8.  The  existing  Greek  MSS.  present  great  dis- 
crepancies in  order,  and  numerous  interpolations. 
The  arrangement  of  cc.  xxx.  25  —  xxxvi.  17  in  the 
Vatican  and  Complutensian  editions  is  very  dif- 
ferent. The  English  version  follows  the  latter, 
which  is  supported  by  the  Latin  and  SjTiac  versions 
•gainst  the  authority  of  the  Uncial  MSS.  The 
sxt«nt  of  the  variation  is  seen  in  the  following 
table:  — 


m.  Comp.  Lot.  Syr.  E.  V. 
xxx.  25 


E(t.  Vat.  A.  B.  a 
xxxiii.  13,  Aafiirpcl  Kop&ia, 

K.  T.  A. 

xxxiv.,  XXXT. 

xxxvi.  1-16. 

xxx.  25  £f. 

xxxi.,  xxxii. 

xxxiii.  1-13. 

xxxvi.  17  ff. 


XXXI.,  xxxn 

xxxiii.  1-16,  riypvTTVtftra. 
xxxiii  17  ff.  (i>$  KoXoiixioneyoi 

xxxiv.,  XXXV 

xxxvi.  1-11,  i^uAos  'loffw/S  . 
xxxvi.  12    ff.    Kai  KaTCicAT)- 
povdfiTjcra. 

The  most  important  interpolations  are:  i.  5,  7; 
186,  21;  iii.  25;  iv.  236;  vu.  266;  x.  21;  xii.  6c; 
xui.  256;  xvi.  15,  16,  22c;  xvii.  5,  9,  16,  lla,  18, 
21,  22c,  266;  xvui.  26,  3,  27c,  33c;  xix.  56,  Gn, 
136,  14a,  18,  19,  21,  25c;  xx.  3,  146,  176,  32;  xxii. 
9,  10,  23c;  xxiii.  3e,  4c,  56,  28:  xxiv.  18,  24;  xxv. 
12,  26c;  xxvi.  19-27;  1.  296.  AH  these  pas.sages, 
which  occur  in  the  A.  V.  and  the  Comp.  texts,  are 
wanting  in  the  best  MSS.  The  edition  of  the 
Syro-Hexaplaric  MS.  at  Milan,  which  is  at  present 
reported  to  be  in  preparation  (1858),  will  probably 
contribute  much  to  the  establishment  of  a  sounder 
'cxt. 

9.  It  ia  impossible  to  make  any  satisfactory  plan 
if  the  book  in  its  present  shape.  The  latter  part, 
2h.  xlii.  15-1.  21,  is  distinguished  from  all  that 
precedes  hi  style  and  subject;  and  "the  praise  of 
noble  men "  (iraTepccv  tifipos)  seems  to  form  a 
complete  whole  in  itself  (eh.  xliv.-l.  24).  The 
words  of  Jerome,  Prcef.  in  Libr.  Snlum.  ("Quorum 
priorem  [iravcipeTOv  Jesu  filii  Sirach  librum]  He- 
braicum  reperi,  non  Jicclesiasticum  ut  apud  l.atinos, 
scd  Parabolas  pnenotatum,  cui  juncti  erant   Ec- 


a  *  That  the  Latin  version  wa«  derived  from  the  Greek 
Fritzsche  (Exeg.  Handb.  v.  p.  xxiv.)  regards  as  beyond 
kll  question.  He  justly  remarlcs  that  the  supposition 
that  a  Lntia  vo-sion  was  made  from  the  Jiebrew  at  so 
early  a  date  (the  second  century)  wonld  be  an  anach- 
ronifim,  or  at  IciiMt  without  a  parallel,  and  that  all  the 
hiternal  evidence  is  against  it.  He  considers  the  Syriac 
r<>rsion,  on  the  other  hand,  as  a  loose  paraphrase  of 
±,e  Qreek,  with  many  arbitrary  alterations,  Mnissioua. 


ECCLESIASTICUS 

denagtts  et  Canticum  Canticmnim,  ut  similitudinea 
SaJomonis  non  solum  librorum  numero,  sed  etiam 
materiarum  genere  coaequaret " ),  which  do  not 
appear  to  have  received  any  notice,  imply  that  tht 
original  text  presented  a  triple  character  answering 
to  tlie  three  works  of  Solomon,  the  Proverbs,  Ec- 
clesiastes,  and  Canticles;  and  it  is,  perhaps,  possit)le 
to  trace  the  prevalence  of  the  different  types  of 
maxim,  reflection,  and  song  in  successive  parts  of 
the  present  book.  In  the  central  portion  of  the 
book  (xviii.  29,  iyKparfia  \f/vx^s,  xxxii.  (xxxv. 
irepl  i)yovfji(v<i>v)  several  headings  are  introduced 
in  the  oldest  MSS.,  and  similar  titles  preface  ch. 
xliv.  {irarfpoDy  Sfivos)  and  ch.  U.  {trpoaevxh  'Ilffoi 
viov  Seipax)-  l^iese  sections  may  have  contributed 
to  the  disarrangement  of  the  text,  but  they  do  not 
offer  any  sufficient  clue  to  its  true  subdivisions. 
Eichhom  supposed  that  the  book  was  made  up 
of  three  distinct  collections  which  were  after- 
wards united:  i.-xxiii.;  xxiv.-xUi.  14;  xlii.  15-1. 
24  (Einl.  p.  50  ff.).  Bretschneider  sets  aside  this 
hypothesis,  and  at  the  same  time  one  which  he  hiu\ 
formerly  been  inclined  to  adopt,  that  the  recurrence 
of  the  same  ideas  in  xxiv.  32  ff.;  xxxiii.  16,  17 
(xxx.);  1.  27,  mark  the  conclusion  of  three  parts. 
The  last  five  verses  of  ch.  1.  (1.  25-29)  form  a  natural 
conclusion  to  the  book:  and  the  prayer,  which 
forms  the  last  chapter  (Ii.),  is  wanting  in  two  MSS. 
Some  have  supposed  that  it  was  the  work  of  the 
translator;  but  it  is  more  probable  that  he  found 
it  attached  to  the  larger  work,  though  it  may  not 
have  l)een  designed  originally  for  the  place  which 
it  occupies. 

10.  The  earliest  clear  coincidence  with  the  con- 
tents of  the  book  occurs  in  tlie  epistle  of  Baniabaa 
(c  j.9  =  Ecclus.  iv.  31;  cf.  Const.  Apost.  vii.  11), 
but  in  this  case  the  parallelism  consists  in  tlie 
thought  and  not  hi  the  words,  and  there  is  no 
mark  of  quotation.  The  parallels  which  have  l>een 
discovered  in  the  New  Testament  are  too  general 
to  show  that  they  were  derived  from  the  written 
text,  and  not  from  popular  language ;  and  the  same 
remark  applies  to  the  other  alleged  coincidences 
with  the  Afiostolic  fathers  (e.  g.  Ecclus.  v.  13  = 
James  i.  19;  xi.  18,  19  =  Luke  xii.  19).  There  is 
no  sign  of  the  use  of  the  book  in  Justiji  JSIartjT, 
which  is  the  more  remarkable  as  it  offers  several 
thoughts  congenial  to  his  style.  The  first  distinct 
quotations  occur  in  Clement  of  Alexandria;  but 
from  the  end  of  the  second  century  the  l)ook  was 
much  used  and  cited  with  respect,  and  in  the  same 
terms  as  the  canonical  Scriptures;  and  its  author- 
ship was  often  assigned  to  Solomon  from  the  sim- 
ilarity which  it  presented  to  his  writings  (August. 
/>e  Cura  pro  Mort.  18).  Clement  speaks  of  it 
continually  as  Sctipture  {Peed.  i.  8,  §  62;  ii.  2,  § 
34;  5,  §  46;  8,  §  69,  Ac),  as  the  work  of  Solomon 
(Strom,  ii.  5,  §  24),  and  as  the  voice  of  the  great 
Master  (iraiSayoryds,  P(^-  ii-  10,  §  98).  Origen 
cites  passages  with  the  same  formula  as  the  canon- 
ical books  {yfypaTTTUi,  In  Johann.  xxxii.  §  14;  Jn 
Malt.  xvi.  §  8),  as  Sci-ipture  (Comm.  in  Matt,  § 


and  additions.  But  I>r.  J.  Horowitz  in  a  recent  easay 
(see  the  addition  to  this  article)  maintains  that  tha 
Syriac  translator  had  a  Hebrew  text  before  him,  though 
interpolated  and  corrupted,  and  finds  in  this  version 
tlie  means  of  restoring  the  original  Hebrew,  and  of 
explaining  the  mistakes  of  the  Greek  tnmslator,  in  nw 
a  few  passages  which,  as  they  now  sbiiiJ,  yield  n« 
good  sense.  Oinsburg  takes  the  same  view  (art.  Ecdt 
fiamctii  in  Kitto's  Qrri.  of  Bibl.  L-t  ,  8d  ed.).      A. 


ECOLESIASTICUS 

U;  In  Ep.  (id  Rom.  ix.  §  17,  &c.),  and  as  the 
•atterance  of  "  the  divine  word"  (c.  Cels.  viii.  50). 
The  other  writers  of  the  Alexandrine  school  follow 
khe  same  practice.  Dionysius  calls  its  words 
^^  divine  oracles  "  (Frag,  de  Nat.  iii.  p.  1258,  ed. 
Migne),  and  Peter  Martyr  quotes  it  as  the  work 
of  "  tfie  Preacher "  (Frag.  i.  §  5,  p.  515,  ed. 
Migne).  The  passage  quoted  from  Tertullian  (de 
Exhort.  Cast.  2,  "  sicut  scriptum  est :  ecce  posui 
ante  ie  bonum  et  malum ;  gustasti  enim  de  arbore 

»gnitionis "of.  Ecclus.  xv.  17,  Vulg.)  is 

not  absolutely  conclusive  [see  Deut.  xxx.  15] ;  but 
Cyprian  constantly  brings  forward  passages  from 
the  book  as  Scripture  (de  Bono  Pat.  17 ;  de  Mor- 
talitate,  9,  §  13)  and  as  the  work  of  Solomon  (Ep. 
Ixv.  2).  The  testimony  of  Augustine  sums  up 
briefly  the  result  which  follows  from  these  isolated 
authorities.  He  quotes  the  book  constantly  him- 
self as  the  work  of  a  prophet  (Serm.  xxxix.  1),  the 
word  of  God  (Serm.  Ixxxvii.  11),  "  Scripture " 
(Lib.  de  Nat.  33),  and  that  even  in  controversy  (c. 
Jul.  Pelag.  v.  36),  but  he  expressly  notices  that  it 
was  not  ui  the  Hebrew  Canon  (De  Cura  pro  Mort. 
18)  "  though  the  Church,  especially  of  the  West, 
had  received  it  into  authority"  (De  Civit.  xvii.  20, 
cf.  Speculum,  iii.  1127,  ed.  Paris).  Jerome,  in  like 
maimer  (/.  c.  §  7),  contrasts  the  book  with  "  the 
Canonical  Scriptures"  as  "doubtful,"  while  they 
are  "sure;"  and  in  another  place  (Prol.  Galeat.) 
he  says  that  it  "is  not  in  the  Canon,"  and  again 
(Prol.  in  Libr.  Sal.)  that  it  should  be  read  "for 
the  instruction  of  the  people  (plebis),  not  to  support 
the  authority  of  ecclesiastical  doctrines."  The  book 
is  not  quoted  by  Irenaeus,  Hippolytus,  or  Eusebius ; « 
and  is  not  contained  in  the  Canon  of  Mehto,  Origen, 
Cyril,  Laodicea,  Hilary,  or  Rufinus.  [Canon.]  It 
was  never  included  by  the  Jews  among  their 
Scriptures ;  for  though  it  is  quoted  in  tlie  Talmud, 
and  at  times  like  tlie  Kethubim,  the  study  of  it 
was  forbidden,  and  it  was  classed  among  "  the  outer 

books"  (□'^312'*n  CnDD),  that  is  probably, 
those  which  were  not  admitted  into  the  Canon 
(Uukes,  Rabb.  BlumeJilese,  pp.  24,  25). 

11.  But  while  the  book  is  destitute  of  the  highest 
canonical  authority,  it  is  a  most  important  monu- 
ment of  the  religious  state  of  the  Jews  at  the  period 
of  its  composition.  As  an  expression  of  Palestinian 
theology  it  stands  alone;  for  there  is  no  sufficient 
reason  for  assuming  Alexandrine  interpolations  or 
direct  Alexandrine  influence  (Gfriirer,  Philo,  ii.  18 
ff".).  The  translator  may,  perhaps,  have  given  an 
Alexandrine  coloring  to  the  doctrine,  but  its  great 
outlines  are  unchanged  (cf.  Daehne,  Rdig.-Philos. 
ii.  129  ff.).  The  conception  of  God  as  Creator, 
Preserver,  and  Governor  is  strictly  conformable  to 
the  old  Mosaic  type;  but  at  the  same  time  his 
mercy  is  extended  to  all  mankind  (xviii.  11-13). 
Little  stress  is  laid  upon  the  spirit-world,  either 
good  (xlviii.  21,  xlv.  2,  xxxix.  28?)  or  evil  (xxi. 
27?);  and  the  doctrine  of  a  resurrection  fades  away 
(xiv.  16,  xvii.  27,  28,  xliv.  14,  15.  Yet  cf.  xlviii. 
11).  In  addition  to  the  general  hope  of  restoration 
(xxxvi.  1,  &c.)  one  trait  only  of  a  Messianic  faith 
is  preserved  in  which  the  writer  contemplates  the 
future  work  of  Elias  (xlviii.  10).  Tne  ethical  pre- 
cepts are  addressed  to  the  middle  class  (Eichhorn, 
EirU.  p.  44  ff.).  The  praise  of  agriculture  (vii.  15) 
ftid  medicine  (xxxviii.  1  ff.),  and  the  constant  ex- 


EOCLESIASTICUS 


653 


hortations  to  cheerfulness,  seem  to  speak  of  a  time 
when  men's  thoughts  were  turned  inwards  with 
feelings  of  despondency  and  perhaps  (Dukes,  t.  e. 
p.  27  ff.)  of  fatalism.  At  least  the  book  marks  the 
jrowth  of  that  anxious  legalism  which  was  con- 
spicuous in  the  sayings  of  the  later  doctors.  Life 
is  already  imprisoned  in  rules ;  religion  is  degen- 
erating into  ritualism;  knowledge  has  taken  refuge 
in  schools  (cf.  Ewald,  Gesch.  d.  Volkes  Isr.  iv 
298  ff.). 

12.  Numerous  commentaries  on  Ecclesiasticus 
appeared  in  the  16th  and  17th  centuries  (cf. 
Bretschneider,  Zi6.  Sirac.  Frte(.  x.  note,  for  a  list 
of  these),  of  which  the  most  important  were  those 
of  Canierarius  (Lipsice,  1570,  8vo),  Corn,  a  Lapide 
(Antveipice,  1687,  &c.,  fol.),  and  Dnisius  (Fraur- 
ekerce,  1596,  4to);  [Dav.  Hoeschel's  edition  (Aug. 
Vind.  1604)  was  also  of  some  importance  for  its 
large  collection  of  various  readings ;]  but  nothing 
more  was  done  for  the  criticism  of  the  book  till  the 
editions  of  IJtJide  (a  German  translation  and  notes, 
Lipsice,  1785,  1795,  8vo,  followed  by  a  Greek  text, 
Gedani,  1795,  8vo).  Linde's  labors  left  much  to 
be  supplied,  and  in  1806  Bretschneider  published 
his  edition,  which  stiU  remains  the  most  complete 
(Liber  Jesu  Siracidce  Griece  ad  jidem  Codd.  ei 
verss.  emend,  tt  i^rpet.  comm.  illus/ratus  a  Car. 
GotU.  Bretschneider  .  .  .  Ratisbona,  mdcccvi.); 
but  this  will  probably  be  superseded  by  the  prom- 
ised (1858)  Commentary  of  Fritzsche  in  the  Kurzy. 
Exeg.  Handbuch,  for  both  in  style  and  scholarship 
it  labors  under  serious  defects.  B.  F.  W. 

*  Ailditional  Literature.  —  Besides  the  works 
already  referred  to  in  this  article,  or  under  the  art. 
Apocrypha,  as  Amald's  Commentary,  the  fol- 
lowing deserve  notice:  Jan  van  (5ilse,  Comment 
tatio  de  Libri  qui  Sap.  Jes.  Sirac.  insciibititr 
Argumento  et  Doctiince  Fonte,  Groning.  1832,  4to; 
J.  ¥.  Kabiger,  Ethice  Libroi-um  Apoc.  V.  T., 
Vratisl.  1838 ;  J.  F.  Bruch,  Weisheits-Lehre  der 
Hebrder,  Strassb.  1851,  pp.  266-319;  Ewald,  in 
his  Jahrb.  d.  Bibl.  wissensch.,  1851,  iii.  125-140, 
and  Gesch.  d.  Volkes  Isr.,  3e  Aufl.  (1864),  iv.  340 
ff. ;  Welte  (Cath.),  in  Herbst's  Einl.  ii.  pt.  iii.  pp. 
203-237 ;  Palfrey,  Lect.  on  the  Jewish  Scriptures, 
iv.  343-350  (Bost.  1852);  Geiger,  Warum  gehtirt 
das  Buch  Sirach  zu  den  Apokryphen,  in  the 
Zeitschr.  d.  Deutsch.  Morgetd.  Gesellsch.,  1858, 
xii.  536-543;  Davidson,  Introd.  to  the  Old  Test. 
iii.  411-422.  A  translation  of  chapters  i.-xxx. 
by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Hill,  D.  D.,  now  President  of 
Harvard  College,  was  published  in  the  Monthly 
Religious  Magazine  (Boston)  for  1852  and  1853. 
Far  the  most  important  work  on  this  book,  how- 
ever, is  the  Commentary  and  Translation  of  O.  F. 
Fritzsche,  with  a  full  Introduction,  forming  the 
5th  Lieferung  of  the  Kurzyef.  exeget.  Ilandb.  zu 
den  Apok.  des  A.  T.  (Leipz.  1859).  A  German 
translation  of  the  Apocrypha  by  D.  Cassel  (Dit 
Apokryphen.  Nach  dem  griech.  Texte  Obersetzt, 
u.  s.  w.)  was  published  in  Berlin,  1866. 

An  essay  of  some  value  has  recently  appeared  by 
Dr.  J.  Horowitz  (Das  Buch  Jesus  Sirach,  Breslau, 
1865,  first  printed  in  Frankel's  Monatsschri/t  J". 
Gesch.  u.  Wiss.  des  Judenthums),  which  discussei 
the  principal  questions  respecting  the  original 
author  and  the  different  translations  of  the  work. 
According  to  Horowitz,  the  Simon  mentioned  in 


a  •  It  is  quoted  by  Hippolytus  ( Opp.  p.  192,  1.  12, 
sd.  Lagurde),  and  by  Eusebius  {De  Eccies.  Theol.  i.  12  ; 


Dem.  Evang.  i.  1,  Opp.  iv.  21  a,  ed.  Migne  ;   De  Vita 
Const  i.  11 ;  and  Comm.  in  Ps.  Ivi.  2).  A 


654        ECLIPSE  OF  THE  SUN 

oh.  L  is  the  famous  Simou  the  Just,  and  the  de- 
scription in  that  chapter  is  so  vivid  that  it  must 
represent  what  the  writer  had  seen  and  heard ;  the 
hook  was  probably  composed  at  different  periods 
during  the  long  life  of  the  author,  the  original  con- 
clusion being  the  last  verse  of  ch.  xlix. ;  chapters  1., 
li.  were  added  afterwards,  possibly  as  late  as  b.  g. 
250,  whence  the  strangely  placed  invective  against 
the  Samaritans  (1.  25,  26),  who  about  this  time 
were  harassing  the  Jews  (Joseph.  Ant.  xii.  4,  §  1). 
The  translator  came  to  Egypt  in  the  38th  year  of 
Ptolemy  Euergetes  11.  (Physcon),  that  is,  about 
132  B.  c.  But  how  then  could  he  call  the  author, 
who  is  supposed  to  have  died  about  120  years 
before,  hLs  gvarutfalher  f  Horowitz  meets  this  dif- 
ficulty by  taking  wi-mro^  in  the  wider  sense  of 
ancestor.  I'urther,  he  does  not  regard  the  language 
in  the  Prologue  respecting  the  books  of  the  Old 
Testament  as  necessarily  implying  that  the  col- 
lection was  then  complete,  and  the  Canon  closed. 
The  essay  contains  some  happy  conjectural  restora- 
tions of  the  original  text  in  corrupted  passages, 
chiefly  by  the  aid  of  the  Syriac  version.  A. 

ECLIPSE  OF  THE  SUN.  No  historical 
notice  of  an  eclipse  occurs  in  the  Bible,  but  there 
are  passages  in  the  prophets  which  contain  manifest 
allusion  to  this  phenomenon.  They  describe  it  in 
the  following  terms  :  "  The  sun  goes  down  at 
noon,"  "the  earth  is  darkened  in  the  clear  day" 
(Am.  viii.  i)),  "  the  day  shall  be  dark  "  (Mic.  iii. 
6),  "  the  light  shall  not  be  clear  nor  dark  "  (Zech. 
xiv.  6),  "the  sun  shall  be  dark"  (.Joel  ii.  10,  31, 
iii.  15).  Some  of  these  notices  probably  refer  to 
eclipses  that  occurred  about  the  time  of  the  re- 
spective compositions :  thus  the  date  of  Amos  coin- 
cides with  a  total  eclipse,  which  occurred  Feb.  9, 
B.  c.  784,  and  was  visible  at  Jerusalem  shortly 
after  noon  (Hitzig,  Cmnm.  in  Proph.);  that  of 
Micah  with  the  eclipse  of  June  5,  b.  c.  716,  referred 
to  by  Uionys.  Hal.  ii.  56,  to  which  same  period  the 
latter  part  of  the  book  of  Zechariah  may  be  prob- 
ably assigned.  A  passing  notice  in  Jer.  xv.  9  coin- 
cides in  date  with  the  eclipse  of  Sept.  30,  b.  c. 
610,  so  well  known  from  Herodotus'  account  (i.  74, 
103).  The  darkness  that  overspread  the  world  at 
the  crucifixion  cannot  with  reason  be  attributed  to 
an  eclipse,  as  the  moon  was  at  the  full  at  the  tinie 
of  the  Passover.  [Dakknkss.]  The  awe  which 
is  naturally  inspired  by  an  eclipse  in  the  minds  of 
those  who  are  unacquainted  with  the  cause  of  it, 
rendered  it  a  token  of  impending  judgment  in  the 
prophetical  books.  W.  L.  B. 

ED,  i.  e.  "  witness,"  a  word  inserted  in  the 
A.  V.  of  Josh.  xxii.  34  [brought  along  from  the 
earlier  English  versions]  apparently  on  the  authority 
3f  a  few  MSS.,  and  also  of  the  Syriac  and  Arabic 
Versions,  but  not  existing  in  the  generally-received 
Hebrew  Text.  The  passage  is  literally  -is  follows: 
'And  the  children  [sons]  of  Reuben  and  the 
children  [sons]  of  Giid  named  (LXX.  fira>i'6iu.affev) 
the  altar:  because  that  is  a  witness  (Ed)  between 
08  that  Joliovah  is  God."  The  rendering  of  the 
LXX.,  though  in  some  respects  differing  materially 
from  the  present  text,  shows  plainly  that  at  that 

Kme  the  word  Ed  (IV)  stood  m  the  Hebrew  in 
U  present  place.     The  word  S"lp,  to  call  or  pro- 


a  ♦  XhU  Eder  may  have  been  a  well  known  watch- 
from   which    the  shepherds   oTerlooked   their 


EDEN 

claim,  has  not  invariably  (though  generally)  a 
transitive  force,  but  is  also  occasionally  an  intraj.- 
sitive  verb.  (For  a  further  investigation  of  thi. 
passage,  see  Keil,  Joshua,  ad  loc.)  G. 

*  The  sense  is  better  if  we  make  ^3  in  the  last 
clause  recitative  like  ori,  not  causal,  as  above: 
"  It  (i.  e.  the  altar)  is  a  witness  between  us  that 
Jehovah  is  God."  The  entire  sentence  and  not 
"witness"  merely  (A.  V.)  was  inscribed  on  the 
altar  and  formed  its  name.  So  in  De  Wette's 
Utbersttzung  (1858)  and  in  that  of  the  Sodete  bib- 
lique  ProtesUinte  de  Paiis  (1866).  Ed  therefore 
is  not  a  proper  name  any  more  than  the  other 
words.  u. 

ETJAR,  TOWER  OF  (accur.  Eder,  b"|T5n 

"1^5?  •  Vat.  omits;  Alex,  ["in  charact.  minore"] 
nvpyos  FaSfp:  turns  yregis),  a  place  named  only 
in  Gen.  xxxv.  21.  Jacob's  first  halting-place  between 

Bethlehem  and  Hebron  was  "beyond  (HS'pn!^) 
the  tower  Eder."  According  to  Jerome  ( Orwmat- 
ticon,  Bethlehem)  it  was  1000  paces  from  Beth- 
lehem. The  name  signifies  a  "  flock  "  or  "  drove," 
and  is  quite  in  keeping  with  the  pastoral  habits  of 
the  district."  Jerome  sees  in  it  a  prophecy  of  the 
announcement  of  the  birth  of  Christ  to  the  shep- 
herds ;  and  there  seems  to  have  been  a  Jewish 
tradition  that  the  Messiah  was  to  be  bom  there 
(Targum  Ps.  Jon.).  G. 

EDDFAS  i'U(iai;  [Vat.  -^«-;]  Alex.  USSias; 
[Aid.  'ESStas:]    Geiklias),  1  Esdr.  ii.  26.     [Jk- 

ZIAH.] 

E'DEN  (]tl^  [pleasantness']  :  'ESefi  [see  be- 
low]), the  first  residence  of  man.  It  would  be 
difficult,  in  the  whole  history  of  opinion,  to  find 
any  subject  which  has  so  invited,  and  at  tlie  same 
time  so  completely  bafHed,  conjecture,  as  the  Garden 
of  Eden.  The  three  continents  of  the  old  world 
have  been  subjected  to  the  most  rigorous  search; 
from  China  to  the  Canary  isles,  from  the  Mountains 
of  the  Moon  to  the  coasts  ol'  the  Baltic,  no  locality 
which  in  the  slightest  degree  corresponded  to  the 
description  of  the  first  abode  of  the  human  race  has 
been  left  unexamined.  The  great  rivers  of  Europe, 
Asia,  and  Africa,  have  in  turn  done  service  as  the 
Pison  and  Gihon  of  Scripture,  and  there  reuiauis 
nothing  but  the  New  World  wherein  the  next 
adventurous  theorist  may  bewilder  himself  in  the 
mazes  of  this  most  difficult  question. 

In  order  more  clearly  to  undei-stand  the  merit 
of  the  several  coryectures,  it  wiU  be  necessary  to 
submit  to  a  careful  examination  the  historic  nar- 
rative on  which  they  are  founded.  Omitting  those 
portions  of  the  text  of  Gen.  ii.  8-14  which  do  not 
bear  upon  the  geographical  position  of  Eden,  the 
description  is  as  follows:  "And  the  Lord  God 
plant«i  a  garden  in  Eden  eastward.  .  .  .  And  a 
river  goeth  forth  from  Eden  to  water  the  garden ; 
and  from  thence  it  is  divided  and  becomes  four 
hea<ls  (or  arms).  The  name  of  the  first  is  Pison: 
that  is  it  which  compasseth  the  whole  land  of 
llavilah,  where  is  the  gold.  And  the  gold  of  that 
land  is  good :  there  is  the  bdellium  and  the  onyx 
stone.  And  the  name  of  the  second  river  is  Gihon; 
that  is  it  which  compasseth  the  whole  land  of  Cusli 


flocks.     Bethlehem   is  famous  at  the  present  day  loi 
the  number  of  similar  structures  in  itx  neighltorhood 


EDEN 

And  the  name  of  the  third  river  «  Hiddekel ;  that 
is  it  which  floweth  before  Assyria.  And  the  fourth 
river,  that  is  Euphrates."  In  the  eastern  portion 
then  of  the  region  of  Eden  was  the  garden  planted. 
The  river  which  flowed  through  Eden  watered  the 
garden,  and  thence  branched  off  into  four  distuict 
streams.  The  first  problem  to  be  solved  then  is 
this:  To  find  a  river  which,  at  some  stage  of  its 
30urse,  is  divided  uito  four  streams,  two  of  which 
are  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  The  identity  of 
these  rivers  with  the  Hiddekel  and  P'rath  has  never 
t)een  disputed,  and  no  hypothesis  which  omits  them 
is  worthy  ot  consideration.  Setting  aside  minor 
differences  of  detail,  the  theories  which  have  been 
framed  with  regard  to  the  situation  of  the  terrestrial 
paradise  naturally  divide  themselves  into  two  classes. 
The  first  class  includes  all  those  which  place  the 
garden  of  Eden  below  the  junction  of  the  Euphrates 
and  Tigris,  and  uiterpret  the  names  Pison  and 
Gihon  of  certain  portions  of  these  rivers :  the  second, 
those  which  seek  for  it  in  the  high  table-land  of 
Armenia,  the  fruitful  parent  of  many  noble  streams. 
These  theories  have  been  supported  by  most  learned 
men  of  all  nations,  of  all  ages,  and  representing 
every  shade  of  theological  behef ;  but  there  is  not 
one  which  is  not  based  in  some  degree  upon  a 
forced  interpretation  of  the  words  of  the  narrative. 
Those  who  contend  that  the  united  stream  of  the 
Euphrates  and  Tigris  is  the  "  river  "  which  "  goeth 
forth  from  Eden  to  water  the  garden,"  have  com- 
mitted a  fatal  error  in  neglecting  the  true  meaning 

of  M^'^,  which  is  only  ased  of  the  course  of  a  river 
from  its  source  downwards  (cf.  liz.  xlvii.  1).  Fol- 
lowing the  guidance  which  this  word  supplies,  the 
description  in  ver.  10  must  be  explained  in  this 
mamier:  the  river  takes  its  rise  in  Eden,  flows  into 
the  garden,  and  from  thence  is  divided  into  four 
branches,  the  separation  taking  place  either  in  the 
garden  or  after  leaving  it.  If  this  be  the  case,  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates  before  junction  cannot,  in 
this  position  of  the  garden,  be  two  of  the  four 
branches  in  question.  But,  though  they  have 
avoided  this  error,  the  theorists  of  the  second  class 
have  been  driven  into  a  Charybdis  not  less  destruc- 
tive. Looking  for  the  true  site  of  Eden  in  the  high- 
lands of  Armenia,  near  the  sources  of  the  Tigris 
und  Euphrates,  and  applying  the  names  Pison  and 
Gihon  to  some  one  or  other  of  the  rivers  which 
spring  from  the  same  region,  they  have  been  com- 
pelled to  explain  away  the  meaning  of  "1713,  the 

"  river,"  and  to  give  to  D^tTHT  a  sense  which  is 
jot  supported  by  a  single  passage.  In  no  instance 
'^  ttJST  (Ut.  "head")  appUed  to  the  source  of  a 
river.  On  several  occasions  (cf.  Judg.  vii.  IG ,  Job 
i.  17,  &c.)  it  is  used  of  the  detachments  into  which 
the  main  body  of  an  army  is  divided,  and  analogy 

therefore   leads  to  the  conclusion  that    D"'C?S"1 

T 

lenotes  "  the  branches "  of  the  parent  stream. 
There  are  other  ditticulties  in  the  details  of  the 
several  theories,  which  may  be  obstacles  to  their 
2ntiie  reception,  but  it  is  manifest  that  no  theory 
drhich  fails  to  satisfy  the  above-mentioned  condi- 
;ion8  can  be  allowed  to  take  its  place  among  things 
Mt  are  probable. 

The  old  versions  supply  us  with  little  or  n» 
imsistance.  The  translators  appear  to  have  ha.ted 
between  a  mystical  and  hteral  interpretation.    The 

»ord  7  TV  is  rendered  by  the  LXX.  as  a  proper 


EDEN 


656 


name  in  three  passages  only,  Gen.  ii.  8,  10,  iv.  16^ 
where  it  is  represented  by  'ESe/i-  In  ^H  others,  with 
the  exception  of  Is.  li.  3,  it  is  translated  rovtjyf]. 
In  the  Vulgate  it  never  occurs  as  a  proper  name. 
but  is  rendered  "  vuluptnx"  "  locos  voluptatia,"  ot 
"  delicice."  The  Targum  of  Onkelos  gives  it  uni- 
formly ^127,  and  in  the  Peshito-Syriac  it  is  the 
same,  with  the  slight  variation  in  two  passages  of 
for 


V" 


vr 


It  would  be  a  hopeless  task  to  attemjit  to  chron 
icle  the  opinions  of  all  the  commentators  upon  this 
question :  their  name  is  legion.  Philo  {de  Mundi 
Opif.  §  54)  is  the  first  who  ventured  upon  au 
allegorical  interpretation.  He  conceived  that  by 
paradise  is  darkly  shadowed  forth  the  governing 
faculty  of  the  soul;  that  the  tree  of  life  signifies 
religion,  whereby  the  soul  is  immortalized ;  and  by 
the  faculty  of  knowing  good  and  evil  the  middle 
sense,  by  which  are  discerned  things  contrary  to 
nature.  In  another  passage  (de  Fkinlat.  §  9)  he 
explains  Eden,  which  signifies  "pleasure,"  as  a 
symbol  of  the  soul,  that  sees  what  is  right,  exults 
in  virtue,  and  prefers  one  enjoyment,  the  worship  of 
the  Only  Wise,  to  myriads  of  men's  chief  delights. 
And  again  {Legum  Alkgor.  i.  §  14)  he  says,  "now 
virtue  is  tropically  called  paradise,  and  the  site  of 
paradise  is  Eden,  that  is,  pl&asure."  The  four 
rivers  he  explains  (§  19)  of  the  several  virtues  of 
prudence,  temperance,  courage,  and  justice;  while 
the  main  stream  of  which  they  are  branches  is  the 
generic  virtue,  goodness,  which  goeth  forth  from 
Eden,  the  wisdom  of  God.  The  opinions  of  Philo 
would  not  be  so  much  worthy  of  consideration, 
were  it  not  that  he  has  been  followed  by  many  of 
the  Fathers.  Origen,  according  to  Luther  ( Comm. 
in  Gen.),  imagined  paradise  to  be  heaven,  the  trees 
angels,  and  the  rivers  wisdom.  Papias,  Ireneeus, 
Pantsenus,  and  Clemens  Alexandrinus  have  all 
favored  the  mystical  interpretation  (Huet,  Origen- 
iana,  ii.  167).  Ambrosius  followed  the  example  of 
Origen,  and  placed  the  terrestrial  paradise  in  the 
third  heaven,  in  consequence  of  the  expression  of 
St.  Paul  (2  Cor.  xii.  2,  4);  but  elsewhere  he  distin- 
guishes between  the  terrestrial  paradise  and  that  to 
which  the  Apostle  was  caught  up  (De  Parad.  c. 
3).  In  another  passage  {Ep.  ad  Sabinum)  all  this 
is  explained  as  allegory.  Among  the  Hebrew  tra- 
ditions enumerated  by  Jerome  ( Trad.  Ihbr.  in 
Gen.)  is  one  that  paradise  was  created  before  the 
world  was  formed,  and  is  therefore  beyond  its  Umits. 
Moses  Bar  Cepha  (De  Parad.)  assigns  it  a  middle 
place  between  the  earth  and  the  firmament.  Some 
affirm  that  paradise  was  on  a  mountain,  which 
reached  nearly  to  the  moon;  while  others,  stncU 
by  the  manifest  absurdity  of  such  an  opinion,  hela 
that  it  was  situated  in  the  third  region  of  the  air, 
and  was  higher  than  all  the  mountains  of  the  earth 
by  twenty  cubits,  so  that  the  waters  of  the  flood 
could  not  reach  it.  Others  again  have  thought 
that  paratlise  was  twofold,  one  corporeal  and  the 
other  incorporeal :  others  that  it  was  formerly  on 
earth,  but  hod  been  taken  away  by  the  judgment 
of  God  (Hopkinson,  Descr.  Parad.  in  Ugol.  TItes. 
vii.).  Among  the  opinions  enumerated  by  Morinus 
{Diss,  de  Parad.  Terr  est.  Ugol.  Thes.  vii.)  is  one, 
that,  before  the  fall,  the  whole  earth  was  paradise, 
and  was  really  situated  in  Eden,  in  the  midst  of 
a^  knids  of  delights.  Ephraem  Syrus  ( Comm.  vn 
Gen.  I  expresses  himself  doubtfully  n\pn  this  point. 
Whether  the  trees  of  paradise,  being  spiritual,  dranli 


656  EDEN 

of  spiritual  water,  he  does  not  undertake  to  decide ; 
but  lie  seems  to  be  of  opinion  that  the  lour  rivers 
have  lost  their  original  virtue  in  consequence  of  tlie 
jurse  pronounced  upon  the  earth  for  Adam's  trans- 
gression. 

Conjectures  with  regard  to  the  dimensions  of  the 
garden  have  dittered  as  widely  as  those  which  as- 
sign its  locality.  Ephraem  Syrus  maintained  that 
it  surrounded  the  whole  earth,  while  Johannes 
Tostatus  restricted  it  to  a  circumference  of  thirty- 
six  or  forty  miles,  and  otliers  have  made  it  extend 
over  Syria,  Arabia,  and  Mesopotamia.  (Hopkin- 
8on,  as  above.)  But  of  speculations  like  these 
th  are  IS  no  end. 

What  is  the  river  which  goes  forth  from  Eden 
to  water  the  garden  ?  is  a  question  which  has  been 
often  asked,  and  still  waits  for  a  satisfactory  an- 
Bwer.  That  tlie  ocean  stream  which  surrounded 
the  eartli  was  the  source  from  which  the  four  rivers 
flowed  was  the  opinion  of  Josephus  (Aril.  i.  1,  §  3) 
and  Johannes  Damascenus  {De  Orthod.  Fid.  ii. 
9).  It  was  the  Shu l-tt- Arab,  acccording  to  those 
who  place  the  garden  of  Men  below  the  junction 
of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  and  their  conjecture 
would  deserve  consideration  were  it  not  that  tliis 
stream  cannot,  with  any  degree  of  propriety,  be 
said  to  rise  in  Eden.  By  those  wlio  refer  the  po- 
gition  of  Eden  to  the  highlands  of  Armenia,  the 
"river"  from  which  the  four  streams  diverge  is 
conceived  to  mean  »'a  collection  of  springs,"  or  a 
well-watered  district.     It  is  scarcely  necessary  to 

say  that  this  signification  of  "IH^  {nahar)  is 
wholly  without  a  parallel;  and  even  if  it  could, 
under  certain  circumstances,  be  made  to  adopt  it, 
such  a  signification  is,  in  the  present  instance,  pre- 
cluded by  the  fact  that,  whatever  meiining  we  may 
assign  to  the  word  in  ver.  10,  it  nuist  Le  the  same 
as  that  which  it  has  in  the  following  verses,  in 
which  it  is  sutiiciently  definite.  Sickler  (Augusti, 
Tlieol.  Monatsschrifl,  i.  1,  quoted  by  Winer),  sup- 
posing the  whole  narrative  to  be  a  myth,  solves  the 
difficulty  by  attributing  to  its  author  a  large  meas- 
ure of  ign<  ranee.  The  "  river  "  was  the  Caspian 
Sea,  wliich  in  his  apprehension  was  an  immense 
stream  from  the  east.  Bertheau,  applying  the  ge- 
ographical knowledge  ol  the  ancients  as  a  test  of 
that  of  the  Hebrews,  arrived  at  the  same  conclu- 
sion, on  the  ground  that  all  the  people  south  of 
the  Armenian  and  Persian  highlands  place  the 
dwelling  of  the  gods  in  the  extreme  north,  and 
the  regions  of  the  Caspian  were  the  northern  limit 
of  the  horizon  of  the  Israelites  (Knobel,  Uenesis). 
But  he  allows  the  four  rivers  of  I'klen  to  have  been 
real  rivers,  and  not,  as  Sickler  imagined,  oceans 
which  bounded  the  earth  east  and  west  of  the 
Nile. 

That  the  Hiddekel "  is  the  Tigris,  and  tne  Phrath 
he  Euphrates,  has  never  been  denied,  except  by 
those  who  assume  that  the  whole  narrative  is  a 
luytb  which  originated  elsewhere,  and  was  adapted 
by  the  Hebrews  to  their  own  geographical  notions. 
As  the  former  is  the  name  of  the  great  river  by 
which  IJaniel  sat  (Dan.  x.  4),  and  the  latter  is  the 
term  uniformly  appUcd  to  the  Euphrates  in  the 
Old  Testament,  there  seems  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  appellations  in  Gen.  ii.  14  are  to  be  under- 
tioud  in  any  other  than  the  ordinary  sense.     One 


a  lilts  name  is  said  to  be  still  in  use  among  the 
tribes  who  live  upon  its  banks  (Col.  Chesney,  Erp.  to 
Tigru  and  Fuphrates,  i.  13). 


EDEN 

circu-ustance  in  the  description  is  worthy  of  oI> 
servation.  Of  the  four  rivers,  one,  the  Euphrates, 
is  mentioned  by  name  only,  as  if  that  were  sufli- 
cieut  to  identify  it.  Tlie  other  three  are  defined 
according  to  their  geograpliical  positions,  and  it  ii 
fair  to  conclude  that  tliey  were  tliereforc  rivers  >vith 
which  the  Hebrews  were  less  intimately  acquainted. 
If  this  be  the  case,  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  imagine 
that  the  Gihon,  or,  as  some  say,  the  Pison,  is  the 
Nile,  for  that  must  have  been  even  more  familiar  to 
the  Israelites  than  the  ICuphrates,  and  have  stood 
as  little  in  need  of  a  definition. 

With  regard  to  the  Pison,  the  most  ancient  and 
most  universally  received  opinion  identifies  il  with 
the  Ganges.  Josephus  {Ant.  i.  1,  §  3),  Eusebius 
{Onomnst.  s.  v.),  Ambrosius  {de  Pavnd.  c-  3), 
Epiphanius  {Ancov.  c.  58),  Ephr.  Syr.  {Opjt.  Syr. 
i.  23),  Jerome  (Ep.  4  ad  Rust,  and  Qiuxsl.  Ihb.  in 
Gen.),  and  Augustine  {de  Gen.  ad  Lit.  viii.  7)  held 
this.  But  Jarchi  (on  Gen.  ii.  11),  Saadiah  Gaon, 
K.  Moses  ben  Nachman,  and  Abr.  Peritsol  (ITgol. 
Tlies.  vii.),  maintained  that  the  Pison  was  the 
Nile.  The  first  of  these  writers  derives  the  word 
from  a  root  which  signifies  "to  increase,"  "to 
overflow"  (cf.  Hab.  i.  8),  but  at  the  same  tinie 
quotes  an  etymology  given  in  Bereshil/i  rabba,  §  16, 
in  which  it  is  asserted  that  the  river  is  called  Pison 

"because  it  makes  the  flax  ("jntfC)  to  grow." 
Josephus  explains  it  by  ir\y^vs,  Scahger  by  ir\i)a- 
fivpa.  The  theory  that  the  Pison  is  the  (ianges  is 
thought  to  receive  some  confirmation  from  the 
author  of  the  book  of  ICcclesiasticus,  who  mentions 
(xxiv.  25,  27)  in  order  the  Pison,  the  Tigris,  the 
Euphrates,  .Jordan,  and  Gihon,  and  is  supposed  to 
have  commenced  his  erumieration  in  tlie  east  and 
to  have  terminated  it  in  the  west.  'ITiat  the  Pison 
was  the  Indus  was  an  opinion  current  long  before 
it  was  revived  by  Ewald  {Gesch.  d.  I'lilk.  Isr.  i. 
331,  note  2)  and  adopted  by  Kahsch  {Genesis,  p. 
96).  Philostorgius,  quoted  by  Huet  (I'goi.  vol. 
vii.),  conjecture*!  that  it  was  the  Hydasjies:  and 
Wilford  {As.  Nes.  vol.  vi.),  following  the  Hindoo 
tradition  with  regard  to  the  origin  of  mankind, 
discovers  the  Pison  in  the  Landi-Sindh,  the  (ianges 
of  Isidorus,  called  also  Nilab  from  the  color  of  its 
waters,  and  known  to  the  Hindfxis  by  the  name  of 
Nila-Ganga  or  (iangi\  simply.  Severianus  {de 
Mundi  Criat.)  and  Ephraem  Syrus  (i'onim.  on 
Gen.)  agree  with  Ca-sarius  in  identifying  the  I'ison 
with  the  l)anul)e.  The  last-mentioned  father  seems 
to  have  held,  in  common  with  others,  some  singular 
notions  with  regard  to  the  coiu"se  of  this  river. 
He  Mieved  that  it  was  also  the  (Janges  and  Indus, 
and  that,  after  traversing  Ethiopia  and  Elyinais, 
which  he  identified  with  Havilah,  it  fell  into  the 
ocean  near  Cadiz.  Such  is  also  the  opinion  of 
Epiphanius  with  rei^ani  to  the  course  of  tlie  I  'ison, 
which  he  says  is  the  (Janges  of  the  EtIno))ians  and 
Indians  and  the  Indus  of  the  tJreeks  {Anan:  c. 
58).  Some,  as  Hopkinson  (llgol.  vol.  vii.;,  havt 
found  the  Pison  in  tlie  Naharmalca.  one  of  the 
artificial  canals  which  formerly  joined  the  Euphrates 
with  the  Tigris.  This  canal  is  tlie  Jinvien  rtyium 
of  Amm.  Marc,  (xxiii.  d.  §  25,  and  xxiv.  '5,  §  1), 
and  the:  Ariwdcliar  of  Pliny  (//.  N.  vi.  30).  (Jro- 
tius,  on  the  contrary,  considered  it  to  be  the  (]ihon. 
Even  those  commentators  who  agree  in  placing  the 
terrestrial  Paradise  on  the  Sliat-rl-Arah,  the  streanc 
formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Tigris  and  Eu- 
phrates, between  Ctesiphon  and  Apaniea,  are  by  n« 
means  unanimous  as  to  which  of  the  branches,  iuU 


EDEN 

which  this  stream  is  again  dividetl,  the  names  Pison 
uiil  Gihon  are  to  be  appUed.  Calvin  {Comm.  in 
Gen.)  was  the  fo'st  to  conjecture  that  the  Pison  was 
the  most  easterly  of  these  chamiels,  and  in  this 
opinion  he  is  followed  by  Scaliger  and  many  others. 
Huet,  on  the  other  hand,  conceived  that  he  proved 
beyond  doubt  that  Calvin  was  in  error,  and  that 
the  PLson  was  tlie  westernmost  of  the  two  channels 
by  which  the  united  streiim  of  the  Euphrates  and 
Tigris  falls  into  the  Persian  Gulf.  He  was  con- 
firmed by  the  authority  of  Bochart  {Ilieroz.  pt.  ii. 

I.  5,  c.  5).  .Junius  (Frail,  in  Gen.)  and  Kask  dis- 
covered a  relic  of  the  name  Pison  in  the  Pasitigris. 
The  advocates  of  the  tlieory  that  the  true  position 
of  Eden  is  to  be  sought  for  in  the  mountains  of 
Armenia  have  been  induced,  from  a  certain  resem- 
blance in  the  two  names,  to  identify  the  Pison  with 
the  Phasis,  which  rises  in  the  elevated  plateau  at 
the  foot  of  Mount  Ararat,  near  the  sources  of  the 
Tigria  and  Euphrates.  Reland  (de  Situ  Farad, 
ten:  Ugol.  vol.  vii.),  Calmet  {Diet.  s.  v.),  Link 
{Urwdt,  i,  307),  liosenmiiller  {Ilandb.  d.  Bibl. 
All.),  and  Hartmann  have  given  their  suffrages  in 
favor  of  this  opinion.  Kaumer  (quoted  by  Ue- 
litzsch,  Genenis)  endeavored  to  prove  that  the  Pison 
was  the  Phasis  of  Xenophon  (Awib.  iv.  6),  that  is, 
the  Aras  or  Araxes,  which  flows  into  the  Caspian 
Sea.  There  remain  yet  to  be  noticed  the  theories 
of  Le  Clerc  (Comm.  in  Gen.)  that  the  Pison  was 
the  Chrysorrhoas,  the  modern  Barada,  which  takes 
its  rise  near  Damascus;  and  that  of  Buttraann 
(JSlt.  Erdk.  p.  .32)  who  identified  it  with  the  Be- 
synga  or  Irabatti,  a  river  of  Ava.  Mendelssohn 
( Comm.  on  Gen. )  mentions  that  some  affirm  the 
Pison  to  be  the  Gozan  of  2  K.  xvii.  6  and  1  Chr. 
v.  26,  which  is  supposed  to  be  a  river,  and  the  same 
with  the  Kizil-Uzeii  in  Hyrcania.  Colonel  Ches- 
ney,  from  the  results  of  extensive  observations  in 
Armenia,  was  "  led  to  infer  that  the  rivers  known 
by  the  comparatively  modern  names  of  Halys  and 
Araxes  are  those  which,  in  the  book  of  Genesis, 
have  the  names  of  Pison  and  Gihon ;  and  that  the 
country  within  the  former  is  the  land  of  Havilah, 
whilst  that  which  borilers  upon  the  latter  is  the  still 
more  remarkalile  country  of  Cush."  (Exp.  to 
Euplir.  awl  Tiyris,  i.  207.) 

Such,  in  brief,  is  a  summary  of  the  various  con- 
jectures which  have  been  advanced,  with  equal 
degrees  of  confidence,  by  the  writers  who  have 
attempted  to  solve  the  problem  of  Eden.  The 
majority  of  them  are  characterized  by  one  common 
defect.  In  the  iiaiTative  of  Genesis  the  river  Pison 
8  defined  as  that  which  surrounds  the  whole  land 
sf  Havilah.  It  is,  then,  absolutely  necessary  to 
t\x  tlie  |)osition  of  Havilah  before  proceeding  to 
identify  the  Pison  with  any  particular  river.  But 
the  process  followed  by  most  critics  has  been  first 
to  find  the  Pison  and  then  to  look  about  for  the 
land  of  Havilah.  The  same  inverted  method  is 
characteristic  of  their  whole  manner  of  treatmg  the 
problem.  The  position  of  the  garden  is  assigned, 
the  rivers  are  then  identified,  and  lastly  the  coun- 
ties mentioned  in  the  description  are  so  chosen  as 
10  coincide  with  the  rest  of  the  theory. 

With  such  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  the  river 
which  is  nitended  to  be  represented  by  the  Pison, 
it  wa.s  SI  arcely  possible  that  writers  on  this  subject 
should  be  unanimous  in  their  selection  of  a  country 
possessing  the  attributes  of  Havilah.     In  (jen.  ii. 

II,  12,  it  is  describetl  as  the  land  vvhere  the  best 
gold  was  found,  and  which  was  besides  rich  in  the 
treasures  of  the  Wdolach  and  the  stone  shoham.    A 

42 


EDEN  657 

country  of  the  same  name  is  mentioned  as  formii'.g 
one  of  the  boundaries  of  Ishmael's  descendaiits 
(Gen.  XXV.  18),  and  the  scene  of  Saul's  war  of 
extermination  against  the  Amalekites  (1  Sam.  xv. 
7).  In  these  passages  Havilah  seems  to  denote 
the  desert  region  southeast  of  Palestine.  But  the 
word  occurs  also  as  the  proper  name  of  a  son  of 
Joktan,  in  close  juxtajwsition  with  Sheba  and 
Ophir,  also  sons  of  Joktan  and  descendants  of 
Shem  (Gen.  x.  29),  who  gave  their  names  to  the 
spice  and  gold  countries  of  the  south.  Again, 
Havilah  is  enumerated  among  the  Hamites  as  one 
of  the  sons  of  Cush;  and  in  this  enumeration  hit 
name  stands  in  close  connection  with  Seba,  Sheba, 
and  Dedan,  the  first  founders  of  colonies  in  Ethi 
opia  and  Arabia  which  afterwards  bore  their  names. 
If,  therefore,  the  Havilah  of  Gen.  ii.  be  identical 
with  any  one  of  these  countries,  we  nmst  look  fii 
it  on  the  east  or  south  of  Arabia,  and  probably  not 
far  from  the  Persian  Gulf.  Li  other  respects,  too, 
this  region  answers  to  the  conditions  required. 
Bochart,  indeed,  thought  the  name  survived  in 
Chatdii,  which  was  situated  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Arabian  Gulf,  and  which  he  identified  with  the 
abode  of,  the  Shemitic  Joktanites;  but  if  his  ety- 
mology be  con-ect,  in  which  he  connects  Havilah 

with  the  root  7in  "sand,"  the  appellation  of 
"the  sandy"  region  would  not  necessarily  be  re- 
stricted to  one  locahty.  That  the  name  is  derived 
from  some  natural  peculiarity  is  evident  from  the 
presence  of  the  article.  Whatever  may  be  the  true 
meaning  of  b'dolach,  be  it  carbuncle,  crystal,  bdel- 
lium, ebony,  pepper,  cloves,  beryl,  pearl,  diamond, 
or  emerald,  aU  critics  detect  its  presence,  under  oue 
or  other  of  these  forms,  in  the  country  which 
they  select  as  the  Havilah  most  appropriate  to  their 
own  theory.  As  little  difficulty  is  presented  by  the 
shoham:  call  it  onyx,  sardonyx,  emerald,  sapi)hire, 
beryl,  or  sardins,  it  would  be  hard  indeed  if 
some  of  these  precious  stones  could  not  be  found 
in  any  conceivable  locahty  to  support  even  the  most 
far-fetched  and  improbable  conjecture.  That  Havi- 
lah is  that  part  of  India  through  which  the  Ganges 
flows,  and,  more  generally,  the  eastern  region  of 
the  ejuth ;  that  it  is  to  be  found  in  Susiana  (Hop- 
kinson),  hi  Ava  (Buttmami),  or  in  the  Ural  region 
(Kaumer),  are  conclusions  necessarily  following  upon 
the  assumptions  with  regard  to  the  Pison.  Hart- 
maim,  Kelaud,  and  fiosenmiiller  are  in  favor  of 
Colchis,  the  scene  of  the  legend  of  the  Golden 
Fleece.  The  Phasis  was  said  to  flow  over  goldea 
sands,  and  gold  was  carried  down  by  the  moun 
tain- torrents  (Strabo,  xi.  2,  §  19).  The  crystal 
(b'dolach)  of  Scythia  was  renowned  (Solinus,  c. 
XX.),  and  the  emei-aJds  (shoham)  of  this  country 
were  as  far  superior  to  other  emeralds  as  the  lattei 
were  to  other  precious  stones  (Plui.  //.  N.  xxxvii. 
17),  all  which  proves,  say  they,  that  Havilah  waa 
Colchis.  Kosenmiiller  argues,  rather  strangely,  if 
tlie  Phasis  be  the  Pison,  the  land  of  Havilali  must 
be  Colchis,  supposing  that  by  this  country  the  He- 
brews had  the  idea  of  a  Pontic  or  Northern  India 
In  Uke  mannner  Le  Clerc,  having  previously  deter- 
muied  that  the  Pison  must  be  the  Chrysorrhoas, 
finds  Havilah  not  far  from  Coele-Syria.  Hasse 
(Entdeck.  pp  49,  50,  quoted  by  Kosenmiiller) 
compares  Havilah  with  the  'TA.o/a  of  Herodotus 
(iv.  9),  in  thfe  neighborhood  of  the  Arinia-spians, 
and  the  dragon  which  guarded  the  land  of  gold. 
For  all  these  hypoth&ses  there  is  no  uure  support 
than  the  merest  conjecture. 


668  EDEN 

The  •econd  river  of  Paradise  prese^^8  diflSculties 
not  less  insurmountable  than  the  Pison.  Those 
who  maintained  that  the  Pison  is  the  Ganges  held 
also  that  the  Gihon  was  the  Nile.  One  objection 
to  this  theory  has  been  already  mentioned.  An- 
other, equally  strong,  is,  that  although  in  the  books 
of  the  Old  Testament  frequent  allusion  is  made  to 
this  river,  it  nowhere  apj)ears  to  have  been  known 
to  the  Hebrews  by  the  name  (iihon.  The  idea 
seems  to  have  originated  with  the  LXX.  rendering 

of  "niT^C?  by  Trjoij/  in  Jer.  ii.  18 ;  but  it  is  clear 
from  the  manner  in  which  the  translators  have  given 
the  latter  clause  of  the  same  passage  that  they  had 
no  conception  of  the  true  meaning.  Among  mod- 
ern writers,  Bertheau  (quoted  by  Delitzsch,  Genesis) 
and  Kalisch  {Genesis)  have  not  hesitated  to  supjwrt 
'«his  interpretation,  in  accordance  with  the  principle 
they  adopt,  that  the  description  of  the  garden  of 
Eden  is  to  be  explained  according  to  the  most  an- 
cient notions  of  the  earth's  surface,  without  refer- 
ence to  the  advances  made  in  later  times  in  geo- 
graphical knowledge.  If  this  hypothesis  be  adopted, 
it  certainly  explains  some  features  of  the  narrative; 
but,  so  far  from  removing  the  difficulty,  it  intro- 
duces another  e<]ually  great.  It  has  yet  to  be 
proved  that  the  opinions  of  the  Hebrews  on  these 
points  were  as  contradictory  to  the  now  well-known 
relations  of  laud  and  water  as  the  recorded  impres- 
sions of  other  nations  at  a  much  later  period.  At 
present  we  have  nothing  but  categorical  assertion. 
Pausanias  (ii.  5),  indeed,  records  a  legend  that  the 
Euphrates,  after  disappearing  in  a  marsh,  rises 
again  beyond  Ethiopia,  and  flows  through  l^gypt  as 
the  Nile.  Arrian  (£xp.  Alex.  vi.  1)  relates  that 
Alexander,  on  finding  crocodiles  in  the  Indus,  and 
beans  like  those  of  Egypt  on  the  banks  of  the 
Acesines,  imagined  that  he  had  discovered  the 
sources  of  the  Nile;  but  he  adds,  what  those  who 
make  use  of  this  passage  do  not  find  it  convenient 
to  quote,  that  on  receiving  more  accurate  informa- 
tion Alexander  abandoned  his  theory,  and  cancelled 
Jie  letter  lie  had  written  to  his  mother  Olympias 
on  the  subject.  It  is  but  fair  to  say  that  there  was 
at  one  time  a  theory  afloat  that  the  Nile  rose  in  a 
mountain  of  Lower  Mauritania  (Plin.  II.  N.  v. 
10). 

The  etymology  of  Gihon  (n**!!,  to  burst  forth) 
seems  to  indicate  that  it  was  a  swiftly  flowing,  im- 
petuous stream.    According  to  Gohus  {Lex.  Arab.), 

^^>^£Vj>Jfc  {Jichoon)  is  the  name  given  to  the 

Oxus,  which  has,  on  this  account,  been  assumed  by 
Rosenmiiller,  Hartmann,  and  Michaelis  to  be  the 
Gihon  of  Scripture.  But  the  Araxes,  too,  is  called 
Sy  the  Persians  .Jichoon  ar-Ros,  and  from  this  cir- 
cumstance it  has  been  adopted  by  Reland,  Calmet, 
and  Col.  Chesney  as  the  modem  representative  of 
the  Gihon.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  the  question 
is  not  to  be  decided  by  etymology  alone,  as  the 
name  might  be  appropriately  applied  to  many  rivers. 
That  the  Gihon  should  be  one  of  the  channels  by 
which  the  united  stream  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates 
falls  into  the  Persian  Gulf,  was  essential  to  the 
theory  which  places  the  garden  of  EAen  on  the 
Shot-el-Ariib.  liochart  and  Huet  contended  that 
it  was  the  easternmost  of  these  channels,  while  Cal- 
vin considered  it  to  be  the  most  westerly.  Hop- 
kinson  and  Junius,  conceiving  that  Eden  was  to  be 
found  in  the  region  of  Auranitis  {=  Autlanilis, 
yMrt«  Ikhnitig)  on  the  Euphrates,  were  comjielled 
U)  make  the  CJihon  coincide  with  the  Naharsar.  the 


EDEN 

MsTses  of  Amm.  Mure,  (xxiii.  6,  §  25).  That  H 
should  be  the  Orontes  (I*  Clerc .,  the  Ganges  (Bntt- 
mann  and  Ewald),  the  Kur,  or  Cyrus,  which  rises 
from  the  side  of  the  Saghanlou  mountain,  a  few 
miles  northward  of  the  sources  of  the  Araxes  (Link), 
necessarily  followed  from  the  exigencies  of  the  sev- 
eral theories.  Kask  and  Verbrugge  are  in  favor  of 
the  Gyndes  of  the  ancients  (Her.  i.  189),  now  called 
the  DiyiUah,  one  of  the  triliutaries  of  the  Tigris. 
Abraham  Peritsol  (Ugol.  vol.  vii.)  was  of  ophiicn 
that  the  garden  of  Eden  was  situated  in  the  n^ion 
of  the  Mountains  of  the  ^loon.  Identifjing  the 
Pison  with  the  Nile,  and  the  Gihon  with  a  river 
which  his  editor,  Hyde,  explains  to  be  the  Niger, 
he  avoids  the  difficulty  which  is  presented  by  the 
fact  that  the  Hiddekel  and  P'rath  are  rivers  of 
Asia,  by  conceiving  it  possible  that  these  rivers 
actually  take  their  rise  in  the  Mountains  of  the 
Moon,  and  run  underground  till  they  make  their 
appearance  in  Assyria.  Equally  satisfactory  is  the 
explanation  of  Ephraem  Syrus  that  the  four  rivers 
have  their  source  in  Paradise,  which  is  situated  in 
a  very  lofty  place,  but  are  swallowed  up  by  the 
surrounding  districts,  and  after  passing  underneath 
the  sea,  come  to  light  again  in  different  quarters  of 
the  globe.  It  may  be  worth  while  remarking,  by 
the  way,  that  the  opinions  of  this  father  are  fre- 
quently misunderstood  in  conse<iuence  of  the  very 
inadequate  Latin  translation  with  which  his  Syriac 
works  are  accompanied,  and  which  often  does  not 
contain  even  an  approximation  to  the  true  sense. 
(For  an  example,  see  Kalisch,  Genesis,  p.  95.) 

From  etymological  considerations,  Huet  was  in- 
duced to  place  Cush  in  Chusistan  (called  Cutha. 
2  K.  xvii.  24),  Le  Clerc  in  Cassiotis  in  Syria,  and 
Keland  in  the  "regio  Cossworum."  Ik)chart  iden- 
tified it  with  Susiana,  Link  with  the  country  about 
the  Caucasus,  and  Hartmann  with  Bactria  or  Balkh, 
the  site  of  Paradise  being,  in  this  case,  in  the  cel- 
ebrated vale  of  Kashmir.  The  term  Cush  Ls  gen- 
erally applied  in  the  Old  Testament  to  the  countries 
south  of  the  Israelites.  It  was  the  southern  limit 
of  Egj^pt  (Ez.  xxix.  10),  and  apparently  the  most 
westerly  of  the  provinces  over  which  the  rule  of 
Ahasuerus  extended,  "  from  India,  even  unto  Ethi- 
opia" (Esth.  i.  1,  viii.  9).  Egypt  and  Cush  are 
associated  in  the  majority  of  instances  in  which  the 
word  occurs  (Ps.  Ixviii.  31;  Is.  xviii.  1;  Jer.  xlvi. 
9,  &c.);  but  in  two  passages  Cush  stands  in  close 
juxtaposition  with  Elam  (Is.  xi.  11)  and  Persia 
(Ez.  xxxviii.  5).  ITie  Cushite  king,  Zerah,  was 
utterly  defeated  by  Asa  at  Mareshah,  and  pursued 
as  far  as  Gerar,  a  town  of  the  Philistines,  on  the 
southern  border  of  Palestine,  which  was  apparently 
under  his  sway  (2  Chr.  xiv.  9,  Ac.).  In  2  Chr. 
xxi.  16,  the  Arabians  are  described  as  dwelling 
"  beside  the  Cushites,"  and  both  are  mentioned  in 
connection  with  the  Phihstines.  The  wife  of  Moses, 
who,  we  learn  from  Ex-  ii.,  was  the  daughter  of  a 
Midianite  chieftain,  is  in  Num.  xii.  1  denominated 
a  (Cushite.  Further,  Cush  and  Seba  (Is.  xhii.  3), 
Cush  and  the  Saba>anB  (Is.  xlv.  14)  are  associated 
in  a  manner  consonant  with  the  genealogy  of  the 
descendants  of  Ham  (Gen.  x.  7),  in  which  Seba  is 
the  son  of  Cush.  From  all  these  circumstances  it 
is  evident  that  under  the  denomination  Cush  were 
included  both  Arabia  and  the  country  south  of 
Egypt  on  the  western  coast  of  the  Ked  Sea.  It  ii 
possible,  also,  that  the  vast  derert  tracts  west  of 
Egypt  were  known  to  the  Hebrews  as  the  land  of 
Cush,  but  of  this  we  have  no  certain  proof.  The 
Targumist  on  Is.  xi.  11.   sharing  the  prevaillnjf 


EDEN 

MTor  of  his  time,  transktea  Cush  by  India  but  that 
t  better  knowledge  of  the  relative  positions  of  these 
eountries  was  anciently  possessed  is  clear  from 
Esth.  i.  1.  With  all  this  evidence  for  the  southern 
situation  of  Cush,  on  what  i^rounds  are  HosenmLiller 
and  others  justifted  in  applying  the  terra  to  a  more 
northern  region  on  the  banks  of  the  Oxus  ?  We 
are  told  that,  in  the  Hindoo  mythology,  the  gardens 
and  metropolis  of  Indra  are  placed  around  the 
mountain  Meru,  the  celestial  north  pole;  that, 
among  the  Babylonians  and  Medo-Persians,  the 
gods'  mountain,  Albordj,  "the  mount  of  the  con- 
gregation," was  beheved  to  be  "in  the  sides  of  the 
north"  (Is.  xiv.  13);  that  the  oldest  Greek  tra- 
ditions point  northwards  to  the  birthplace  of  gods 
and  men ;  and  that,  for  all  these  reasons,  the  Par- 
adise of  the  Hebrews  must  be  sought  for  in  some 
far  distant  hyperborean  region.  Guided  by  such 
unerring  indications,  Hasse  {Entdeckunyen,  pp. 
49,  50  n.)  scrupled  not  to  gratify  his  national  feel- 
ing by  placing  the  garden  of  Eden  on  the  coast  of 
the  Baltic ;  Rudbeck,  a  Swede,  found  it  in  Scandina- 
via, and  the  inhospitable  Siberia  has  not  been  with- 
out its  advocates  (Morren,  Kosenmiiller's  Geog.  i. 
96).  But,  with  all  this  predilection  in  favor  of 
the  north,  the  Greeks  placed  the  gardens  of  the 
Hesperides  in  the  extreme  west,  and  there  are 
strong  indications  in  the  Puninas  "  of  a  terrestrial 
paradise,  different  from  that  of  the  general  Hindu 
system,  in  the  southern  parts  of  Africa"  {As.  Res. 
iii.  300).  Even  Meru  was  no  further  north  than 
the  Himjilayan  range,  which  the  Aryan  race  crossed 
in  their  migrations. 

In  the  midst  of  this  diversity  of  opinions,  what 
is  the  true  conclusion  at  which  we  arrive '?  Theory 
after  theory  has  been  advanced,  with  no  lack  of 
confidence,  but  none  has  been  found  which  satisfies 
the  required  conditions.  All  share  the  inevitable 
fate  of  conclusions  which  are  based  upon  inadequate 
premises.  The  prol)lem  may  be  indeterminate  be- 
•ause  the  data  are  insufficient.  It  would  scarcely, 
»n  any  other  liypothesis,  have  admitted  of  so  many 
apparent  solutions.  Still  it  is  one  not  easy  to  be 
abandoned,  and  the  site  of  Men  will  ever  rank, 
with  the  quadrature  of  the  circle  and  the  interpre- 
tation of  unfulfilled  prophecy,  among  those  un- 
wlved,  and  perhaps  insoluble,  problems,  which  pos- 
sess so  strange  a  fascination. 

It  must  not  be  denied,  however,  that  other 
methods  of  meeting  the  difficulty,  than  those  above 
mentioned,  have  been  proposed.  Some,  ever  ready 
to  use  the  knife,  have  unhesitatingly  pronounced 
,he  whole  narrative  to  be  a  spurious  interpolation 
of  a  later  age  (Granville  Penn,  Min.  awl  iVfos. 
Geol.  p.  184).  But,  even  admitting  this,  the 
words  are  not  mere  unmeaning  jargon,  and  demand 
explanation.  Ewald  (Gesch.  i.  331,  note)  affirms, 
wid  we  have  only  his  word  for  it,  that  the  tradition 
atiginated  in  the  far  East,  and  that  in  the  course 
of  its  wanderings  the  original  names  of  two  of  the 
rivers  at  least  were  changed  to  others  with  which 
the  Hebrews  were  better  acquainted.  Hartmann 
regards  it  as  a  product  of  the  Babylonian  or  Per- 
sian period.  Luther,  rejecting  the  forced  interpre- 
tations on  which  the  theories  of  his  time  were 
based,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  garden  re- 
nained  under  the  guardiansliip  of  angels  tiU  the 
time  of  the  deluge,  and  that  its  sit<  was  known  to 
'he  descendants  of  Adam;  but  that  by  the  fiood 
all  traces  of  it  were  obliterated.  On  the  supposi- 
tion that  thifi  is  correct,  there  is  still  a  difficultv  to 
be  explained.     The  narrative  is  so  worded  as  to 


EDEN  659 

convey  the  idea  that  the  countries  and  rivers  spokea 
of  were  still  existing  in  the  time  of  the  historiau 
It  has  been  suggested  that  the  description  of  the 
garden  of  Eden  h  part  of  an  inspired  antediluvian 
document  (Morren,  Kosenmiiller's  Geogr.  i.  92). 
The  conjecture  is  beyond  criticism;  it  is  equally 
incapable  of  proof  or  disproof,  and  has  not  much 
probabihty  to  recommend  it.  The  effects  of  the 
flood  in  changing  the  face  of  countries,  and  alter- 
mg  the  relations  of  land  and  water,  are  too  little 
known  at  present  to  allow  any  inferences  to  be 
drawn  from  them.  Meanwhile,  as  every  expression 
of  opinion  results  in  a  confession  of  ignorance,  it 
will  be  more  honest  to  acknowledge  the  difficulty 
than  to  rest  satisfied  with  a  fictitious  solution. 

The  idea  of  a  terrestrial  paradise,  the  abode  of 
purity  and  happiness,  has  formed  an  element  in  the 
religious  lieliefs  of  all  nations.  The  image  ol 
"  VAcn,  the  garden  of  God,"  retained  its  hold  upon 
the  minds  of  the  poets  and  prophets  of  Israel  as  a 
thing  of  beauty  whose  joys  h;vd  departed  (Ez.  xxviii. 
13;  Joel  ii.  3),  and  before  whose  gates  the  cherubim 
still  stood  to  guard  it  from  the  guilty.  Arab  legends 
tell  of  a  garden  in  the  liast,  on  the  summit  of  u 
mountain  of  jacinth,  inaccessible  to  man;  a  garden 
of  rich  soil  and  equable  temperature,  well  watered, 
and  abounding  with  trees  and  flowers  of  rare  colors 
and  fragrance.  In  the  centre  of  Jambu-dwfpa,  the 
middle  of  the  seven  continents  of  the  Puranas,  ia 
the  golden  mountain  Meru,  which  stands  like  the 
seed-cup  of  the  lotus  of  the  earth.  On  its  summit 
is  the  vast  city  of  Brahma,  renowned  in  heaven, 
and  encircled  by  the  Ganges,  which,  issuing  from 
the  foot  of  Vishnu,  washes  the  lunar  orb,  and 
tiilling  thither  from  the  skies,  is  divided  into  four 
streams,  that  flow  to  the  four  corners  of  the  earth. 
These  rivers  are  the  Bhadra,  or  Oby  of  Siberia ;  the 
Sftsi,  or  Hoangho,  the  great  river  of  China;  the 
i\lakananda,  a  main  branch  of  the  Ganges;  and 
the  Chakshu,  or  Oxus.  In  this  abode  of  divinity 
is  the  Nandana,  or  grove  of  Indra ;  there  too  is  the 
Jambu  tree,  from  whose  fruit  are  fed  the  waters  of 
the  Jambu  river,  which  give  life  and  immortality 
to  all  who  drink  thereof.  ( Vishnu  Parana,  trans. 
Wilson,  pp.  166-171.)  The  enchanted  gardens  of 
the  Chinese  are  placed  in  the  midst  of  the  summits 
of  Houanlun,  a  high  chain  of  mountains  further 
north  than  the  HimiUaya,  and  further  east  than 
Hindukush.  The  fountain  of  immortality  which 
waters  these  gardens  is  divided  into  four  streams, 
the  fountains  of  the  supreme  spirit,  Tychin.  Among 
the  Medo-Persians  the  gods'  mountain  Albordj  ia 
the  dwelling  of  Ormuzd,  and  the  good  spirits,  and  jm 
called  "the  navel  of  the  waters."  The  Zend  books 
mention  a  region  called  /leden,  and  the  place  of 
Zoroaster's  birth  is  called  ffedenesh,  or,  according  to 
another  passage,  ^«7jVma  Veedjo  (Knobel,  Genesis). 

All  these  and  similar  traditions  are  but  mere 
mocking  echoes  of  the  old  Hebrew  story,  jarred  and 
broken  notes  of  the  same  stmin ;  but,  with  all  their 
exaggerations,  "  they  intimate  how  in  the  back- 
ground of  man's  visions  lay  a  Paradise  of  holy  joy, 
—  a  Paradise  secured  from  every  kind  of  profanation, 
and  made  inaccessible  to  the  guilty ;  a  Paradise  full 
of  objects  that  were  calculated  to  delight  the  senses 
and  to  elevate  the  mind ;  a  Paradise  that  gi-anted 
to  its  tenant  rich  and  rare  immunities,  and  that 
fed  with  its  perennial  streams  the  tree  of  life  and 
immortality'  (Hardwick,  Chiist  and  other  Masters, 
pt.  ii.  p.  133,.  W.  A.  Vr. 

*  This  difficult  subject  should  not  be  dismissed 
without  ulditional  suggestions.    1.  The  statecr  ant* 


560  EDEN 

of  GeneaJB  are  to  be  interpreted  in  a  manner  con- 
liBteut  with  themselves  and  with  other  known  facts. 
We  accept  it  as  a  true  history.  In  so  doing,  we 
thereby  set  aside  all  theories  which  find  here  tlie 
Ganges,  the  Indus,  or*  the  Nile.  All  such  inter- 
pretations come  from  men  who  regard  the  passage 
■s  a  myth  or  saga.  We  get  no  help  from  them 
here.  Known  laws  of  hydrostatics  and  known  facts 
concerning  the  Tigris  and  ICuplirates  also  forbid 
our  maderstanding  tliat  any  one  riccr  in  tlie  elevated 
region  where  these  streams  rise,  divided  itself  into 
four  rivers,  of  which  these  were  two.  2.  "  Kden  " 
was  a  region  or  territory,  we  know  not  how  exten- 
sive, in  which  God  planted  a  garden,  and  from 
which  went  forth  tliese  waters.  It  was  not  the 
garden,  but  the  region  in  which  the  garde::  lay. 
3.  It  would  not  a])[)ear  that  the  Deluge  wholly 
changed  the  face  of  the  country.  The  sacred  writer 
was  evidently  describing  a  region  that  might  be 
Btill  recognized  when  he  wrote,  and  he  made  speci- 
fications for  the  sake  of  iiecognition.  Moreover, 
two  of  the  rivers  are  now  well  known.  4.  The 
general  situation  of  the  territory  is  fxed  by  the 
rising  of  the  rivers  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  in  the 
higlilands  of  Armenia.  It  is  generally  conceded, 
as  the  result  of  ethnographical  researches,  that  the 
early  home  (or  one  of  the  early  homes  of  the 
nations)  is  to  be  sought  around  that  region.  5. 
The  writer  seems  to  lie  describing  the  river-system 
of  the  territory  and  the  four  great  rivers  into  which 
these  various  waters  became  united.  No  one  He- 
brew word  would  so  well  describe  the  case  as  "11^3 

T  T 

used  collectively.  The  word  X'V  denotes  a  fount- 
ain;   D^Q  bodies  of  water.    But  "I n3  is  a  stream, 

•  T   T  ' 

or  used  collectively,  streams,  the  river-system.  It 
is  commonly  employed  in  the  plural  when  more 
than  one  stream  is  designated.  Here  however  the 
whole  are  viewed  together.  A  similar  use  is  found 
in  Jonah  ii.  4,  where  the  same  word  in  the  singular 
and  connected  with  a  singular  verb,  designates  the 
ocean  streams  or  floods  that  surrounded  Jonah. 

Now  in  the  high  regions  of  Armenia  there  are 
Btill  to  be  found  four  great  streams  with  numerous 
branches,  rising  within  a  short  distance  of  each 
other  and  flowing  into  three  different  seas.  Two 
of  these  rivers  are  unquestionably  among  the  four 
mentioned  in  Genesis;  and  of  these  two  the  Tigris 
rises  within  four  or  five  miles  of  the  Euphrates. 
The  latter  is  1500  miles  in  length,  and  the  former 
113(i  miles  long  before  its  junction  with  it.  Now 
midway  between  the  two  main  sources  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  about  ten  miles  from  each,  rises  the 
Araxes  and  flows  a  thousand  miles  to  the  Caspian 
Sea ;  while  at  no  great  distance  from  the  Euphrates 
is  the  origin  of  the  Halys  (now  Kizil  h-mak), 
which  runs  a  winding  course  of  700  milee  north- 
westerly to  the  Black  Sea.  ITiat  the  Gihon  is  the 
Araxes  was  long  ago  maintained  by  Keland  and 
Ho-seiuniiller;  and  the  explorations  of  Col.  Chesney, 
who  adopts  the  same  view,  bring  no  little  weight  to 
the  opinion.  His  suggestion  that  the  Pison  is  the 
Halys  is  also  favored  by  the  relation  of  the  several 
itreams,  and  by  the  striking  similarity  of  the  names 

IJavilah,  n7"*)r7,  and  Colchis,  KoAx^s,  the  region 
M  th*  Golden  Fleece,  which  lay  on  the  eastern  end 
jf  the  Black  Sea.  Keland,  Kosenmiiller  and  others 
WW  the  resemblance  in  the  names  of  the  country, 
but  sugsrest/^  the  Ph:u<i8  as  the  river.  Its  remote- 
<MW  would  seem  to  set  it  aside.    The  main  objection 


EDEN 

to  identifying  the  Araxes  with  the  Gihon,  li»  i» 
the  statement  that  the  river  encompasses  the  whole 
laud  of  Cush.  But  Gesenius  himself  was  obliged 
to  retract  his  statement  that  Cush  was  to  be  found 
only  in  Ethiopia,  and  to  admit  an  Arabian  Cush, 
while  Kawlmson  has  shown  {Ilti  od.  i.  353,  Am. 
ed. )  a  remarkable  connection  between  the  Cushites 
of  Ethiopia  and  the  earlier  inhabitants  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria.  [Ccsh.]  Dr.  Kol>inson  has  well 
said  that  "  the  Cushites  occupied  the  immense 
region  stretcbmg  from  Assyria  in  the  N.  E.  through 
eastern  Arabia   into  Africa"   (Gesen.  Htb.  Lex. 

ir^2).  The  Araxes  thus  apparently  lay  beyond 
or  compassed  "  the  wholv  land  "  of  the  Cushites  in 
Asia.  Without  going  into  further  details,  or  be- 
coming responsible  for  this  theory,  we  may  say  that 
it  holds  fast  certain  central  facts  of  the  narrative, 
offers  a  plausible  solution  of  its  chief  statements, 
and  introduces  no  mythic  or  impossible  elements. 
The  unsatisfactory  state  of  our  knowledge  concern- 
ing the  regions  Havilah  and  Cush,  with  the  reasons, 
by^no  means  insuperable,  for  finding  them  else- 
where, are  the  chief  objections.  It  deserves  con- 
sideration in  this,  at  least,  that  it  treats  the  sacred 
narrative  with  respect.  S.  C.  B. 

ETDEN,  1.  \XySl  [pleasantness]  :  'ESe/t ; 
[Alex.  ESaij/:]  Eden';  omitted  by  LXX.  in  Is. 
xxxvii.  12,  and  Ez.  xxvii.  23),  one  of  the  marts 
which  supplied  the  luxury  of  Tyre  with  richly  em- 
broidered stuffs.  It  is  associated  with  Ilaran. 
Sheba,  and  Asshur;  and  in  Am.  i.  5,  Beth-Eden, 
or  "the  house  of  Eden,"  is  rendered  in  the  LXX. 
by  Xap^oj'.  In  2  K.  xix.  12,  and  Is.  xxxvii.  12, 
"  the  sons  of  Eden  "  are  mentioned  with  Gozau, 
Haran,  and  Kezeph,  as  victims  of  the  Assyrian 
greed  of  conquest.  Telassar  appears  to  have  been 
the  head-quarters  of  the  tribe ;  and  Knobel's 
( Comm.  on  Jsiiiah )  etymology  of  this  name  would 
{)oint  to  the  highlands  of  Assyria  as  their  where- 
abouts. But  this  has  no  sound  foundation,  although 
the  view  which  it  supports  receives  confirmation 

from  the  version  of  Jonathan,  who  gives  2'*in 
(Chadib)  as  the  equivalent  of  Eden.  iJochart 
proved  {Phakg,  pt.  i.  p.  274)  that  this  term  was 
applied  by  the  Talmudic  writers  to  the  mountain- 
ous district  of  Assyria,  which  bordered  on  Media, 
and  was  known  as  Adiabene.  But  if  (Jozan  be 
Gausanitis  in  Mesopotamia,  and  Ilaran  !«  Carrhas, 
it  seems  more  natural  to  look  for  YAen  soinewher« 
in  the  same  locality.     Keil  ( Gmm.  vn  A'iw^s,  ii. 

97,  English  translation)  thinks  it  may  be  ^•-2^20 

{Ma'don),  which  Assemani  {Bibl.  Or.  ii.  224; 
places  in  Mesopotamia,  in  the  modern  province  of 
Diarl>ekr.  Bochart,  considering  the  Eden  of  (ienesis 
and  Isaiah  as  identical,  argues  that  Gozan,  Ilaran, 
Kezeph,  and  Eden,  are  mentioned  in  order  of 
geographical  position,  from  north  to  south;  and, 
identifying  Gozan  with  Gausanitis,  Haran  with 
Carrhse,  a  little  below  Gausanitis  on  the  Chabor, 
and  Kezeph  with  Keseipha,  gives  to  Eden  a  still 
more  southerly  situation  at  the  confluence  of  the 
Euphrates  and  Tigris,  or  even  lower.  According 
to  him,  it  may  be  Addan,  or  Addana,  which  geog- 
raphers place  on  the  Euphrates.  Michaelis  (SujyH. 
No.  1826)  is  in  favor  of  the  modem  Aden,  called 
by  Ptolemy  'Apo/3/oy  fnir6piov,  as  the  ICden  of 
F^ekiel.  In  the  absence  of  |X)8itive  evidence,  prob- 
ability seems  to  point  to  the  N.  W.of  Mesopotami* 
as  the  locality  of  this  Eden. 


EDEK 

2.  Beth-Kden  (]"T19  •'"^"'3,  home  of  pleumre 
'Jiouse  of  Eden,  A.  V.] :  &vipfs  Xap^iv,  [Comp. 
i.  'A5ay:]  domus  voluptatis),  probably  the  name 
jf  a  country  residence  of  the  kings  of  Damascus 
(Am.  i.  5).  MichaeLs  {Suppl.  ad  Lex.  Hvbr.  s.  v.), 
following  Laroque's  description,  and  misled  by  an 
apparent  resemblance  in  name,  identified  it  with 
Jiliden,  about  a  day's  journey  from  Baalbek,  on  the 
eastern  slope  of  the  Libanus,  and  near  the  old 
cedars  of  Bshirrai.  Baur  {A)nos,  p.  224),  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  Mohammedan  tradition,  that  one 
of  the  four  terrestrial  paradises  was  in  the  valley 
between  the  ranges  of  the  Libanus  and  Anti- 
l.ibanus,  is  inclined  to  favor  the  same  hypothesis. 
But  Grotius,  with  greater  appearance  of  probability, 
pointed  to  the  irapa5fi<Tos  of  Ptolemy  (v.  15)  as 
the  locality  of  Eden.  The  ruins  of  the  village  of 
Jusieh  el-Kndimeh,  now  a  paradise  no  longer,  are 
supposed  by  Dr.  Kobinson  to  mark  the  site  of  the 
ancient  Paradisus,  and  his  suggestion  is  approved 
by  Mr.  Porter  {Hnndb.  p.  577).  Again,  it  has  been 
conjectured  that  Beth-Eden  is  no  other  than  B'dl- 
.Jenn.  "the  house  of  Paradise,"  not  far  to  the 
southwest  of  Damascus,  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the 
Hermon,  and  a  short  distance  from  Medj'el.  It 
stands  on  a  branch  of  the  ancient  Pharpar,  near  its 
source  (Eosenmliller,  Bibl.  Alt.  ii.  291;  Hitzig, 
Amos,  in  loc. ;  Porter,  Damascus,  i.  311).  But  all 
this  is  mere  conjecture;  it  is  impossible,  with  any 
degree  of  certainty,  to  connect  tlie  Arabic  name, 
bestowed  since  the  time  of  Mohammed,  with  the 
more  ancient  Hebrew  appellation,  whatever  be  the 
apparent  resemblance.  W.  A.  W. 

E'DEN  Cj^f?  [pleasantness]:  'iwaSdfi;  [Vat. 
M.]  IwaSav;  [Vat.  H.  Alex.  IceSav;  Comp.  ClSadv-] 
Eden).  1.  A  Gershonit«  Levite,  son  of  Joah,  in 
the  days  of  Hezekiah  (2  Chr.  xxix.  12).  He  wa.s 
one  of  the  two  representatives  of  his  family  who 
took  part  in  the  purification  of  the  Temple. 

2.  {'OUfj.;  [Comp.  'ASaj/.])  Also  a  Levite, 
contemporary  and  probably  identical  with  the  pre- 
ceding, who  under  Kore  the  son  of  Imnah  was  over 
the  freewill  offermgs  of  God  (2  Chr.  xxxi.  15). 

W.  A,  W. 

E'DER  (">:7y,  a  flock:  Vat.  omits  [rather, 
with  Rom.,  reads  'Apaj;  Alex.  ESpatr;  [Aid.  with 
20  MSS.  'ESpai';  Comp.  "ESep :]  Eder).  one  of  the 
towns  of  Judah  in  the  extreme  south,  and  on  the 
lx)rders  of  Edom  (Josh.  xv.  21).  No  trace  of  it 
has  been  discovered  in  modern  times,  unless,  as  has 
been  suggested,  it  is  identical  with  Arad,  by  a 
transposition  of  letters. 

2.  ('ESep:  Eder.)  A  Levite  of  the  family  of 
Merari,  in  the  time  of  David  (1  Chr.  xxiii.  23, 
ixiv.  30).  G. 

ETDES  {'mats;  [Vat.,  including  the  next 
word,  HSoffovTjA.;  Aid.  'HSes:  Sedmi]  Esmi  [?]), 
I  Esdr.  ix.  35.     [Jadau.] 

ED'NA  ("ESra, «.  e.  Tl^lV ,  pleasure :  Anna), 
■J\e  wife  of  Raguel  (Tob.  vii.'  2,  8,  14,  16,  [viii. 
12,]  X.  12,  xi.  1).  B.  F.  W. 

ETDOM,  IDUME'A,  or  IDUM^'A 
.•DIIW,  red:  'ESci/x,  i'lSovfxala;]  N.  T. 'iSouyua'a, 
0  i!y  in  Mark  iii.  8).  The  name  Edom  was  giv->n 
to  Esau,  the  first-bom  son  of  Isaac,  and  twin 
brother  of  .Jacob,  when  he  .sold  his  birthright  to 
.he  latter  for  a  meal  of  lentile  pottage.  The  peculiar 
»lor  of  the  pottage  gave  rise  to  the  name  Edom, 


EDOM  661 

which  signifies  "  red."  "  And  Esau  said  to  Jacob. 
Feed  me,  I  pray  thee,  with  that  same  red  pottage; 
for  I  am  laint;  therefore  was  his  name  called  Edom '" 
(Gen.  XXV.  29-34).  The  country  which  the  Lord 
subsequently  gave  to  Esau  was  hence  called  th« 

"  field  of  Edom  "  (ail^  mp,  Gen.  xxxii.  3) 

or  "  Land  of  Edom "  (QIIM  V"!!'^,  Gen.  xxxvi. 
16;  Num.  xxxiii.  37).  Probably  its  physical  aspect 
may  have  had  something  to  do  with  this.  The 
Easterns  have  always  been,  and  to  the  present  day 
are,  accustomed  to  apply  nanjes  descriptive  of  the 
localities.  The  ruddy  hue  of  the  mountain-range 
given  to  Esau  would  at  once  suggest  the  word 
Edom,  and  cause  it  to  be  preferred  to  the  better- 
known  Esau.  The  latter  was  also  occasionally  used, 
as  in  Obad.  8,  9,  19 ;  and  in  21,  we  have  "  the 

Mount  of  Esau"  (12?17  "IHTIS). 

Edom  was  previously  called  Mount  Seir  ("T'2?I£?, 
rugged;  Gen.  xxxii.  3,  xxxvi.  8),  from  Seir  the 
progenitor  of  the  Horitcs  (Gen.  xiv.  6,  xxxvi.  20- 
22).  The  name  Seir  was  perhaps  adopted  on  ac- 
count of  its  being  descriptive  of  the  "rugged" 
character  of  the  territory.  Josephus  {Ant.  i.  18,  § 
1)  confounds  the  words  Seir  and  Esau,  and  seems 
to  affirm  that  the  name  Seir  was  also  derived  from 
Isaac's  son ;  but  this  idea  is  opposed  to  the  express 
statement  of  Moses  (Gen.  xiv.  6).  The  original 
inhabitants  of  the  country  were  called  IlorUes, 
from  Hori,  the  grandson  of  Seir  (Gen.  xxxvi.  20, 
22),  because  that  name  was  descriptive  of  their 
habits  as  "Troglodytes,"  or  "dwellers  in  caves" 

("'"in,  HoKiTEs).  Timna,  the  daughter  of  Seir 
and  aunt  of  Hori,  became  concubine  to  Eliphaz, 
Esau's  oldest  son,  and  bare  to  him  Amalek,  the 
I)rogenitor  of  the  Amnkkites  (Gen.  xxxvi.  12,  20, 
22).  Immediately  after  the  death  of  Isaac,  Esau 
left  Canaan  and  took  possession  of  Mount  Seir  (Gen. 
XXXV.  28,  xxxvi.  6,  7,  8).  When  his  descendants 
increased  they  extirpated  the  Horites,  and  a/lopted 
their  habits  as  well  as  their  country  (Deut.  ii.  12; 
Jer.  xlix.  16;  Obad.  3,  4). 

The  boundaries  of  Edom,  though  not  directly, 
are  yet  incidentally  defined  with  tolerable  distinct- 
ness in  the  Bible.  The  country  lay  along  the 
route  pursued  by  the  Israelites  from  the  peninsula 
of  Sinai  to  Kadesh-barnea,  and  thence  back  again 
to  Elath  (Deut.  i.  2,  ii.  1-8);  that  is,  along'the 
east  side  of  the  great  valley  of  Arabah.  It  reachcvl 
southward  as  far  as  Elath,  which  stood  at  the 
northern  end  of  the  gulf  of  Elath,  and  was  the  sea- 
port of  the  Edomites ;  but  it  does  not  seem  to  have 
extended  further,  as  the  Israelites  on  passing  Elath 
struck  out  eastward  into  the  desert,  so  as  to  pass 
round  the  land  of  Edom  (Deut.  ii.  8).  On  the 
north  of  Edom  lay  the  territory  of  Moab,  through 
which  the  Israelites  were  also  prevented  from  going, 
and  were  therefore  compelled  to  go  fix)m  Kadesh 
by  the  southern  extremity  of  Edom  (.Judg.  xi.  17, 
18;  2  K.  iii.  6-9).  The  boundary  between  Moab 
and  Edom  appears  to  have  been  the  "  brook  Zered  " 
(Deut.  ii.  13,  14,  18),  probably  the  modem  Wady- 
el-Ahsy,  which  still  divides  the  provinces  of  Ke?-ak 
(Moab)  and  Jebdl  (Gebalene).  But  Edom  waa 
wholly  a  mountainous  country.  "Mount  Seir" 
(Gen.  xiv.  6,  xxxvi.  8,  9;  Deut.  i.  2,  ii.  1,  5,  &c.) 
and  "the  Mount  of  Esau"  (Obad.  8,  9,  19,  21) 
are  names  often  given  to  it  in  the  Bible,  while 
Josephus  anc'  later  writers  called  it  Gtbalene  ("the 
mountainous  "' ).    "li'»  shows  that  it  only  embraced 


662 


EDOM 


(he  narrow  mountainous'  tract  (about  100  miles 
long  by  20  broad)  extending  along  tie  eastern  side 
»f  the  jVrabah  from  the  northern  end  of  the  g)Uf 
af  Elath  to  near  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
A  glance  at  the  more  modem  divisions  and  names 
corrol)orate8  this  view.  Josephus  divides  I'klom, 
or  Iduuisea,  into  two  provinces;  the  one  he  calls 
GoboUtii  (rofioKiTis),  and  the  other  AmaltkUis 
{Ant.  ii.  1,  §  2).  Tlie  former  is  Edom  Proper,  or 
Mount  Seir;  the  latter  is  the  region  south  of  Pal- 
estine now  called  the  desert  of  et-T'Ui,  or  "Wan- 
dering," originally  occupied  by  the  Amalekites 
(Num.  xiii.  '29;  1  Sam.  xv.  1-7,  xxvii.  8),  but 
afterwards,  as  we  shah  see,  possessed  by  tlie  i'^dom- 
ites.  Eusebius  also  gives  the  name  Gubaleue,  or 
Gehalene,  as  identical  with  Edom  {Onom.  s.  v. 
Seir,  IduiiuBa,  Alius,  &c.),  and  in  the  Samaritan 
Pentat«uch  the  word  GatAa  is  substituted  for  *SV/?' 
in  Deut.  xxxiii.  2.     Gebalene  is  the  Greek  form  of 

the  Hebrew  Gebdl  ( V22,  mountain),  and  it  is  still 

retained  in  the  Arabic  Je/idl  ( (JvJL^,  mountains). 
The  mountain  i-ange  of  Edom  is  at  present  divided 
into  two  districts.  The  northern  is  called  Jeldl. 
It  begins  at  Wady-eUAhsy  (the  ancient  bit)ok 
Zered),  which  sepai'ates  it  from  Kerak  (the  ancient 
Moab),  and  it  terminates  at  or  near  Petra.  The 
southern  district  is  called  esJi-Slierak,  a  name 
which,  though  it  resembles,  bears  no  radical  rela- 
tion to  the  Hebrew  Seir. 

The  physical  geography  of  Edom  is  somewhat 
peculiar.  Along  the  western  base  of  the  mountain- 
range  are  low  calcareous  hills.  To  these  succeed 
lofty  masses  of  igneous  rock,  chiefly  porphyry,  over 
which  lies  red  and  variegated  sandstone  in  irregular 
ridges  and  abrupt  clifTs,  with  deep  ravines  between. 
The  latter  strata  give  the  mountains  their  most 
striking  features  and  remarkable  colors.  The 
average  elevation  of  the  summits  is  about  2000  feet 
above  the  sea.  Along  the  eastern  side  runs  an 
almost  unbroken  limestone  ridge,  a  thousand  leet 
or  more  higher  than  the  other.  This  ridge  sinks 
down  with  an  easy  slope  into  the  plateau  of  the 
Arabian  desert.  While  Edom  is  thus  wild,  rugged, 
and  almost  inaccessible,  the  deep  glens  and  flat 
terraces  along  the  mountain  sides  are  covered  with 
rich  soil,  from  which  trees,  shrubs,  and  flowers  now 
spring  up  luxuriantly.  No  contrast  could  be  greater 
than  that  between  the  bare,  parched  plains  on  the 
east  and  west,  and  the  ruddy  cliffs,  and  verdant, 
flower-spangled  glens  and  terraces  of  Edom.  This 
illustrates  Bible  topography,  and  reconciles  seem- 
ingly discordant  statements  in  the  sacred  volume. 
While  the  posterity  of  Esau  dwelt  amid  rocky  fast- 
nesses and  on  mountain  heights,  making  their 
houses  like  the  eyries  of  eagles,  and  living  by  their 
Bword  (Jer.  xlix.  16;  Gen.  xxvii.  40),  yet  Isaac,  in 
his  prophetic  blessing,  promised  his  disappointed 
son  that  his  dwelling  should  be  "  of  the  fatness  of 
the  earth,  and  of  the  dew  of  heaven  from  above  '' 
(Gen.  xxvii.  39).  Some  other  passages  of  Scripture 
tre  also  illustrated  by  a  glance  at  the  towering 
precipices  and  peaks  of  Edom.  The  border  of  the 
Amorites  was  from  "  the  ascent  of  scorpions  (^4^- 
vabbim),  fh)m  the  rock  "  —  that  is,  from  the  rocky 
boundary  of  Edom  (Judg.  i.  36).  And  we  read 
that  Amaziah,  after  the  conquest  of  Seir,  took  ten 
thousand  of  the  captives  to  the  "  top  of  the  cliffj" 
ind  thence  cast  them  doviTi,  dashing  them  all  to 
pieces  (2  Chr.  xxv.  11,  12). 

The  ancient  capital  of  Edom  was  Bozrah  [Boz- 
kah],  Uie  site  cf  which  is  most  probably  marked 


EDOM 

by  tlie  \-illage  of  Buseireh,  near  the  nvithern  bor 
der,  about  25  miles  south  of  Kerak  (Gen.  xxxvi 
33;  Is.  xxxiv.  6,  Ixiii.  1;  Jer.  xlix.  13,  22).  Bni 
Sela,  better  known  by  its  Greek  name  Petra,  ap. 
pears  to  have  been  the  principal  stronghold  in  the 
days  of  Amaziali  (a.  c.  838;  2  K.  xiv.  7;  see 
Petha).  Elath,  .and  its  neighbor  Ezion-geber, 
were  the  sea-ports;  they  were  captured  by  king 
David,  and  here  Solomon  equipped  his  merchant- 
fleet  (2  Sam.  viii.  14;  1  K.  is.  26). 

When  the  kingdom  of  Israel  began  to  decline, 
the  Edomites  not  only  reconquered  their  lost  cities, 
but  made  frefjuent  inroads  ujx)n  southern  Palestine 
(2  K.  xvi.  6;  where  Julomifes  and  not  Syrians 
(Arammans)  is  evidently  the  true  reading;  2  Chr. 
xxviii.  17).  It  was  probably  on  account  of  these 
attacks,  and  of  their  uniting  with  the  Chaldeans 
agamst  the  Jews,  that  the  ICdomites  were  so  fear- 
fully denounced  by  the  later  prophets  (Obad.  1  ft'. ; 
Jer.  xlix.  7  ft'.;  Ez.  xxv.  12  ff.,  xxxv.  3  ff.).  Dur- 
ing the  Captivity  they  advanced  westward,  occupied 
the  whole  territory  of  their  brethren  the  Amalekites 
Gen.  xxxvi.  12;  1  Sam.  xv.  1  ft".;  Joseph.  Ant.  ii. 
1,  §  2),  and  even  took  possession  of  many  towns  in 
southern  Palestine,  including  Hebron  (Joseph.  Ant, 
xii.  8,  ^  Q;  B.J.  iv.  9,  §  7;  c.  Ajxion.  ii.  10). 
The  name  Edom,  or  rather  its  Greek  form,  Idunisea, 
was  now  given  to  the  country  lying  between  the 
valley  of  Arabali  and  the  shores  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. Thus  Josephus  WTites  (Ant.  v.  1,  §  22;  — 
"  the  lot  of  Simeon  included  that  part  of  Idumsea 
which  bordered  upon  Egj'pt  and  Arabia;''  and 
though  this  is  true,  it  does  not  contradict  the  lan- 
guage of  Scripture  —  "I  will  not  give  you  of  their 
land,  no,  not  so  much  as  a  footbreadth,  because  I 
have  given  Mount  Seir  unto  Esau  for  a  possession  " 
(Deut.  ii.  5).  Not  a  footbreadth  of  Edom  Proper, 
or  Mount  Seir,  was  ever  given  to  the  Jews.  Je- 
rome also  (in  Obad.)  says  that  the  Edomites  pos- 
sessed the  whole  country  from  Eleutheropolis  to 
Petra  and  Elath;  and  Roman  authors  sometimes 
give  the  name  Iduma^a  to  aU  Palestine,  and  even 
call  the  Jews  Idumajans  (Virg.  Georg.  iii.  12; 
Juven.  viii.  160;  Martial,  ii.  2). 

While  Idumsea  thus  extended  westward,  Edom 
Proper  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  Nabathseans, 
an  Arabian  tribe,  descended  from  Nebaioth,  Ish- 
mael's  oldest  son  and  Esau's  brother-in-law  (Gen. 
xxv.  13;  1  Chr.  i.  29;  Gen.  xxxvi.  3).  The  Na- 
bathseans were  a  powerful  people,  and  held  a  great 
part  of  southern  Arabia  (Joseph.  Ant.  i.  12,  §  4). 
They  took  Petra  and  established  themselves  there 
at  least  three  centuries  before  Christ,  for  Antigonus, 
one  of  the  successors  of  Alexander  the  Great,  after 
conquering  I'alestine,  sent  two  expeditions  against 
the  Nabathseans  in  Petra  (Diod.  Sic  xix).  This 
people,  leaving  oflT  their  nomad  habits,  settled 
down  amid  the  mountams  of  Edom,  engaged  in 
commerce,  and  founded  the  little  kingdom  called 
by  Roman  writers  Arabia  Petrcea,  which  embraced 
nearly  the  same  territory  as  the  ancient  Edom. 
Some  of  its  monarchs  took  the  name  Aretas  (2 
Mace.  V.  8;  Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  16,  §  1,  2;  xiv.  6,  § 
1),  and  some  Obodas  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiii.  13,  §  6). 
Aretas,  king  of  Arabia,  was  father-in-law  of  Herod 
Antipas  (Matt.  xiv.  3,  4),  and  it  was  the  same  wht 
captured  the  city  of  Damascus  and  held  it  at  tn» 
time  of  Paul's  conversion  (2  Cor.  xi.  32 ;  Acts  is 
25).  The  kingdom  of  .Arabia  was  finally  subdued 
by  the  Romans  in  a.  d.  105.  Under  the  Romani 
the  transport  trade  of  the  Nabathseans  increased 
Roads  were  constructed  through  the  mountain-d» 


EDOM 

files  from  Elath  on  the  coast  to  Petra,  and  thenpe 
northward  and  westward.  Traces  of  them  still 
remain,  with  ruinous  military  stations  at  intervals, 
iiid  fallen  mile-stones  of  the  times  of  Ti-ajan  and 
Marcus  Aurelius  {Peutinger  Tables ;  Laborde's 
Voyage;  Burckhardt's  Syria,  pp.  374,  419;  Irby 
and  ^Langles'  Travels,  pp.  371,  377,  1st  ed.).  To 
the  Nabathaeans  Petra  owes  those  great  monuments 
which  are  still  the  wonder  of  the  world. 

When  the  Jewish  power  revived  under  the  war- 
like Asmonean  princes,  that  section  of  Idunisea 
which  lay  south  of  Palestine  fell  into  their  hands. 
Judas  ftlaccaboeus  captured  Hebron,  Marissa,  and 
Ashdod ;  and  John  H}Tcanu3  compelled  the  inhab- 
itants 01  the  whole  region  to  conform  to  Jewish 
law  (Josej^h.  AiU.  xii.  8,  §  6,  xiii.  9,  §  2;  1  Mace. 
V.  65,  68).  The  country  was  henceforth  governed 
by  Jewish  prefects;  one  of  these,  Antipater,  an 
Idumsean  by  birth,  became,  through  the  friendship 
of  the  Roman  emperor,  procurator  of  all  Judaea, 
and  his  son  was  Herod  the  Great,  "  King  of  the 
Jews"  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  1,  §  3,  8,  §  5,  xv.  7,  §  9, 
xvii.  11,  §  4). 

Early  in  the  Christian  era  Edom  Proper  was  in- 
cluded by  geographers  in  Palestine,  but  in  the  fifth 
century  a  new  division  was  made  of  the  whole 
country  into  Pakestinn  Prima,  Secumln,  and  Tev- 
tia.  The  last  embraced  Edom  and  some  neighbor- 
ing provinces,  and  when  it  became  an  ecclesiastical 
division  its  metropolis  was  Petra.  In  the  seventli 
century  the  Mohammedan  conquest  gave  a  death- 
blow to  the  commerce  and  prosperity  of  Edom. 
Under  the  withering  influence  of  Mohammedan 
rule  the  great  cities  fell  to  ruin,  and  the  coimtry 
became  a  desert.  The  followers  of  the  false  prophet 
were  here,  as  elsewhere,  the  instruments  in  (jod's 
hands  for  the  execution  of  his  judgments.  "  Thus 
saith  the  Lord  God,  Behold,  O  Mount  Seir,  I  am 
agahist  thee,  and  I  will  make  thee  most  desolate. 
I  will  lay  thy  cities  waste,  and  when  the  whole 
earth  rejoiceth  I  will  make  thee  desolate.  ...  I 
will  make  Mount  Seir  most  desolate,  and  cut  off 
from  it  him  that  passeth  out  and  him  that  returneth. 
...  I  will  make  thee  perpetual  desolations,  and 
thy  cities  shall  not  return,  and  ye  shall  know  that 
J  am  the  Lord  "  (Ez.  xxxv.  3,  4,  7,  9,  14). 

The  Crusaders  made  several  expeditions  into 
Edom,  penetrating  as  far  as  Petra,  to  which  they 
gave  the  name  it  still  bears,  IVady  Musi,  "  Valley 
of  Moses"  {(test  I  Dei  per  Franc,  pp.  405,  618, 
555,  581).  On  a  commanding  height  about  12 
miles  north  of  Petra  they  built  a  strong  fortress 
called  Mons  Regalis,  now  Shobek  (Gesta  Dei,  p. 
611).  At  that  time  so  little  was  known  of  the 
|;eography  of  the  country  that  the  Crusaders  occu- 
pied and  fortified  Kerak  (the  ancient  Kir  Moab) 
under  the  impression  that  it  was  the  site  of  Petra. 

From  that  time  until  the  present  century  Edom 
remained  aji  unknown  land.  In  the  yeiir  1812 
Burckhardt  entered  it  from  the  north,  passed  down 
Jirough  it,  and  discovered  the  wonderful  ruins  of 
Petra.  In  1828  Laborde,  proceeding  northward 
from  Akah  ih  through  the  defiles  of  Edom,  also 
visitetl  Petra,  and  brought  away  a  portfolio  of 
splendid  drawings,  whicli  proved  that  the  descrip- 
tions of  Burckhardt  had  not  been  exaggerated. 
Many  have  since  followed  the  footsteps  of  the  first 
explorers,  and  a  trip  to  Petra  now  forms  a  necessary 
part  of  the  eastern  traveller's  grand  tour. 

For  the  ancient  geography  of  Edom  consult  Re- 
andi  Paluestiwi,  pp.  48,  66  flf.,  78,  82;  for  the 
ditory  and  commerce  of  the  Nabathaeans,  Vincent's 


EDOMITES 


6G3 


Commerce  and  Navigatum  of  the  Ancients,  roi 
ii.;  for  the  present  state  of  the  country  and  dfr 
scriptions  of  Petra,  Burckhardt's  Travels  in  Syria 
Laborde's  Voyage,  Robinson's  Biblical  Researchet, 
Porter's  BanMook  for-  Syria  and  Palestin9. 

J.  L.  P. 

ETJOMITES  Oai^,  D^=:a""T^?,  pi.;  and 
1tt?l?  ^yS,  [sons  of  the  hairy],  Deut.  ii.  4:  "15ov 
fMaloi),  the  descendants  of  Esau  or  Edom.  [Edom]. 
Esau  settled  in  Mount  Seir  immediately  after  the 
death  of  his  father  Isaac  (Gen.  xxxvi.  6,  8).  Be- 
fore that  time,  however,  he  had  occasionally  visited, 
and  even  resided  in,  that  country;  for  it  was  to  the 
"  land  of  Seir  "  Jacob  sent  messengers  to  acquaint 
his  brother  of  his  arrival  from  Padan-aram  (Gen. 
xxxii.  3).  The  Edomites  soon  became  a  numerous 
and  powerful  nation  (Gen.  xxxvi.  1  ff.).  Their 
first  form  of  government  appears  to  have  resembled 
that  of  the  modern  Bedawin;  each  tribe  or  clan 

having  a  petty  chief  or  sheikh  (^^  vM,  "  Duke  "  in 
the  A.  v..  Gen.  xxxvi.  15).  The  Horites,  who  in- 
habited Mount  Seir  from  an  early  period,  and 
among  wliom  the  Edomites  still  lived,  had  their 
sheikhs  atso  (Gen.  xxxvi.  29  ff.).  At  a  later  period, 
probably  when  the  Edomites  began  a  war  of  exter- 
mination against  the  Horites,  they  felt  the  neces- 
sity of  united  action  under  one  competent  leader, 
and  then  a  king  was  chosen.  The  names  of  eight 
of  their  kings  are  given  in  the  book  of  Genesis 
(xxxvi.  31-39),  with  their  native  cities,  from  which 
it  appears  that  one  of  them  was  a  foreigner  ("  Saul 
of  Kehoboth-by-the  river  " ),  or,  at  least,  that  his 
family  were  resident  in  a  foreign  city.  (See  also  1 
Chr.  i.  43-50.)  Against  the  Horites  the  children 
of  Edom  were  completely  successful.  Having  either 
exterminated  or  expelled  them  they  occupied  their 
whole  country  (Deut.  ii.  12).  A  statement  made 
in  Gen.  xxxvi.  31,  serves  to  fix  the  period  of  the 
dynasty  of  the  eight  kings.  They  "  reigned  in  the 
land  of  Edom  before  there  reigned  any  king  over 
the  children  of  Israel;  "  that  is,  before  the  time  of 
Moses,  who  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  virtual  king 
of  Israel  (comp.  Deut.  xxxiii.  5;  Ex.  xviii.  16-19). 
Other  circumstances,  however,  prove  that  though 
the  Edomite  kings  had  the  chief  command,  yet  the 
old  patriarchal  government  by  sheikhs  of  tribes  was 
still  retained.  Most  of  the  large  tribes  of  Bedawin 
at  the  present  day  have  one  chief,  with  the  title  of 
Emir,  who  takes  the  lead  in  any  gi-eat  emergency; 
while  each  division  of  the  tribe  enjoys  perfect  inde- 
pendence under  its  own  sheikh.  So  it  would  seem 
to  have  been  with  the  Edomites.     Lists  of  dukes 

(or  sheikhs,  "'S^vM)  are  given  both  before  and  after 
the  kings  (Gen.  xxxvi.  15  fF. ;  1  Chr.  i.  51  AT. ),  and 
in  the  triumphant  song  of  Israel  over  the  engulfed 
host  of  Pharaoh,  when  describing  the  effect  this 
fearful  act  of  divine  vengeance  would  produce  on 
the  surrounding  nations,  it  is  said :  "  Then  tbo 
dukes  of  Edom  shall  be  amazed "  (Ex.  xv.  15,, 
while,  only  a  few  years  afterwards,  Moses  "sent 

messengers  from  Kadesh  unto  the  king  CTJvKi) 
of  Edom"  to  ask  permission  to  pass  through  his 
country  (Judg.  xi.  17). 

Esau's  bitter  hatred  to  his  brother  Jacob  for 
fraudulently  obtaining  his  blessing  appears  to  have 
been  inherited  by  his  latest  posterity.  The  Edom- 
ites peremptorily  refused  to  permit  the  Israelites  to 
pass  through  their  land,  though  addressed  in  th« 
most  friendly   terms  —  "thus   saith   thy   brothcf 


664 


EDOMITES 


[«ael"  (Num  xx.  14)  — and  though  assured  that 
they  would  neither  drink  of  their  waters  nor  tres- 
pass on  their  fields  or  nneyards  (ver.  17).  The 
Israelites  were  expressly  commanded  by  God  neitlier 
to  resent  this  conduct,  nor  even  to  entertain  feel- 
ings of  hatred  to  the  Edoniites  (Deut.  ii.  4,  5,  xxiii. 
7).  The  Edoniites  did  not  attempt  actual  hostil- 
ities, though  they  prepared  to  resist  by  force  any 
intrusion  (Num.  xx.  20).  Their  neighbors  and 
brethren  (Gen.  xxxvi.  12),  the  Amalekites,  were 
probably  urged  on  by  them,  and  proved  tlie  earliest 
and  most  determined  opponents  of  the  Israelites 
during  their  journey  through  the  wilderness  (Ex. 
xvii.  8,  9). 

For  a  period  of  400  years  we  hear  no  more  of 
the  Edomites.  lliey  were  then  attacked  and  de- 
feated by  Saul  (1  Sam.  xiv.  47).  Some  forty  years 
later  David  overthrew  tlieir  army  in  the  "  Valley 
of  Salt,"  and  his  general,  Joab,  following  up  the 
victory,  destroyed  nearly  the  whole  male  population 
(1  K.  xi.  15,  16),  and  placed  Jewish  garrisons  in 
all  the  strongholds  of  Edom  (2  Sam.  viii.  13,  14; 

in  ver.  13  the  Hebrew  should  evidently  be  DIIS, 


EDOMITES 


^    instead  of  0"^^?;    comp.  14;    2  K.  xiv.  7;    and 
Joseph.  Ani.  vii.  5,  §  4).     In  honor  of  that  victory 
tie  Psalmist-warrior  may  have  penned  the  words 
in  Ps.  Ix.  8,  "  over  Edom  will  I  cast  my  shoe." 
Hadad,  a  member  of  the  royal  family  of  Edom, 
made  his  escape  with  a  few  followers  to  Egypt,  where 
he  was  kindly  received  by  Pharaoh.     After  the 
death  of  David  he  returned,  and  tried  to  excite  his 
countrymen  to  retelJion  against  Israel,  but  failing 
in  the  attempt  he  went  on  to  Syria,  where  he  be- 
came one  of  Solomon's  greatest  enemies  (1  K.  xi. 
14-22;  Joseph.  Ant.  viii.  7,  §  6).     The  Edomites 
contijiue<l  subjec':  to  Israel  from  this  time  till  the 
reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (b.  c.  914),  when  they  at- 
tempted to  invade  Israel  in  conjunction  with  Amnion 
and  Moab,  but  were  miraculously  destroved  in  the 
valley  of  Berachah  (2  Chr.  xx.  22).     A  "few  years 
later  they  revolted  against  Jehoram,  elected  a  king, 
and  for  half  a  century  retained  their  independence 
(2   Chr.   xxi.   8).      ITiey  were  then  attacked   by 
Amaziah,  10,000  were  slain  in  battle,  Sela,  their 
great  stronghold,  was  captured,  and  10,000  more 
were  dashed  to  pieces  by  the  conqueror  from  the 
cliffs  that  surround  the  city  (2  K.  xiv.  7 ;  2  Chr. 
XXV.  11,  12).     Yet  the  Israelites  were  never  able 
again  completely  to  subdue  them  (2  Chr.  xxviii. 
17).      When  Nebucha^lnezzar  besieged  Jerusalem 
the  Edomites  joined  him,  and  took  an  active  part 
in  the  plunder  of  the  city  and  slaughter  of  the  poor 
Jews.     Their  cruelty  at  that  time  seems  to  be  spe- 
cially referred  to  in  the  137th  Psalm —  "  Remem- 
ber, O  I^rd,  the  children  of  Edom  in  the  day  of 
Jerusalem;  who  said,  Raze  it,  raze  it,  even  to  the 
foundation  thereof."     As  the  first  part  of  Isaac's 
prophetic  blessing  to  Esau  —  "  the  elder  shall  serve 
the  younger"  —was  fulfilled  in  the  long  sulijection 
of  the  Fxlomites  to  the  kings  of  Israel,  so  now  the 
second  part  was  also  fulfilled  —  "  It  shall  come  to 
pass  when  thou  shalt  have  the  dominion  that  thou 
Jhalt  break  his  yoke  from  off  thy  neck "   (Gen. 
xxvii.  40).     It  was  on  account  of  these  acts  of 
cruelty  committed  upon  the  Jews  in  the  day  of 
<heir  calamity  that  the  Fxlomites  were  so  fearfully 
denounced  by  the  later  prophet*  (Is.  xxxiv.  5-8, 
Ixiii.  1-4;  Jer.  xlix.  17;  Lam.  iv.  21;  Ez.  xxv.  13, 
!4;  Am.  i.  11,  12;  Obad.  10  ff). 

On  the  conquest  of  Judah  by  the  Babylonians, 


the  Edomites,  probably  in  reward  for  their  servixi 
during  the  war,  were  permittetl  to  settle  in  south- 
em  Palestine,  and  the  whole  plateau  between  it  ana 
Egypt;  but  they  were  almut  the  same  time  driven 
out  of  Edom  IVoper  by  the  NubatlijBaiis.  [Edom  • 
Nebaioth.]  For  more  than  four  centuries  they 
continued  to  prosper,  and  retained  their  new  pos- 
sessions with  the  exception  of  a  few  towns  which 
the  Persian  monarchs  compelled  them  to  restore  to 
the  .Jews  after  the  Captivity.  But  during  the  war- 
like rule  of  the  Maccabees  they  were  again  com- 
pletely subdued,  and  even  forced  to  conform  to 
Jewish  laws  and  rites  (Joseph.  AnI.  xii.  8,  §  6,  xiii. 
9,  §  1;  1  Mace.  v.  65),  and  submit  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Jewish  prefects.  The  Fxlomites  were  now 
incorporated  with  the  Jewish  nation,  and  the  whole 
province  was  often  termed  by  Greek  and  Roman 
writers  Idumoea  (Ptol.  Geog.  v.  16;  Mar.  iii.  8). 
According  to  the  ceremonial  law  an  Edomite  was 
received  into  "  the  congregation  of  the  Lord  "  — 
that  is,  to  all  the  rites  and  privileges  of  a  Jew  — "in 
the  third  generation  "  (Deut.  xxiii.  8).  Antipater, 
a  clever  and  crafty  Idum^an,  siicceeded,  through 
Roman  influence,  in  obtaining  the  government  of 
Juda-a  (Joseph.  Ant.  xiv.  8,  §  5).  His  oldest  son, 
Phasai'lus,  he  made  governor  of  Jerusalem,  and  to 
his  second  son  Herod,  then  only  in  his  15th  year, 
he  gave  the  province  of  Galilee.  Herod,  afterwarxls 
named  the  Great,  was  apjxiinted  "king  of  the 
Jews  "  by  a  decree  of  the  Roman  senate  (b.  c.  37; 
Joseph.  AiU.  xiv.  14,  §  5;  Matt.  ii.  1).  Imme- 
diately before  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus,  in 
consequence  of  the  influence  of  John  of  Gischala, 
20,000  Idumaans  were  admitted  to  the  Holy  City, 
which  they  filled  with  robbery  and  bloodshed 
(Joseph.  B.  J.  iv.  4  and  5).  IVom  this  time  the 
Edomites,  as  a  separate  people,  disappear  from  the 
page  of  history,  though  the  name  Idumsa  still  con- 
tinued to  be  applied  to  the  country  south  of  Pales- 
tine as  late  as  the  time  of  Jerome  {in  Obml). 

The  character  of  the  Edomites  was  drawn  by 
Isaac  in  his  prophetic  blessing  to  Esau  —  "  By  thy 
sword  shalt  thou  live"  (Gen.  xxvii.  40).  War  and 
rapine  were  the  only  professions  of  the  Edoniites 
By  the  sword  they  got  ISIount  Seir—  by  the  sword 
they  exterminated  the  Horites  —  by  the  sword  they 
long  battled  with  their  brethren  of  Israel,  and 
finally  broke  oflf  their  yoke  — by  the  sword  they 
won  southern  Palestine  —  and  by  the  sword  they 
jierformed  the  last  act  in  their  long  historic  drama, 
massacred  the  guards  in  the  temple,  and  pillaged 
the  city  of  Jerusalem. 

Little  is  known  of  their  religion ;  but  that  little 
shows  them  to  have  been  idolatrous.  It  is  probable 
that  F.sau's  marriage  with  the  "  daughters  of 
Canaan,"  who  "  were  a  grief  of  mind  "  to  his  father 
and  mother  (Gen.  xxvi.  34,  36),  induced  him  to 
embrace  their  religion,  and  when  Esau  and  his 
followers  took  possession  of  Mount  Seir  they  seem 
to  have  followed  the  practice  common  among  ancient 
nations  of  adopting  the  country's  gods,  for  we  read 
that  Amaziah,  king  of  Judah,  after  his  conquest 
of  the  Edomites,  "  brought  the  go<Is  of  the  children 
of  Seir,  and  set  them  up  to  be  his  pods  "  (2  Chr. 
xxv.  14,  15,  20).  Josephus  also  refers  to  both  tht 
idols  and  priests  of  the  Iduma-ans  (Ant.  xt.  17 
'  9). 

The  habits  of  the  Idumaeans  were  singular.  The 
Horites,  their  predecessors  in  Mount  Seir,  were,  at 
their  name  implies,  troglodf/tes,  or  dwellers  in  caves 
and  the  Edomites  seem  to  have  adopted  their  dwdi 
ings  as  well  as  their  country.     Jeremiali  md  Ob» 


BDREI 

liah  both  speak  of  them  as  "  dwelling  in  tlie  clefts 
»f  tlie  rocks,"  and  making  their  habitaticns  higli 
in  the  cliffs,  like  the  eyries  of  eagles  (Jer.  xlix.  10; 
01  ad.  3,  4),  language  which  is  strikingly  illustrated 
by  a  survey  of  the  mountains  and  glens  of  Edom. 
Everywhere  we  meet  with  caves  and  grottoes  hewn 
in  the  soft  sandstone  strata.  Those  at  fetra  are 
well  known.  [Petha.]  Their  form  and  arrange- 
ments show  that  most  of  them  were  originally  in- 
tended for  habitations.  They  have  closets  and 
recesses  suitable  for  family  uses,  and  many  have 
windows.  The  nature  of  the  rock  and  the  form 
of  the  cliffs  made  excavation  an  easier  work  than 
erection,  besides  the  additional  security,  comfort, 
and  permanence  of  such  abodes.  Indeed  there  is 
reason  to  Itelieve  that  tlie  commercial  Nabatheans 
were  the  first  who  introduced  buildings  into  Edom. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  also  that  the  Edomites,  when 
they  took  possession  of  southern  Palestine,  followed 
even  there  their  old  mode  of  life,  and  excavated 
caves  and  grottoes  everywhere  through  the  country. 
So  Jerome  in  his  (Jommeutary  on  Obadiah  writes 
—  "  Omnis  Australis  regio  Idumaeorum  de  Eleu- 
theropoli  usque  ad  I'etram  et  Ailam  (haec  est  pos- 
Bessio  I'^sau)  in  specul)us  habitatiunculas  habet:  et 
propter  nimios  calores  soils,  quia  meridiana  pro- 
vincia  est,  subterraneis  tuguriis  utitur."  During 
a  visit  to  this  region  in  1857,  the  writer  of  this 
article  had  an  opportunity  of  inspecting  a  large 
number  of  these  caverns,  and  has  no  hesitation  in 
ranking  them  among  the  most  remarkable  of  their 
kind  in  the  world.  [Elkuthekopolis.]  The 
nature  of  the  climate,  the  dryness  of  the  soil,  and 
their  great  size,  render  them  healthy,  pleasant,  and 
commodious  habitations,  while  their  security  made 
them  specially  suitaljle  to  a  country  exposed  in  every 
age  to  incessant  attacks  of  robbers.  J,  L.  P. 

ED'REI,  1.  C'l^niS  [strong, mighty]:  [Rom. 
'ESpo'iV,  exc.  Deut.  iii.  1,  10,  -if^u;  Josh.  xix.  37, 
'Acrcrapi;  Vat.  ESpaeii',  -ei/x,  Airaapei;  Alex.  ES- 
paeiv,  -ei/Ji,  -tfJ.,  i'l  Josh.  xiii.  12  corrupt,  xix.  HI, 
with  Aid.  ESpaei;]  Euseb.  Onom.  'ASpad-  Arab. 

c  \(3I  :   llulrni]),  one  of  the  two  capital  cities 

of  Bashan  (Num.  xxi.  33;  Deut.  i.  4,  iii.  [1,]  10; 
Josh.  xii.  4  [xiii.  12,  31,  xix.  37]).  In  Scripture 
it  is  only  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  victory 
gained  by  tlie  Israelites  over  the  Amorites  under 
Og  their  king,  and  the  territory  thus  acquired. 
Not  a  single  allusion  is  made  to  it  in  the  subse- 
quent history  of  God's  people,  though  it  was  within 
the  territory  allotted  to  the  half  tribe  of  Mauasseh 
(Num.  xxxii.  33),  and  it  continued  to  be  a  large 
and  important  city  down  to  the  seventh  century 
jf  our  era. 

The  ruins  of  this  ancient  city,  still  bearing  the 
aarae  /0/r'n,  stand  on  a  rocky  promontory  which 
projects  from  the  S.  \V.  corner  of  the  Lejah.  [Ah- 
GOB.]  The  site  is  a  strange  one  —  without  water, 
without  access,  except  over  rocks  and  through  defOes 
all  but  impracticable.  Strength  and  security  seem 
to  have  been  the  grand  objects  in  view.  The  rocky 
promontory  is  about  a  mile  and  a  half  wide  by  two 
miles  and  a  half  long;  it  has  an  elevation  of  from 
twenty  to  thirty  feet  above  the  plain,  which  spreads 
Dut  from  it  on  each  side,  flat  as  a  sea,  and  of  rare 
fertility.  The  niins  are  nearly  three  miles  in  cir- 
sumfereiice,  and  have  a  strange  wild  look,  rising 
np  in  liLick  shattered  masses  from  the  midst  of  a 
Rrilderness  of  black  rocks.  A  number  of  the  old 
jouses  still   remain;  they  are   low,  massive,  and 


EDREI  665 

gloomy,  and  some  of  them  are  half  buried  b  sneatb 
heaps  of  rubbish.  In  these  the  present  inhabitants 
reside,  selecting  such  apartments  as  are  best  fitted 
for  comfort  and  security.  The  short  Greek  in- 
scriptions which  are  here  and  there  seen  over  the 
doors  prove  that  the  houses  are  at  least  as  old  as 
the  time  of  Roman  dominion.  Edr'a  was  at  one 
time  adorned  with  a  considerable  number  of  public 
edifices,  but  time  and  the  chances  of  war  have  left 
most  of  them  shapeless  heaps  of  ruin.  Many  Greek 
inscriptions  are  met  with ;  the  greater  part  of  them 
are  of  the  Christian  age,  and  of  no  historic  value. 

The  identity  of  this  site  with  the  Edrei  of  Script- 
ure has  been  questioned  by  many  wTitei's,  who 
follow  the  doubtful  testimony  of  Eusebius  ( Onom. 
s.  v.  Esdrei  and  Astaruth),  and  place  the  capital 
of  Bashan  at  the  motlern  Der\i,  a  few  miles  further 
south.  The  following  reasons  have  induced  the 
present  writer  to  regard  Edr^a  as  the  true  site  of 
Edrei.  (1.)  The  situation  is  such  as  would  nat- 
urally be  selected  for  a  capital  city  in  early  and 
troublous  times  by  the  rulers  of  a  warlike  nation. 
The  principles  of  fortification  were  then  Uttle  known, 
and  consequently  towns  and  villages  were  built  on 
the  tops  of  hills  or  in  the  midst  of  rocky  fastnesses. 
The  advantages  of  Edr'a  in  this  respect  are  seen 
at  a  glance.  Der'a,  on  the  other  hand,  lies  in  the 
open  country,  without  any  natural  advantages,  ex- 
posed to  the  attack  of  every  invader.  It  is  difficult 
to  believe  that  the  warlike  Repliaim  would  have 
erected  a  royal  city  ui  such  a  position.  (2.)  The 
dwellings  of  Edr'a  possess  all  the  characteristics 
of  remote  antiquity  —  massive  walls,  stone  roofs, 
stone  doors.  (3.)  The  name  Edrei,  "strength,"  is 
not  only  descriptive  of  the  site,  but  it  corresponds 
more  exactly  to  the  Arabic  Edr'a  than  to  Der'a 
In  opposition  to  these  we  have  the  statement  in 
Eusebius  that  Edrei  was  in  his  day  called  Adara, 
and  was  24  Roman  mUes  from  Bostra.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  he  refers  to  Der'a,  which,  as 
lying  on  a  great  road,  was  better  kno\vn  to  him 
than  Edr'a,  and  thus  he  was  led  hastily  to  identify 
it  with  Edrei. 

It  is  probable  that  Edrei  did  not  remain  long  in 
possession  of  the  Israelites.  May  it  not  be  that 
they  abandoned  it  in  consequence  of  its  position 
within  the  borders  of  a  wild  region  infested  by 
numerous  robber  bands  ?  The  Lejah  is  the  ancient 
Argob,  and  appears  to  have  been  the  stronghold 
of  the  Geshurites;  and  they  perhaps  subsequently 
occupied  Edrei  (Josh.  xii.  4,  5).  The  monuments 
now  existing  show  that  it  must  have  been  an  im- 
portant town  from  the  time  the  Romans  took  pos- 
session of  Bashan;  and  that  it,  and  not  Der'a,waa 
the  episcopal  city  of  Adraa.  which  ranked  next  to 
Bostra  (Reland,  Pal.  pp.  219,  223,  548).  In  A.  u 
1142,  the  Crusaders  under  Baldwin  III.  made  a 
sudden  attack  uiwn  Adraa,  then  popularly  called 
CivUas  Bernnrdi  de  Slumpis,  but  they  encounteral 
such  obstacles  in  the  difficult  nature  of  the  ground, 
the  scarcity  of  water,  and  the  valor  of  the  inhab- 
itants, that  they  were  compelled  to  retreat.  At  the 
time  of  the  visit  of  the  present  writer  in  1854  the 
population  amounted  to  about  fifty  families,  of 
which  some  eight  or  ten  were  Christian,  and  the 
rest  Mohammedan.  A  full  account  of  the  history 
and  antiquities  of  Edrei  is  given  in  Porter's  Five 
Years  in  Damascus,  vol.  ii.  p.  220  fF.,  and  Hand- 
book J'oi-  Syria  and  Palestine,  p.  532  ff.  See  alsc 
Burckhardt's  Travels  in  Syria,  p.  57  fF. ;  Buck- 
ingham's Travels  among  the  Arab  Tribes,  p.  274 . 
[Porter's  Giant  Cities  of  Bashan,  p.  94  ff.] 


666  EDUCATION  EDUCATION 

2.  A  town  of  northern  Palestine,  allotted  to  the  |  Philo,  Quod  omuls  probus  liber,  vol.  ii.  p.  458,  ed 
tribe  of  Naphtali,  and  situated  near  Kedesh.    It  in    Mangey;  §  12,  Tauchn.). 


Dnly  once  mentioned  in  Scripture  (Josh.  xix.  37). 
The  name  signifies  "  strength,"  or  a  "  stronghold." 
Ahout  two  miles  south  of  Kedesh  is  a  conical  rocky 
hill  called  TeU  Khuraihth,  the  "  Tell  of  the  ruin;  " 
with  some  remains  of  ancient  buildings  on  the 
summit  and  a  rock-hewn  tomb  in  its  side.  It  is 
evidently  an  old  site,  and  it  may  be  that  of  the 
long-lost  Edrei.  The  strength  of  the  position,  and 
its  nearness  to  Kedesh,  give  probability  to  the  sup- 
position. Dr.  itobinson  {BM.  Res.  vol.  iii.  p.  305) 
suggests  the  identity  of  Tell  Khuraibeh  with 
Hazor.  For  the  objections  to  this  theory  see  Porter's 
Handbook  for  Syria  and  Palestine,  p.  442. 

J.  L.  P. 

EDUCATION.  Although  nothing  is  more 
carefully  inculcated  iu  the  Law  than  the  duty  of 
parents  to  teach  their  children  its  precepts  and 
principles  (Ex.  xii.  26,  xiii.  8,  14;  Deut.  iv.  5,9, 
10,  vi.  2,  7,  20,  xi.  19,  21;  Acts  xsu.  3;  2  Tim. 
iii.  15;  Hist,  of  Susanna,  3;  Joseph,  c.  Ap.  ii.  16, 
17,  25),  yet  there  is  little  trace  among  the  Hebrews 
in  earlier  times  of  education  in  any  other  subjects. 
The  wisdom,  therefore,  and  instruction,  of  which 
BO  much  is  said  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  is  to  be 
undei-stood  chiefly  of  moral  and  religious  discipline, 
imparted,  according  to  the  direction  of  the  I^aw, 
by  the  teaching  and  under  the  example  of  parents 
(Prov.  i.  2,  8,  ii.  2,  10,  iv.  1,  7,  20,  viii.  1,  ix.  1, 
10,  xii.  1,  xvi.  22,  xvii.  24,  xxxi.).  Implicit  ex- 
ceptions to  this  statement  may  perhaps  be  found 
in  the  instances  of  Moses  himself,  who  was  brought 
up  in  all  Egyptian  leaining  (Acts  vii.  22);  of  the 
writer  of  the  book  of  Job,  who  was  evidently  well 
versed  in  natural  history  and  in  the  astronomy  of 
tlie  day  (Job  xxxviii.  31,  xxxix.,  xl.,  xii.);  of  Daniel 
and  his  companions  in  captivity  (Dan.  i.  4,  17); 
and  above  all,  in  the  intellectual  gifts  and  acquire- 
ments of  Solomon,  which  were  even  more  renowned 
than  his  political  greatness  (1  K.  iv.  29,  34,  x.  1-9; 
2  Chr.  ix.  1-8),  and  the  memory  of  which  has, 
with  much  exaggeration,  been  widely  preserved  in 
oriental  tradition.  The  statement  made  above 
may,  however,  in  all  probability  be  taken  as  repre- 
senting the  chief  aim  of  ordinary  Hebrew  education, 
both  at  the  time  when  the  Law  was  best  observed, 
and  also  when,  after  periods  of  national  decline  from 
the  Mosaic  standard,  attempts  were  made  by  mon- 
irchs,  as  Jehoshaphat  or  Josiah,  or  by  prophets,  as 
Elijah  or  Isaiah,  to  enforce,  or  at  least  to  inculcate 
reform  in  the  moral  condition  of  the  people  on  the 
basis  of  that  standard  (2  K.  xvii.  13,  xxii.  8-20 ;  2 
Chr.  xvii.  7,  9;  IK.  xix.  14;  Is.  i.  ff.). 

In  later  times  the  prophecies,  and  comments  on 
them  as  well  as  on  the  earlier  Scriptures,  together 
▼ith  other  subjects,  were  studied  (Prol.  to  Ecclus., 
*nd  I'xclus.  xxxviii.  24,  26,  xxxix.  1-11).  St. 
,  erome  adds  that  Jewisli  children  were  taught  to 
gay  by  heart  the  genealogies  (Hieronym.  on  Titus, 
iii.  9;  Calmet,  Diet.  art.  Genenlor/ie).  Parents 
were  required  to  teach  their  children  some  trade, 
and  he  who  failed  to  do  so  was  said  to  be  virtually 
teaching  his  child  to  steal  (Jlishn.  Kiddush.  ii.  2, 
/ol.  iii.  p.  413,  Surenhus. ;  Lightfoot,  Chron. 
Temp,  on  Acts  xviii.  vol.  ii.  p.  79). 

The  sect  of  the  Essenes,  though  themselves  ab- 
j'lri.ig  marriage,  were  anxious  to  undertake,  and 
sareful  in  carrying  out,  the  education  of  children, 
out  confined  its  subject  matter  chiefly  to  morals 
Mid  the  Divine  Law  (Joseph.  B.  /.  ii,  8,  §  12: 


Previous  to  the  Captivity,  the  chief  depositariei 
of  learning  were  the  schools  or  colleges,  from  which 
in  most  cases  (see  Am.  vii.  14)  proceeded  that  suc- 
cession of  public  teachers,  who  at  various  timet 
endeavored  to  reform  the  moral  and  rehgious  con- 
duct of  both  rulers  and  people.  [Prophkt,  II. J 
In  these  schools  the  I^w  was  probably  the  chief 
subject  of  instruction ;  the  study  of  languages  was 
little  followed  by  any  Jews  till  after  the  Captivity, 
but  from  that  time  the  number  of  Jews  residing 
in  foreign  countries  must  have  made  the  knowl- 
edge of  foreign  languages  more  common  than 
before  (see  Acts  xxi.  37).  From  the  time  of  the 
outbreak  of  the  last  war  with  the  Romans,  parents 
were  forbidden  to  instruct  their  children  in  (ireek 
literature  (Mishn.  Sotah,  c.  ix.  15,  vol.  iii.  pp.  307, 
308,  Surenh.). 

Besides  tlie  prophetical  schools,  instruction  was 
given  by  the  priests  in  the  Temple  and  elsewhere, 
but  their  subjects  were  doubtless  exclusively  con- 
cerned with  religion  and  worship  (I^v.  x.  11;  Ez. 
xUv.  23,  24;  1  Chr.  xxv.  7,  8;  Mai.  ii.  7).  Those 
sovereigns  who  exhibited  any  anxiety  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  religious  element  in  the  Jewish  {X)lity, 
were  conspicuous  in  enforcing  the  religious  educa- 
tion of  the  people  (2  Chr.  xvii.  7,  8,  9,  xix.  5,  8, 
11;  2  K.  xxiu.  2). 

From  the  time  of  the  settlement  iu  Canaan  there 
must  have  been  among  the  Jews  persons  skilled  in 
writing  and  in  accounts.  Perhaps  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun  to  the  commercial 
district  of  Phoenicia  may  have  been  the  occasion  of 
their  reputation  in  this  respect.  The  "writers" 
of  that  tribe  are  represented  (Judg.  v.  14)  by  the 

same  word  ~^pO,  used  in  that  passage  of  the  levy- 
ing of  an  army,  or,  perhaps,  of  a  military  officer 
(Gesen.  p.  966),  as  is  applied  to  Ezra,  in  reference 
to  the  Law  (Ezr.  vii.  6);  to  Seraiali,  David's  scribe 
or  secretai-y  (2  Sam.  viii.  17);  to  Shebna,  scribe  to 
Hezekiah  (2  K.  xviii.  37);  Shemaiah  (1  Chr.  xxiv. 
6);  Baruch,  scribe  to  Jeremiah  (.Jer.  xxxvi.  32), 
and  others  filling  like  oflices  at  various  times.  The 
municipal  ofiicers  of  the  kingdom,  esjiecially  in  the 
time  of  Solomon,  must  have  required  a  staff  of 
well-educated  persons  in  their  various  departments 

under  the  recorder  (n''3T!3)  or  historiogi-apher, 
whose  business  was  to  compile  memorials  of  the 
reign  (2  Sam.  viii.  16,  xx.  24;  2  K.  xviii.  18;  2 
Chr.  xxxiv.  8).  Learning,  in  the  sense  aliove  men- 
tioned, was  at  all  times  highly  esteemed,  and  edu- 
cated persons  were  treated  with  great  res{)eet,  and, 
according  to  Rabbinical  tradition,  were  called  "  sow 
of  the  noble,"  and  allowed  to  take  precedence  of 
others  at  table  (Lightfoot,  Chr.  Temp.  Acts  xvii. 
vol.  ii.  p.  79,  fol. ;  Hor.  Ilebr.  Luke  xiv.  8-24,  ii. 
540).  The  same  authority  deplores  the  degeneracy 
of  later  times  in  this  respect  (Mishn.  Sotah,  ix.  15, 
vol.  iii.  p.  308,  Surenh.). 

To  the  schools  of  the  prophets  succeeded,  after 
the  Captivity,  the  synagogues,  which  were  either 
themselves  used  as  schools  or  had  places  near  th?m 
for  that  purpose.  In  most  cities  there  was  at  least 
one,  and  in  Jerusalem,  according  to  some,  394, 
according  to  others,  460  (Calmet,  fMcl.  art.  J^coles^. 
It  was  from  these  schools  and  the  doctrines  of  the 
various  teachers  presiding  over  them,  of  whom 
Gamaliel,  Sammai,  and  Hillel  were  among  the 
most  famous,  tliat  many  of  those  traditions  and 
refinements  proceeded  by  which  the  Law  was  ii 


EGGS 

jur  Ijord's  time  encumbered  and  obscured,  and 
*hich  may  be  considered  as  represented,  thv/ugh  in 
»  highly  exaggerated  degree,  by  the  Tahnud.  After 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  colleges  inheriting 
and  probably  enlarging  the  traditions  of  their  pred- 
ecessors, were  maintained  for  a  long  time  at  Japhne 
in  (jalilee,  at  Lydda,  at  Tiberias,  the  most  famous 
of  all,  and  Sepplioris.  These  schools  in  process  of 
time  were  dispersed  into  other  countries,  and  by 
degrees  destroyed.  According  fo  the  principles  laid 
down  in  the  Jlishna,  boys  at  five  years  of  age  were 
to  begin  the  Scriptures,  at  ten  the  Mishna,  at 
thirteen  they  became  subject  to  the  whole  Law  (see 
Luke  ii.  46),  at  fifteen  they  entered  the  Gemara 
(Mishna,  Pirk.  Ab.  iv.  20,  v.  21,  vol.  iv.  pp.  460, 
482,  486,  Surenhus.).  Teachers  were  treated  with 
great  respect,  and  both  pupils  and  teachers  were 
exhorted  to  respect  each  other.  Physical  science 
formed  part  of  the  course  of  instniction  {ib.  iii.  18). 
Unmarried  men  and  women  were  not  allowed  to  be 
teachers  of  boys  {Kiddush.  iv.  13,  vol.  iii.  p.  383). 
In  the  schools  the  Rabbins  sat  on  raised  seats,  and 
the  scholars,  according  to  their  age,  sat  on  benches 
below  or  on  the  gi'ound  (Lightfoot  on  Luke  ii.  46; 
I'hilo,  ibid.  12,  ii.  458,  Mangey). 

Of  female  education  we  have  little  account  in 
Scripture,  but  it  is  clear  that  the  prophetical  schools 
included  within  their  scope  the  instruction  of 
females,  who  were  occasionally  invested  with  au- 
thority similar  to  that  of  the  prophets  themselves 
(Judg.  iv.  4;  2  K.  xxii.  14).  Needle-work  formed 
a  large  but  by  no  means  the  only  subject  of  in- 
struction imparted  to  females,  whose  position  in 
society  and  in  the  household  must  by  no  means  be 
considered  as  represented  in  modern  oriental  — 
including  Mohammedan  —  usage  (see  Prov.  xxxi. 
16,  26;  Hist,  of  Sus.  3;  Luke  viii.  2,  3,  x.  39; 
Acts  xiii.  50;  2  Tim.  i.  5). 

Among  modern  Mohammedans,  education,  even 
of  boys,  is  of  a  most  elementary  kind,  and  of  females 
stUl  more  Imiited.  In  one  respect  it  may  be  con- 
sidered as  the  likeness  or  the  caricature  of  the 
Jewish  system,  namely,  that  besides  the  most  com- 
mon rules  of  arithmetic,  the  Kuran  is  made  the 
staple,  if  not  the  only  subject  of  instruction.  In 
oriental  schools,  both  Jewish  and  Mohammedan, 
the  lessons  are  written  by  each  scholar  with  chalk 
on  tablets  which  are  cleaned  for  a  fresh  lesson. 
All  recite  their  lessons  together  aloud;  faidts  are 
tsually  punished  by  stripes  on  the  feet.  Female 
<nldren  are,  among  Mohammedans,  seldom  taught 
V ;  read  or  write.  A  few  chapters  of  the  Kunln  are 
learnt  by  heart,  and  in  some  schools  they  are  taught 
embroidery  and  needle-work.  In  Persia  there  are 
many  public  schools  and  colleges,  but  the  children 
i)f  the  wealthier  parents  are  mostly  taught  at  home. 
The  Kunin  forms  the  staple  of  instruction,  being 
regarded  as  the  model  not  only  of  doctrine  but  of 
style,  and  the  text-book  of  all  science.  In  the  col- 
leges, however,  mathematics  are  taught  to  some 
extent  (Jahn,  Arch.  Bibl.  §§  106,  166,  Engl.  Tr.; 
Shaw,  Trrtvds,  p.  194;  Kauwolff,  1 -.-avek,  c.  vii.  p. 
60 ;  Burckhardt,  Si/na,  p.  326 ;  Travels  in  Arabia, 
i.  275:  Porter,  Damascus,  ii.  95;  Lane,  Afn^l. 
Egypt,  i.  89,  93;  Enylishw.  in  Eyypt,  ii.  28,  31* 
Wellsted,  Arabia,  ii.  6,  395 ;  Chardin,  Voyagci,  iv 
i24  (Langles);  Olearius,  Travels,  pp.  214,  215; 
Pietrc  della  Valle,  Viaggi,  ii.  188).  [See  Phopiiet, 
I.]  H.  W.  P. 

*  EGGS.    [Fowls;  Ostrich.] 

EOXAH    (nb^^,    a  heifer-   Alyd\    and 


EGLON  G67 

'Ay\d  [Vat.  AAa] ;  [^Vlex.  iu  2  .Sam.,  A.«7a»; 
(Jomp.  in  1  Chr.  EyAa:]  Egla),  one  of  David' 
wives  during  his  reign  in  Hebron,  and  the  mother 
of  his  son  Ithream  (2  Sam.  iii.  5;  1  Chr.  iii.  3). 
In  both  lists  the  same  order  is  preserved,  Eglak 
being  the  sixth  and  last,  and  in  both  is  she  distin- 
guished by  the  special  title  of  David's  "  wife." 
According  to  the  ancient  Hebrew  tradition  pre- 
served by  Jerome  (  Quwst.  I/ebr.  on  2  Sam.  iii.  5, 
vi.  23)  she  was  Michal,  the  wife  of  his  youth;  and 
she  died  m  giving  birtli  to  Ithkea.m.  A  name  of 
this  signification  is  common  amangst  the  Arabs  at 
the  present  day. 

EGLA'IM  (D^7^^,  tico  ponds:  Ay aXelfx, 
[.\lex.  kyaWeiix.;  Sin.  A7aA,A.iyu:]  Gallim),  a 
place  named  only  in  Is.  xv.  8,  and  there  apparently 
as  one  of  the  most  remote  points  on  the  boundary 
of  Moab.  It  is  probably  the  same  as  Ex-eglaim. 
A  town  of  this  name  was  known  to  Eusebius 
(  Oiiom.  Agalhm),  who  places  it  8  miles  to  the  south 
of  Areopohs,  i.  e.  Ar-Moab  {litdjba).  Exactly  in 
that  position,  however,  stands  Kerak,  the  aucieut 
Kir  Moab. 

A  town 'named  Agalla  is  mentioned  by  Josephus 
with  Zoar  and  other  places  as  in  the  country  of  the 
Arabians  (Ant.  xiv.  1,  §  4). 

With  most  of  the  places  on  the  east  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  l^glaim  yet  awaits  further  research  for  its 
identification. 

EG'LON  (]'"' ''?27  [calf-like,vltuline]  :  'E')\<iix', 
[Comp.]  Joseph.  'EyKciv-  Eykm),  a  king  of  the 
5loabites  (Judg.  iii.  12  ff.),  who,  aided  by  the  Am- 
monites and  the  Amalekites,  crossed  the  Jordan 
and  took  "the  city  of  palm-trees,"  or  Jericho 
(Joseph.).  Here  he  built  himself  a  palace  (Joseph. 
Ant.  v.  4,  §  1  ff.),  and  continued  for  eighteen  years 
(Judg.  and  Joseph.)  to  oppress  the  children  of 
Israel,  who  paid  him  tribute  (Joseph.).  Whether 
he  resided  at  Jericho  permanently,  or  only  during 
the  summer  months  (Judg.  iii.  20;  Joseph.),  he 
seems  to  have  formed  a  familiar  intimacy  ((Tuvridris, 
Joseph.,  not  Judg.)  with  Ehud,  a  young  Israelii* 
(veavias,  Joseph.),  who  lived  in  Jericho  (Joseph., 
not  Judg.),  and  who,  by  means  of  repeated  presents, 
became  a  favorite  courtier  of  the  monarch.  Josephus 
represents  this  intimacy  as  having  been  of  long 
continuance;  but  in  Judges  we  find  no  mention  of 
intimacy,  and  only  one  occasion  of  a  present  being 
made,  namely,  that  which  immediately  preceded 
the  death  of  Eglon.  The  cu-cumstances  attending 
this  tragical  event  are  somewhat  differently  given 
in  Judges  and  in  Josephus.  That  Ehud  had  the 
entree  of  the  palace  is  implied  iu  Judges  (iii.  19), 
but  more  distinctly  stated  in  Josephus.  In  Judges 
the  Israelites  send  a  present  by  Ehud  (iii.  15);  in 
Josephus  Ehud  wins  his  favor  by  repeated  presents 
of  his  own.  In  Judges  we  have  two  scenes,  the 
offering  of  the  present  and  the  death  scene,  which 
are  separated  by  the  temporary  withdrawal  of  Eliud 
(18,  19);  in  Josephus  there  is  but  one  scene.  The 
present  is  offered,  the  attendants  are  dismissed,  and 
the  king  enters  into  friendly  conveisation  (6,uiAiaj') 
with  Ehud.  In  Judges  the  place  seems  to  change 
from  the  reception-room  into  the  "summer-parlor" 
[probably  a  cool  room  on  the  roof  is  meant],  where 
Ehud  found  him  upon  his  return  (cf.  18,  20).  In 
Josephus  the  entire  action  takes  place  in  the  sum- 
mer-parlor {Swixdriov)-  In  Judges  the  king  ex- 
poses himself  to  the  dagger  by  rising  apparently  in 
respect  for  the  divine  message  which  Ebud  professed 


668  EGLON 

to  communicate  (Patrick,  acl  he);  in  Josephus  it 
j»  a  dre.(im  which  Ehud  pretends  to  reveal,  and  the 
king,  in  deiighted  anticipation,  springs  up  from  his 
throne.  The  obesity  of  F-glon,  and  the  consequent 
impossibility  of  recovering  the  dagger,  are  not  men- 
tioned Ijy  Josephus  (vid.  Judg.  iii.  11,  fat,  aarttoii 
LXX. ;  but  "crassus,"  Vulg.,  and  so(Jesen.  Lex.). 

After  this  desperate  achievement  Ehud  repaired 
to  Seirali  (improp.  Seirath ;  vid.  Gesen.  Lex.  sub 
v.),  in  the  mountains  of  Epnratm  (iii.  2G,  27),  or 
Mount  Ephraim  (Josh.  xix.  50).  To  this  wild 
eeiitral  region,  commanding,  as  it  did,  the  plains 
E.  and  W.,  he  sunmioned  the  Israelites  by  somid 
of  horn  (a  national  custom  according  to  Joseph. ; 
A.  V.  "a  trumpet").  Descenduig  from  the  hills 
they  fell  upon  tlie  .Moabites,  dismayed  and  demor- 
alized by  tile  death  of  their  king  (.Joseph.,  not 
Judg.).  The  gre;iter  number  were  killed  at  once, 
but  10,000  men  made  lor  the  Jordan  with  the  view 
of  crossing  into  their  own  country.  The  Israelites, 
however,  had  alre;uly  seized  the  fovik,  and  not  one 
of  the  unhappy  fugitives  escajjcd.  As  a  reward  for 
his  conduct  Ehud  aos  *ppoiut«d  Judge  (Joseph., 
not  Judg.). 

Note.  —  The  "quarries  that  were  by  Gilgal  " 
[A.  v.]  (iii.  19):  in  the  margin  better,  as  in  Deut. 
vii.    25,  "graven   images"   (Patrick   ad  loc. :  cf. 

Gesen.  Ueb.  Lex.  sub  v.  D^/^DS).  [See  Quak- 
RIES,  Amer.  ed.]  T.  E.  B. 

EG'LON  (I'lb^r  [see  above]:  hi  Josh,  x., 
[Rom.]  Vat.  and  Alex.  ['OSoAXoyu;  vv.  34,  36,  37, 
Comp.  'EyAciJi/;  vv.  5,  23,  34,  37,  Aid.  'AyAwj'; 
ver.  3,  '05oAa/i;  Josh.  xii.  12,]  A/Ao/z,  [Alex.  Aid. 
Conip.]  'EyKd/j.  '■,  [Josh.  xv.  39,  Horn.  Vat.  corrupt ; 
Alex.  EyAoi/x;  Comp.  with  17  MSS.  'AyAwi':] 
Eyhm),  a  town  of  .ludah  in  the  Sheftlah  or  low 
country  (Josh.  xv.  39).  During  the  struggles  of 
the  conquest,  Eglcn  was  one  of  a  confederacy  of 
five  towns,  which  under  Jerusalem  attempted  re- 
sistance, by  attacking  Gibeon  after  the  treaty  of 
the  latter  with  Israel.  Eglon  was  then  Amorite, 
and  the  name  of  its  king  Debir  (Josh.  x.  3-5). 
The  story  of  the  overthrow  of  this  combination  is 
too  well  known  to  need  notice  here  (x.  23-26,  &c.). 
Eglon  was  soon  ai'ter  visit-ed  by  Joshua  and  de- 
stroyed (x.  34,  35,  xii.  12).  The  name  doubtless 
survives  in  the  modem  Ajlfin,  "  a  shapeless  mass 
of  ruins,"  "  potsherds,"  and  "  scattered  heaps  of 
unhewn  stone,"  covering  a  "  round  hillock  "  (Porter, 
ffand/i. ;  Van  de  Velde,  ii.  188;  Hob.  ii.  49),  alwut 
10  miles  from  Beit  .fibi-in  (ICleutherojx)lis)  and  14 
from  Gaza,  on  the  south  of  the  great  maritime 
phiin. 

In  the  Onomasticon  it  is  given  as  /■.'(jl^m  r/tue  et 
'Jdulldtii ;  and  its  situation  stated  as  10  miles  east 
of  ICleuthero])olis.  The  identification  with  AduUam 
arose  no  doubt  from  the  reading  of  the  LXX.  in 
Josh.  X.,  as  given  above;  and  it  is  to  the  site  of 
that  place,  and  not  of  F-glon,  that  the  remarks  of 
Euscbius  and  Jerome  refer.  This  will  be  seen  on 
Dumparing  A'hUnm.  No  reason  has  been  assigned 
for  the  reading  of  the  LXX.  G. 

E'GYPT  (C^rV'?,  C:*":i!;7p  V";^r  "'"'^^9' 
jent.  n.  """^V?  '•  A'fyvnroi :  ^f/yptus),  a  country 
xxupying  the  northeastern  angle  of  Africa,  and 
ying  between  N.  lat.  31°  37'  and  24°  1',  and  E. 


a  The  system  of  transcribing  ancient  Egyptian  is 
(but  giveo  by  the  writer,  in  the  Encyclopaedia  Britan- 
•.^■a,  8tb  ed.,  art.  Hierogtyp/iics. 


EGYPT 

long.  27°  13'  and  34°  12'.  Its  limits  appear  to 
have  been  always  \ery  nearly  the  same.  In  I'^ekiei 
(xxix.  10,  XXX.  6),  according  to  the  obviously  cor- 
rect rendering  [MiGDor.],  the  whole  country  is 
spoken  of  as  extending  from  Migdol  to  Syene,  which 
indicates  the  same  limits  to  the  east  and  the  south 
as  at  present.  Egypt  seems,  however,  to  have  been 
always  held,  except  by  the  modern  geographers,  to 
include  no  more  than  the  tract  irrig-ated  by  the 
Nile  lying  withui  the  limits  we  have  S|)ecified.  The 
deserts  were  at  all  times  wholly  different  from  the 
valley,  and  their  tribes,  more  or  less  independent 
of  the  rulers  of  Eg}-pt. 

Names.  —  The  common  name  of  Egypt  in  the 
Bible  is  "  Mizraim,"  or  more  fully  "  the  land  of 
Mizraim."  In  form  Mizraim  is  a  dual,  and  ac- 
cordingly it  is  generally  joined  with  a  plural  verb. 
When,  therefore,  in  Gen.  x.  6,  Mizraim  is  men- 
tioned as  a  son  of  Ham,  we  must  not  conclude  that 
anything  more  is  meant  than  that  Egypt  was  col- 
onized by  descendants  of  Ham.  The  dual  number 
doubtless  indicates  the  natural  division  of  the  coun- 
try into  an  upi)er  and  a  lower  region,  the  plain  of 
the  Delta  and  the  narrow  valley  above,  as  it  has 
been  conmionly  divided  at  all  times.  The  singular 
Mazor  al.so  occurs,  aiid  some  suppose  that  it  uidi- 
cates  Lower  I'^ypt,  the  dual  only  properly  meaning 
the   whole  country  (thus   Gesenius,    Thes.  s.  vv. 

Tl^?2,  D^"nii!2),  but  there  is  no  sure  ground  for 
this  assertion.  The  mention  of  Mizraim  and  Pathros 
together  (Is.  xi.  11;  Jer.  xliv.  1,  15),  even  if  we 
adopt  the  explanation  which  supposes  Mizraim  to 
be  in  these  places  by  a  late  usage  put  for  Mazor, 
by  no  means  proves  that  since  Pathros  is  a  part  of 
Egypt,  Mizraim,  or  rather  Mazor,  is  here  a  part 
also.  The  mention  together  of  a  part  of  a  country 
as  well  as  the  whole  is  very  usual  in  Hebrew 
phraseology.     Gesenius  thinks  tliat  the  Hebrews 

supposed  the  word  "11^13  to  mean  a  limit, 
although  he  admits  it  may  have  had  a  different 
Egyptian  origin.  Since  we  cannot  trace  it  to 
Egyptian,  except  as  a  translation,  we  consider  it  a 
purely  Semitic  word,  as  indeed  would  be  most  likely. 
Gesenius    finds   the  signification  "limit"  in  the 

o 

Arabic  name  of  Egj'pt,  yjkOjO  ;  but  this  word  also 

means  "red  mud  "  the  color  intended  being  either 
red  or  reddish  brown. 

Egypt  is  also  called  in  the  Bible  UH  y~:i^, 
"  the  land  of  Ham  "  (Ps.  cv.  23,  27  ;  comp.  kxviii. 
51),  a  name  most  probably  referring  to  Ham  the 

son  of  Noah  [Ham]  ;  and  271^,  Rahab,  "  the 
proud  "  or  "  insolent  "  [Rahab]  :  both  these  ap- 
pear to  be  poetical  appellations.  The  conmion 
ancient  Egyptian  name  of  the  country  is  written 
in  hieroglyphics  KEM,  which  was  perhaps  pro- 
nounced Chem;  the  demotic  form  is  KEMi'E" 
(Brugsch,  Geoyraphische  JnschriJ'ttn,  i.  p.  73,  No. 

362);  and   the  Coptic   forms  are       y(^^1tXl\, 

.;X^H11J  (M) ;  KHUe,   KHJUil  (S),  "» 

^^j^^l  (B).  b  This  name  signifies,  alike  in  the 
ancient  language  and  in  Coptic,  -'black,"  and  may 
be  supposed  to  have  l)een  given  to  the  land  or 


b  The  letters  M,  S,  and  B  denote  here  and  etoo 
where  the  Memphitic,  Sahidic,  and  Bsshnvaric  dialecta 


EGYPT 

iocoun\  of  the  blackness  of  its  alluvial  soil  (cotnp. 
Plut.  f/e  Is.  et  Osir.  c.  33,  en  t^v  Atyimrov  iv 
Tois  fidKicrra  (jieKa-^yeiov  ovaav,  ILawep  rh  ftc 
\av  rov  6(pda\fj.ov,  Xriixiav  Ka\ov<n)-  It  would 
seem,  as